Oriens 25-26 (1976): 48-68
Notes on Caskel's Ğamharat an-Nasab
Article languages: English
Kister & Plessner on Caskel.pdf NOTES ON CASKEL'S GAMHARAT AN-NASAB
by
M. J. Kisterand M. Plessner
Jerusalem Martin Plessner, der am 27. November 1973 kurz vor Vollendung seines 73. Lebensjahres in Jerusalem gestorben ist, iibernahm ,,auf dringendenWunsch" des am 28. Januar 1970 verstorbenenWerner Caskel die Besprechung seines letztenWerkes: WERNER CASKEL, Gamharatan-nasab, Das genealogische Werk des Hifdm ibn Muhamnad al-Kalbf. Band I: Einleitung von Werner Caskel; die Tafeln von Gert Strenziok. Band II: Erlauterungenzu den Tafeln von Werner Caskel; Das Register,begonnen von Gert Strenziok,vollendet von WernerCaskel. - Leiden, II: E. J. Brill 1966. I: xvi, 132 S., 334 Taf., 2 S. Nachtrage und Berichtigungen; und zwar ,,nach langem Strauben" - denn er sah sich zu einer Rezension ,,dieses monumentalenWerkes" in ,,keinerWeise qualifiziert"- und nachdem hatte" (aus einem Brief an die er ,,sichder Beteiligungvon M. J. Kister versichert Redaktion). Zunachst folgen hier (bis S. 50, i8) Plessner's Bemerkungen: der Die Wissenschaftvon der Genealogie,d.h. der Verwandtschaftsverhaltnisse alten Araber, ist von Hisam ibn Muhammad al-Kalbi begriindetworden. So sagt wenigstensI.acci Xalifa, Nr. 1345 s.v. cilmal-ansab, der auf die Vorarbeitenvon Hisam's Vater, Muhammad ibn as-Sa'ib, nicht eingegangenist, weil diese nicht zu einer vollendeten literarischenForm gediehen sind. (In den Enzyklopadien wird die Wissenschaftverschiedentlich erwahnt, z.B. in den persischenNafa'is fi al-funun 'ard'is al-cuyin des Muhammad b. Mahmid al-Amuli [ca. 740/I340], Lith. Teheran I309, I, 245-49; trotzdem fehlt sie bei Taskopriizade, was Hacci Xalifa zu einer kritischenBemerkungveranlasst hat.) Ausser der Camhara fiihrt er an dieser Stelle vier weitere Werke Ibn al-Kalbi's an, al-Mnzl (von Fliigel Munzil vokalisiert),al-Wacfz,al-Farid und al-Muliki (zweifellosist diese Lesart der Istanbuler Edition von I943 die richtige;Fliigel schreibtMulik). Von diesen erscheinenaber nur al-Farfdund al-Waciz an ihrerStelle im Alphabet (9049 bzw. 14184); von den beiden anderen hatte der Bibliograph also wohl nur indirekt Kenntnis. Yaqit, Irstd, ed. Margoliouth, VII, 253 setzt al-Mnzl mit k. an-Nasab die al-kabir (s. zu diesem Titel Caskel's Einleitung) gleich und fiihrt anderen drei Titel (statt al-Waciz schreibter al-Mucaz) am Ende der von ihm iibernommenen Liste des Fihrist auf. (Caskel I, 79 Anm. 4 nennt nur zwei, Farzd und Muliki, und m6chte sie als Prunktitelbezweifeln; man vergleichefiberdiese Frage die nachfolgenden AusfihrungenKister's; Yaqfit nenntunterIbn al-Kalbi's GewahrsmannernIbn Sacd katib al-Waqidi, wahrenddas Verhaltnisdoch umgekehrt war, Ibn al-Kalbi hat sein Werk, wie gesagt, auf der Grundlage eines von seinem Vater begonnenen Ansab-Buches verfasst. Laut Caskel's ansprechender Vermutung (I, 75) hat der Vater bis in die Zeit des Chalifenal-Mansiir gearbeitet, woraus sich erklart,dass die meisten ,,Zeitgenossen",also die auf den Tafeln zu unterststehenden Personen, in die Zeit dieses Chalifenfallen. Der Sohn, der ca. 204/819starb,fiigtedann weitereNamen bis in die Zeit al-Ma'mun's hinzu, soweit sie ihm zuganglichwaren. Auch Ibn al-Kalbi hat das Werk nichtselbst publiziert;
wir lesen es nur teilweise in der riwdya des Muhammad Ibn Habib (I, 122). vgl. Caskel, I, 114 f.) 614 S., 2 S. Nachtrage und Berichtigungen, 4?
Notes on Caskel's Gamharat an-nasab
49
ist Das Werk Ibn al-Kalbl's zu kommentieren die Aufgabe, die sich Caskel gestellthatte. Zu einer Edition reichtedas Material nicht aus. Deshalb findenwir in Caskel's Werk keinen arabischen Text, sonderngenealogischeTabellen und ein Register, wie wir sie -man muss jetzt sagen: en miniature seit I20 Jahren Hand besitzen. Wahrend jedoch Wustenfeldnur die arabischen von Wiistenfeld's Stamme und Familien erfassenwollte und daher mit ca. 50 Tafeln auskam, enthalten Caskel's Tafeln alle Namen, incl. der Personennamen;die einzigeBedingung ist, dass sie als in Ibn al-Kalbi's Werk stehend nachgewiesenwerdenkonnten.Es sind also in den neuen 334 Tafeln ca. 35000 Namen enthalten,unterdenen die der Zeitgenossen Ibn al-Kalbi's noch bei weitem nicht alle damals lebenden echten Araber innerhalbder erfasstenGebiete darstellen.Aber auch die vorigenGeneravoll erfasst;z.B. horendie Aliden (Tafel 5) in der Generation tionensind keineswegs nach 'A1I auf. Die Umaiyaden gehen bis zur Generationder Sohne 'Abd al-Malik's (Tafel io), wahrend auf derselben Tafel Vettern verschiedenenGrades noch I-2 Generationenweiterverzeichnetsind. Die Abbasiden erscheineniiberhauptnicht, AbfiYfisufgenanntist (Tafel 223). wahrendz.B. der beriihmte Die sowohl auf Caskel's wie auf Wiistenfeld'sTafeln stehenden Stammbaume Das ist natiirlich;denn Wiistenfeldhat stimmennicht in allen Gliedernuiberein. im eine Vielfalt von Quellen benutzt, die entgegenseiner Versicherung Vorwort zum Registerunm6glichin allem iibereinstimmen konnten,da sie sich auf verwerdenkonnten. schiedeneZeiten bezogen und nichtalle auf ihreIntegritatgepriift Caskel dagegen hat eine einzige konkreteQuelle benutzt, deren Rekonstruktion eben der Inhalt seines Buches ist. In seinem Register,zu dem bei jedem Namen und spatere Benutzer der aamhara, Abschriften die Quellen, d.h. Handschriften, werden, stehen iiberall zuerst die Stellen, an denen er in den Handangegeben und ihrenDerivaten vorkommt.Der Versuchung,Ibn al-Kalbl's Material schriften zu erganzen, d.h. Namen aufzunehmen,die zwar bekannt, aber eben nicht in dieser Quelle nachweisbarsind, hat er konsequentwiderstanden. ist Von Caskel's Mitarbeitern einer, G. Strenziok,so weitgehendan der Arbeit erscheint.Seine DissertationDie Genealogien beteiligt,dass er auf den Titelblattern Teil der Tafeln zuder Nordarabernach Ibn al-Kalbi liegt dem entsprechenden grunde, fur die er denn auch als Verfasser erscheint. Strenziok hat auch das in Register begonnen, d.h. nicht nur die Stammeskartothek eine alphabetische sondernauch die historischen Bemerkungenzu den historischoder umgewandelt, sonstwie bedeutenden Personen zu schreiben angefangen. Aber der Plan des Ganzen, die beiden grossenEinleitungenund der weitaus gr6ssteTeil des Registers sind Caskel's Werk. die Es ist nichtleicht,die Summe von Gelehrsamkeit, in diesem Registersteckt, und die Urteile fiberderen zu ermessen.Allein die Datierungenvon Dichterversen Echtheitspiegelndas LebenswerkeinesMannes,dessen ganze Kraftdem arabischen Altertumgewidmetwar. Aber das ist nur ein kleinerTeil der in diesen Artikeln verarbeitetenMaterialien. Die historischenBemerkungenzu vielen Namen auf Registersgehen in die Tausende jeder Seite des fiber500 Quartseitenumfassenden und bilden eine unerschdpfliche Quelle der Belehrung.In ihnenist auch wenigstens ein Teil des nicht rein genealogischenTextes Ibn al-Kalbi's gerettetworden. Zu den Artikeln des Registers kommen noch die historischenKonsequenzen allgemeinerArt,die sich Caskel bei der Ausarbeitungdes Buches ergebenhaben und die in den Prolegomenades i. und den Erliuterungenzu den Tafeln des 2. Bandes niedergelegtsind. Am bedeutsamsten ist wohl die endgiiltige Bestatigung der schon von Goldziher, Muh. St. I, 91 ausgesprochenenZweifel an der Altertiimlichkeit des nord-siidarabischen Gegensatzes, der laut Caskel (I, 69) ,,erst seit deutlichgeworden(ist) und ... nie die Starke erreicht (hat), die ihm spatere 63/683 verliehenhaben." Geschichtschreiber Die ungeheureVielfaltvon Eigennamen,die die alten Araber gekanntund ihren
ORIENS 25-26
4
50
M. J. Kisterand M. Plessner
Kindern gegeben haben, trittin diesem Registererst recht in Erscheinung.Dass unter den seltenerenzahlreiche sind, die erst hier in richtigerForm erscheinen, wahrend sie in den bisher bekanntenTexten falsch punktiertwaren (z.B. Yarfa, bei WiistenfeldBarqa genannt und unter dieser Form leider nicht im Register erscheinend,sondern nur im Apparat zu Yarfa), ist ein weitererGewinn. Erst der der jetzt ist eine solide Grundlagefurdie Untersuchung Etymologien arabischen Eigennamen geschaffen;und ich bin froh,dass ich als junger Mann nicht der AnregungEugen Mittwochsgefolgtbin, iiber dieses Thema zu arbeiten. Caskel muss viel Material dazu gehabt haben, hat es aber nicht in diesem, Ibn al-Kalbi und der Genealogie gewidmetenBuch publiziert(II, 99). Die ausgezeichnete drucktechnische Leistung und die bei den vielen Zahlen besondersschwierige, Korrektursei gebuhrendhervorgehoben. iiberaus sorgfaltige Der reiche Inhalt dieses epochemachendenWerkes des letzten unmittelbaren Schiilers August Fischer's konnte hier nicht annahernd beschrieben werden. Manche Ausserlichkeiten schriftstellerischer Art, die die Prolegomena zu einer etwas kompliziertenLektiire machen, verschlagennichts gegeniiberder Dankbarkeit, die die ArabistikCaskel schuldet,und die ich ihm leider nur libersGrab nachrufen kann.
