khuzaa.pdf KHUZA'A Khuza'a, an ancient Arab tribe of obscure origin. Muslim genealogists, assuming a Mudari origin of the Khuza'a, based their argument on an utterance attributed to the Prophet, according to which the ancestor of the tribe, 'Amr b. Luhayy [q.v.] was a descendant of Kama'a (='Umayr) b. Khindif, thus tracing their pedigree to Mudar.1 Some sections of the Khuza'a asserted that they were descendants of al-Salt b. al-Nadr b. Kinana b. Khuzayma b. Mudrika b. Ilyas b. Mudar. The claims to Mudari descent made by some Khuza'a groups were firmly rejected by genealogists, who asserted that both Kama'a and alSalt died childless.2 MUs'ab, recording the Mudari genealogy of the Khuza'a, confirmed by an utterance of the Prophet, cautiously remarks that the pedigree given by the Prophet is true, provided that it was actually said by him.3 Harmonizing traditions, trying in the usual way to bridge the contradictory reports about the origin of the Khuza'a, claim that after the death of Kama 'a, the mother of Luhayy married the Yamani, Haritha, and the child traced his pedigree to the Yamani father who adopted him.4 Another tradition states that Kama'a married and had children, but clashed with his relatives, so leaving for al-Yaman and allying himself with the Azd.5 The Yam ani tradition, on the other hand, records a lengthy list of ancestors of Khuza'a, beginning with Luhayy (=Rabi'a) b. Haritha b. 'Amr b. 'Amir b. Haritha b. Imru 'l-Kays b. Tha'laba b. al-Azd. The pedigree is, of course, traced back to Kahtan.6 The traditions about the beginnings of the Khuza'a's rule in Mecca, ascribing the Khuza'a to the Azd, record a long story about the migration of the tribal groups of the Azd from South to North Arabia. While some tribal divisions continued their migration to Syria (Ghassan), 'Uman 1 Ibn Hisham,al-S,ra al-nabawiyya, ed. al-Sakka, al-AbyarI and ShalabI, Cairo 1355/1936, i, 78; al-BaladhurI, Ansab al-amra/, ed. Mul,lammad J.:Iamldullah, Cairo 1959, i, 34; al-FasI, SlJ,ija' al-ghariim bi-a/ffibar al-balad al-~aram, Cairo 1956, ii, 44-5; Mu~'ab b. 'Abd Allah al-ZubayrI, Nasab ~uraym, ed. E. Levi-Proven~al, Cairo 1953, 7-8, ii; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Inbah 'ala ~aba'il al-ruwat, al-Nadjaf 1386/1966, 97-8; Ibn J.:Iazm, Djamharat ansiib al-'Arab, ed. E. Levi-Proven<;al, Cairo 1948, 222-4; al- Sam'anI,al-Ansiib, ed. 'Abd al-Ral,lman al-Mu'allamI, Hyderabad 1385/1966, v, 116. 2 Ibn al-KalbI, Djamharat al-nasab, Ms. B.M., Add. 23297, fol. 4b, II. 9-10; alWazlr al-MagllribI,-Adab al-/ffiawii~~, Ms. Bursa, Hiiseyin <;elebi, 19, fols. 84b-86a; al-BalacLburI, Ansab, i, 34 ult., 38-9; Mu~'ab, op.cit., 11-12. 3 Mu~'ab, 8; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Inbah, 98. 4 AI-FasI, Shi/ii', ii, 46. 5 AI-Bala,JhurI, Ansab, i, 35, ll. 1-2. 6 AI-FasI, Shi/a', ii, 45, II. 5-10; Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, al-Inbiih, 97; Ibn Durayd, al-Imti~a~, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hartin, Cairo 1378/1958, 468; al-J.:IazimI, 'Udjiilat almubtadi, ed. 'Abd Allah Kantin, Cairo 1384/1965, 54. 2 (Azd 'Uman) and north Yemen (Azd Shanil'a), the Khuza'a separated (inkhaza' at) and managed to gain control of Mecca. One of the traditions reports that the leader of the Azd asked the Djurhum [q.v.], the tribe which then ruled Mecca, to permit them to stay in the region of the town until their foragers find suitable pasturage, threatening war if they were denied this. When the Djurhum refused their permission, the Khuza'a fought them, defeating them and gaining possession of the Sanctuary of Mecca. Another tradition, on the authority of Abu: 'Amr al-ShaybanI, reports that the custodianship of the Ka'ba was legally obtained by the Khuza'a because their leader, Rahi'a b. I:Iaritha, married Fuhayra, the daughter of al-Harit]; b. Mudad al-Djurhuml; his son, 'Amr b. Rabi'a (i.e., 'Amr b. Luhayy), thus had a legal basis for his claims to the custodianship. In the protracted battles which ensued between the Khuza'a and Djurhum, the former defeated the latter who had to leave the town. A third tradition ascribes the decline of the Djurhum in Mecca to their deterioration and moral decay. Afflicted by plagues, God's chastisement for their wickedness, they were extirpated, and only few survivors from amongst them left Mecca. The custodianship of the harem. was then taken over by the Khuza'a, Another tradition gives a quite different account of the events, i.e., that the Khuza'a took over the control of Mecca from the Iyad [q.v.]. A peculiar version of this tradition transmitted by al-Zubayr b. Bakkar reports a battle which followed some clashes between the ruling Iyad and the Mudar in which the Iyad were defeated. The Iyad were given permission to leave Mecca on condition that Mudari women married to IyadlS return to the Mudar if they so wished. Among the women thus returned was a Khuza'I woman named Kudama. The Khuza'a, the report states, then traced their pedigree to Mudar. Since the Iyad did not take with them into exile the pillar with the Black Stone, they decided to bury it. The Khuza't woman told her people of the whereabouts of the buried Stone and advised them to ask the Mudar for the custodianship of the Ka'ba as reward for finding the pillar with the Black Stone. The Khuza'a did so, and succeeded in gaining control of the Ka'ba, keeping it until the arrival of Kusayy [q.v.].7 Another tradition reports that the Djurhum were driven out of Mecca by the joint action of Bakr b. 'Abd Manat of Kinana and the Banu Ghubshan of the Khuza'a.8 These stories, allotting exceptionally long lives to the rulers of the Djurhum and Khuza'a are in the nature of folk-tradition in which were 7 AI-FilsI, Shi/a', ii, 26 f.; al-Ya'kubt, Ta'rf/m, al-Nadjaf 1384/1964, i, 208; Muhammad b. Habib, al-M1Lnamma~, ed. KhurWId Al,lmad Fari~, Hyderabad 1384/1964, 344 f.; al-Tsami, Simt al-n1L~um al-'awalf, Cairo 1380, i, 183. 8 AI-FilsI, ~ifii.', i, 370; 'Bakr b. 'Abd Manat of the Khuza'a', as recorded in art. D.JURHUM above is an error. Khuza'a 3 embedded elements of mu'ammarun-tales, edifying stories about righteous and pious men,? accounts of battles and clashes in the popular style of the ayyam al-' arab, and recollections oflegends about the migrations of tribes caused by a dam breaking in South Arabia. The tradition focuses on 'Amr b. Luhayy, almost unanimously blaming him for the wicked innovations in the faith of Abraham and for the introduction of idol-worship, especially that of HubaI, in Mecca. There is, however, a contradictory tradition which asserts that it was Khuzayma b. Mudrika, one of the ancestors of Kuraysh, who introduced the worship of Hubal and that Hubal was consequently called "Hubal Khuzayma" .10 As in the case of the Iyad, some traditions mention among the Khuza'a a homo religiosus, Abu Kabsha, who in his search for the true religion worshipped Sirius. The unbelievers used to refer to the Prophet as Ibn AbI Kabsha in the early period of his prophethood, pointing out his deviation from the current beliefs of his people.l ' These conflicting stories seem to indicate that the formation of the tribe of K.huza'a occurred over a long period of time, ramifying into various tribal units. The main territory of the tribe was between Mecca and Medina. When Kusayy arrived in Mecca aiming to gain control of the town, he had to subdue the ruling Bakr b. 'Abd Manat of Kinana, the Khuza'a and their supporters, the Sfifa. The different stories about the enigmatic Kusayy resemble in their outline those about the former rulers of Mecca. Kusayy's marriage to Hubba bint Hulayl b. Hubshiyya gave legitimacy to his custodianship of the Ka'ba. Another legitimisation to it was the tale of how Kusayy bought the office for a goat's skin of wine from the drunken Abu Ghubiillan; this is recounted in the compilations of proverbs and stories of fools.P The court of Abu Ghubshan (dar Abr GlJ,ubMi,an)was still known in Mecca in the second half of the 3rd century 9 See e.g. the story of WakI' b. Salama of Iyad and his servant Hazwara, in al-Fast, ShiN.', ii, 26, and Muhammad b. Habib, al-Munamma~, 346-7. 10 AI-Baladhuri,Amsab, i, 37, no. 77; al-Fasl, Shifa', ii, 51 inf. 11 Muhammad b. Habib, al-MuIJ-abbar, ed. 1. Lichtenstaedter, Hyderabad 1361/1942, 129; 'Ali: b. Burhan al-Dln al-Halabi, Insiin. al-'uyiin fi. sirat al-amin al-ma'miin (=al-S,ra al-IJ-alabiyya), Cairo 1382/1962, i, 333; al-Baladhurr, Ansab, i, 91, 327; al-Suyiitl, al-Durr al-manll!,iir, Cairo 1314, vi, 131; al-Kurtubi, Tafslr, 1387/1967, xvii, 119; al-Makrizr, Imiii: al-asma', ed. Mahrniid Shakir, Cairo 1941, i, 77, 158; al-Kazarfini, Sirat ai-nab" Ms. B.M., Add. 1499, fol. 231a-b; 'Abd al-Salarn Hartin (ed.), Nawadir al-ma/ffi!ii!at, Cairo 1370/1951, i, 100 (al-Fayrtizabadht, TulJ-fat al-abih. fi.man nusiba ila ghayri abfh). 12 Al-'Askari, Djamhar;;t al-amll!,al, ed. Muhammad Abu "l-Fadl Ibrahim and 'Abd al-Madjid ~atamisb, Cairo 1384/1964, i, 387, no. 585; Hamza al-Isfahani, al-Durra al-/a!sliira fi 'I-amll!,a/ al-sa'ira, ed. 'Abd al-Madjrd ~atamiill, Cairo 1972, i, 139, no. 126; al-Tha'alibi, Thimiir al-~ulti.b, ed. Abu'l-Fa<).l Ibrahim, Cairo 1384/1965, 135, no. 190; al-Maydani, Ma'!jma' al-amll!,al, ed. Muhyi 'l-Dfn 'Abd al-Hamid, Cairo 1379/1959, i, 216, no. 1167; Ibn al-Djawzi, A/ffibar al-IJ-am~a, Beirut, n.d., 42. 4 of the Hidjra.l ' According to another account, like the preceding rulers, Kusayy fought the two tribes of Bakr b. 'Abd Manat and Khuza'a and destroyed their power. As in the story of Iyad, his wife, Hubba, revealed the place where the pillar with the Black Stone was buried, and so the true worship of the Ka'ba could be resumed.l" Relations between Kusayy on one side and the Bakr b. 'Abd Manat and Khuza'a on the other were settled on the basis of the judgement of the arbiter, Ya'rnar b. 'Awf of the Bakr b. 'Abd Manat, called alShuddakh. The verdict granted Kusayy the custodianship of the Ka'ba and provided for the Khuza'a to be left in the area of the f},aram.15 In the new regime set up by Kusayy, in which the scattered tribal units of the Kuraysh were gathered and settled in Mecca, the groups of the Khuza'a played an important role in strengthening the power-base of Mecca, aiding the Kuraysh to extend their influence among the tribes. The Khuza'a were included in the organization of the Hums [q. v.]. Two tribal groups of the Khuza'a, the Mustalik and Haya, were included in the organization of the Al,tabI§h, the allies of the Kuraysh.l" Together with Mudari tribes, the Khuza'a worshipped al-'Uzza and Manat; and with the Daws they worshipped Dhu 'f-Kaffayn.!" The involvement of the Khuza'a and the Bakr b. 'Abd Manat in the affairs of Mecca and their influence can be gauged from the story about the agreement between the Kuraysh and the Thal,Uf concerning the mutual rights of these two tribes to enter Mecca and Wadjdj: the Tha~If complied with the demands of the Kuraysh, fearing their strength and that that of the Khuzaa and Bakr b. 'Abd Manat.l" The considerable number of Khuza'Is listed as married by the Kurashis recorded in the sources bears witness to the close relationship between the Kurays]; and the Khuza'a. Indeed, when the Khuza'a decided to ally themselves with 'Abd al-Muttalib, they stressed that he was 'borne' by Khuza'I women (fa-~ad waladnaka). Similarly, the Khuza'I, 'Amr b. Salim, addressed the Prophet with the words kad kun- Al-Fakiht, Ta'rikh Makka, Ms. Leiden, Or. 63, [01. 456b, l. 15. AI-FasT, Sllifii', ii, 73; al-Nuwayri , Nihiiyat ai-arab, Cairo 1374/1955, xvi, 31. 15Ibn al-Kalbi, Djamhara, fols. 51a inf.-51b sup. 16See e.g. Ibn ~utayba, al-Ma'iini "l-kabir, Hyderabad 1368/1949, 998, l. 4; Muhammad b. Hablb, al-Muhabbar, 178; al-Hazimi, al-I'tibiir [i bayiin al-niisik_h wa 'l-mansu/;;/> min al-iiiliiir, Hyderabad 1359, 150; Ibn al-Kalbi, Djamhara, fols. 48b-49a sup.; al-Fasi, Shifii', ii, 41; Yaknt, S.v. Makka; al-Bakri, Mu'djam mii 'sta'djam, ed. al-Sakka, Cairo 1364/1945, 245; Ibn al-Fakth, al-Buldiin, cd. de Goeje, Leiden 1885, 18. 17Yakut, s.v. Manat: Ibn 'Arabi, Muhii4arat al-abriir, Beirut 1388/1968, i, 415; Ps, Asma'T, al-Shiimil, the section Tawiir;;/;;/> al-anbiyii', Ms. B.M., Or. 1493, fo!' 27a; Muhammad b. Habtb, al-Muhabbar, 318. 18'Muhammad' b. J:IabTb, al~Munamma~, 280. 13 14 Ktuizc:« 5 tum waladan uia-kunnii walidii when he came to ask for his help against the Banu Bakr and Kuraysh.l" According to one tradition, when the Prophet was on his hidjra to Medina he met Burayda b. al-Husayb al-AslamI [q.v.] with a large group of his people. Burayda and his people then embraced Islam and prayed behind the Prophet. These Aslam, a branch of the Khuza'a, very early allied themselves to the Prophet, and As1am warriors participated in his campaigns. The Prophet's agreements with the Aslam/" are evidence of the friendly relations which existed between the Prophet and the Aslam. After the murder of those who went on the Bi'r Ma'una [q.v.] expedition, the Prophet invoked God's blessing for the Aslam.r! When the Prophet mobilised the forces for the conquest of Mecca he summoned the Aslam, who dwelt in the neighbourhood of Medina, to present themselves in the town. In fact, 400 Aslam warriors, among them 30 riders, took part in the conquest of Mecca. Aslam's two standard bearers ofthe conquest were Burayda b. al-Husayb and Nadjiya b. a1-A'cljam.22 The Aslam, along with the Ghifar, Muzayna and Djuhayna, were pointed out by the Prophet as having surpassed in virtue the mighty tribes of the TamIm, Asad, 'A.mir b. Sa'sa'a and Gl1atafan.23 Haditl: commentators are unanimous in saying that this high position was granted to them because they had rushed to embrace Islam. The stand taken by the Mustalik, another branch of the Khuza'a allied with the Banu Mudlidj of Kinana and included in the Ahabish organization linked with the I~uraysh, was, however, quite different towards the Muslim commonwealth of Medina. Their leader, al-Harith b. AbI Dirar, gathered his tribe's forces for an assault on Medina but was defeated by the Prophet's men who attacked them at MuraysI' in 5/627 and defeated them, taking captives and booty. The Prophet married the captured daughter of the leader, Djuwayriya.e? Another branch of the Khuza'a, the Ka'b b. 