The uninterrupted of transmission genealogy fromthe timesof the was conditioned the socio-political situation the Arab of Jahiliyya by and during ruleofthe Umaythe Empirein theperiodofthe conquests in yads. The revolutionary changein the 'Abbasid periodis reflected an utterance attributed al-Ma'miin: to "Rank is thegenealogical affinity connecting people; thus a noble Arab is closerto a noble Persianthan he is to a low-class to Arab; a noblePersianis nearer a nobleArabthan he is to a low-classPersian,because noble men form (separate)class a and plebeiansform (separate)class".1This view is further a explained are by the following sayingof al-Ma'miin:"People of the market men of the lowestclass, workmen despisedpeople,merchants avariare are are overthepeople".2 Thisofcourse mirrors cious,whilesecretaries kings the opinionof the 'Abbasid periodwhentribalorganizations had lost their was in and hold,whileforeign nobility gaining importance position and the class ofsecretaries coming be amongthe mostrespected. was to But even in thisperiodgenealogy not cease to be recorded, did learnt and transmitted an essentialpart of the Arabic culturaltradition. as In the first of periodof Islam knowledge nasab was made necessary needs of the diwdn.It was further by the administrative requiredin connection withtheneedto affiliate converts Islam in accordance new to
1 Ibn H[amdfn,Tadhkira,Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3179, I, 82a: qala l-ma'munu: alrutbatunasabun tajmaCu ahlahd, fa-shariful-carabi aull bi-sharifil-cajami min l-carabi min sharifil-carabibi-wadt'i l-Carabi; wa-shariful-cajami auld bi-sharZfi sharifi l-cajami bi-wadicil-cajami; fa-ashrdful-ndsi tabaqatun,kamd anna auddcahumtabaqatun.
2
mulukunCaldl-ndsi. tujjdrubukhald'u,wa-l-kuttcbu
b. ... wa-qala marratan: ahlu l-sfuqi sifalun, wa-l-sunndcu andhdlun, wa-l-
Notes on Caskel's 6amharat an-nasab
5I
Nasab turnedto be a considerable withthe varioustribalgroups. factor betweenthe upper class of the conquerors in differentiating and the for of countries; the Arabsit was a meansof population the conquered to self-identification: be aware of Arab descent,to have a pure Arab withthe mawdli, the 'ajam. It is clear that the pedigreeas confronted of the Nasab al-'Arabwas only later counteracted the compilation by of compilation Nasab al-'Ajam.3 character and The factthatthe scienceof genealogy acquiredMuslim of the and to respectability thetendency emphasize superiority theArabs on of of led to theinvention a greatnumber traditions thissubject:they "If of toldon theauthority theProphet. theArabsbecome wereofcourse to weak Islam will becomeweak"-the Prophetis reported have said.4 the "May God breakthe teethof the man who prefers 'ajam".5 "Love the Arabsforthreereasons:because I am an Arab,becausethe Qur'an is Arabicand because the people of Paradise speak Arabic".6"Hatred The bulkofthese love fortheArabsis belief".7 ofthe Arabsis unbelief, the of and bearsevidence the tendency emphasizing merits to traditions qualitiesby whichthey surpassothernationswithinIslam. were the traditions about Closely connectedwith these traditions of Ma'mar b. Rashid, one of the earliestcompilers hadith, Quraysh. in of Fadd'il records hisJdmi'8 a number thesetraditions thechapter in in The Prophetsaid: "People follow Quraysh thismatter-he Quraysh. meant by this: authority-; MuslimsfollowMuslimsof Qurayshand
3 See quotations fromAbuf'Ubayda's Ansab al-'ajam in Mughultay's al-Zahr al-bdsim sirat abi l-qdsim,Ms. Leiden Or. 370, ff.4Ib, I36a, I52a. fi 4 Ibn Abi Hatim, CIlal, Ms. Chester Beatty 3516, f. 287a; al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummdl,Hyderabad 1385/I965,XIII, 37, no. 230; al-Haythami, Majmac al-zawd'id, Beirut I967, X, 53; CAbd al-Rahim al-'Iraql, al-Qurabfi mahabbati l-carab, ed. Ibrdhim Hilmi al-Qadiri, Alexandria I38I/I96I, p. 99; al-Jarrahi, Kashf al-khafd', Beirut I35I, I, 89, no. 232; cf. al-Zajjaji, Majdlis al-culamd', ed. CAbd al-Salam Harfin, al-Kuwayt I962, p. 240: Id yazdlu l-dinu dhalilan ma Cazzat al-'arab. 5 Al-Jazari,Maulid al-nabi, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3608, f. 5a. 6 'Abd al-Rahim al-CIraqi,op. cit., p. 96; Ibn Abi HaItim,op. cit., f. 287a; alMuttaqi 1-Hindi,op. cit., XIII, 37, no. 229; al-Suyuti, al-Jdmical-saghir,Cairo 7 Al-Jazari, op. cit., f. 5a; al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi,op. cit., XIII, 37, no. 231 (and l-'arabi qurratu see no. 232); and see Ibn Abi Hatim, op. cit., f. 384a: kathratu caynin1i (cf. al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi,op. cit., XIII, 39, no. 239); and see a traditionin praise of the Arabs with an addition against Thaqif: al-Muttaqi al-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, 39: "A believer will not hate the Arabs and will not love Thaqif." (but see versionof this hadithin favourof Thaqif; the additionof "illd" ib., an interesting changes the meaning: Id yubghidul-caraba mu'minun wa-ld yuhibbuthaqifanilld mu'minun.); CAbdal-Rahim al-CIraqi,op. cit.,pp. 94, 107. 8
I330, I, Io; al-Haythami, op. cit., X, 52; al-Jarrahi, op. cit., I, 54, no. I33.
Ms. Feyzullah 541, ff. I2Ia-I22a.
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M. J. Kisterand M. Plessner
unbelievers followtheirunbelievers".9 "God will despisethe man who "God will hate the man who hates Quraysh".1 despisesQuraysh".10 to Thesetraditions belongs Quraysh"-said the Prophet.12 "Sovereignty about the qualitiesof Quraysh werefollowed traditions 13 about the by and meritsof the Ansar,of the tribesof Yemen and of the qualities tribes. Northern The legal authority the rule of Qurayshis plainlyattestedin the of utterances the Prophet. The secondary of positionof the Ansar was foretold the same manner.The people of Yemen are describedas in in the "dispersed the world,repelledfrom gates of the rulers";14 they willof courseenterParadisewiththe Prophet."Azd, the Prophetsays, are the lions of God on earth; people want to debase them,but God will extol them; therewill come a timewhena man will say: 'Would that my fatheror my motherwere fromAzd'." 15 These traditions included utterances aboutgroups tribes Tamim, of like Quda'a, Hawazin, Ghatafan,Mudar and smaller tribal units16 like Lakhm, Judham, of the Juhayna, Muzayna,'Usayya etc. The tendency thesetraditions, ofsometribes higher for and authority, be gauged can struggle position froman utterance like: "Islam will becomedebased when Rabi'a will
op. cit., p. I26.
10
9 Ib., f. I2Ia; Ibn Abi Hatim, op. cit., f. 384b-385a; 'Abd al-Rahim al-'Iraqi, Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., f. I22a; al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi,op. cit., XIII, I7,
o00;
ib., X, 23-28); and see 'Abd al-Rahim al-'Iraqi, op. cit., pp. 126-144 (Fada'il quraysh). 1 Ibn Ab HIatim,op. cit.,f. 382b. 12 Al-Muttaqi1-Hindi, op. cit.,XIII, 20, no. i 8; Ibn Abi Hatim, op. cit.,f. 383a.
ahlu lldhi ....
no.
al-Haythami, op.cit., X, 27 (and see the hadithes in favour of Quraysh
l-muwalatuli-qurayshin, esp. p. 65: amdnu ahli l-ardi min al-ikhtilafi qurayshun this traditional-Shaukani, al-Fawa'id al-majmi'-a, ed. 'Abd al-Wahhab CAbdalfa-idhd khalafahd qabilatun min al-'arabi srii hizba iblisa; and see
13
Abu Nu'aym al-Isbahani, Hilyat al-auliya', Cairo I357/I938, IX, 64-66 (see
15 Ibn Sa'id, Nashwat al-tarab, Ms. Tiibingen I, f. 55r; al-Muttaql 1-Hindi, op. cit.,XIII, 49, no. 284; 'Abd al-Rahim al-?Iraqi, op. cit.,p. I5I. 16 Cf. al-Suyiti, al-Jdmical-kabir,Ms. al-Jazzar, Acre, p. 236: ald ukhbirukum umliikradm2n,wa-lbi-khayri qabd'ili l-arabi: al-sakin sakin kinda, wa-l-umluk sakdsik wa-firaqmin al-ashcariyyinwa-firaqmin khauldn; and see al-MuttaqI 1-Hindi,op. cit., XIII, 47, no. 276, (the curse of Tamim and Bakr b. Wa'il, the curse of Muqacis and Muladis of Tamim); and see ib., no. 277 (the blessing of Ghifarand Aslam); cAbd al-Rahim al-'Iraqi, op. cit.,p. I56 (qualities of Tamim), I57-I58 (of Juhayna), I59 ('Udhra), I6o-I6I (Qays and Yemen), 162 (Madhhij), etc.; and see al-Haythami, I64 (qualities of Murra b. cUbayd of TamIm) ..... op. cit., X, 42-46 (md jd'a ft qabd'il al-carab), 46-48 (Tamim) .... etc.
Latif, Cairo 1960, p. 462; al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, I7-32; Ibn Burhan al-Din, al-Sira al-halabiyya, Cairo 1351/1932, I, 29-30; al-Haythami, op. cit., X, 23-28; al-Tabarsi, al-Ihtijdj, al-Najaf 1386/1966,I, 2II; Ibn CAbd al-Barr, alIsti'db, ed. 'All Muh. al-Bijawi, Cairo n.d., II, 792, no. I330. 14 Al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, 42, no. 260.
Notes on Caskel's Gamharat an-nasab
53
God will grantpowerto Islam and diminish be powerful; polytheism and and its peopleas longas Mudarand Yemenstaystrong powerful".17 univerIt was onlynaturalwhenpious circlesof people entertaining of traditions thiskindstressing salistideas aboutIslam tookto discarding of or theexclusiveness superiority the Arabs.Whensomebody expressed that the ProphetallowedBilal, Suhayb and Salman to sit his surprise in a circle(scil.in the mosqueofthe Prophet-K) he said: "God is one, is the religion one and the Ancestor (i.e. Adam-K) is one. Lo, Arabic or is not our father, mother;it is merelya language; he who speaks which "At the Day ofJudgment", Arabicis an Arab".18 says a tradition "God will abolishthe nasab (ofthe in the pious circles, gainedcurrency will noble tribes-K) and will establishHis nasab. The mosthonoured man".19 be a God-fearing mirrors said to have beentoldby al-Kalbihimself, A significant story, circlestowardsnasab and well the attitudeof the pious orthodox quite In nasab compilations. Ibn Qutayba's manuscriptTa'bir al-ru'ya20, at a al-Kalbirecounts dreamofhis.He saw himself theDay ofJudgment intothe Presenceof God, Who said: "You are compiling beingbrought whichyou do not knowand you speak about (things)you genealogies to do not know". He ordered lead al-Kalbi to Hell. Whilebeingled to in Hell al-Kalbi noticedthe Prophetsitting a circleof men and asked for himto intercede himwithGod. But the Prophetsaid: "How can I which for intercede youwhenyoucompile genealogies you do notknow". on a of Al-Kalbisaid: "0 Messenger God, I also compiled commentary the Qur'an". Then the Prophetorderedone of the people of his circle to examineal-Kalbi; the man was 'Ali b. Abi Talib. He interrogated the Al-Kalbianswered al-Kalbi on somefouror fivereligious problems. and this interceded, well,'Alireported to theProphet, thelatter questions and al-Kalbi was let free.He sat downwiththe Prophetand asked him The Prophetmentioned when Umayyadrule was goingto terminate. the time of the fall of the Umayyads,whichin fact occurredat the of fixed date. Later al-Kalbi wroteonly the genealogy knowntribes, is whose pedigree not in doubt. of The storyrevealsclearlythe tendency the pious scholars.It is a of act to compilebooks of genealogy pedigrees containing blameworthy
17 18
Muttaqi 1-Hindi,op. cit., XIII, 39, no. 243.
1388/I968, I, 230.
20
Al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, 48, no. 279. Bahshal, Ta'rikh Wasit, ed. Gurguis cAwwad, Baghdad 1967, p.
252;
al-
man Muh. cUthman, Cairo al-Tabarani, al-Mujcam al-saghlr, ed. cAbd al-Rah. Coll. Yahuda, Ar. I96, ff.Iob-iia. Ms. Hebrew University,
19 Asad b. Mfisa, Kit. al-zuhd, ed. R. Leszynsky, Kirchhain I909, pp. xxx-xxxi;
54
M. J. Kisterand M. Plessner
tribesof doubtful seems origin;to recordwell-established genealogies lawful.Knowledgeof the shari'a and howeverto have been regarded of of Qur'an saves frompains of Hell. Finally: the intercession 'Ali of to pointsapparently the Shi'i sympathies al-Kalbi. the A storyrecorded Ma'mar b. Rashid21 reflects clash between by and that of the Muslimperiod. the old nasab of the Jahiliyya type Al-Sha'bi passed by a Qaysi man while the latter was annoyingan Asadi withquestions about his nasab. Al-Sha'bisat downwiththe two men and asked the Qaysi about the first bannerraisedin Islam, about in Islam,about theman declared the Prophet the first by spoilsgranted to be in Paradise... etc.; all thesevirtueswerein the tribeof Asad, not in Qays. The Qaysi wentaway, leavingthe Asadi alone. was Thisattitude however theprevailing Nasab was diligently not one. studied and gained orthodoxapproval.22 The traditionthat nasab is "a knowledge whichnone profits; of ignorance it does not harm"23 by was confronted tradition the favoring studyof nasab and stressing by its merits.Muslimscholarssaid that God singledout this people (i.e. the Muslims-K) granting themthe i'rdb,the isndd and the nasab.24 I In the firstperiod of Islam genealogyhad to play a special role. Tribalrivalry, in in divisions tribes, changes alliancesofclansand tribes, of on of pressure the government some factions tribes-all these were factorswhichshaped the development genealogy the Umayyad of in period.25 The tendencyof some weak tribal units to attach themselves to is in and tribes reflected a passageofal-Jiliz in which strong influential he records qualitiesofQuraysh. Qurashi, the No states,claimed al-Jahiz to be a descendant anothertribe,whilemembers noble tribes from of claim"untilnow" the descent from Noblepersons from Murra Quraysh. b. 'Auf,26 Sulaym,Khuza'a and others, says al-Jahiz, allegedthat they
21 22 23
Al-Jamic,
in Ancient Near East, Yale University Press, I955, pp. 239-310).
See J. Obermann,Early Islam, (in R. C. Dentan-ed.-The
ff. II9b-I2oa;
Abfi Nucaym, Hilyat al-auliyd',
IV, 315-316.
Idea of History
I, 9.
24
Al-Sam'ani, AnsLb,ed. 'Abd al-Rahman al-Mu'allamI, Hyderabad I382/1962,
26 See I. Goldziher,Muh. Studien, Halle I890, I, 97-98, I77 seq.; Caskel, op. cit., I, 25-35. 26 See Caskel, op. cit., II, 433 (and see Mufa1daliyydt, ed. Lyall, 10I-I03); Ibn Kathir, al-Sira al-nabawiyya,ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wahid, Cairo I384/1964, I, 91-93.
Al-Zurqani, Sharh al-mawahibal-ladunniyya,Cairo I326, V, 394-395.