'Arm, played a decisive role in the struggle between Mecca and the Prophet. The discord and clashes between the Ka'b and their neighbours, the Bakr b. 'Abd Manat, led the Ka'b b. 'Amr to opt for an alliance with the Prophet in the pact of al-Hudaybiya, whereas the Bakr b. 'Abd Manat allied themselves with 19 Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, 'Uyun ol-attvar ji: [utiiin. al-maghazi wa 'I-shamii'il wa 'I-siyar, Cairo 1356, ii, 164-5, 182. 20 See Hamidullah, MadJmu'at al-waillii'ik al-siyiisiyya Ii 'I-'ahd al-nabawi wa '1Iffiilafa al-riish.uia, Cairo 1376/1956, 191-4, nos. 165-70. 21 Wa-Aslam salamahii 'llahu; al-Wakidi, al-Maghazi, ed. Marsden Jones, Oxford 1966, 350. 22 AI-FasI, SlJifa', ii, 123; Ibn Hacljar, al-Isiiba, ed. 'All Muhammad al-Bidjawi, Cairo 1392/1972, vi, 398, no. 8647; al- WakidI, 799-800. 23 Al-Kast.allanr, Irshiid al-siiri, Cairo 1327, vi, 11-13; Ibn Hadjar, Fath al-bari, Cairo 1301, vi, 395-7. 24 AI-Wa~idI, 403-13. 6 Mecca. A group of the Bakr b. 'Abd Manat clandestinely helped by some Kuraysh leaders attacked the Ka'b b. 'Amr at al- Watir, killing several of them. The orator of the Ka'b, 'Amr b. Salim, appeared at the court of the Prophet in Medina and addressed him, reminding him of the alliance of the Ka'b with 'Abd al-Muttalib. He drew attention to the killings of the Ka'b at al-Watrr and urged him to avenge his allies. The Prophet responded with a promise of aid for victory (nu$ra). The request of a man from the 'AdI b. 'Arnr, the brethren of the Ka'b b. 'Amr, to be included in the promise was answered by the Prophet's remark that the Ka'b and 'AdI are one corporate body.25 It is evident that the tendency of this tradition is to establish the position of the 'AdI b. 'Amr in the Prophet's invocation and stress their role in the expedition against Mecca. Whether the Ka'b b. 'Amr were already Muslims when they asked for help is disputed by scholars.P" According to some commentators ofthe Kur'an, vv .13-15 of Siirai al- Tawba ordering battle against those who had broken their solemn pledges (ala tu~atilUna ~awman nakath:u aymanahum ... ) were revealed in connection with the wicked attack by the Banu Bakr b. 'Abd Manat against the Ka'b b. 'Amr.27 When the Prophet set out against Mecca, he was joined by those Ka'b tribesmen who had remained in Medina. The main Ka'b troop joined the Prophet's forces in Kudayd, The Ka'b troop numbere 500 warriors and had three standards carried by Busr b. Sufyan, Abu ShurayJ:t28 and 'Amr b. Salim. It is noteworthy that the Prophet permitted the Ka'b to continue fighting the Bakr b. 'Abd Manat in Mecca for some additional hours after he had ordered all other troops to stop.29 It may be remarked that a group of the Bakr b. 'Abd Manat hastened to join the Prophet's forces. When Abu Sufyan looked at the marching troops of the Prophet and noticed Bakr's forces, he remarked sadly: "By God, they are an inauspicious people; because of them Muhammad raided us" .30 25 Wa-hal 'Adiyyun iWi Ka'b wa-Ka'bun illii 'Ad,: Niir al-Drn al-Haythami, Madjma' al-zawii'id, Beirut 1967, vi, 164; Ibn al-Bakkal, al-Fawii'id al-munta~iit, Ms.-?ahiriyya, madjrnfla, 60, fol. 85b; al-Tabarani, al-Mu'ti.jam al-~afl'>'r, ed. 'Abd al-Rahrnan Muhammad 'Uthman, Cairo 1388/1968, ii, 73-5. 26 Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, ii, 182, penult. says that they were unbelievers; al-Kala'I, alIktijii', ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wahid, Cairo 1389/1970, ii, 288, says that they were Muslims; and see Ibn Hisham, op.cit., iv, 36, n. 4. 27 Al-Tabarr, Tajs,r, ed. Shakir, Cairo 1958, xiv, 158-62 (nos. 16535-16547); alSuyutt, al-Durr al-manlliur, iii, 214-15; idem, Lubiib al-nu~ul, Cairo 1373/1954, 114; al-Kurtubi, Tofstr, viii, 86-7; al-Farra', Ma'iin, I-~ur'iin, ed. Ahmad Ytlsuf al-Nadjatt and Muhammad 'All al-Nadjdjar, Cairo 1374/1955, i, 425. 28 Ibn' 'Asakir, Ta'r,klr-, Damascus 1349, vi, 400; Ibn Sa'd, Taba~iit, Beirut 1377/1957, iv, 294-5; al-Wakidl, 801 ('Ibn Shurayl,l' in ibid., I. 2 is an error). 29 See ibid., 839, al-Makrfzr, op. cit., i, 388; al-Fasl, Shifii', ii, 144, al-Hazimf, alI'tibiir, 153; 'All b. Burhan al-Dln, al-Siro: al-~alabiyya, iii, 97 inf. 30 Al-Wakidt, 820; Ibn 'Asakir, vi, 401. Khuzii'a 7 The meritorious attitude of the Khuza'a towards the Prophet is fairly reflected in Muslim tradition. The Prophet is reported to have stated that the Khuza'a were intimately linked to him.31 The Kur'an is said to have been revealed to the Prophet in the dialect (lugha) ofthe two Ka'bs, Ka'b b. Lu'ayy and Ka'b b. 'Amr b. Luhayy, because they shared the same abode.F The Prophet granted a special privilege to the Khuza'a by awarding them the rank of muhadjirun while permitting them to remain in their territory.33 It was a Khuza'I, Tamim b. Usayd, whom the Prophet entrusted with the restoration of the border-marking stones (an.~iib) of the lJ,aram of Mecca.i'" The leader of the Ka'b, Busr b. Sufyan, according to one tradition, was appointed by the Prophet as the tax-collector of the Ka'b, In 9/630 they were prevented from handing over their taxes by groups of the Banu 'l-'Anbar and Banu 'l-Hudjaym'" of the Tamim. The Prophet then sent out a troop commanded by 'Uyayna b. I:Ii1?nagainst these Tamlmls.36 In the account, it is emphasized that the Ka'b were believers, paying the sadaka willingly. A special tax-collector was also sent to the other branch of the Khuza'a, the Banu MU1?tali~.37 'Umar b. al-Khattab used to carry the dfwiin of the Khuza'a to Kudayd and there distributed payments to the people of the tribe.38 Khuza'I warriors participated in the Islamic conquests and groups of the Khuza'a settled in the various provinces of the Arab empire. Some members of the Khuza'a took part in the revolt against 'Uthman in Medina.i'? Groups of the Khuza'a joined 'All and fought on his side in the Battle of Siffln, and some Khuza'ts in Khurasan were among the 'Abbasid agents who paved the way for the new dynasty. 31 Khuza'atu minni wa-ana minhum; Khuzii.'atu l-uiiilidu. wa-ana 'l-waladu: see e.g. al-Daylami, Firdaws al-aicl!bar, Ms. Chester Beatty, 3037, fol. 78b; 'All b. Burhan alDIn, al-Stro al-~alabiyya, iii, 83; al-Muttaki al-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal, Hyderabad 1385/1965, xiii, 55, no. 316. 32AI-FasI, Shi/a', ii, 55; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Inbii.h, 99. 33Ibid., 100. 34Mughaltay, al-Zahr al-bii.sim fi sirat Abi 'l-~asim, Ms. Leiden, Or. 370, fol. 319ainf.-319b; al-Fasi, al-' Ikd al-t/!am.n, ed. Fu'ad Sayyid, Cairo 1383/1964, iii, 387, no. 861. 35 'Ibn al-'Vtayr' and 'Banil Djuhaym' in al-Wakidr, 974 are errors. 36AI-Wa~idI, 974f. 37Ibn Sa'd, iii, 440 inf. 38AI-Baladhuri, Futii~ al-buldan, ed. 'Abd Allah and 'Umar al-Tabba', Beirut 1377/1957, 634; Ibn Sa'd, iii, 298. 39Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, al-'I~d al-farid, ed. Ahmad AmIn, Ahmad al-Zayn, Ibrahim al-Abyarl, Cairo 1381/1962, iv, 300, I. 19. 8 Bibliography: In addition to references mentioned above: al-'AmirI, Bahrljat ol-moliafil, Cairo 1331, i, 212, 398 f.; al-Azrakl, Ta'rzklJ, Makka, ed. F. Wiistenfeld, Leipzig 1858, 51-66; Dahlan, al-Sira alnabawiyya, Cairo 1310, ii, 75 f.; al-Diyarbakrt, Ta'rikh al-khamzs, Cairo 1283, i, 109-112, 153-56, 335, ii, 77 f.; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, ol-Durar fi 'khti$iir 'I-maghiizz wa 'I-siyar, ed. Shawki Dayf, Cairo 1386-1966, 224-5; Ibn KathIr, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, ed. Mustafa 'Abd al- Wal,tid, Cairo 1384/1964, i, 94-100, iii, 526-34, 5461. 10,580; Ibn Nasir aI-Din, Djtimi' al-tit;fltir fi mawlid al-nabf al-mukhttir, Ms. Cambridge, Or. 913, fols. 112b inf.-115b; al-MadjlisI, Bihiir al-tmuuir, Tehran 1384, xxi, 10010, 124-5; Ibn Shahrashub~- Manti~ib tu AM Ttilib, al-Nadjaf 1376/1956, i, 173, 177; al-Makdisi, ai-Bad' wa 'l-ta'rzkh, ed. Cl. Huart, Paris 1919, iv, 125-6, 232-3; al-Mawsili, Ghiiyat al-wasti'il ila ma'riJat al-awti'il, Ms. Cambridge, Qq 33 (10) fols. 29b, 61a, 81b-82a, 102a-b; aI-I:IarbI, al-Manasik, ed. Hamad al-Djasir, al-Riyad 1389/1969, index; al-Suyiltl, al-Kha$a'i$ ol-kubrii; ed. Muhammad Khalil Haras, Cairo 1386/1967, ii, 77; al-Salihi, Subul al-hudii wa 'l-rashiid. fi sirat khayr al-'ibad, ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wal,tid, Cairo 1394/1974, ii, 241-2; al-rabarI, Ta'rzkh, index; al-Zurkani, Shar~ al-mawahib al-Iaduniyya, Cairo 1325, ii, 288 f.; W. Caskel, Gamharat an-Nasab, das genealogische Werk des Hisiim ibn Muluunmad al-Kalbz, Leiden 1966, ii, 39-40; Mukatil, Tafsir, Ms. Ahmet iii, 74/i, fols. 150b-151a; Ibn AbI Shayba, Ta'rikh, Ms. Berlin, 9409 (Sprenger 104), fols. 76a-78a; al-Samarkandi, Tcfsir, Ms. Chester Beatty, 3668, i, fols. 264b-265b; al-ShiblI, Ma~iisin al-wasii'il fi ma'ri/at al-awii'il, Ms. B.M., Or. 1530, fols. 59b-61b; W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Mecca, Muhammad at Medina, Oxford 1953, 1956, indices; F. Buhl, Das Leben Muhammeds, repr. Heidelberg 1955, 279-80, 304-5. Further references in sources already mentioned in the article: alKala'I, al-Ikti/ii', i, 71-80; al-Kazarunr, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, fo1. 246ab; 'AIr b. Burhan al-Dm, ol-Siro. al-~alabiyya, ii, 81-121; al-BaladhurI, Futu~ al-buldiin, index; idem, Ansiib al-ashrii/, i, index; Nur al-Drn alHaythamI, Marljma' al-zawa'id, vi, 161 f.; Ibn 'Arabi, Mu~ii¢arat alobriir , i, 335-6, 427, ii, 292 1. 1, 36-42, 291; Ibn Hisham, al-Sira alnabawiyya, index; al-Tsaml, Simt al-nurljum al-'awiilz, i, 159 f., 181-6, ii, 123-4, 173-4; al-BakrI, Mu'rljam mii 'sta'rljam, index; al-Muttaki al-HindI, Kanz al-'ummiil, x, nos. 2085, 2092, 2114, 2123, xiii, nos. 338-46, 395-6, 402-5, 409, 425; Muhammad b. ij:abIb, al-Mu~abbar, ol-Muncmmok, indices; Ibn Durayd, al-Ishti~ii~, index; al-Fasr, Shi/a' al-ghariim, i, 359-78, ii, 44-59; al- Wakidt, al-Maghiizz, index. 

khadija.pdf TIlE SONS OF KHADIJA M.J. Kister I The reports about the various events in the life of the Prophet, recorded in the early sources of the sira, hadith, historical works and adab literature, are divergent and even contradictory. The discrepancies in the traditions occasionally relate to prominent incidents in the Prophet's career, which had a bearing upon the relations between the Prophet and the influential families in Mecca, and which shaped, to some extent, the destiny of the Prophet and the fate of the nascent Muslim community. One such case which deserves to be examined and elucidated concerns certain events in the matrimonial life of Khadija. These are brought to light in the reports about the two husbands who preceded the Prophet, and also the children she bore these husbands during the period of the Jahiliyya and in the first years of Islam. Some of the early reports are concise. According to a tradition on the authority of Ibn Ishaq, as transmitted by Yunus b. Bukayr,l Khadija's first husband, whom she married when she was a virgin, was 'Atiq b. 'A'idh b. 'Abdallah b. 'Umar of the Makhzum. She bore him a female child. 'Atiq died and Khadija married AbU Hala b. Zurara al-Nabbashi of the 'Amr b. Tamim She bore him one male and one female child. He died and Khadija, again a widow, married the Prophet He was her third husband, she was his first wife. 1 Ibn Ishaq, al-Siyar wa-i-fTIIlghlui, ed. Suhayl Zakkar, Damascus 1398/1978,p. 82 60 Kister: Sons of Khadija In contrast to this is the report given in Ibn Sa'd's Tabaqat? Khadija was "mentioned" to Waraqa b. Naufal, but the marriage was not concluded. Khadija's first husband was Abu HIHa Hind b. al-Nabbash b. Zurara b. Waqdan b. Habib b. Salama b. Ghuwayy b. Jurwa b. Usayyid b. 'Amr b. Tamim. Two phrases which occur in this report on the authority of Ibn al-Kalbi are of some importance: Abu Halas father was a man of high position in his (tribal - K) group,' He settled in Mecca and became an ally of the Banii 'Abd al-Dar b. QU$aYY. The explicatory phrase "and Quraysh used to give their allies their daughters in marriage?' helps us to understand the relations between the influential clans in Mecca and their allies, the newcomers whom they welcomed, aided and tried to absorb into their clans and families. Khadija indeed married Abu Hala and bore him one male child named Hind and another named Hala Her second husband was 'Atiq b. 'Abid [not: 'A'idhl b. 'Abdallah b. 'Umar b. Makhziim. She bore him a female child named Hind. The kunya of Khadija was Umm Hind. Hind grew up, married Sayfi b. Umayya al-Makhziimi, and bore him a son named Muhammad, The children of Hind and Sayfi were called Banii 1-Tahira, because of Khadija, the mother of Hind; Khadija was called al- Tahira, The progeny of Muhammad b. Sayfi, who settled in Medina, perished. Similar to this account is the tradition recorded by Muhammad b. Habib in his Muhabbari Khadija's first husband was Abu Hala, to whom she bore a male child, Hind b. Abi Hala; but no other child of Abu Hala is mentioned. She bore her second husband, 'Atiq b. 'Abid of the Makhziim, a female child named Hind. A corroborative tradition which sheds some additional light on the position of the tribal members who flocked to Mecca and entered alliances with the prominent clans there is recorded by al- Tabari: Abu Hala al-Nabbash b. Zurara b. Waqdan b. Habib b. Salama b. Ghuwayy b. Jurwa b. Usayyid b, 'Amr b. Tamim came to Mecca with his two 2 3 4 5 Beirut 13nl1958, vn, 14-15. Wa-kana abUhu Iln text erroneously: abUhii] dhil sharafin Ii qawmihi. Wa-kanat qurayshun tuzawwiju halilahum. Ed. llse Lichtenstaedter, Hyderabad 136111942,pp. 78, 452 Kister: Sons of Khadija 61 brothers, 'Auf and Unays. They were accepted as allies of the Banu 'Abd al-Dar b. Qusayy, Abu Hala married Khadija bint Khuwaylid and she bore him two male children: Hind and Hala, Hala died,6 but Hind survived beyond the advent of Islam, to which he became a convert. Al-Hasan b. 