Notes on Caskel's 6amharat an-nasab
55
The wereQurashites.27 case of Khuza'a is well known;theiroriginis but some of themindeedclaimedto be Qurashites.28 Al-Kalbi obscure,
stated that al-Salt b. Nadr b. Kinana died childless; thus Khuza'a could
Ibn al-Kalbi records themas descendants Azd from of not be his son.29 of Saba'.30Some claimedthattheyweredescendants Qama'a b. Khindif by (i.e. al-Yas, theirfather-K); thiswas affirmed an allegedutterance of of the Prophetin which'Amrb. Luhayy,the ancestor Khuza'a was as about the mentioned 'Amrb. Luhayyb. Qama'a.31The discussions ofKhuza'a, thepolitical reasons the attachment Khuza'a for of pedigree of with Kinana, the instigations 'Abd al-Malik and the activityof 'Azza are touchedupon by Caskel.32 Kuthayyir The originof the Khulj is also obscure.33 They are includedin the in the nasab of al-Harithb. Fihr, but Ibn al-Kalbi adds his Jamhara In that theyare descendants the 'Amaliq.34 his Nawdqil of reservation 35and in his Kitdbal-bulddn quoted by Mughultay) Ibn alMudar (as Kalbi states: "al-khuljmin 'dd". It is in accordance withthe answerof 'Umar when asked to attach the Khulj to Quraysh: "Am I goingto attach 'Ad to Quraysh?"36 'Ali definedmore harshlythe relation ild md l-himdri khurtimi the between Khulj and Quraysh: bayna jahfalati
l-khinziri.37
27 28
Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3183, f. 202b. fusul ..., Al-Jahiz, Mukhtdrat See Mughultay,op. cit., f. 48b: wa-kdna abi ahnash al-nassdba l-khuzaciyyu idhd qUla lahu: mimmananta, qdla: min qurayshin,fa-idhd qUla lahu: min ayyi qurayshin, qdla: min khuzdcata; wa-kdna yazcumu anna khuzd'ata min wuldi l-salti (i.e. al-salt b. al-nadr b. kindna-K). Cairo I956, II, 45. Shifi' al-ghardm, Mus'ab, Nasab Quraysh,ed. Levi-Provencal, Cairo I953, pp. 7 ult.-8 sup.; al-Fasi, op. cit., II, 44. 32 Caskel, op. cit., II, 39-40; and see Mughultay,op. cit., ff.48b-49a, i74a-b; al-Fasi, op. cit.,II, 44-47; al-Kalai, al-Iktifi,ed. H. Masse, Paris I93I, I, I28-I29; al-Wazir al-Maghribi,Adab al-khawdss,Ms. Brussa, Husayn Celebi 85b, ff.85b87a; Ibn Sa'id, op. cit., f. 6Ir; Ibn CAbdal-Barr, al-Inbdh,al-Najaf I966, pp. 96ioo; al-Nuwayri, Nihdyat al-arab, Cairo n.d., II, 317-318, 343; al-Suhayli, alRaud al-unuf,ed. CAbdal-Rahman al-Wakil, Cairo 1378/1967,I, 102; Goldziher, op. cit., I, I89. 33 Al-Nuwayri,op. cit., II, 353; Goldziher,op. cit., I, I8I. 34 The text of Jamhara, Ms. Br. Mus., f. 33a: wa-qaysu bnu l-harithi wa-huwa the .... Mughultay,op. cit.,f. I38a says, refuting l-khuljumin baqiyyatil-camdliqi statement of Suhayli, that the Khulj are a group of Quraysh: .... wa-huwa fZ qaulun mardudun; qdla l-kalbiyyu l-jamharati: yuqdlu innahum adciyd'u min baqiyyatil-camdliqi. 35 In text,,. 1Jn.On nawdqil see Caskel, op. cit., I, 59; and see ib., p. 80, no. ed. 21 in the list ofIbn al-Kalbi's works; and see Ibn al-Kalbi, Kit. al-asndm, Ahmad Zaki Pacha, Cairo 1924, p. 69, nos. 21-24; and cf. below note 58. 36 Mughultay, op. cit., I38a. 37 Ib.
31 29 Ib.
30 A1-Fasi,
56
6M.J. Kisterand M. Plessner
The obscure genealogiesof Sdma b. Lu3ayy,8 Sa'd b. Lu'ayy (Bundna) who were accepted into the nasab of Quraysh by 'Uthmdn,39and alH{drith b. Lu3ayy40 were also disputed. The Khuzayma b. Lu'ayy
his wanted to strengthen power by them.42In this case the reasons for the affiliation are quite clear. The opinions of the genealogists about the origin of Qud"'a are contradictory.Some of them assert that they were descendants of Macadd, according to others they were from Himyar.43 The North-Arabian insisted thatQudc'a was thesonofMa'add. Thisfactis attested tradition an alleged utterance of the Prophet; in this utterance the Prophet by stated that the kunya of Ma'add was Abfi Qud1d'a.44 The South-Arabian tradition claims Qudli'a as a descendant of JHJimyar.45 alleged utThe terance of the Prophet plainly attributesQudlc'a's descent to IHlimyar.46 Ibn al-Kalbi records a harmonizing version: Mu'cna,47 the mother of QudlZ'a was the wife of Mdlik b. 'Amr b. Murra b. MMlikb. JIHimyar; later she got marriedto Macadd and broughtQudl'a b. Mdlik with her. Qudidca, because of her second marriage, was later called Qudlca b. Ma'cadd.48 Anothertraditionstates that Mu'cna was the wife of Ma'add
38 See Ibn Hamdfin, Tadhkira, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3180, II, 63b-64a; al-Suhayli, ed. Mul. IHamidullah,Cairo oP. cit., I, 406-407; al-Balddhuri, Anscb al-ashrdf, ed. al-Maymani, Cairo I959, I, 46-47; al-Mubarrad, Nasab cAdnan wa-Qahtdn, 1354/1936, P. 4; Mughultdy, oP. cit., ff.49a-5oa; Ibn Kathir, Sira, I, go-g9; al1382, pp. 48-50; Goldziher, op. cit., I, i88-i89.
41 to ('A 'idhat Quraysh) were affiliated Quraysh by Mu?dwiyawho
Nuwayri, op. cit., II, 354; al-Zajjdji, Amcllf,ed. 'Abd al-Saldm Hririn, Cairo
39 Al-Balddhuri,op. cit., I, 44-45; Mughultdy, op. cit., f. 49b (quoted fromthe Mathclib of Abil 'Ubayda); al-Suhayl!, op. cit.,I, 402-403. 40 See Caskel, op. cit.,s.v. al-Hdritb. Lu'aiy. 41 See Caskel, op. cit.,I, 4, 148. 42 bihimmu'cawiAl-Nuwayri,op. cit.,II, 355: .... wa-humqaumun takaththara yatu fa-adkhalahum qurayshin; al-Suhayl!, oP. cit., I, 405. ft 43 See al-BalddhurI, op. cit., I, I5-i6; al-Nuwayri, op. cit., II, 283, 295; al-
The name of the motherof Qudlca is also recordedas cAnna,Neciima(on the authority of al-Mazriic), cUkbara-al.BalddhurI, op. cit., I, 15-i6; Quddc'a-alNuwavri, op. cit., II, 283. 48 See SuhaylI, op. cit., I, 121; a1-BalddhurI, op. cit., I, 15; AbC l-Baqd', op. cit., 9oa.
47
al-cUmari, Baghdad
Al-Hamddni,op. cit., I, I54-i8i; al-Mubarrad,op. cit.,p. 23. Ibn Wahb, Jdmic,ed. J. David-Weill, Cairo I939, p. 3, 11.7-9; al-Hamddni, op. cit., I, 164, 167; Ibn cAbd al-Barr, al-lnbdh,p. 6i sup.; al-MuttaqI al-Hind!, op. cit., XIII, 57, nos. 331-333; Khalifa b. Khayyit, al-Tabaqdt,ed. Akram Diiyl'
46
Br. Mus., Add. 23,296, f. 89a-89b.
45
Mughultay,oP. cit., f. 7b-8a (with a discussion of the problem of QudI'a); Ibn CAbdal-Barr, al-Lnbdh, 59; al-SamcdnI,op. cit., I, 25; al-Baladhuri, oP. cit., 1, p. i6; AbC l-Baqd?: al-Mandqib al-mazyadiyya akhb&ral-muliikal-asadiyya, Ms. ftc
Suhayli, op. cit., I, 117-124. 44 Al-Hamddni, al-Iklfl, ed. Muh. al-Akwac al-Hiwili, Cairo i383/1963,
I I70;
I387/1967, P. I20.
Notes on Caskel's Camharat an-nasab
57
married and gave birthto his son Quda'a; she subsequently Malik b. 'Amr fromHimyar who adopted her son Quda'a; therefore Quda'a Ibn was called: Quda'a b. Malikal-H.imyari.49 Sa'id reports thatQuda'a became Ma'addite when they moved into the Hijaz.50 Ibn al-Kalbi who attachedQuda'a to the YemeniteHimyarwas statesthat the first 'Amrb. Murraal-Juhani.51 The account of Nasr b. Mazrfu' al-Kalbi52 concerning the factors in the nasab of Quda'a, the period whichbroughtabout the changes of the changesand the personsinvolvedis of some interest. to a Up in Mu'awiya's rule as caliph the tribesof Quda'a had been and point of descendants Ma'add. At thattime'Amrb. Murra, respected a remained man from of Juhaynaand a Companion the Prophet, urgedthe people to join the Yemenites.In the period of Ibn al-Zubayr,Marwanand the 'Abd al-Malik,during raids of 'Umayrb. Hubab al-Sulamiagainst the Kalb (i.e. Quda'a-K) and those of Humayd b. Huraythal-Kalbi Kalb allied themselves withthe Yemenitribes. againstQays 'Aylan,53 They were aided by Khalid b. Yazid b. Mu'awiya,who opposed the to and Merwanids intended weakentheirpowerand to drivethe people of Syriaaway from them.54 alliancebetweenKalb and the Yemeni The at tribesbecame permanent the time of the expedition Maslama b. of He 'Abd al-Malikagainst Constantinople. treated Kalb wrongly and favoured Then Kalb finally Khalid Yemen. Subsequently Qays. joined b. 'Abdallahal-Qasrias governor 'Iraq bribedleadersof Quda'a and of theirnasab. Nasr b. Mazrui' remarks thatpious and Bajila so as to forge righteous people of Quda'a refuseto disclaimdescentfromMa'add.55 Similarreports givenon the authority Sharqi b. al-Qutamiand are of Ibn Habib.56 These passages in the worksof earlyhistorians help us to
49 Al-Baladhuri, op. cit., I, 15; Abi 1-Baqa', op. cit., ib.; al-Nuwayri,op. cit., II, 283. 50 Nashwatal-tarab,f. 5Ir. 51 Al-Baladhuri, op. cit., I, I5 (and see p. I6: the report of Muh. b. Habib); al-Mausili, Ghdyat al-wasd'il ild macrifatil-awd'il, Ms. Cambridge Qq 33 (Io), f. 34a; and see the utteranceof the Prophet: antum.... min himyarin the biob. graphyof CAmr Murra in Ibn Hajar's al-Isdba, Cairo I325/I907, V, i6, 11.II-I2. 52 See a tradition reportedby him above, note 47; and see al-Jahiz, .Hayawan, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Harfin,Cairo I945, VII, 256. 53 See al-Baladhuri, Ansdb al-ashrdf, vol. V, ed. S. D. Goitein,JerusalemI936, index s.v. cUmayrb. al-Hubab and Humayd b. Hurayth. 54 .... wa-mdla'ahum Calayhikhalidu bnu yazida bni mucdwiyatakhildfanlibani marwanawa-qasdanli-tauhini mulkihim canhum. wa-tafriqi jamdcatiahli l-shdmi 55 Abi 1-Baqa', op. cit.,f. 89b-9oa; on Khalid b. 'Abdallah al-Qasri see Mus'ab,
op. cit., p. 9, 11. I -2.