'Ali transmitted Hind's traditions about the Prophet, mentioning that Hind was his maternal uncle. Ma'mar b. al-Muthanna reported that Hind died in Basra, and that people left their businesses in order to attend his burial? The report recorded by Ibn Habib in his al=Munammaq' is slightly different: AI-NabOOsh b. Zurara of the Banii Usayyid of Tamim joined the Banii Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf as an ally; but the author notes that the reasons for the conclusion of this alliance are not clear to him. Al-Nabbash b. Zurara, whose kunya was Abu Hala, married Khadija before her marriage to the Prophet; she bore him two male children, Hind and Hala, Certain new details are given in the Shi'i compilation of al-Majlisi, Bihar al-anwar" A tradition on the authority of Qatada says that Khadija's first husband was 'Atiq b. 'A'idh al-Makhziimi, and the second Abu Hala Hind b. Zurara al-Tamimi; Khadija bore him a son, Hind, who was thus called Hind b. Hind Another tradition says that Khadija married Abu Shihab 'Amr al-Kindi; her second husband was 'Atiq b. 'A'idh, after whose death she was courted by 'Uqba b. Abi Mu'ayt and al-Salt b. Abi Yahab, both of them very rich men: each possessed four hundred slaves. Abu Jahl wanted to marry her too; she refused all these matrimonial proposals'? A report transmitted on the authority of Abu Talib, that Khadija's first husband was 'Atiq b. 'A'idh, and the second 'Umar al-Kindi, to whom she bore a child, seems to be confused. A new detail is supplied by al-Baladhuri; The first husband was Abu Hala Hind b. al-Nabbash of Tamim; Khadija bore him Hind b. Abi Hala, The second husband was 'Atiq b. 'Abid of Makhziim, to whom she bore a female child named Hind 'Atiq divorced her and 6 7 8 9 10 Before the advent of Islam - K. Al-Tabari, Dhayl aJ-mudhayyaJ, Cairo 1358/1939, p. 40. Ed. Khurshid Ahmad Fariq, Hyderabad 1384/1964, p. 399. Tehran XVI, 10. Ibid., p. 22 62 Kister: Sons of Khadija she married her third husband, the Prophet" This is in fact the first report saying that Khadija was a divorcee (not a widow) when she married Muhammad, Some divergent details deserve to be noted in Nur al-Din al-Haythami's Maimd al-zawatd wa-manbd al-Fawii'id:12 Khadija bore her first husband, 'Atiq b. 'A'id, a son named Hind; he was thus named Hind b. 'Atiq, She bore her second husband, Abu Hala Malik b. Nabbash b. Zurara, the ally of the Banii 'Abel al-Dar, Hind and Hala, Thus Hind b. 'Atiq, Hala and Hind b. Abi Hala, Khadija's children from her two first husbands, are brothers of Khadija's children from the Prophet The controversial problem of Abii Hala's name and the fate of the children of Khadija born to her first two husbands are examined in al-Zurqani's Shark al-mawahib al-laduniyyal? Al-Zubayr (scil, Ibn Bakkar - K.) and (the transmitter - K.) al-Daraqutni say that his name was Malik. Ibn Manda and al-Suhayli record his name as Zurara, Abii 'Ubayd gives his name as al-Nabbash, Al-'Askari records his name as Hind Abii Hala's son, Hind, is said to have fought on the side of the Prophet in the battle of Uhud or in the Battle of Badr. He spread the tradition on the description of the person of the Prophet; this tradition was transmitted on his authority by al-Hasan b. 'Ali Al-Zubayr b. Bakkar reported that he was killed in the Battle of the Camel, fighting on the side of 'Ali; others say that he died in the plague of Basra, The son of Khadija and Abii Hala, named Hala, was recorded as one of the companions of the Prophet According to one tradition, the Prophet arose and saw Hala in his room. He pressed him to his breast and uttered joyously: hala, hala, halal" A contradictory report states, however, that Hala, borne by Khadija to her husband Abii Hala, was in fact a female child Indeed, al-Muhibb al- Tabari in his al-Sinu 11 Al-Baladhurl, Ansab al-ahraf, ed. Muhammad Hamidullah, Cairo 1959, I, 406-407. I2 Beirut 1967, IX, 219. I3 Cairo 1325, I, 199-201 14 See e.g. Ibn I;Iajar, al-I $aba fi tamyizi /-$aI)iiba, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijiiwi, Cairo 1971,VI, 516, no. 8919. Kister: Sons of Khadija 63 al-thamin tf manaqib ummahiu aJ-mu'minfn.15 records that Hala was the daughter of Khadija and al-Nabbash b. Zurara, who was accordingly given the kunya Abu Hala, Al-Muhibb records further traditions discussing the name of Abu Hala (Malik: b. al-Nabbash, Hind b. Zurara) and the problem of whether he was the first or the second husband of Khadija," Al-Muhibb reiterates the tradition that Hind b. Hind, the stepson of the Prophet, grew up, embraced Islam and was killed in the Battle of the Camel fighting on the side of 'Ali; another tradition says that he died in the plague of Basra, Important information about the son and grandson of Abu Hala is given in Ibn al-Kalbi's Jamharat al-nasabl' Khadija bore Abu Hala Hind b. al-Nabbash b. Zurara a son named Hind He fought in the Battle of Badr or in the Battle of Uhud, His son Hind b. Hind b. Hind was killed fighting on the side of Ibn al-Zubayr. This family perished and none of their progeny remained. It is worth noting the statement of al-Muhibb that nothing is known about the life and fate of the two female children borne by Khadija to her two husbands" Al-Diyarbakri quotes from the Sira of Mughultay some interesting reports: Khadija bore 'Atiq b. 'A'idh of Makhziim a female child named Hind and a male child named 'Abdallah or 'Abd Maruif. Al-Qurtubi, in his Tajsir (= al-Lami li-ahkam ai-qur'an),19 records a tradition saying that Khadija bore 'Atiq a male child named 'Abd Maruif. No less interesting is the tradition recorded by Diyarbakri that Khadija bore Abu Hala Hind a daughter, Zaynab, and two male children: al-Harith and Hind The tradition about a male child borne by Khadija to 'Atiq b. 'Abid is recorded in Ibn Hazm's Jawami' ai-sirai" Khadija, says the report, bore her first husband a male child named 'Abdallah, She bore 15 16 17 18 19 20 Cairo 140211983, p. 23. Pp. 6, 23. MS. Br. Mus, Add. 'l32fJ7, fol 93b. This very report is recorded in Diyabakrfs Ta'rikh ol-khamis I, 261 Cairo 1387/1967. XIV. 104. Ed. ll,Jsiin 'Abbas and Nasir al-Dln al-Asad, Cairo, rut, P. 3l 64 Kister: Sons of Khadija her second husband Abu Hala Hind b. Zunlra two male children, Hind and al-Harith, and a female child named Zaynab. Hind b. Hind fought in the Battle of Uhud and dwelt in Basra. Al-Harith embraced Islam and was killed by an unbeliever at the Rukn al- Yamiini More details about al-Harith are provided by al-Baladhuri," Al-Harith b. Abi Hala was the first man killed at the Rukn al- Yamani, fighting for the sake of GodP One tradition says that he was under the tutelage of Khadija (ji hiin khadikua); he embraced Islam, manifested his faith openly and summoned people to convert to Islam. One day when he was with a group of Quraysh and heard a man slandering the Prophet he tried to defend the Prophet A row ensued in which al-Harith was beaten by a rude unbeliever who trampled him down and trod on his belly. He was carried away wounded and later died. Another tradition says that he was killed while performing his prayer at the Rukn al- Yamiini Ibn I:Iajar23provides us with information about the beginnings of al-Harith's missionary activity, which occurred when the Prophet was enjoined to call openly upon the people to convert to Is1am..24 Ibn I:Iazm25 records the story of al-Harith and furnishes us with an additional detail about him: $afwiin b. $afwiin b. al-Nabbash of Tamim is said to have been the first believer who killed an unbeliever after the mira; he killed the murderer of al-Harith b. Abi Hiila.26 Ibn Nasir al-Din al-Dimashqi, in Jiimi' al-athar fi maulidi l-rasidi l-mukhtar,27 records a significant report of Ibn 'Abd al-Barr stating that Khadija bore Abu Hala a male child named al- Tahir; he was the brother of Hind and Hala, The Prophet is said to have sent him as governor (ami!) to a district in al- Yemen, 21 Ansah ai-ashr1Jf, MS. foL 969b. 22 n sabili llah. 23 AI-I saba, I, 604, no. 1501 24 ... an yasdda bimii amarahu ... ; see SUrat ai hijr, 95: [a-sdd bimii tumaru wa-drid 'ani l-mushrikin: 25 Jamharas ansab ai-'arab, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hariin, Cairo l382/1962, p. 210. 26 And see about Safwiin b. Safwan: al-Tabarl, Ta'rikh; III, 268 and Ibn Hajar, ai-I saba, m. 435, no. ~. 27 MS, Cambridge Or. 9l3, foL 25Oa.. Kister: Sons of Khadija 65 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr in fact records a tradition transmitted by Sayf b. 'Umar on the authority of Abu Miisa al-Ash'ari saying that al-Tahir was among the five governors sent by the Prophet to the different districts of al-Yemen." An extended report about al-Tahir is given by Ibn I:Iajar.29According to the tradition transmitted by Sayf b. 'Umar, Tahir b. Abi Hala was sent as governor to a district of al-Yemen, as already mentioned. The important additional report says that al-Tahir succeeded in quelling the rebellion of the 'Akk (called al-akhilbith). These reports are corroborated by the information provided by al-Tabari; al-Tahir b. Abi Hala was appointed by the Prophet to be in charge of the 'Akk in Mecca. He was later sent as governor to a district of al-Yemen, or according to another version, was appointed over the tribes of 'Akk and the Ash'ariyyin, He faced the forces of al-Aswad al-Ansi and succeeded in crushing the rebellion of the 'Akk and the Ash'ariyyin after the death of the Prophet Later he was sent by Abu Bakr to San'a in order to help the Abna' in their fight against the unbelievers." Not much is known about al-Zubayr b. Abi Hala, Sayf b. 'Umar used to transmit his traditions. Ibn Manda reported his tradition saying that the Prophet killed a detained Qurashite and stated: ''Nevermore should a detained (or imprisoned - K) man from Quraysh be killed,'?' It is obvious that the traditions concerning the two husbands of Khadija to whom she was married prior to her marriage to the Prophet are obscure, confused and very often contradictory. The reports about the children borne by Khadija to these two husbands are 28 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, aI-lsti'ab. II, 775,no. 1297. 29 Al-I$aba,m, 515,no. 3258. 30 Al-Tabari, Ta'rikh al-rusui wa-l-muIUk, ed. Muhammad Abii l-Fadl Ibrahim, Cairo 1969,III, 228, 230, 318,320-321,328. 31 Ibn l:Iajar, al-Isaba; II, 558, no. im; and see Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-ghiiba tt mariiaii l-sahiiba; n.p., 1280 (repr, Tehran), II, 199inf~ and see this tradition with a significant phrase added: "Nevermore should a detained man from Quraysh be killed except the murderer of 'Uthman, you ought to kill him; but if they do not do it, then tell them that they will be slaughtered as a ewe is slaughtered," in Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kiimil [i 4u'ala'i i-rijaI, Beirut 1405/1985,VI, 2361 66 Kister: Sons of Khadija blurred; there is hardly any agreement among the genealogists and the transmitters of haditb as to the details of the stories. Only a few of the persons mentioned in the reports lived until the advent of Islam, and we are told that even those few died or were killed and that their progeny ceased to exist It is noteworthy, however, that the settings of the stories about the two husbands possibly reflect the situation in Mecca. It is plausible that Khadija married a man from the aristocratic clan of Makhziim, in accordance with her position and wealth; but it is equally plausible that she married a Bedouin immigrant to Mecca., as this was a common custom in Meccan society. In this way the Meccan clans tried to strengthen their ties with the Bedouin tribes and to secure the commercial activities of the Meccan families. n The traditions concerning the Prophet's age when he married Khadija are divergent and confused. Many traditions report that he married her at the age of twenty-five, and that Khadija was then forty years 0ld32 Some sources record the tradition transmitted on the authority of Hakim b. Hizam, which confirms the data mentioned above: Khadija was born fifteen years before the Year of the Elephant; Hakim was born thirteen years before the Year of the Elephant; she was thus two years older than Hakim, and he could easily have established her age as forty. The Prophet, born in the Year of the Elephant, was thus twenty-five years old at the time of their marriage. 33 32 Al-Dimyati, al-Mukhiasar Ii sirati l-nabiyyi Cs), MS. Chester Beatty 3332,foL lOb; al-Mutahhar h Tahir, Kitah al-bad' wo-l-tdrikh; ed. ct. Huart, Paris 1916, V, 10; al-Majlisi, Bil)iJr al-anwiir, XVI, 19; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya wa-l-nihaya; V, 193!oo the authority of Hakim h l;Iizam); Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiu VIII, 15 (on the authority of Haklrn h l;Iizam);. al-Baladhurf, Ansah al-ashrii], ed. Mohammad Hamidullah, Cairo 1959,I, 98 (with the remark: "this is the accepted opinion of the scholars"). 33 See Ibn Nasir aI-Din, Jami' al-iJJhlJr, fol. 250a (quoted on the authority of Miisii b. 'Uqba and traced back to Haklm b, Hizam); aI-Majlisi, BiI)lu al-anwiir, XVI, 12; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiu, VIII, 17; and see H. Lammens, "L'Age de Mahomet et Ia Chronologie de la Sira," Journal Asiatique, XVII (1911)2()<}-150; and see the Kister: Sons of Khadija 67 Ibn Qutayba'" only records the age of Muhammad when he married Khadija: He was twenty-five years 0ld3s An additional detail in connection with the date of his marriage is given by Ibn Qutayba" in a tradition saying that the Prophet went to Syria with the merchandise of Khadija when he was twenty-five years old; he married Khadi ja two months after his return. A corresponding tradition is recorded in the Sira aJ-halabiyya;37 He was twenty-five years old; some say twenty-five, two months and ten days; others say: and fifteen , days. Mughultay, in his aJ-Zahr ai-basim Ii sirat abi l-qasim,38 is even more precise in a tradition recorded on the authority of Abu 'Umar (i.e. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr); The Prophet married Khadija two months and fifteen days after his return from Syria, at the end of Safar in the year twenty-six, which corresponds to twenty-five years, two months and ten days after the Day of the Elephant The tradition of Ibn 'Abd al-Barr is recorded in Ibn Nasir aI-Din's Jam;' aJ-iithilr.39 Mughultay mentions a tradition from Ibn 'Asakir saying that the Prophet returned with Maysara from Syria on the fourteenth night from the end of Dhii l-Hijja in the year twenty-five counting from the Day of the Elephant 40 Niir al-Din al-Haythami records a tradition saying that the Prophet married Khadija at the age of twenty-five, and supplies 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 detailed study by Lawrence I. Conrad, "Abraha and Muhammad: some observations apropos of chronology and literary topoi in the early Arabic historical tradition," BSOAS L (1987),225-240. AJ-Ma'arif, ed. Tharwat 'Ukasha, Cairo 1969,p. 131 And so: al-Majlisi, Biblu, XVI, 10 on the authority of 'Amr b. 'Ala; Ibn Hazm, Jawarnl ol-sira; p. 31 P.15O. I, 154. MS. Leiden, Or. 370, foL 93a. MS. Cambridge, Or. 913, fol. 250a. And see Ibn 'Abd al-Barr's tradition: al-Zurqani, Sharh al-mawahib ol-laduniyya; I, 199. See this tradition: al-Maqrizi, Imt(/ al-asmd bimlJ li-l-rasidi miTUJl-anba' wa-l-amwill wa-l-haiadou wa-l-mata', ed. Mahmiid Muhammad Shakir, Cairo 1941,I, 9. 68 Kister: Sons of Khadija another detail: Quraysh were then building the Ka'ba 41A contradictory tradition says that the Ka'ba was being built by Quraysh when the Prophet was thirty-five years old 42 However, al-Majlisi records yet another tradition in which the building of the Ka'ba by Quraysh is coupled with the date of Fatima's birth and the date of the Revelation granted to the Prophet 43 Some traditions about the age of the Prophet when he married Khadija are diverse: According to a report traced back to al-Zuhri, the Prophet was twenty-one years old when he married her.44 Another tradition says that he was twenty-three years old at the time," A tradition recorded on the authority of Ibn Jurayj says that he married her when he was thirty-seven years old 46 Other traditions give the age of the Prophet at his marriage as thirty'? or twenty-nine," The traditions recording the age of Khadija when she married the Prophet are likewise contradictory and blurred. The tradition based on the report that Khadija was born fifteen years before the Year of 41 Majma' al-zawii'id, IX, 219; the same tradition is quoted in Ibn Kathir's al-Bidiiya wa-l-nihaya; V, 293; al-Mutawwa'I, Man sabara zafira; MS. Cambridge, Or. 1473 (10),foL 38a. 42 A1-Majlisi, Bihiu aI-anwar, XVI, 7. 43 A1-Majlisi, Bi/JiJr,XVI, n. 44 Al-Zurqani, Sharh. al-mawahib, I, 199, III, 220 (and see the refutation of this report: al-Zurqani, ibid III, 227); 'Abd ai-Malik b. Husayn al-Tsaml, Simi aI-nujUin aI-'awiiJi, Cairo 1380, I, 365; al-Maqrizi, 1m/a', 1,9; al-Suhayli, ol-Raud al-unui, II, 246; al-Haythami, Majmd aI-zawa'id, IX, 219; al-Muhibb al-Tabarl, aI-Simt al-thamin; p. 14; Ibn Kathir, ol-Bidiiya wa-l-nihiiya, V, 293. 45 Muhammad b. Habib, ai-Muhabbar. p. 78; al-Baladhuri, Ansah aI-ashral, I, 98; al-Maqrizi, 1m/a', I, 9. 46 Al-Zurqanl, Sham al-mawahib, I, 199; al-Maqrizi, Imtis", I, 9; Mughultay, al-Zahr al-biisim; fol. 93a; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidiiya; V, 293; Ibn Nasir ai-Din, Jaml aI-1JJhiu,foL 25Oa. 47 Al-Muhibb al-Tabari, al-Sim; al-thamin; p. 14; Ibn N~ al-Din, Jaml aI-1JJhiu, fol. 25Oa; al-Zurqani, Shark al-mawahib, II, 199, III, 220, 227; al-S3liI:li,Subulu l-huda wa-l-rashad fi siraii khayri l-'ibad, ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-WaI.tid.Cairo 139411974, n. 225; al-Suhayli, al-Raud n 246. 48 Mughultay, al-Zahr al-basim; fol. 93a (nearing thirty}, aI-Maqrizi, Imtd, I, 9 (nearing thirty); al-Zurqani, Sharb aI-mawiihib, 1,199; al-S3liI:li,Subul al-huda; Il, 225 (nearing thirty). Kister: Sons of Khadija 69 the Elephant, that the Prophet was born in the Year of the Elephant and that he married her when he was twenty-five years. old and she forty is, of course, consistent in itself, and adapted to the widely circulated data about the birth and death of the Prophet Divergent traditions say that Khadija was forty-five years old when she married him.49 Other reports relate that she was thirty years oldsO A tradition, traced back in some sources to Ibn (Abbas, states that she married the Prophet when she was twenty-eight years old," There are isolated traditions saying that she was thirty-five or twenty-five years old when she married the Prophet," All these traditions should be taken into consideration in evaluating the reports about the children Khadija bore the Prophet Scholars of haditb and sira are unanimous as to the number of female children borne by Khadija to the Prophet She bore him four daughters, all of whom were still young at the advent of Islam and embraced the new faith. All of them married, but only three bore children. Their progeny died, except for that of Fatima; they are the descendants of al-Hasan and al-Husayn, the sons of Fatima Scholars, however, are at odds as to the number of male children borne to the 49 Ibn Kathir, ai-Bidiiya; V, 293 (on the authority of al-Wiiqidi); Mughultay, al-Zahr al-biisim; fol 93a; Ibn N~ir al-Din, Jam'" al-iUhiir, fol 250a; Ibn 'Asiikir, Ta'rikh Dimashq (tahdhib), ed. 'Abd al-Qadir Badriin, Beirut 1399/1970, I, 302-303 (on the authority of al-Wiiqidi: forty-four years old); al-Zurqiini, Sharh al-mawllhib, I, 199 (on the authority of Ibn Sa'd), III, 220; al-Halabi, Sira; 1,156. 50 Al-Zurqani, Sharh al-mawilhib, I, 200, III, 220; Ibn N3$ir al-Din, Jami' al-llthllr, fol 250a; Ibn 'Asiikir, Ta'rikh (tahdhib) I, 302; al-$iilibi, Subul al-hudll, II, 225; al-l;Ialabi, Sira; I, 156. 51 Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya; V, 293; al-Zurqiini, Sharb al-mawahib, I, 200, III, 220; Mughultay, al-Zahr ai-basim; fol 93a; Ibn N3$ir al-Din, Jam'" al-llthiir, fol 250a (on the authority of Ibn Sa'd~ al-$iilibi, Subul, II, 225; Ibn 'Asiikir, Ta'rikh (tahdhib), I, 302 (on the authority of Ibn al-Kalbi); al-l:lalabi, Sira; I, 156; al-l:liikim, al-Mustadrak; Hyderabad (repr, Riyiid), III, 182; Muhammad b. Habib, al-Mul)obbar, P. 78; al-MajJ.isi,Bihlu al-anwlu, XVI, 12 52 Al-l;Ialabi, Sira; I, 156. 70 Kister: Sons of Khadlja Prophet by Khadija," The various traditions about the male children of Khadija are examined in the following lines. A significant report formulated concisely and recorded in an early source says that the Prophet began to practice tahannutb after some of his female children were born, Khadija bore him al-Qasim; some scholars claim that she also bore him another male child called al- Tahir, but other scholars say that she bore only one son, al-Qasim/" Al-Zurqani quotes the tradition saying that Khadija bore the Prophet only one son, al-Qasim, but provides us with a comprehensive review of other traditions which record various numbers for the male children whom Khadija bore the Prophet According to some of these traditions, Khadija bore the Prophet thirteen children," According to a tradition recorded by Ibn Ishaq, the male children of the Prophet were born before the Call; they were al-Qasim, al-Tahir and al-Tayyib, The Prophet's agnomen tkunya) was Abu l-Qasim, All the male children of the Prophet died before the advent of Islam (i.e. before the Call). Some traditions stress that they died while suckling," 53 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, V, 321, no. 9718 ( ... wa-la-qad zdama bddu I-'ulamll annahii waladat lahu ghuliiman akhara yusamma al-tahir; wa-qda ba'4uhum: mij ndlamuha waladat lahu ilia l-qasim ... ). 54 See the tradition quoted from Ibn IsQaq'sal-Mubtadd stating that Khadija bore the Prophet only one son, named al-Qasim: Mughultay, al-Zahr al-basim; foL 94b: ... wa-it l-mubtada'i 'ani bni ishaqa: za'ama ba'4u I-'ulamlli anna khadijata (r) lam talid li-l-nabiyy! (s) mina l-dlwkUri ilia l-qasima; wa-hM.hil la shay'a. 55 Al-Zurqiini, Sharb al-mawahib, III, 193-194; see the tradition of the one child, al-Qasim, pp. 193, L 2 and 194, L 11:wa-tahsulu min jami'i l-aqwaJi thamaniyaiu dhukiain: ithnllni muuafaqun 'alayhima, al-qasimu wa-ibrahlmu wa-sittaiun mukhialatun fihim ... 56 Ibn Ishaq, al-Siyar wa-l-maghazl, pp. 82, 245; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidiiya wa-l-nihaya; V, 293; SulaymfuJb. Miisii al-Kalii'i, al-Iktifa' fi maghazi rasidi llllhi wa-l-thaliuhaii l-kJuJafa', ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wal).id, Cairo 138711968, I, 199 (on the authority of Ibn IsQaq}, l-Isaml, Simi aJ-fUljUm, , 406; Ibn 'Asakir, a I Ta'rikh Dimashq (tahdhlb), ed. 'Abd al-Qiidir Badran, Beirut 139911979, I, 302, ult.; Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, 'Uyu.n al-athar, II, 288 and ibid. this tradition recorded on the authority of Ibn Isbiiq; and see 'Abdallah b. Abi Zayd al-Qayrawanl, Kitiib aJ-jaml, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Ajfiin and 'Uthman Binikh. Beirut-Tunis Kister: Sons of Khadija 71 According to the tradition of al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Khadija bore the Prophet only two male children: al-Qasim and 'Abdallah; 'Abdallah was also called al-'Tayyib and al-'Tahir. 'Abdallah was born after the Call and died as a small child. The first child of the Prophet who died was al-Qasim; the second was 'Abdallah," Some scholars identified al- Tahir with another child, named al-Mutahhar, alleged to have been the son of Khadija and the Prophet. They argued that al-Tahir was the name given to a child whom Khadija bore to a previous husband. However, this argument is rejected on the grounds that Khadija could not have given the same name to a child of a previous husband and a child of the Prophet" According to a tradition traced back to al-Zuhri she bore the Prophet only two children: al-Qasim and 'Abdallah," Other traditions say that the two male children borne by Khadija were named 1402/1982, pp. 128 ult-129, l 1; and see al-Zurqiini, Sharh al-mawiihib, III, 194, I. 7: ... wa-qala bnu isbaqa fi l-siraii 'inda dhikri tazawwu]i l-mustafi: khadi jata: kulluhum ghayra ibrahima wuIida qabla l-islluni. wa-m1Jtal-banUna qabla l-islluni wa-hum yarta4tfm ... 57 Ibn Kathir. al-Bidiiya; V, 307; Ibn l:Iajar al-iAsqalani, al-Isaba; IlL 549 (al-Zubayr b. Bakklir on the authority of Musab, and see ibid another tradition transmitted on the authority of al-Zuhri); Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiu, VIII, 16; al-Kazariinl, al-Sira al-nabawiyya; MS. Br. Mus., Add. 18499, fol. 83a-b; al-Kala'I, al-Iktita', L 199 penult, (on the authority of al-Zubayr b. Bakkar); al-Zurqiini, Sharb al-mawiihib, IlL 193;Ibn 'Aslikir, Ta'rikh Dimashq (tahdhib). L 293; Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, 'UyiUI al-aihar, IL 288 (two traditions); Muhammad b. l:Iabib, al-Muha/Jbar,p. 78; Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamharat al-nasab, MS. Br. Mus.,Add. 23297, fol. 9a; al-Dimyati, al-Mukhiasar [i sirati I-nabiyyi ($), MS. Chester Beatty 3332, fol. 14a (a tradition of al-Kalbi traced back to Ibn 'Abbas as in al-Nuwayri, Nihaya: al-arab [i luniln al-adab, Cairo 1964, XVIII, 208 on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas: the first child born before the Call was al-Qlisim, who was followed by the four daughters. In the end Khadija bore the Prophet a male child named 'Abdallah who was also called al-Tayyib and al-Tahir, but some scholars assume that 'Abdallah is not to be identified with al-Tayyib and al-Tahir, and that they are two additional children). 58 Ibn Hajar, al-I$1Jba, I, 262; al-Zurqiini, Sharh al-mawiihib,III, 193info V 59 Ibn Hajar, al-lsaba; IlL 549; cf. al-Dimyati, al-Mukhta$ar, fol 14a; Ibn N~ al-Din, Jami' al-iUhiJr fol, 250b (on the authority of Hishlim b. 'Urwa and another tradition on the authority of Ibn 'Ahhii") 72 Kister: Sons of Khadija al-Qasim and al- Tahir.60 A peculiar tradition is recorded on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas: Khadija bore the Prophet a child named 'Abdallah. Then there was a period during which Khadija ceased bearing children, One day during that period the Prophet met al-'& b. Wa'il, who mockingly called him al-abtar, and then the sura: al-kauthar was revealed. Later Khadija bore the Prophet Zaynab, Ruqayya, al-Qasim, al-Tahir, al-Mutahhar, al- Tayyib, al-Mutayyab, Umm Kulthiim and Fatima," The number of male children borne to Muhammad by Khadija according to this list was six; the number of female children was, as mentioned, four. Thus Khadija bore the Prophet ten children, A tradition transmitted by Ibn Lahi'a records four male children: al-Qasim, al- Tahir, al- Tayyib and 'Abdallah'" Noteworthy is a report which shortens the period in which Khadija bore children: al-Tayyib and al-Mutayyab were twins; al- Tahir and al-Mutahhar were also twins.63 A curious tradition is recorded in Ibn Nasir al-Din's Jami' ai-athar.64 Khadija, says the tradition, bore the Prophet four male children: al-Qasim, al- Tahir, Ibrahim and al- Tayyib, This tradition was nevertheless rejected by the scholars and considered erroneous, as Ibrahim was borne by the slave girl Mariya, not by Khadija. It is noteworthy that a very late compiler of a maulid commentary records an early tradition, according to which Khadija bore the Prophet only one male child, al-Qasim, while the scholars are 60 Abu I-Husayn Ahmad b. Faris, Aujazu l-siyar li-khayri l-bashar, Cairo 1359/1940,p. 9; Ya'qiib b. Sufyan al-Fasawi, aJ-Ma'rila wo-l-tarikh; ed. A.kram I;>iya'al-Umarl, Beirut 140111981, 'lfj9 inf.-270. II, 61 Ibn Kathir, ol-Bidiiya, V, m; Ibn 'Asiikir, Ta'rikh Dimashq;I, 294. 62 Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya; V, 307; Ibn Nasir aI-Din, Jamr al-iuhar, fol. 251a; al-Zurqanl, SharlJ,aJ-mawahib,III, 191 63 Mughultay, al-Zahr al-basim; fol. 94b; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya; V, 308; Ibn 'Asiikir, Ta'rikh, I, 294; Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, 'Uyful al-athar, II, 288; Ibn Hajar, al-Lsaba; VI, 262; al-Zurqani, Sharb al-mawahib, III, 193; al-'I$iimi, Simi al-nujiim; I, 406; 'Ali b. Burhan al-Din al-Halabl, Insim al-'uyful Ii sirati l-amini I-ma'miin (= ai-Sira aJ-/Jalabiyya),Cairo 1382/1962,III, 345; Ibn Niisir al-Din, Jarnl aJ-lIthiu,foL 25la 64 FoL 25la Kister: Sons of Khadija 73 at variance as to whether she bore him another child. 'Abdallah," ill A remarkable tradition concerning Khadija's male children born to the Prophet reports that Khadija bore the Prophet two children: 'Abd al-'Uzza and 'Abd Manaf. This tradition was transmitted by al-Haytham b. 'Adiyy (d. 206 A.H.) on the authority of Hisham b. 