56
Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Inbah, pp. 60-6I.
58
M.
J. Kisterand M. Plessner
Rabi(a shared commondwellingsand common places fortheperformance of rituals during the pilgrimageto Mecca.6' It is noteworthythat the delegation of Kinda attempted to attach the Prophet to their nasab nasab: Banii "AbdMandf > Banil Akil al-Murdr. proposingthe following The Prophet, however, rejected this pedigree, stressing that he is a
it traditions is stressedthat in the time of the Jdihiliyya Kinda and
anderstand the factorsbehind the far-reaching change of nasab of the tribesin Syria.57 Quda'a The opinions of genealogists about the nasab of Kinda were not unanimous. Some of them stated that Kinda were descendants of Macadd.58 This pedigree was transmitted by Ibn al-Kalbi.59 Some genealogists claimed that Kinda were descendants of Rabica.60 In some
51
See Caskel, op. cit., II, 73-74; see ib., I, 32; and see Hamddni, op. cit., I,
. ...
mu yaqailu bacdu I-nussabinna kindata min al-ndqilati(see above note bi-dhdliha ild min aul&di macaddinfa-ntasabii qat4cda. ntaqalfi 35) lladhfna 5" Al-Wazir : oP. al-Maghribi, cit.,f. 93b-94a: qala hishamunal-kalbiyyu dhakara bacdu l-nussdbianna kindata bna thauri bni Cufayri bni haydata bni mucuwiyata bni macaddi bni cadnana. The evidence for the soundness of the traditionwas "attested" by the verse of Imru' I-Qays: la ta-llclhi yadhhabushaykhiba*tild: khayrumacaddinnasaban wa-narVild. The contradictorytradition, attaching Kinda to the South Arabians quotes the second hemistichdifferently: hasaban wa-ncPlild. ya khayrashaykhin 60 Al-Wazir al-Maghribi,op. cit., f. iooa: .... wa-kdna I-ndsu ft I-zamani 1awwali yaqWiliina: kindatu min rabicata ...; and see ib., f. 93b-94a: .... wa-qula inna kindatamin wuldi cumiri rabicatabni nizdribni macaddin. And bni khhariina see Mughultdy, op. cit., f. Io9a-b (quoting Adab al-khawdcl). 61 Siyar al-mulfik, I34a: .. .. wa-yuqdlu, f. bal ardtda kana yali (? perhaps: mdi Jnat duruhumwC7hidatan wa-k "bayna"-K) kindata wa-rabicatamin al-tacJqudi, I-zamcni; yaqfiluI-shcciru: ft dhcllika wa-kindatu tarmi1-jimaracashiyyatan idh ..... etc.; al-Wazir al-Maghribi, ktinat mahallatukindata wa-rabiclata wa-duruhumtX op. cit., 94a: .... wa-li-dhdlika wa-munckkhuhum1-mawdsimi macan, wa-kdni ft 1-jThiliyyati ft 1-jahld)iw4zhidatan qaulu abi mutah4liftnamutacdqidina; wa-mimma yuhaqqiqu hdhd Ciindahum
: OWNib bni "abdi 1-mnuttalibi
I54-i63. 58 See Kitidb siyar al-muliih, Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23,298, f. I33b:
wa-arcida
wa-kindatu tarmi1-jimuira idh caskiyyatan: bakribni wdu'ii yujawwizuhdhujjajuju shaddd 'aqda md htalafdlahu: kaliffcni
wa-raddd Calayhi Cdt futi 1-wasa'ili
l-wascPil "al-arMdm";Abfil-Baqd?, op. cit.,f. 84a: as The WazIr explains cati~ffti rabicatu bnu nizdrin taqifu cinda l-ma4ifqi cinda 1lca.qabati ... wa-kUnat fa-tujfzu kindata li-annahum kdnii kulafd'lahum fa-taqiilu 1-nusu(perhaps:-L-l-ndsi-K) aqimii hattdtajfiza I-mlakiu min kindata; wa-ftdhulikayaqiilu abiltdlibin: .... etc.; and see Caskel, oP. cit., I, 33. wa-kindatu
Notes on Caskel's ,amharat an-nasab
59
of descendant Nadr b. Kinana.62'Abbas and AbuiSufyan, the Prophet used to claimtheir descent from Kinda whileon their remarked, journeys to the Prophetall the marriages his ancestors of in Yemen.63 According to were according the rules of Islam, pure and unstained. in with this utterancethe serious There was, however, connection of problem Barra bintMurr(the sisterof Tamimb. Murr)who married and gave birthto al-Nadrb. Kinana, Kinana b. Khuzaymab. Mudrika the ancestorof the Prophet.It was this Barra of whomJarirboasted that "Tamim begot Quraysh": Tamim were the maternaluncles of to was of Barra,according sometraditions thewife Khuzayma, Quraysh.64 bore him children and was married his son Kinana afterhis death, by to the Alaccording the usual customof the Jahiliyya, nikdhal-maqt. Baladhuriand Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah recordthis fact plainly.65 alIbn of Kalbi mentions marriage Barra withKhuzayma(Jamhara 4b) the f. children Kinana. of and withKinana (f.5a); she borethirteen devotelengthy and to chapters theelucidation Al-Nuwayri Mughultay of thisproblem. scholars triedto findthe justification the two for Some thattheywerepermissible the Jahiliyya, in of marriages Barra,arguing as the dya ofthe Qur'Sn (IV, 22) has an explicit reservation: mdqad illa This argument couldhowever be accepted.The problem hardly salafa.66 was solved by al-Jahizin his Kit. al-asndm.Kinana married fact, in to Barra bint Udd, the wife of his father afterhis according al-Jahiz, death; she howeverbore him no child. Then he marriedBarra bint Murrb. Udd, who gave birthto al-Nadr,the ancestor Quraysh, of and otherchildren.67 This proves,of course,the unstainedpedigreeof the of and removes suspicion nikdh Prophet any al-maqt amongtheancestors of the Prophet.Al-Damiri, wishes who quotes the passage of al-Jahiz, to be forgiven whathe wrotein his otherbooksas a reward for al-Jahiz forthisinformation Ibn about Barra.68 Although al-Kalbi did not quote to he the tradition Barra according thereport al-Jahiz nevertheless of of stated: "I recorded fivehundred ancestresses the Prophetand I did of
62 Ibn Sacd, Tabaqdt, Beirut I380/I960, I, 22-33; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya wa-lnihaya, Beirut-Riyad, I966, II, 200-201; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Inbdh, p. 67;
al-Sam'ani, op. cit., I, 14, 17. 63 Ibn Sacd, op. cit., ib.; al-Tabari, Ta'rikh, Cairo I357/I939,
II, 394 (here 'Abbas and RabiCa b. al-Harith). 64 Ibn Kathir, al-Biddya, II, 20I; Jarir,Diwdn, ed. al-Sawi, Cairo I353, p. 508. 65 Mus'ab, op. cit., pp. 8, o0; al-Baladhuri, op. cit., I, 35, 37 ult.
66 67
68 Al-Zurqani, Sharh al-mawdhibal-ladunniyya, Cairo 1325, I, 77 (quoting Mughultayas well).
al-Rahim al-'Iraql, op. cit., pp. I03-I05.
Al-Nuwayri,op. cit., XVI, I3-I5;
See e.g. al-Fakhr al-Razi, al-Tafsir al-kabir, Cairo I357/I938, X, 23.
Mughultay, op. cit., ff.46b, Io7a; CAbd
60
M. J. Kisterand M. Plessner
not find(in thesemarriages) anything (whichbelongsto the vices) of the Jahiliyya".69 The obscure of traditions, origin Thaqifgaveriseto manycontradictory in influenced the situation the UmayyadEmpireand theroleplayed by Ibn by some Thaqafiteleadersand governors. al-Kalbi records Thaqif in the Jamharaas a groupof Hawazin.70 They were howeversaid to be a group of Iyad,71or descendants Thamfd.72 of to According the themto Iyad theThaqifin Ta'if wereallies (hulafd') tradition attaching of Qays. As the mother Qasiyyb. Munabbih of of (the ancestor Thaqif) was the daughterof 'Amir b. al-Zarib73 the Thaqif joined them as allies74and adopted the nasab of Qays.75 The traditions the concerning Iyadi or Thamudi originof Thaqif werewhollyrejectedby al-Hajjaj. It is of interest that Ibn al-Kalbi, who recordsthe tradition the of of Thaqif,transmits the same timethe tradition at about Qaysi origin theirIyadi origin. The tradition abouttheThamidi origin Thaqifis, as usual,attested of in an allegedutterance the Prophet. of This was certainly in favour not of Thaqif. It is thus not surprising find a harmonizing to tradition to attributed the Prophet.The Prophetstated that Thaqif were deof scendantsof Iyad; Iyad were descendants Thamud. When the two men from Thaqifwithwhomthe Prophettalkedshowedsignsof grief theProphet statedthattheywerefrom righteous the groupofThamud.76 Some of the traditions about the Thamuidi descentof Thaqif linked the personof theirancestor Qasiyy= ThaqifwithAbu Righal.Thaqif, was a man from Thamfd who escaped the says one of the traditions, disasterof his people and became a slave of AbuiRighal.Another traditionstatesthatThaqifwas a slave oftheprophet he tookflight Salih; and lived in the haram(of Mecca). 'Ali b. Abi Talib, who transmitted
69 Al-Nuwayri,op. cit., XVI, I3; and see a more explicit version ib., p. 5 inf.: .... katabtu li-l-nabiyyikhamsa mi'ati ummin,fa-ma wajadtu ffhinna sifahdan wa-la shay'an mimma kana min amri l-jdhiliyyati. 70 See Caskel, op. cit., II, I6; al-Nuwayri,op. cit., II, 335; al-Mubarrad, op. cit.,
71 72
p. I3.