'Urwa (d, 146 All) and traced back to his father 'Urwa,66 Ibn Nasir al-Din mentions another tradition quoted from a book by Abii 'Ubayda Ma'mar b. al-Muthanna (d 209 All, evidently from his Azwaju i-nabiyyi ts); mentioned fol. 251b), stating that in the period of the Jahiliyya Khadija bore the Prophet four children: al-Qasim, 'Abd Manaf, al-Tayyib (= 'Abdallah) and al-Tahir, This brings the number of children borne to the Prophet by Khadija to eight: four male and four female children. Abii 'Ubayda argues that 'Abd Manaf was born during the period of the Jahiliyya; had he been born during the period of Islam he would not have been called 'Abd Manaf, says Abii 'Ubayda, as stated in the summary of Ibn Nasir al-Din.67 It is indeed fortunate that Abii 'Ubayda's T asmiyatu azwaji i-nabiyyi ts) wa-auladihi is extant, and was edited by Nihad Miisii..68 Abii 'Ubayda's report in this treatise differs in an essential detail from 65 Muhammad Nawawi b. 'Umar al-Jawl, Tar ghib al-mushtiiqin li-bayiini manziimati l-sayyidi l-barzanji zayni l-'abidin, Cairo, n.d.,p. 24: ... wa- jumlatu auladihi $alla llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam sab'atun: thaliithatu dhukilrin wa-arbdu iniuhin; lakin wabidun mukhtalaiun [ihi; [a-l-dhukkr» l-qasimu wa-ibriihimu; wa-hadhan! muuajaqun 'alayhima, wa-'abdu llahi wa-hluiha mukhtalafun fi hi; wa-yuqalu lahu ai-tay yibu wa-I-rahiru; wa-l+qaulu t-athbatu wuiiiduhu; wa-summiya 'abdu llahi bi-I-rayyibi wa-l-tahiri li-annahu wulida bdda l-nubuwwati ... 66 Al-Zurqanl, Sham al-mawahib, III, 193 inf.-194 sup.; Ibn Nasir al-Din, Jami' al-iuhar, foL 252a; al-Tsaml, Simt al-nujism al-'awali, I, 408; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya; V, '!JJ7,308; Ibn I:Iajar al-'AsqaIani, Lisan al-mizlin, Hyderabad 1331, VI, 210,no. 740. 67 And see an anonymous tradition recorded in al-Halabfs Sira; III, 345 ult., saying that a child born to the Prophet before the Call was named 'Abd ManM. 68 Majallat mdhad al-makh{iUiital-'arabiyya, XIII (1967),244-279. 74 Kister: Sons of Khadija the summary provided by Ibn Nasir al-Din; al-Qasim, says the report, was born during the period of Islam. The four daughters were born during the period of the Jahiliyya, The three male children of the Prophet borne by Khadija, 'Abd Manaf, al-Tayyib (= 'Abdallah) and al- Tahir, were also born in the period of the Jahiliyya,69 The arguments Abu 'Ubayda uses to support his chronology of the births of Khadija's children are instructive, and help us to understand the ideological basis of his treatise. The Prophet, says Abu 'Ubayda, gave his daughter Zaynab in marriage to Abu l-'As b. al-Rabi', When she converted to Islam, the Prophet prohibited her from staying with Abu l-'As, who remained an unbeliever, but when Abu l-'As later embraced Islam, the Prophet authorized their bond on the basis of the previously concluded Jahili marriage. The same applies to the marriages concluded between Ruqayya and Urnm Kulthiim with Abu Lahab's sons 'Utba and 'Utayba respectively, with the approval and blessing of the Prophet As for 'Abd Maniif, he was born during the period of the Jahiliyya; had he been born during the period of Islam the Prophet would not have given him this name. Further evidence that the male children of the Prophet borne by Khadija lived and died during the period of the Jahiliyya is adduced by Abu 'Ubayda, who cites the tradition about Khadija's conversation with the Prophet as to the fate of their deceased infants. The Prophet assured her that their infants were in Paradise, but added that the children borne by her to her former husbands, the unbelievers, were placed in He1l70 This had/til, argues Abu 'Ubayda, indicates that the male children of the Prophet, except al-Qasim, were born and died during the period of the Jahiliyya; had they died during the period of Islam, Khadija would not have enquired about their fate," It is evident that the problem touched upon in Khadija's conversation with the Prophet is the fate in the hereafter of children of believers, in contradistinction to the fate of children of unbelievers. The story about Khadija's grief at the death of al- Tahir also belongs 69 Tasmiya; pp, 248, ll, 1-2, 12-14, 249, ll, 1-12 70 See this tradition: Ibn Nasir al-Din, Ja,nl ai-iuhar, fol 25lb. 71 P.249. Kister: Sons of Khadija 75 here. The Prophet consoled her, promising that after her death al- Tahir would welcome her at the gates of Pamdise.72 The essential question at issue, however, is whether the Prophet was granted infallibility before the Revelation, whether he was cleansed from the impurity of idol worship and of close contacts with unbelievers (kuffiir or mushrikun), and whether, prior to the Call. he refrained from committing deeds which might have been considered adherence to the customs or practices of the unbelievers. It is thus remarkable that the story of the Prophet's daughters who were married to unbelievers with the approval of the Prophet (a story adduced by Abu 'Ubayda as evidence for the validity of the tradition about the Prophet's child being named 'Abel Manat) is quoted and explicated by Ibn Qutayba (d. 276 A.H.) in his T awil mukhtaJif al-hadith'? as proof that the Prophet believed in God and yielded to His injunctions and commands. The Prophet gave his daughters in marriage to unbelievers because this had not been forbidden at that time according to God's injunctions, shard i'l" It was Ibn Qutayba's aim to prove that the Prophet acted in accordance with God's commands as revealed to former prophets, and to explain that the tradition about the Prophet's adherence to the tenets and beliefs of his people, kana 'alii dini qaumihi; means in fact that the Prophet followed his people, Quraysh, who adhered to certain beliefs, tenets and injunctions of the "Faith of Ishmael," din ismdil. Several of these practices were closely observed by the people of the Prophet, Quraysh," Bihar al-anwar, XVI, 16; and see ibid .• p. 15, a similar tradition on the consolation of Khadija after the death of al-Qssim; the Prophet promised her that al-Qasim would welcome her after her death at the gates of Paradise. 73 Cairo 1326, 134-139. 74 See p. 139. 75 See e.g. al-Suyutl, al-Rasaila His', Beirut, 1405/1985 (Masalik al-hunafi: [i walidayi l-mustafa salla llahu 'alayhi wa-iilihi wa-sallama); p. 49: ... [a-hasala mimma auradnahu anna ab1J'al-nabiyyi salla lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallama min 'ahdi ibriihima ila kabi bni lu'ayyin kanu kulluhum 'ala din: ibriihima 'alayhi l-saliimu, wa-waladuhu murratu bnu kdbin al-"fiihiruannahu kana ka-dhldika Li-anna abahu ausiihu bi-l-imani, wa-baqiya baynahu wa-bayna 'abdi l-muttalib arbdaiu aba' ... ; and see ibid .• p. 47: ... wa-qad akhraja ibnu 72 Al-Majlisi, 76 Kister: Sons of Khadija This subject was discussed comprehensively by Muslim scholars. Ibn Hazm, for example, concludes his lengthy analysis by stating that the prophets could not have committed any sin or perpetrated any transgression before they were granted prophethood: ... ta-bt-yaqinin nadri anna llaha ta'aJa 'asamahum qabla l-nubuwwati min kulli mil yudhauna bihi bdda l-nubuwwaii ... 76 The problem of the Prophet's infallibility is discussed at length in al-Khafaji's commentary Nasim ai-riyad sharb shifa'i l-qQ.4i 'iyQ.4:77 The Prophet, like other prophets, was protected from any sin whatsoever both before and after being granted prophethood. The tradition saying that the Prophet adhered to the tenets of his people for forty years, kana 'ala amri qaumihi arbdina sanatan, does not indicate that he had no knowledge of belief in God; he merely lacked knowledge of God's ordinances and precepts, the taraid. which were granted him after the Revelation. The opinion of al-Kalbi and al-Suddi, who interpreted the words wa-wajadaka dalton; "and He found you erring" literally as denoting unbelief, kutr, "and God found you as an unbeliever" (scil, amongst the unbelieving people - K.) conflicts with the consensus of the community; it is inconceivable that such an accusation of shirk could be levelled against the Prophet 78 The same opinion appears in al-Mawardi's A'lam aJ-nubUWWa.79 The Prophet did not worship idols, and he distinguished himself by his noble character, his belief in the unity of God and his high moral qualities and ethical principles. Scholars disagreed as to which faith. religious law of God, shari'a the Prophet followed before he was granted the Revelation: the shari'a of Abraham, of Moses or of Jesus," 76 77 78 79 80 habiba [i ta'rikhihi 'ani bni 'abbiisin qiila: kana 'adniinu wa-mo'addun wa-rabi'atu wa-mudaru wa-khuzaymatu wa-asluhu (?) 'ala millati ibrahima 'alayhi l-saliimu la-Ia tadhkuriihum. ilia bi-khayrin ... Ibn Hazm, ai-Fisal [i l-milal wa-I-ahwa'i wa-l-nihai, Cairo, n.d.,IV, 55. Cairo 1327,repr. aI-Madina, IV, 48 seq. Ibid., p. SO. Beirut, n.d.,pp.221-221 And see about his purification from idolatry, ibid., p. 224, inf.; and see the discussion as to the nature of the shari'a followed by the Prophet before the Revelation: Mughultay, al-Zahr al-basim fol. llOa-llOb; and see the lengthy discussionof this subject al-Zurqani, Sharn al-mawahib; VII, 239-242 Kister: Sons of Khadija 77 Muslim scholars have tried to justify the attendance of the Prophet at certain ritual celebrations of the unbelievers in their places of worship. A tradition transmitted by 'Othman b. Am Shayba (d, 235 A.H.), and traced back to the Companion Jabir b. 'Abdallah, records such an event: the Prophet, says the report, used to visit the places of celebration of the unbelievers, kana rasidu llahi is) yashhadu mda l-mushrikina mashahidahum: Once he heard an angel behind him saying to another angel: "Let us go and stand behind the Prophet" The second angel answered: ''How can we stand behind him, when it was his desire to attend the stroking of the idols?' tkayt« naqiunu khaltahu wa-innama 'ahduhu bi-sttlam: l-asnami qablu). The Prophet indeed never again attended the ritual practices of the unbelievers," It is the usual method of the Muslim scholars to reject controversial traditions of this kind by censuring some of the transmitters as "weak," "unreliable" or "neglected," and by appropriate explication and interpretation of the tradition itself. In the case of the tradition mentioned above, the editor quotes the opinions of the orthodox scholars denouncing the transmitter 'Uthman b. Abi Shayba. As for the content, the scholars explain that the Prophet aimed by his attendance at the ritual practices of the unbelievers to reproach them for these practices. Such was also the approach of the authors of the compendia of haditn and the authors of the sira in their assessment of the tradition of al-Haytham b. 'Adiyy. The isnad given in Ibn Nasir al-Din's Jami' aI-athilr ending with 'Urwa is extended in Ibn Kathir's al-Bidaya V, 307 to the first transmitter, Sa'id b. al-Musayyib (d. 94 A.H.), who transmitted traditions and utterances of the Prophet and of the companions of the Prophet and reported about their lives and their political activities," Al-Haytham's tradition about the sons of the Prophet allegedly named 'Abd al-Tlzza and 'Abd Manaf is completely rejected by the orthodox scholars of Islam. He is described as a liar, and the traditions 81 Abu Ya'la, Musnad, ed. Husayn Salim Asad, Beirut, 1404/1984, n, 398, no. 1877; and see this tradition: Niir al-Dln al-Haythaml, Majmd al-zawllid, vm, 226. 82 See e.g. Ibn Hajar al-'AsqaIani, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, Hyderabad 1325, IV, 84, no. 145. 78 Kister: Sons of Khadija transmitted by him are described as reprehensible," It is impossible, says a comment on the tradition of the pagan names of the two children, that a deed of this kind could have been done by the Prophet," Al-Zurqani records the opinions of the scholars of haditb stating that none of the reliable transmitters (thiqiu) related the tradition of al-Haytham on the authority of Hisham b. 'Urwa," The opinion of Qutb aI-Din al-Halabi as recorded in his al=Maurid al-iadhb is that nobody is permitted to say that the Prophet called his children by these two names. There is, however, a certain reservation in the words of Qutb al-Din; If this in fact happened (ie, if the two children were really named 'Abd al-Uzza and 'Abd Mana! - K), it might have been done by one of Khadija's relatives; the Prophet might then have changed them (i.e, into Muslim names - K.). Further, Qutb al-Din conjectures that if this happened, it was because the Prophet was assiduously engaged in the worship of God so that the information about the names did not reach him; in addition, the life span of the two children thus named was very short Finally, he surmises that some of the Satans invented it in order to instill confusion in the hearts of the people of feeble faith..86 It was indeed a harmonizing solution to affirm the report that the two sons of the Prophet were named 'Abd al-'Uzza and 'Abd Manaf, and that these names were changed by the Prophet into al- Tahir and al- Tayyib," The full version of Haytham b. 'Adiyy's tradition contains an additional passage which reveals the essential differences of opinion and attitude between two centres of hadith: the Iraqi and the Medinan. The full version is recorded in Ibn Nasir al-Din's Jami' ai-athiu, in Ibn Kathir's al=Bidaya, in Zurqani's Sharb al-mawahib and in Ibn 83 See e.g. al-Dhahabi, Miziin al-itidiil, N, 324, no. 9311 84 Ibn Hajar, Lisan al-mizan; VI, 210 sup.; and see Ibn Nasir aI-Din, Jiimi' a/.-athiir, foL 252a 85 Sharb al-mawahib, III, 193penult 86 Al-Zurqani, Sharb al-mawahib, III, 194, sup; al-'I$iimi, Simi a/.-nujilm a/.-'awiili, 1, 408. 87 Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya; V, ?JJ7. Kister: Sons of Khadija 79 Hajar's Lisan al-mizan: But the tradition with full isnads is recorded in Abu l-Jahm al-'Ala b. Miisa's (d. 228 Ali) Juz'.ss Itis noteworthy that another MS. of this JUZ'89 was identified and perused by Suliman Bashear, who quoted this very tradition in his rook, Muqaddima ti l-tarikh aI-Qkhar.90 The passage contains a conversation between al-Haytham b. .Adiyy and Hisham b. 'Urwa concerning the tradition that Khadija bore the Prophet 'Abd al-Tlzza, 'Abd Manaf and al-Qasim, Al-Haytham questioned Hisham about the sons of the Prophet, al-Tayyib and ul-Tahir, and Hisham b. 