73 Jamhara, f. i54a records, however, Zaynab bint 'Amir al-'Adwani as the wifeof Thaqif (i.e. Qasiyy). 74 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Inbdh, p. 93. 75 Al-Baladhuri, op. cit.,I, 25.
p. 5, 11.2-4; al-Sam'ani, op. cit., I, 20; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Inbdh, p. 96.
Al-Baladhuri,op. cit.,I, 25. Mughultay,op. cit., f. I2a; al-Hamdani, op. cit., II, 20I; Ibn Wahb, op. cit.,
dhalika shaqqa calayhimd qala: ma yashuqqu calaykumd;innamd yuhyi lldhu min thamuda sdlihan wa-lladhina dmanuimaaahu, fa-antum min dhurriyyati qaumin sa2lihzna.
76 Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., f. I23b:
....
fa-lamma ra&d rasulu llahi (s) anna
Notes on Caskel's Gamharat an-nasab
6i
this tradition argued that the Prophet (Muhlammad)was closer to the prophet Salih (scil. than anyone else; thus he deserves to inherit the he patronage of Thaqif); therefore decreed that Thaqif be considered as slaves.7 South-Arabian tradition however says that he was a slave of Salih b. al-Humaysa' b. dhi Ma'dhin.78 Another traditionsays that the slave of the prophet Salih was AbuiRighal; he was sent as tax-collector, treated the people wrongfullyand was thereforekilled by Thaqif.79 According to a tradition reported by al-Zuhri Abfi Righal was the ancestor of Thaqif.80 Similar cases with regard to the genealogy of tribes and clans could be easily adduced. But the few cases discussed above bear evidence to the complicated and confused character of the nasab literature. The information contained in the traditions about pedigrees, alliances between clans and tribes, affiliationsof tribal units and detachmentsall this has to be closely studied and re-examined.
II
The admirable work of W. Caskel, a comprehensiveand detailed study on Ibn al-Kalbi's Jamharatal-nasab, is an indispensablebook forstudents of Arabic genealogy, history of the Jahiliyya and of early Islam. Its detailed and carefully thoughtout articlesabout persons,clans and tribes in the Jahiliyya and early Islam are a treasure of reliable information collected from many early sources and evaluated with great care and deep insight. The material of the sources of Ibn al-Kalbi has been cautiously and carefully examined by Caskel.81 A few passages in later compilations
Mughultay,op. cit., f. IIb; another version says that Thaqif was a slave of al-Hayjumana, the wife of Salih; she gave him the slave as gift. 78 Al-Hamdani, op. cit.,II, 354; Mughultay,op. cit.,f. lib. 79 Ibn Zuhayra, al-Jamil al-la.tf, Cairo I357/I938, p. I70; cf. al-Hakim, alMustadrak, Hyderabad I342, I, 398 (Thaqif mentioned as the man who killed Abu Righal). 80 Cf. Mughultay, op. cit., f. iib inf.; Ibn cAbd al-Barr, al-Inbah, p. 95; alFakihi, Ta'rikh Makka, Ms. Leiden Or. 463, f. 436b, ult.; al-Fawazid al-muntaqat Abi l-Hasan CAll .... Can Yahya b. Ma'cn, Ms. Chester Beatty 3495, min hadTth f. i6a; Ibn Kathir, Sira, I, 32 harmonizes the contradictorytraditions: there were two Abf Righal; one of them was the ancestor of Thaqif, the otherone was the guide of Abraha. And see the stories about Abu Righal: Ibn Sacid, op. cit., f. i4ir; Mughultay,op. cit., lib (a tax collectorof the prophetShu'ayb; Menahem Kister draws my attention to the similaritybetween the word "Righal" and "R'uel" (one of the names of Shucayb = Yethro); al-Baladhuri, op. cit., I, 25 (a slave of Shu'ayb b. dhi Mahdam al-Himyari). And see El2, s.v. Abiu Righal (S. A. Bonebakker).
81
77
Caskel, op. cit., I, 72-81.
62
and M. Plessner 6M. Kister J.
in not and scantyquotations manuscripts yet published may elucidate some disputedor obscurepoints about the literaryactivityof Ibn al-Kalbi. Ydqiit copies the list of Ibn al-Kalbi's worksfromJbnal-Nadim's and adds: "Hishdm(i.e. Ibn al-Kalbi)has also al-Faridfif Fihrist I-anseTb, whichhe wroteforal-Ma'miin, al-Mul4ki I-anscbwhichhe wrotefor ftJa"far b. Yahyd al-Barmaki, al-Miijaz ft 1-nasab and other works.82 The book of Jbn alCaskel doubted the truth of this information.83
was considered by Caskel as spurious; he proposed to l-nasabi 1-kabnru" read instead of al-Munzal: "al-Jamharatu wa-huwa kitdbu 1-nasabi 1kabiru".8-5 sheds some lighton the disputed problemof the genealogical compilations
86 "al-Tanbikcaldhudtith A passage in H{amzaal-Isfahdni's al-tashif"
Kalbi al-Munzalrecorded Ydqiit84 withtheremark kitdbu "wa-huzwa by
the Arab Empire was granted the two outstanding scholars: al-Khalil and Hishdm b. al-Kalbi (fa-l-iqbdlusdqa ild daulati 1-carabi ...) who exerted himselfby establishingtheir genealogies (cuniya lahum bi-dabti l-ansThi).He compiled fivebooks on this subject: al-Munzal, al-Jamhara, al-M27jaz,al-Farid, al-M~ulfttkz. Al-Munzal, says Hllamza,is his largest compilation on nasab (akbaru positions of the Arabs (i.e. the Arab tribes-K; yunzilu 1-carabafihi
it that of Ibn al-Kalbi mentioned YdqiTit. IHamzaconsiders fortunate by
In lahuft the (genealogical) kitdbin 1-nasabi). this book he established
Hlamza quotes some if he found them debased in number or nobility.88 clans which Jbn al-Kalbi omitted.89
; 87 mandzilahum) in somecases he skippedoversomeclans (takhattt-ihum)
82 ed. hdldhcl Mucjam al-udabd3, Ahmad FarId Rifdci, Cairo n.d., XIX, 292: .... bnu 1-nadimimin tasdnifihi; wa-li-kishamin ma dhakarakhu aydan: al-fariduft I-ansclbi,sannafahu li-l-malmani, wa&-l-muh?tkiyyu ft I-anscbi ay41ansannafahu dhdlika. wa-l-miijazu 1-nasabiay4ian,wa-ghayru ft li-jacfaribni yahydl-barmakiyyi, 83 Caskel, op. cit., I, ob 79, note 4: "Es ist zweifelhaft Yaq.'s Angaben .... a;sei . Farid ft I-ansdib fiiral-Mammin, .. al-Mulfiki l-ansdbfiirden Barmakiden fi Oacfar b. Yalhya verfasst,zutreffen; schon wegen der Prunktiteldie I. al-Kalbi bis auf einen Fall meidet: no. 88 = K. ad-Diba-gfiahbdras'-?ucard" 84 Yaq-at, op. cit.,XIX, 291. 86
Ed. Muh. IHasan Yasin, Baghdad i967, pp. 192-194. The reading "al-munzil" seems to be preferable. 88 The text of the Ms. seems to be corrupted; the reading is doubtful. 89 The editor did not succeed to decipher the names of these debased clans; the text in the Ms. seems to be unclear. The idea to omit the mean or debased fromcompilationsof nasab is indicated in Hamdani's al-Iklif, II, 386: .... wawa-min shardiitiI-nasabi an Id yudhkara min auladi 1qclla abi muhasmmadin: rajuli illd 1-nabihuI-ashharu wa-yulghd1-ghabiyyu;wa-lau-lI dhika lam yasac kdtib... anslba I-nwdsi sijillun wa-lamyad1buIthd
86 87
Caskel, op. cit., I, 97, note 2.
Notes on Caskel's Gamharat an-nasab
63
The Jamharais his middle-sized book and contains some stories about the personsrecorded, accounts about the mothersof (akhbdr) the nobles(ofthe clans) and the ancestresses the tribes,(explaining) of how theyoriginated tribesto form from theirclans. He countedtheir theirpoets and theirillustrious men.90 horsemen, The Mijaz, IHamzasays,containsmaterial whichno studentof adab and nasab can ignore.He recorded it the genealogical in listsof smaller and greater tribalunits,the noblesof everygroup,theirpoets,leaders and eminent persons.91 The Farid, IHamzacontinues, a bookon tribes. al-Kalbiassigned is Ibn in thisbook foreverysmalltribalunitits genealogies storiesof its the wars and its poetry;he recordedthis materialand furnished with it and namesofthetransmitters. offered bookto al-Ma'mfin. He isndds this in in not found his otherbooks; it contains included theFarfd, material it this book he offered to although is smallerin size than the former; Ja'farb. Yahya al-Barmaki.92 The detailsgiven by HIamzaseem to be trustworthy. Hamza is in fact the earliestauthority the genealogical on of compilations Ibn alKalbi. The precisedetailsofthe description thathe had a close indicate acquaintancewiththesecompilations. was It is noteworthy theFarZdpresented al-Ma'mfin provided to that with isnddsand names of the transmitters; detail is pointedout this One may venture assumethat Ibn al-Kalbi to by IHamzain particular. added herethe isnddsin orderto adapt himself the new conditions to The of Muslimscholarship requirements the expertsof hadith.93 of and othergenealogical of Ibn al-Kalbi seem to have had no compilations isndd.