'Urwa answered: "That is a lie which you, the people of Iraq, have invented; but our elders, ashyakhunll, said: 'Abd Ill-'Uzza, 'Abd Manaf and al-Qasim?" 'Urwa's answer clearly reflects the rift between the Medinan and Iraqi hadith scholars. The Medinan lind Syrian scholars accused the Iraqis of forging hadiths of sectarian inclinations, of spreading reports encouraging rebellions and inflating utterances and traditions." IV According to tradition, the children of Khadija died while she was still alive. She was consoled by the utterance of the Prophet that they were granted residence in Paradise. As to al-Qasim, who did not live to complete his suckling, the Prophet promised Khadija that he would be given a wet nurse in Paradise to complete his suckling," xx MS.Hebrew Univ~Ar. 8" 273, pp. 59-60. !l9 MS.Z8hiriyya, Majmil 83, fols. 2115. 90 Jerusalem 1984, p. 168, n. 60. 91 Abu 1-Jahm, J uz', P. 60. iya' l-'Umari, al-Najaf 1386/1967, p. 9-10: a p in the Year of the Elephant, forty years after, thirty years after or fifteen years before; and see the different dates recorded in Muhammad b. Siilim al-Himawi, Ta'rikh al-siilihi, MS. Br. Mus., Or. 6657, fol 13Oa; and see the various traditions: Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya; II, 262: ten years after the Year of the Elephant, twenty-three years after, thiny years after, forty years after and fifteen years before the Day of the Elephant (this tradition is marked as gharib, munkar and (ja'it); and see the various dates recorded in al-Bayjiiri's 82 Kister: Sons of Khadija Scholars of haditb and sira stress that the aim of the story of the miraculous salvation of Mecca was to herald the advent of the Prophet, and to emphasize the elevated position his people gained after humiliation during Abraha's expedition'?' Another crucial event mentioned in connection with the Prophet's birth was the Battle of Iabala. This battle was waged seventeen years before the birth of the Prophet; Islam began fifty-seven years after Iabala. Thus when 'Amir b. Tufayl, who was born on the Day of Jabala, came to visit the Prophet in the year of the Prophet's death he was eighty years old; the Prophet was then Hiuhiyatun 'ala mauiidi abi l-baraka: sayyidi ahmadi l-dardlr, Cairo 1294, pp, 44-45; aI-Sinjari, Manllil)u l-karam bi-akhbari maldeota wa-l-haram; MS. Leiden, Or. 7018, fol. 58a: born in the Year of the Elephant, or fifty days after the attack of the troops of the Elephant, or thirty years after the Year of the Elephant, or forty years after the Year of the Elephant Many traditions are recorded in Ibn N~ al-Din's Jami' al-iithiu, fols. 179b-180b:the Prophet was born in the Year of the Elephant, he received the Revelation forty years after the Elephant (The fight at - K.) 'Ukaz took place fifteen years after the Elephant and the Ka'ba was built twenty-five years after the Elephant; the Prophet was born thirty days after the Elephant, or fifty days, or fifty-five days, or two months and six days, or ten years; some say twenty years, some say twenty-three years, some say thirty years, some say that God sent the Prophet with his mission fifteen years after the Ka'ba was built, and thus there were seventy years between the Elephant and the mission (mab'aJh) of the Prophet; some say that he was born fifteen years before the Elephant, some say forty days or fifty days, some say thirty years before the Elephant, and finally, some say that there were ten years between the expedition of the Elephant and the mission, wa-bayna an buitha: See al-Bayhaqi, Dala'i/, I, 65: the Prophet was on the Day of 'Ukaz twenty years old; p. 67: the Ka'ba was built fifteen years after the Year of the Elephant and the Prophet received his revelation forty years after the Elephant According to another tradition, the Prophet received his mission fifteen years after the building of the Ka'ba, the mission of the Prophet, al-mab'ath; was seventy years after the Year of the Elephant; p. 68: the Prophet was born ten years after the Year of the Elephant 101 Al-Zurqanl, Sharb al-mawahib, I, 89: ... wa-qad kiinat h1uJhihi l-qissatu dallatan 'ala sharafi sayyidinii muhammadin wa-irhasan iahii ... wa-fzazan li-qaumihi ... ts) wa-tdsisan li-nubuwwaiihi Kister: Sons of Khadija 83 sixty-three years 01d102 The link between the date of the Prophet's birth and the Expedition of the Elephant is, however, denied by the Mu'tazila: God caused the miraculous event of Abraha's defeat for another prophet before Muhammad, such as Khalid h Sinful or Quss h sa'ida103 It is evident that the divergent and contradictory traditions give no clue as to the exact date of the Prophet's birth or of his marriage to Khadija, or the number of male children Khadija bore and their fate. Traditions about the death of Khadija link the time of the event with the time of the hijra of the Prophet to Medina She is said to have died three years before the hijra.104 Some sources record 102 Jarlr and Farazdaq, Naqlli4, ed. Bevan, pp. 230, 676, 790; and see Abu l-Baqa' Hibatullah, al-Manilqib al-mazyadiyya Ii akhbari i-mulUki l-asadiyya; MS. Br. Mus., Add 23296, foL 54b = ai-Manjjqib, ed. Siilil,1Miisii Dariidika and Muhammad 'Abd al-Qadir Khuraysat, 'Amman 1984, I, 191 ult.-I92, 1. 1: ... wa-qila inna yauma jabala kana qabia i-isiami bi-thiJIOlhina'iiman; wa-qila bi-arbdina ... ; and cf. al-Baladhuri, Ansah al-ashral, MS. Ashir Ef1 fol. 960a: ... wa-kanat [abalatu qabla maulidi i-nabiyy bi-sab'a 'ashrata sanatan; and see the detailed analysis of the Jabala tradition: Mughultay, al-Zahr al-basim, MS. Leiden, Or. 370, foL 130h 103 Al-Tabarsi, Majma' al-bayan [i tafsiri i-qur'an, XXx, 239: ... wa-kana hadha min a'?ami l-mujiziui i-qahirat wa-i-ayati i-bahirat [i dhiilika l-zamiin azharahu liahu ta'ala li-yadulla 'ala wujUbi mdrifauhi wa-lihi irhasun li-nubuwwaii nabiyyinii $alia llllhu 'alayhi wa-saliam li-annahu wulida [i dhalika i-'am; wa-qala qaumun mina i-mu'taziIaJiannahu klJna mu'jizatan li-nabiyyin mina i-anbiya'i [i dhalika i-zamiini wa-rubbama qalu huwa khiUidu bnu sinllnin . .. and see the cautiously formulated comment of 'AM al-Jabbar in his Mutashilbih al-qur'iin, ed. 'Adniin MuI,1ammad Zarziir, Cairo 1969, IL 700:.... [a-amma qauluhu ta'ala tarmihim bi-l)ijaratin min sijjil [a-innahu 'indanii ia budda min an yakiina dhalika mu'jizan li-ba'di i-anbiya'i [i dhiUika l-waqti li-anna [ihi 1UUJ.da 'adatin wa-dhalika ia yaiiau ilia Ii azmiini i-anbiya'i. 104 See e.g. al-Qayrawiini, Kitah al-jlunl, p. 131;Ibn Hazm, Jawlunl al-sira; p.31; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, Majma' al-zawa'id, IX, 219, ult, And see ibid an additional detail: she died in the seventh year of the Prophet's mission;and see al-'Isami, Simi al-nujiim; I, 367: she died three years before the hijra. Additional details: she lived with the Prophet for twenty-four years, five months and eight days, fifteen years of which preceded the Revelation; al-Mutahhar b. Tahir al-Maqdisi, Kitah al-bad' wo-i-tarikh; V, 11:she died 84 Kister: Sons of Khadija divergent and conflicting data about the death of Khadija. The traditions that she died three years before the hijra are contradicted by a tradition that she died two years before the hijra and by another that she died five years before the hijra.IOS Ibn Qutayba'P" provides us with two different details: she died three days after the death of Abu Talib, and the Prophet went out to al- Ta'if accompanied by Zayd b. Haritha three months after her death. Al-Zurqani records different traditions about the date of Khadija's death:"? she died three, four, five or six years before the hijra. She died in the same year in which Abu Talib died. Further, Zurqani stresses that some of the details concerning Khadija's age at her death are not congruent with the data about the age of the Prophet when he married her.IOS Al-Hakim, who records the tradition saying that she died three years before the hijra; mentions nevertheless another tradition which holds that she died one year before the hijra. Noteworthy is the comment of al-Hakim concerning the tradition that she died at the age of sixty-five: according to him, this is an odd tradition; in his opinion she did not reach the age of sixty.109 The two comments as to the incompatibility of the contradictory, divergent and equivocal traditions indicate that these 105 106 107 I~ 109 three years before the hijra: Two additional details are provided: she died after the Banii Hashim left the shib, three days after the death of Abii Talib, AI-SaI.il:Ii, ubuJ ol-hudii; II, 571 Additional details are given: she died on the S tenth of Ramadan, The date coincides with the tenth year of the mission of the Prophet, after the Banii Hashim left the shi'b; Ibn 'Asakir, T'a'rikh Dimashq (tahdhlb) I, 303 has a similar report He records, however, an additional detail: her death occurred two years after the Banii Hashim had left the shi'b; al-Maqrizi, [mtTl al-asmd, I, 29 records that she died three years before the hijra; and mentions that her death occurred eight months and twenty-one days after the Banii Hashim had left the shib. Ai-Ma'1JTif, p. 151 Shml;z ai-mawahib, III, 2Zfr-227. Shark ol-mawahib. III, 227: ... amma 'ala anna sinnahu il;zda wa-tishrkna au thaJ.lIJhUna fa-Ia yatr/atta in qllla inna mautahiJ sanaia 'ashrin mina l-bdthaii: Al-Hakim, ai-Mustadrak, III, 182:... 'an hishami bni 'urwata qala: tuwuifiya: khadi jatu bint u khuwaylidin wa-hiya bnatu khamsin wa-sittina sanatan; hlzdhlz qaulun shadhdhun, [a-inna lladhi 'indi annahii lam tablugh siuina sanoian: Kister: Sons of Khadija 85 stories have to be reassessed against the background of the possible activities of the Prophet and his position during the initial period of his marriage in Mecca. It is plausible that during the first years of his marriage the Prophet devoted himself to his commercial business and the management of his household. Tradition explicitly says that he started to practice tahannuih after the birth of some of his daughters, and that all his daughters were born before the Call and the Revelation. It was only during the second period of his stay in Mecca that Muhammad was granted prophethood and became conscious of his mission. During that period, when he was faced with opposition and stubborn resistance, Khadija became his devoted adherent and intrepid supporter. It is possible that the Prophet married her when he was twenty-five years old, loving her passionately.'" In all probability, Khadija was not forty years old, and could still have borne him four daughters and one or two sons. The tradition that she was twenty-eight years old when she married the Prophet seems to be the sound one. If this is the case, and if we further accept as sound the tradition that she lived with him for twenty-four years, then she must have died at the age of fifty-two; the Prophet was then forty-nine years old. The early tradition that Khadija bore the Prophet only one male child, al-Qasim, seems to be trustworthy; the infant died after a short time. It is possible that Khadija bore him another male child, 'Abdallah, but it is not likely that she bore him other male children, as reported in later equivocal and dubious traditions/" v The death of one or two sons of the Prophet is reflected in several traditions, and is echoed in the commentaries of the Qur'an, According to tradition, the first of the children of the Prophet who died was al-Qasim; afterwards 'Abdallah died. Then al-'A~ no ill (0$1. al-hamdu li-lliihi lladhi at'amani l-khamir wa-zawwajani khadijaia wa-kuniu lahiJ 'iishiqan: See e.g. al-I;Iakim, ai-Mustadrak., III, 182, inf; ... 'ani l-zuhri: qala rasUlu llllhi wa-albasani l-harir See the examination of the traditions about the children of the Prophet: A Sprenger. Das Leben und die Lehre des Mohammad. Berlin 1869, I, 188-206; W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad oJ Mecca, Oxford 1953, pp. 58-59. 86 Kister: Sons of Khadija b. Wa'il called the Prophet al-abtar. God responded in the siirat a/-kauthar, the "Sura of Abundance," in which he revealed the verse: inna shimi'aka huwa t-amar, "surely he who hates thee is the one cut off.'~12The widely diffused tradition saying that al-'~ b. Wa'il called the Prophet al-abtar after the death of 'Abdallah, or al-Qasim or 'Abdallah and al-Qasim is contradicted by a version of the tradition traced back to Ibn 'Abbas, which holds that after the birth of 'Abdallah, there was a period during which Khadija ceased bearing children. AI-'~ b. Wa'il then called the Prophet al-abtar, because people used to call a man whose wife ceased bearing children a/-abtar. Khadija afterwards bore him al-Qasim and his other childreu'" In all 112 Ibn al-Jauzi, al-Wafa bi-aqwaJi i-n-wstafa..p. 655. And see: Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, VII, 389; al-Suyiitl, al-Durr al-mamhia, VI, 404; al-Shaukanl, FaJn al-qadir, Cairo, repro Beirut, n.d., V, 503; 'AIxI al-Razzaq, Tafsir, MS. Dar al-kutub, Tafsir 242, fol. 301a; Yabya b. Salam al-Taymi, Tafsir, Mukhtasar Ibn Zamanin MS. Fas, Qar. 34, p. 399121; al-Kazariini, al-Sira; MS. Br. Mus.,Add 18499,fol. 83a; al-Tabari, Jaml al-bayan fi tafsiri l-qur'an (= Tafsir), Biilaq 1329,XXx, 212;Ibn IsI)aq,al-Siyar wa-l-maghazi, pp. 245, 271; al-'As b. wsu called him al=abt ar after the death of al-Qasim, and then the siira: al-kauthar was revealed; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiu, I, 133; al-Nuwayri, Nlhaya: at-arab. XVIII, ~ Abii Hayyan al-Jayyani, Tafsir al-bahr al-rrwJ;it,Cairo 1328, VIII, 520; Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rikk Dimashq (tahdhib), I, 293; Ibn Nasir al-Din, Jiimi' al-athiir, fol. 251a: the man who named the Prophet al-abtar after the death of al-Qasim was 'Amr b. al-'As, but other reports say that the man who insulted the Prophet was al-'As b. Wa'il; Muqatil, Taf sir, MS. Ahmet III, 74-2, foL 254a; Al-Wiibidi, Asbab al-nuziU, Cairo 1388/1968, pp, 306 inf.-307; al-Khazin, Lubab al-tawil [i ma'iini i-tanzii (= Tafsir); 1381, VII, 253; al-Baghawi, Ma'aJim al-tanzil (= Tafsir), on margin of al-Khazin, Tafsir, VII, 253; al-Fakhr al-Razi, al-Tafsir al-kabir, XXXII, 132:After the death of 'Abdallah, the son of the Prophet, al-'As b. Wa'il offended the Prophet, calling him al-abtar. the man who had become cut off, devoid of male progeny; and see al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, XX, 222; and see al-Katakanl, al-Burhan [i tafsiri l-qur'iin; ed. Mahmiid b. Ja'far al-Zarandi, Qumm 1394, IV, 515: at-shant' refers to 'Amr b. al-'As. And see about the slirat al-katuhar Harris Birkeland, The Lord Guideth; Studies on Primitive Islam; Oslo 1956,pp. 56-99. ll3 Al-Mu'afa b. Zakariyya al-Nahrawani l-Jarirl, al-Jallsu i-SaJi/J al-kafi wa-l-anisu i-nlI.$ihui-shafi, MS. Topkapi Saray, ill Ahmet, No. 2321.foL 217a; Ibn 'Aslikir, Tdrikk Dimashq; I, 294; al-Suyutl, al-Durr al-manthUr,VI, 404. Kister: Sons of Khadija 87 these traditions the enemy of the Prophet who is said to have insulted him was al-'~ h Wa'il There are, however, other traditions in which the word ai-shimi' is attributed to other persons. According to a report recorded by al-Fakhr al-Razi, the person who insulted the Prophet out of hatred after the death of the Prophet's son was Abu Jahl114 Other traditions say that the person who insulted the Prophet after the death of his son was Abu Lahah'" A conciliatory explanation is given by al-Halabi in his Sirct16 al-'~ and Abu Lahab were both named aJ-abtar because their sons had embraced Islam and they had become cut off from them; they are not considered to be "the children of Abu Lahab and al-'As," and are not permitted to receive the inheritance of their fathers. Several traditions do not link the verses of the sura with the death of the children of the Prophet,"? There are some other traditions saying that the verse inna shani'aka huwa l-abtar refers to the unbelievers who insulted the Prophet by calling him ai-abtar, thus referring to their assumption that he would not find adherents and helpers and would be cut off. This was denied by the sura, which assured him that God and Jibril would give him succour and help.118 According to a tradition recorded in Ibn 114 Al-Fakhr al-Razi, al-Tajsir al-kabir, XXXII, 133, 1ll-3; Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, VII. 390; and see al-Shaukani, Fatl) ai-qadir, V, 501 115 Ibn Kathir, Taisir, VII, 390. ll; and see al-Fakhr al-Razi, al-Tafsir aI-kabir. XXXII, 133 sup; Abii Lahab called the Prophet ol-abtar after the prediction about Abii Lahab's doom and perdition was declared in Siira CXI: tabbat yadii abi lahabin wa-tobba; and see the article by Uri Rubin, "Abu Lahab and siira ocr; BSOAS XLII (1979).13-28. 116 Al-Sira aI-l)alabiyya, m. 346. 117 See e.g. al-Fakhr al-Razi, ai-Tafsir aI-kabir. XXXII, 132 inf; Quraysh invited Ka'b b. al-Ashraf as arbiter and recounted the virtues by which they surpassed Muhammad; Ka'b confirmed their superiority in relation to Muhammad, a. al-Shaukanl, Fatl) al-qadlr, V. 504; al-Tabari, Tafsir, Xxx, 213; al-Khiizin, Tatsir, VII, 253; al-Baghawi, Tatsir, VII, 251 And see al-Fakhr al-Razi, ibid, for another tradition recorded on the authority of 'Ikrima and Shahr b. Haushab; the Prophet summoned Quraysh to embrace Islam; they refused, arguing that he had disobeyed his people and had become cut off from them 118 Al-Fakhr al-Razi, aI-Tatsir al-kobir, xxxn. 131 88 Kister: Sons of Khadija Kathir.'" al-Fakhr al-Razi,120 al-Tabaril" al-Jawr22 and al-Suyiiti,123 the word shimi' refers to 'Uqba b, Abi Mu'ayt, An odd tradition links the verse inna shani'aka huwa /-abtar with the person of Abu Jahl, but does not connect it with the death of the children of the Prophet Abu Jahl hated the Prophet and spoke about him with scorn. One day he asked his guests to accompany him to Muhammad's abode. When they reached the house of the Prophet, Abu Jahl summoned him to a wrestling contest which he hoped would expose the weakness of the Prophet The Prophet, however, succeeded in flinging Abu Jahl down and putting his leg on Abu JahI's chest.124 The story of the Prophet's wrestling with an adversary and defeating him is not unique; in the case of Rukana, the Prophet wrestled with him and flung him down to the ground, and Rukana became convinced of the prophethood of Muhammad and embraced 1slam12S It is evident that all these traditions refer to the Meccan period in the life of the Prophet, and it is thus plausible that the siirat ai-kauihar was regarded as Meccan There are, however, traditions which speak of this siira being revealed under quite different circumstances. A report recorded by al- Tabarani on the authority of Abu Ayyiib says that after the death of Ibrahim, the son of the Prophet, the unbelievers told each other joyously that the Prophet had become an abtar. The sisrat al-kauthar constituted a denial of this false claim.126 A tradition traced back to al-Suddi reports that when al-Qasim and 'Abdallah died in Mecca and Ibrahim in Medina, the unbelievers Ai-Tafsir aJ-kabir, xxxn m Tafsir, xxx, zn Marah labid, Cairo, n.d., II, 468. Ai-Durr aJ-manlhUr, VI, 404. AI-Fakhr a1-Razi, Tafsir, XXXII, 133; a1-Jiiwi,MarlJh labid, II, 468. A1-Fakhr remarks that the connection of the word shani' with Abu Jahl and the wrestling event is based on stories circulated by the qrL$oYll$. 125 See e.g. Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba; II, 497, no. 2691; and see the story of Rukfula in a1-Fiikihi, Tdrikk makka; MS. Leiden, Or. 463, fo1474b. 126 A1-Silaukiini,Fath aJ-qadir, Y, 504; a1-Suyiiti,aJ-Durr aJ-manlhUr, VI 403 info 120 121 122 123 124 119 Tafsir, VII, 389. Kister: Sons of Khadija 89 in Mecca said that the Prophet had become an abtar, a man bereft of progeny. The siaa: al-kauthar was a denial of this claim; in fact, the progeny of the unbelievers were cut off, while the progeny of the Prophet increased and grew abundantly,"? The "pseudo-historical background" of the tradition seems to indicate that after the death of Ibrahim in Medina (in the year 10 All.) there were quite strong groups of Qurashi opponents who expected the power of the nascent Islamic community in Medina to be shattered. But some traditions linking the revelation of siir at al-kauthar with the death of one or more sons of the Prophet are clearly anachronistic. To this group belongs the tradition reported on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas saying that when Ibrahim, the son of the Prophet, died, Abii Jahl joyously told his companions that Muhammad had been cut off from his progeny, butira muhammadun: Then God revealed the sisrat al-kautharli" The legendary character of this tradition is evident Abii Jahl was killed in the Battle of Badr in 2 AH., while Ibrahim died in the year 10 AR It is no wonder that the scholars of the Qur'an held different views as to whether the siira was revealed in Mecca or in Medina..129 A peculiar tradition, obviously Shi'i, on the authority of al-Hasan b. 'Ali, gives a significant background for the shani' verse of the siinu al-kauihar: the Prophet saw in a dream the Banii Umayya successively ascending his minbar; he was grieved by this vision, and then God revealed the siaa: al-kauthar. The word shimi' thus refers to the Banii Umayya. Al-Fakhr al-Razi remarks that the rule (mulk) of the Banii Umayya had indeed vanished and they had become cut off.l30 127 AI-Fakhr al-Razi, Taisir, XXXII, 133; cf. al-Qurtubl, Tajsir, xx, 222-223; and see the comments in al-Fadl b. al-Hasan al-Tabarsi's Jawami< aI-jarni' ti taisiri l-qur'ani I-majid, Tabriz 1379, pp. 553-554. 128 Abu H3yy8n. aI-Bahr aI-mu/.lit,VIII, 520; al-Shaukani, Fath d-qadir, V, 503; al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, xx. 222 129 See e.g. Abu Hayyan, al-Bahr al-muhit; VIII, 519: hadhihi I-suratu makkiyyatun [i l-mashhuri; wa-qaulu I-jumhuri madaniyyatun [i qauli l-hasani wa-Tkrtmata wa-qasadata; and see T. Noldeke-F. Schwally, GeschichJedes Qorlms, Hildesheim 1961. I, 92. 130 Al-Fakhr al-Razi, Tofsir, XXXII, 134 sup. 90 Kister: Sons of Khadija The conflicting views of the Muslim scholars as to whether the sura: ai-kaiahar is Meccan or Medinan are revealed in a remarkable discussion of a tradition about a nap the Prophet took, reported on the authority of Anas b. Malik. The Prophet is said to have taken a nap. Then he lifted his head and smiled. When asked about the reason for his smile he told the attending people that he had earlier (1m.ifan)been granted a sura; he then recited the siira: at-kauiharl" The pivotal issue in the discussion is whether the vision the Prophet had during his nap in Medina was merely a recollection of the Meccan sura, or a new revelation. or a vision of a sura, which would be endorsed by a revelation. The serious topic which had to be considered was whether a revelation of a sura could be granted during a nap. Some scholars were of the opinion that prophets could be granted revelation in dreams, while others denied it It was probably a conciliatory opinion put forward by some scholars who maintained that the verse inna shani'aka huwa I-abtar had been revealed in Mecca. while the two other verses had been revealed in Medina. This presumption was, however, contradicted by reports in which the sisrtu aJ-kauthar was included among those suras which came down as complete, undivided units revealed at once (dar atan wahidatan). To these sil.ros belong the fiuiha; the sUrat a/-ikhlas and the siaa: al-kaiahar." The sura: al-kauthar probably reflects the Prophet's grief after the death of his child and the mocking of his enemies in Mecca who called him al-abtar, but the reports of the transmitters referring to some historical events cannot be considered reliable and trustworthy. It is noteworthy that there was some aversion to recording chronological data relating to age. Malik b. Anas is said to have been reluctant to reveal a person's age: laysa min muruwwati I-rajuli an yukhbira bi-sinnihi.133 Al-Zurqani explains that the dates of the Prophet's children's deaths and their ages at the time are unknown due to the lack of Falh al-qadir, Y, 503; Ibn Kathir, Taf sir, YIL 384; aI-Suyii~i,aJ-Durr aJ-manthUr, VI, 401 132 Al-l;IaIabi, al-Sira aJ-haIabiyya, III, 346. 133 Ibn al-'Arabi, Ahkiim al-qur'iin; ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijiwt, Cairo 1388/1968, N, 1968. 131 See e.g. al-Shaukani, Kister: Sons of Khadija 91 historical interest in that period: ... lam tulam muddatu hayatlhi li-qillati l-ttindt bi-l-ta'rikhi idhdhilka.134 The male children of the Prophet borne by Khadija died as infants; some traditions say that they died as sucklings. Ibrahim, the son of the Prophet borne him by the slave girl Mariya, died as a small child of sixteen or eighteen months. The Prophet, afflicted by this distress, gave vent to his feelings, weeping and bewailing the beloved son. A significant utterance of the Prophet emphasized the high status of the deceased child: "Had he survived he would have been a siddiq and a prophet'[" It was indeed a fatal calamity which the Prophet had to acceptl36 However, by God's grace the Prophet was compensated for his suffering and distress at the loss of his male progeny. He is said to have asked God to grant him children of the highest quality, and God responded and granted him female children. The Prophet further proudly stated in his utterance that anyone wanting to see the ''Father of Daughters" should see the Prophet, as he is the Father of Daughters. Miisa, Shu'ayb and Lut were also ''Fathers of Daughters'P? Another tradition of this kind is reported on the authority of Abu Hurayra and 'Uqba b. 'Amir: ... la takrahis l-banaii fa-inni aha I-banati wa-innahunna I-ghizlibiltu I-mu'nisiltu I-mujhiriltupa 134 Al-Zurqiini, Shorb,ol-mawahib, III, 193,112 135 See e.g. al-Suyiiti, al-Hiiwi li-I-falawi, ed. Muhammad Mubyi l-Din 'Abd al-Hamid, Cairo 1378/1959, II, 187-190;and see the detailed study of the different versions of this tradition in Y. Friedmann's "Finality of Prophethood in Sunni IsIam,"JSAl 7 (1986),187-191 136 Ibn Hajar, ai-I saba, I, 175:... inna l-'ayna tadmau wo-l-qalba yahzanu wa-llI naqUluilia rna yurdi rabbaniJ... 137 Al-Daylami, Firdaus ol-akhbar, MS. Chester Beatty, no. '!JJJ7, fol 89b: Ibn Mas'iid: ... sa'oltu rabbi khayra l-waladi fa-alani rabbi khayra l-woladi [a-razaqani l-baniiti; fa-man kana yuridu an yara aba l-baniiti fa-anii abu l-baniiti wa-milrii abu l-baniiti wa-slulayb abUl-baniiti wa-liil abU l-baniiti. 138 AI-Daylami, Firdaus, MS. Chester Beatty, no. '!JJJ7, fol187a; and see a similar tradition in which, however, the expression abu l-baniit is not mentioned: Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kiimil [i du'af1ii l-rijaIi. Beirut 1405/1985, I, 2281 and Niir aI-Din V aI-Haythami, Majmd ol-zaw1iid. VIII, 156. 92 Kister: Sons of Khadija Daughters were indeed never joyously welcomed in Muslim society; they were unwanted in accordance with a longstanding tradition of the Jahiliyya period. These two haditbs attributed to the Prophet allayed the feelings of bitterness, grief and disappointment of the families "afflicted" with a great number of female children and granted the fathers comfort, relief and perhaps even a bit of pride. REFERENCES aI-Jabbar. Mutashllbihu l-qur'iin, ed. 'Adnan Mul,Jammad Zarziir, Cairo 1969. al-Razzaq, al-M14annaf, ed. Hablburrahman al-A'zami, Beirut 1390/1970. aI-Razzaq. Tafsir, MS. Dar al-kutub, Tafsir, 242 l-Baqa' Hibatullah, al-Maniiqib al-mazyadiyya [i akhblJri l-mulUki l-asadiyya; MS. Br. Mus., Add 23296 = ed. Siilib MUsil Daradika and Mul,Jammad 'Abd al-Qadir Khuraysat, 'Amman 1984. Abu Jahm. Juz', MS. Hebrew Univ. Ar. go 273 = MS. Ziihiriyya, Majmu' 83. Abu 'Ubayda Ma'mar b. aI-Muthannii.. Tasmiyatu azwaji l-naiJiyyi [~J wa-auJlIdihi, ed. 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Habib, al-Muhabbar, ed. lIse Lichtenstaedter, Hyderabad 136111942 Muhammad b. Habib, al-Munammaq, ed. Khurshid Ahmad Fliriq, Hyderabad 138411964. Muqatil b. Sulaymlin Talsir, MS. Ahmet III, 74-2 al-Nahrawani, Mu'lifa b. Zakariyya, aJ-JaJisu l-saii/:w l-kafi, MS. Topkapi Saray, Ahmet III, no. 232L T. Noeldeke-F. Schwally. Geschidue des Qorans, Hildesheim 196L al-Nuwayri, Nihaya: al-arab [i lunii.ni l-adab, Cairo 1964. al-Qayrawani 'Abdallah b. Abi Zayd Kitabu l-jarnl, ed. Muhammad Abii I-Ajflin wa-'Uthman Bittikh, Beirut-Tunis 1402/1982 al-Qurtubl, Tafsir = al-Iiuni Ii-ahkiimi l-quriin; Cairo 138711967. al-Razi, Fakhr al-Din, ai-Taisir al-kabir, Cairo 135711938. Rubin, U. "Abii Lahab and siira CXI," BSOAS XLll [19791 al-SIDil:Ji.Subulu l-hudii. wa-l-rashiJd fi sirati khayri l-'ibii.d, ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-WliI:lid, Cairo 139411974. al-Kazariini Kister: Sons of Khadija al-ShaukanL Fat/pll-qadir, aJ-jlunl bayna tQI//IIJyiI-riwaya wa-I-dirlJya min 'ilmi l-taisir, Cairo, n.d., repr. 