90 p. I93:... fihi ba.du l-akhbari wa-taCdddu ummahati l-ashr2fiwa-l-qabacili ild haythuyaftariquna'an qabilatihimwa-yatajdwazunaila butuinihim, wa-dhikru hattd... (two words could not fursinihimwa-shu'ard'ihimwa-dhawinabdhatihim
91 p. I93: .... wa-ammd l-mujazu fa-fihi md Id yuhsinu bi-mubtaghi l-adabi wa-l-ndziri l-nasabijahluhu, fa-dhakarafihi man yunsabu ild batninwa-qabilin, fi wa-man htalla l-sitata minhumwa-stawd wa-sharifakulli qaumin wa-shdcirahum cald l-ri'dsatifihim. (About batn see EI2, J. Lecerf,Batn). 92 Ib., ...wa-ammd l-faridu fa-huwa kitdbul-qabc'ili, afradafthi li-kullibatnin nasabahu mufradan, wa-ayydmahu,wa-shicrahu, fa-dhakara kulla dhdlika bi-lasdnidi wa-l-ruwdti, wa-huwalladhi athafa bihi l-ma'muina;wa-ammdl-mulukiyyu kathiratunId taqacu fi fa-fihi akhbdrunghaziratun macrufatunwa-macrifatun ghayrihimin kutubihi,wa-fthimd yaqacu fi l-faridiwa-in lam yablughmaddhu, wa-huwa lladhi athafa bihi jacfara bna yahyd l-barmakiyya. 93 See Caskel, op. cit., I, 78.
Al-Muliki contains a great number of known akhbdrand information
be deciphered theeditor). by
64
6M.J. Kisterand M. Plessner
We came across a quotation fromthe Munzal in Mughultdy'sal-Zahr al-bdsim94. This passage deals with the story of Nasr b. HIajjdj and his beloved nicknamedal-Mutamanniya; Jbnal-Kalbi reportsthat her name was al-FaThiabint Hammdm b. cUrwa b. Masciid fromThaqif and that she was the motherof al-HIajjdj b. Yiisuf (the hated Umayyad governor of cIrdq). The Jamhara mentions only that Nasr was nicknamed alJamil.95 refers Ibn al-Kalbi in his work about two hundredtimes, to Mughultdiy his opinion about particularpoints of genealogy.96 The Jamhara quoting is quoted about twentytimes.97 quotes two additional works Mughult-ay of genealogy compiled by Ibn al-Kalbi: al-Jcmic (or al-Jdmil li-anscTbi al-jamhara.99 l-carabi)98 and Jamharat A scrutinyof the quotations fromal-Zahr al-bdsimand an examination of the material found in hithertounpublished manuscriptsmay help us to gain a better knowledge of the contents of the genealogical compilations of Jbnal-Kalbi. The list of compilations of Jbn al-Kalbi contains a book with the are recordedin Shj i sources.The odious storyof the pedigreeof Mu cwiya sheds some light on the character of this genre of literatureand points out some of the ways in which tendencious insertionsor deletions were made. Hind, the mother of Mucdwiya,used to have sexual intercourse
94 F. 3o6b.; see al-cAskarI, Jamharatal-amthal,ed. Mulh.Abfi I-Fad1 IbrThimcAbd al-Majid Q-atamish, Cairo 1384/1964, I, 588, no. iiio; al-Mayddni, Majmac cal-amthdl, Cairo 1352, I, 427-428; AbtI Nucaym, Iilyat cl-zuliycQ, IV, 322-323. 9j Caskel, op. cit., II, 446. 96 See ff. 2a, 3a, 3b, 4b, 5b, 6a, 7a, 7b, 8a, 8b, 9a, 9b, Ioa, I4a, i4b, I5b, I7b, i8a, 23a, 23b, 38a, 38b, 4oa, 4ob, 42a, 43a, 43b, 44a, 45a, 45b, 46b, 48b, 49a, 49b, 5ob, 54b, 55a, 56b, 6oa, 6ob, 62a, 69b, 87a, 93a, 95a, 97b, Io9a, iioa, I2ia, I2Ib, I23a, I23b, i3Ia, I32b, I33a, I33b, i34b, i44b, I5ob, I55b, I56b, 2ooa, 202a, 203b,
titleMathdlib The al-"arab.100 fewextantpassagesfrom thiscompilation
207a,
20oa,
209b,
2ioa,
2iob,
2I2b,
214b,
224b,
225b,
226b,
23ib,
232b,
233a,
234b, 235a, 236a, 236b, 237a, 240b, 24ia, 247b, 259b, 266a, 277a, 279b, 282b, 285a, 286b, 287b, 295b, 298b, 3ooa, 3iob, 3iia, 31ib, 3I2b, 3iga, 32ia, 322b, 325b, 328a, 330b. 333b, 335b, 336a, 336b, 337a, 339a. (On some pages Ibn al-KalbI is mentioned two or three times). 91 Cf. e.g. Mughultdy f. 22b = Jamhara f. I56a Hutayt; iib 244a Umayma bint Sacd b. Hudhayl; 23a = Caskel, s.v. Munabbih b. Rabica; 52b = i69b Hdshim b. Harmala; 86a - Caskel, op. cit., s.v. A. al-Gabr (2, 251); 99a = 24b Yazid b. CAmr b. Khuwaylid; 237b = Caskel, s.v. HalIfa b. "AdI; 247a= 255b "UbBd b. Bishr; 287b = Caskel, s.v. Uhbdn b. al-AkwaC - Uhbdn b. SayfI (al-Suhayli), Uhbdn b. Aus al-Aslami (al-Tirmidhi, al-Bukhdri, Abil Nucaym, Ibn Manda), Uhb;Rn b. cAbbdd (Ibn Durayd, Ibn al-Kalbi, al-BalTdhuri) etc. 337b 173b, Umm Qirfa and her sons; Dubaiyya b. IHaramI = i62a. 98 Mentioned ten times: ff. 36b, 4oa, 6oa, 67b, 7ob, Io2b, I42a, 237b, 2I3a, 238a. 99 Quoted two times: ff. I02b, i62b. 100 See Sezgin, GAS, I, 270, no. 4.
234a,
Notes on Caskel's Gamharat an-nasab
65
with four Qurashites,accordingto the slanderoustraditionof the The four of the of Mathdlib. shared, course, fatherhood Mu'awiya.Three b. of themare named: 'Umara b. al-Walid,Musafir 'Amr,AbuiSufyan; in is the nameofthe fourth notgivenand it is onlyremarked thereport The his thatIbn al-Kalbi mentioned name.101 nameofthe fourth person is howeverexplicitly given by Sibt b. al-Jauzi: al-'Abbas b. 'Abd alMuttalib.102 Mu'awiya admitsin a talk withhis son Yazid that some are of the opinionthat he is the son of 'Abbas b. 'Abd alQurashites One Muttalib.103 may assumethat the name of 'Abbas was erasedfrom in the list of the fouradulterers the periodof the 'Abbasidrule; it was the after fallofthe dynasty. re-inserted of The abominablestoryof the pedigree 'Umar is also quoted from that the shameful Ibn al-Kalbi's Mathdlib.It is noteworthy storyof 04is precededby a peculiarremarkin the the complicated bastardy wa-huwamin of Shi'i compilation al-Majlisi: ... wa-rawd l-kalbiyyu, kdnat Suhdku ahli l-sunnati, kitdbi ....10 This l-mathdlibi, qdla: rijdli fi of and reliability remarkaims, of course,to enhancethe impartiality to emphasize the soundnessof the information Ibn al-Kalbi's and tradition. in of The storyabout the father 'Uthman,as recorded Ibn al-Kalbi's The cases.106 than the two preceding is Mathdlib, not less disgusting the father Abi Bakr: he was of vilification directed was mildest against of the servant 'Abdallahb. Jud'an and calledthe poorofMecca to have at theircharity-meals the table of 'Abdallah. He got, of course,a rewardforthis "duty".'07 paltry Dhakwan of son The story theillegitimate ofUmayyab. 'Abd Shams, (his kunyawas Abfi 'Amr) whose motherTuma was a slave-woman fromSafiiriyya by (Palestine)is reported Ibn al-Kalbi; it fitsin well from thiscomderived and is probably of withthe setting his Mathdlib
101Ibn Tawus, Tara'if CAbdal-Mahmfd, n.p., n.d., p. I56; Muh. Hasan alMuzaffar,Dala'il al-sidq, III, I, 215-2I9; comp. a similar slanderous reportfrom Mathalib bani umayya by Ismcail b. 'Ali al-Samman al-Hanafi, ib., p. 235; and b. comp. on the fatherhoodof CAmr al-'As shared by five persons (... wa-la-qad idda'cka khamsatunmin qurayshinkulluhumyazcumuannaka bnuhu) ib., p. 237.
102 103 104
105 Bihdr al-anwdr,VIII, 311 (lithogr.ed.); and see this story al-Majlisi, op. cit., XXII, 269-27I (new ed., Tehran 1385); Ibn Tawus, op. cit., p. I44; Muh. Hasan al-Muzaffar, cit., III, 2, 84. op. 106 See Ibn Tawus, op. cit., p. I55.
Tadhkirat al-khawa.s, al-Najaf I383/I964, p. 202 inf. Ib., p. 203. kdna al-khattabu aban wa-jaddan wa-khdlan li-cumara. ...
107 Ibn Tawis,
25-26
op. cit., p. 123.
ORIENS
5
66
M. J. Kisterand M. Plessner
Abti 'Ubayda seems to have used the same method of slander pilation.108 in his Mathdlib. Yquit quotes in his Mu'jam al-bulddn109 from Abii 'Ubayda's Mathdlib that Hashim b. 'Abd Manaf bought a black girl, Hayya, at the market of Hubasha. She bore him two sons: Sayfi and
Kitdb al-dafd'in 16 and Kitab man qdla shi'ran fa-nusiba ilayhi.117 Al-'Isami mentionsa list of Qurashi judges fromIbn al-Kalbi's Hukkdm Quraysh.118 Of special interestis a compilationof Ibn al-Kalbi not recordedin the
108 Ta'rikh Moskwa I967, f. 4a; Abu al-khulafd',ed. Piotrowski-Graznewych, 1-Baqa', op. cit., f. I2a (Abiu -Baqa' records as well the other version,which is was Umama bint Himyarib. al-Irith H the accepted one: the motherof Abii CAmr of Lakhm; see Mus'ab, op. cit.,p. ioo).
timesin Mughultay's Kitdbnawaqilmudar,114 Kitdbal-bulddn,ll Zahr,13
the motherof Sayfi and AbuiSayfi was Hind bint Tha'laba fromKhazraj. This nasab is recordedby Ibn al-Kalbi (Jamhara,7b, inf.).The slanderous traditionsabout the pedigree of al-Ash'ath b. Qays, al-Muhallab b. Abi Sufra, Khalid b. Safwan, al-Jahm b. Badr, Abu Dulaf and Khalid b. 'Abdallah al-Qasri seem to have been recordedfromthe Mathalib of Abf 'Ubayda.11 Ibn al-Kalbi and Abu 'Ubayda both apply the same style of slander directed at the ancestresses,involving accusations of immoral can thus be seen to be in fact nothing conduct and adultery.The mathdlib but a collection of defamatorygenealogical gossip. They are different fromnasab and serve a different purpose. The followingworks of Ibn al-Kalbi seem to be related in subjectmatter to his nasab compilations: Kitdb al-alqab,112mentioned three
AbfiSayfi.But Mus'ab givesin his Nasab 110 a rather different version:
Ibn Rustah, al-A 'clq al-nafisa,ed. M. J. de Goeje, Leiden 1892, pp. 205-207. See Sezgin, op. cit., I, 271, no. I9. 113 F. 87a (why 'Auf was nicknamed Thumala); f. Io2b (explanation of the nickname Janb; cf. Caskel, op. cit., II, 257); f. 207a (the nickname al-Akhtal). 114 F. I38a (and see Abu l-Baqa', op. cit., f. 36a where a compilation of Kit. al-nawdqilby Abu l-Hasan Muh. b. Muh. al-cAlawiis mentioned); and see above note 35.
112
111
109 S.v. Hubasha. 110 Nasab Quraysh, p. 4, 11. 12-14.
115
116
fimd ruwiyafi l-quburwa-l-dafd'in;Ahmad b. Hanbal, Kit. al-warac,Cairo I340, p. 47: Kit. al-dafd'in). 117 F. I45a, inf.; see Ibn al-Kalbi, al-Asndm, no. 87. qurayshqala ...;
rabad
118 Simt al-nujum al-cawali, Cairo I380,
op. cit., I, 270, no. I3; see al-Karajaki,
F. 33b (the correct reading is Dafd'in, not Daqd'iq as given by Sezgin,
Kanz al-fawd'id, n.p., I322, p. I78: fasl
Ff. 8b, 9b, Igb, 43a, 45a, 47a, 57a-b, II7b,
I96b, 3o6b, 325a.
Hyderabad I384/1964, p. 459; and see al-Asndm,no. 64: Ahkam al-cArab (the correctreadingis kukkamas in note 3 ib.).
I361/I942,
cf. Muh. b. Habib, al-Muhabbar,ed. I. Lichtenstaedter, Hydep. I32; idem, al-Munammaq, ed. Khurshid Ahmad Fariq,
I, 213: ...
can al-kalbi fZ l-hukkdm min
Notes on Caskel's Camharat an-nasab
67
in It list ofhis works. is mentioned Mughultay thefollowing by passage:
...
dhakarahu l-shard, l-kalbiyyu kitdbi ta'lifihi: fi wa-md: wa-salld kabbara li-lldhi kabbari119 sallddhawul-'aybiwa-md us This shortpassage of Ibn al-Kalbi's Kit. al-shirdprovides witha and politicalsympathies. of The clue forthe assessment his religious of champion thecause of 'Ali,thecontent personofMiqdad,the famous was of a Shi'i character. The Shi'i symevidencethat the compilation It of al-Kalbi120 and ofIbn al-Kalbi are wellknown.121 is therepathies in an to fore surprising find theJamhara inserted not passageconcerning on inflicted Anas b. Malik forhaving denied having the punishment of in It of heardan utterance the Prophet favour 'All.122 is a well-known Ibn also traditions In spite of his Shi'i sympathies al-Kalbi recorded whichwere not always in favourof 'Ali and the Shi'a.124He was a
AlthoughIbn Rustah, op. cit., p. 220, 1. 4 mentionsMuh. b. al-Sa'ib as one of the murji'a. 121 Caskel, op. cit.,I, 73; and see the storytold by Muh. b. al-Sa'ib: ... maridtu mardatanfa-nasftumd kuntua.hfazu fa-ataytuala muhammadin(s) fa-nafathu fi md fiyyafa-hafiztu kuntunasitu-Ibn Abi Hatim al-Razi, Kit. al-jarh wa-l-tac'dl,
120
wa-qdla l-miqdddubnu I-aswadi l-kindiyyuyamda.hu 'aliyyan fimd
of the verse and the occasion on which it was uttered-all this bears
Shi'i story.123
119 Al-Zahr, f. I17b.
And see the traditiontransmitted him that the angel Gabriel used to transmit by the Revelation to 'All in the absence of the Prophet: Ibn Hajar, op. cit., ib.; aled. Safadi, al-Waft bi-l-wafayat, H. Ritter, Wiesbaden I38I/I96I, III, 83; and see the story about the killingof Sacd b. cUbada (cf. al-Husayni, al-Darajdt alrafcta,al-Najaf 1382/I962,p. 334) reportedby al-Kalbi in Yawaqzt al-siyar, Ms.
Br. Mus., Or. 377I, f. I32a, penult.; al-Dhahabi, Mizdn al-i'tiddl, ed. CAll Muh. al-Bijawi, Cairo I382/I963, III, 557-558; and see ib., IV, 304, ult. on Hisham b. of al-Qurab, p. 148).
122 123
Hyderabad
I953, III,
2, 270; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, IX, I79 (no. 266).
: Muh. b. al-Sa'ib: wa-qala ibn casdkir rfidi, laysa bi-thiqatin (quoted by the editor Einschub .". Caskel, op. cit.,I, I09: "Ein sonderbarer See al-Majlisi, op. cit., XXXVII, 197-200 (new ed.); Ibn Shahrashfb, Manaqib al Abi Talib, al-Najaf I376/I956, II, I3; Ibn Rustah, op. cit., p. 221. There was however an earlier case which caused a grudge of 'All against Anas; see alMajlisi, op. cit.,LX, 301 (new ed.). 124 See e.g. the traditionthat Khalid b. Sa'id b. al-'As embraced Islam before 'All: Mughultay,op. cit.,f. II7a-b (see on Khalid b. Sa'cd: Mus'ab, op. cit.,p. I74, 1. I5). Al-Kalbi reportsthe following saying of Khalid: "I fearedmy father(thereforeI did not announce my Islam publicly-K), but CAlldid not fearAbfiTalib." And see the favourabletraditionabout Jarirb. 'Abdallah al-Bajali (yatlacucalaykum min hadha l-fajji khayru dhi yamanin calayhi mashatu malikin fa-.talaca jariru bnu 'abdi llahi l-bajaliyyu)-al-Khatlb al-BaghdadI, Miudihauham al-jam' Hyderabad I379/1960, II, 355. And see the traditiontransmittedby wa-l-tafriq, Ibn al-Kalbi (withthe isnad: Ibn al-Kalbi > his father AbuiSalih > Ibn CAbbas) > that the Prophet informed secretlyHIafsathat her father(i.e. 'Umar) will be the
68
Kisterand Plessner,Notes on Caskel's Gamharat an-nasab
of and transmitter nasab and akhbdr, he carriedout this vocationwith Besides the Mathdlib compiledbooks in he the utmostresponsibility. was ofArab cultural tradition recorded, thus whicha significant portion valuable information about social life,beliefs, genpoetry, providing on ealogy, wars and alliances of tribes.His compilations genealogy, a constitute solidand masterly monument of amongthemtheJamhara, Arablearning. to We owe a debt of gratitude the late W. Caskel formakingthis book availableto modern scholarship. magnificent
Caliph afterAbfi Bakr; Hafsa revealed the secret to 'A'isha-al-Dhahabi, Mzzan Beirut 1385/I966,VII, 57; the tradition al-ictiddl, IV, 305 (see Ibn Kathir, Tafsfr, is recorded with a different isndd. And see al-Tabarsi, Majmac al-bayan, Beirut I380/I96I, XXVIII, I20 inf.; the traditionis recorded without isndd. The tradition is not foundin al-Wahidi's Asbdbal-nuzil and in Suyitl's Lubdb al-nuqilin the chapter of Siirat al-tahrim).