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Kister & Plessner on Caskel.pdf NOTES ON CASKEL'S GAMHARAT AN-NASAB by M. J. Kisterand M. Plessner Jerusalem Martin Plessner, der am 27. November 1973 kurz vor Vollendung seines 73. Lebensjahres in Jerusalem gestorben ist, iibernahm ,,auf dringendenWunsch" des am 28. Januar 1970 verstorbenenWerner Caskel die Besprechung seines letztenWerkes: WERNER CASKEL, Gamharatan-nasab, Das genealogische Werk des Hifdm ibn Muhamnad al-Kalbf. Band I: Einleitung von Werner Caskel; die Tafeln von Gert Strenziok. Band II: Erlauterungenzu den Tafeln von Werner Caskel; Das Register,begonnen von Gert Strenziok,vollendet von WernerCaskel. - Leiden, II: E. J. Brill 1966. I: xvi, 132 S., 334 Taf., 2 S. Nachtrage und Berichtigungen; und zwar ,,nach langem Strauben" - denn er sah sich zu einer Rezension ,,dieses monumentalenWerkes" in ,,keinerWeise qualifiziert"- und nachdem hatte" (aus einem Brief an die er ,,sichder Beteiligungvon M. J. Kister versichert Redaktion). Zunachst folgen hier (bis S. 50, i8) Plessner's Bemerkungen: der Die Wissenschaftvon der Genealogie,d.h. der Verwandtschaftsverhaltnisse alten Araber, ist von Hisam ibn Muhammad al-Kalbi begriindetworden. So sagt wenigstensI.acci Xalifa, Nr. 1345 s.v. cilmal-ansab, der auf die Vorarbeitenvon Hisam's Vater, Muhammad ibn as-Sa'ib, nicht eingegangenist, weil diese nicht zu einer vollendeten literarischenForm gediehen sind. (In den Enzyklopadien wird die Wissenschaftverschiedentlich erwahnt, z.B. in den persischenNafa'is fi al-funun 'ard'is al-cuyin des Muhammad b. Mahmid al-Amuli [ca. 740/I340], Lith. Teheran I309, I, 245-49; trotzdem fehlt sie bei Taskopriizade, was Hacci Xalifa zu einer kritischenBemerkungveranlasst hat.) Ausser der Camhara fiihrt er an dieser Stelle vier weitere Werke Ibn al-Kalbi's an, al-Mnzl (von Fliigel Munzil vokalisiert),al-Wacfz,al-Farid und al-Muliki (zweifellosist diese Lesart der Istanbuler Edition von I943 die richtige;Fliigel schreibtMulik). Von diesen erscheinenaber nur al-Farfdund al-Waciz an ihrerStelle im Alphabet (9049 bzw. 14184); von den beiden anderen hatte der Bibliograph also wohl nur indirekt Kenntnis. Yaqit, Irstd, ed. Margoliouth, VII, 253 setzt al-Mnzl mit k. an-Nasab die al-kabir (s. zu diesem Titel Caskel's Einleitung) gleich und fiihrt anderen drei Titel (statt al-Waciz schreibter al-Mucaz) am Ende der von ihm iibernommenen Liste des Fihrist auf. (Caskel I, 79 Anm. 4 nennt nur zwei, Farzd und Muliki, und m6chte sie als Prunktitelbezweifeln; man vergleichefiberdiese Frage die nachfolgenden AusfihrungenKister's; Yaqfit nenntunterIbn al-Kalbi's GewahrsmannernIbn Sacd katib al-Waqidi, wahrenddas Verhaltnisdoch umgekehrt war, Ibn al-Kalbi hat sein Werk, wie gesagt, auf der Grundlage eines von seinem Vater begonnenen Ansab-Buches verfasst. Laut Caskel's ansprechender Vermutung (I, 75) hat der Vater bis in die Zeit des Chalifenal-Mansiir gearbeitet, woraus sich erklart,dass die meisten ,,Zeitgenossen",also die auf den Tafeln zu unterststehenden Personen, in die Zeit dieses Chalifenfallen. Der Sohn, der ca. 204/819starb,fiigtedann weitereNamen bis in die Zeit al-Ma'mun's hinzu, soweit sie ihm zuganglichwaren. Auch Ibn al-Kalbi hat das Werk nichtselbst publiziert; wir lesen es nur teilweise in der riwdya des Muhammad Ibn Habib (I, 122). vgl. Caskel, I, 114 f.) 614 S., 2 S. Nachtrage und Berichtigungen, 4? Notes on Caskel's Gamharat an-nasab 49 ist Das Werk Ibn al-Kalbl's zu kommentieren die Aufgabe, die sich Caskel gestellthatte. Zu einer Edition reichtedas Material nicht aus. Deshalb findenwir in Caskel's Werk keinen arabischen Text, sonderngenealogischeTabellen und ein Register, wie wir sie -man muss jetzt sagen: en miniature seit I20 Jahren Hand besitzen. Wahrend jedoch Wustenfeldnur die arabischen von Wiistenfeld's Stamme und Familien erfassenwollte und daher mit ca. 50 Tafeln auskam, enthalten Caskel's Tafeln alle Namen, incl. der Personennamen;die einzigeBedingung ist, dass sie als in Ibn al-Kalbi's Werk stehend nachgewiesenwerdenkonnten.Es sind also in den neuen 334 Tafeln ca. 35000 Namen enthalten,unterdenen die der Zeitgenossen Ibn al-Kalbi's noch bei weitem nicht alle damals lebenden echten Araber innerhalbder erfasstenGebiete darstellen.Aber auch die vorigenGeneravoll erfasst;z.B. horendie Aliden (Tafel 5) in der Generation tionensind keineswegs nach 'A1I auf. Die Umaiyaden gehen bis zur Generationder Sohne 'Abd al-Malik's (Tafel io), wahrend auf derselben Tafel Vettern verschiedenenGrades noch I-2 Generationenweiterverzeichnetsind. Die Abbasiden erscheineniiberhauptnicht, AbfiYfisufgenanntist (Tafel 223). wahrendz.B. der beriihmte Die sowohl auf Caskel's wie auf Wiistenfeld'sTafeln stehenden Stammbaume Das ist natiirlich;denn Wiistenfeldhat stimmennicht in allen Gliedernuiberein. im eine Vielfalt von Quellen benutzt, die entgegenseiner Versicherung Vorwort zum Registerunm6glichin allem iibereinstimmen konnten,da sie sich auf verwerdenkonnten. schiedeneZeiten bezogen und nichtalle auf ihreIntegritatgepriift Caskel dagegen hat eine einzige konkreteQuelle benutzt, deren Rekonstruktion eben der Inhalt seines Buches ist. In seinem Register,zu dem bei jedem Namen und spatere Benutzer der aamhara, Abschriften die Quellen, d.h. Handschriften, werden, stehen iiberall zuerst die Stellen, an denen er in den Handangegeben und ihrenDerivaten vorkommt.Der Versuchung,Ibn al-Kalbl's Material schriften zu erganzen, d.h. Namen aufzunehmen,die zwar bekannt, aber eben nicht in dieser Quelle nachweisbarsind, hat er konsequentwiderstanden. ist Von Caskel's Mitarbeitern einer, G. Strenziok,so weitgehendan der Arbeit erscheint.Seine DissertationDie Genealogien beteiligt,dass er auf den Titelblattern Teil der Tafeln zuder Nordarabernach Ibn al-Kalbi liegt dem entsprechenden grunde, fur die er denn auch als Verfasser erscheint. Strenziok hat auch das in Register begonnen, d.h. nicht nur die Stammeskartothek eine alphabetische sondernauch die historischen Bemerkungenzu den historischoder umgewandelt, sonstwie bedeutenden Personen zu schreiben angefangen. Aber der Plan des Ganzen, die beiden grossenEinleitungenund der weitaus gr6ssteTeil des Registers sind Caskel's Werk. die Es ist nichtleicht,die Summe von Gelehrsamkeit, in diesem Registersteckt, und die Urteile fiberderen zu ermessen.Allein die Datierungenvon Dichterversen Echtheitspiegelndas LebenswerkeinesMannes,dessen ganze Kraftdem arabischen Altertumgewidmetwar. Aber das ist nur ein kleinerTeil der in diesen Artikeln verarbeitetenMaterialien. Die historischenBemerkungenzu vielen Namen auf Registersgehen in die Tausende jeder Seite des fiber500 Quartseitenumfassenden und bilden eine unerschdpfliche Quelle der Belehrung.In ihnenist auch wenigstens ein Teil des nicht rein genealogischenTextes Ibn al-Kalbi's gerettetworden. Zu den Artikeln des Registers kommen noch die historischenKonsequenzen allgemeinerArt,die sich Caskel bei der Ausarbeitungdes Buches ergebenhaben und die in den Prolegomenades i. und den Erliuterungenzu den Tafeln des 2. Bandes niedergelegtsind. Am bedeutsamsten ist wohl die endgiiltige Bestatigung der schon von Goldziher, Muh. St. I, 91 ausgesprochenenZweifel an der Altertiimlichkeit des nord-siidarabischen Gegensatzes, der laut Caskel (I, 69) ,,erst seit deutlichgeworden(ist) und ... nie die Starke erreicht (hat), die ihm spatere 63/683 verliehenhaben." Geschichtschreiber Die ungeheureVielfaltvon Eigennamen,die die alten Araber gekanntund ihren ORIENS 25-26 4 50 M. J. Kisterand M. Plessner Kindern gegeben haben, trittin diesem Registererst recht in Erscheinung.Dass unter den seltenerenzahlreiche sind, die erst hier in richtigerForm erscheinen, wahrend sie in den bisher bekanntenTexten falsch punktiertwaren (z.B. Yarfa, bei WiistenfeldBarqa genannt und unter dieser Form leider nicht im Register erscheinend,sondern nur im Apparat zu Yarfa), ist ein weitererGewinn. Erst der der jetzt ist eine solide Grundlagefurdie Untersuchung Etymologien arabischen Eigennamen geschaffen;und ich bin froh,dass ich als junger Mann nicht der AnregungEugen Mittwochsgefolgtbin, iiber dieses Thema zu arbeiten. Caskel muss viel Material dazu gehabt haben, hat es aber nicht in diesem, Ibn al-Kalbi und der Genealogie gewidmetenBuch publiziert(II, 99). Die ausgezeichnete drucktechnische Leistung und die bei den vielen Zahlen besondersschwierige, Korrektursei gebuhrendhervorgehoben. iiberaus sorgfaltige Der reiche Inhalt dieses epochemachendenWerkes des letzten unmittelbaren Schiilers August Fischer's konnte hier nicht annahernd beschrieben werden. Manche Ausserlichkeiten schriftstellerischer Art, die die Prolegomena zu einer etwas kompliziertenLektiire machen, verschlagennichts gegeniiberder Dankbarkeit, die die ArabistikCaskel schuldet,und die ich ihm leider nur libersGrab nachrufen kann. The uninterrupted of transmission genealogy fromthe timesof the was conditioned the socio-political situation the Arab of Jahiliyya by and during ruleofthe Umaythe Empirein theperiodofthe conquests in yads. The revolutionary changein the 'Abbasid periodis reflected an utterance attributed al-Ma'miin: to "Rank is thegenealogical affinity connecting people; thus a noble Arab is closerto a noble Persianthan he is to a low-class to Arab; a noblePersianis nearer a nobleArabthan he is to a low-classPersian,because noble men form (separate)class a and plebeiansform (separate)class".1This view is further a explained are by the following sayingof al-Ma'miin:"People of the market men of the lowestclass, workmen despisedpeople,merchants avariare are are overthepeople".2 Thisofcourse mirrors cious,whilesecretaries kings the opinionof the 'Abbasid periodwhentribalorganizations had lost their was in and hold,whileforeign nobility gaining importance position and the class ofsecretaries coming be amongthe mostrespected. was to But even in thisperiodgenealogy not cease to be recorded, did learnt and transmitted an essentialpart of the Arabic culturaltradition. as In the first of periodof Islam knowledge nasab was made necessary needs of the diwdn.It was further by the administrative requiredin connection withtheneedto affiliate converts Islam in accordance new to 1 Ibn H[amdfn,Tadhkira,Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3179, I, 82a: qala l-ma'munu: alrutbatunasabun tajmaCu ahlahd, fa-shariful-carabi aull bi-sharifil-cajami min l-carabi min sharifil-carabibi-wadt'i l-Carabi; wa-shariful-cajami auld bi-sharZfi sharifi l-cajami bi-wadicil-cajami; fa-ashrdful-ndsi tabaqatun,kamd anna auddcahumtabaqatun. 2 mulukunCaldl-ndsi. tujjdrubukhald'u,wa-l-kuttcbu b. ... wa-qala marratan: ahlu l-sfuqi sifalun, wa-l-sunndcu andhdlun, wa-l- Notes on Caskel's 6amharat an-nasab 5I Nasab turnedto be a considerable withthe varioustribalgroups. factor betweenthe upper class of the conquerors in differentiating and the for of countries; the Arabsit was a meansof population the conquered to self-identification: be aware of Arab descent,to have a pure Arab withthe mawdli, the 'ajam. It is clear that the pedigreeas confronted of the Nasab al-'Arabwas only later counteracted the compilation by of compilation Nasab al-'Ajam.3 character and The factthatthe scienceof genealogy acquiredMuslim of the and to respectability thetendency emphasize superiority theArabs on of of led to theinvention a greatnumber traditions thissubject:they "If of toldon theauthority theProphet. theArabsbecome wereofcourse to weak Islam will becomeweak"-the Prophetis reported have said.4 the "May God breakthe teethof the man who prefers 'ajam".5 "Love the Arabsforthreereasons:because I am an Arab,becausethe Qur'an is Arabicand because the people of Paradise speak Arabic".6"Hatred The bulkofthese love fortheArabsis belief".7 ofthe Arabsis unbelief, the of and bearsevidence the tendency emphasizing merits to traditions qualitiesby whichthey surpassothernationswithinIslam. were the traditions about Closely connectedwith these traditions of Ma'mar b. Rashid, one of the earliestcompilers hadith, Quraysh. in of Fadd'il records hisJdmi'8 a number thesetraditions thechapter in in The Prophetsaid: "People follow Quraysh thismatter-he Quraysh. meant by this: authority-; MuslimsfollowMuslimsof Qurayshand 3 See quotations fromAbuf'Ubayda's Ansab al-'ajam in Mughultay's al-Zahr al-bdsim sirat abi l-qdsim,Ms. Leiden Or. 370, ff.4Ib, I36a, I52a. fi 4 Ibn Abi Hatim, CIlal, Ms. Chester Beatty 3516, f. 287a; al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummdl,Hyderabad 1385/I965,XIII, 37, no. 230; al-Haythami, Majmac al-zawd'id, Beirut I967, X, 53; CAbd al-Rahim al-'Iraql, al-Qurabfi mahabbati l-carab, ed. Ibrdhim Hilmi al-Qadiri, Alexandria I38I/I96I, p. 99; al-Jarrahi, Kashf al-khafd', Beirut I35I, I, 89, no. 232; cf. al-Zajjaji, Majdlis al-culamd', ed. CAbd al-Salam Harfin, al-Kuwayt I962, p. 240: Id yazdlu l-dinu dhalilan ma Cazzat al-'arab. 5 Al-Jazari,Maulid al-nabi, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3608, f. 5a. 6 'Abd al-Rahim al-CIraqi,op. cit., p. 96; Ibn Abi HaItim,op. cit., f. 287a; alMuttaqi 1-Hindi,op. cit., XIII, 37, no. 229; al-Suyuti, al-Jdmical-saghir,Cairo 7 Al-Jazari, op. cit., f. 5a; al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi,op. cit., XIII, 37, no. 231 (and l-'arabi qurratu see no. 232); and see Ibn Abi Hatim, op. cit., f. 384a: kathratu caynin1i (cf. al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi,op. cit., XIII, 39, no. 239); and see a traditionin praise of the Arabs with an addition against Thaqif: al-Muttaqi al-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, 39: "A believer will not hate the Arabs and will not love Thaqif." (but see versionof this hadithin favourof Thaqif; the additionof "illd" ib., an interesting changes the meaning: Id yubghidul-caraba mu'minun wa-ld yuhibbuthaqifanilld mu'minun.); CAbdal-Rahim al-CIraqi,op. cit.,pp. 94, 107. 8 I330, I, Io; al-Haythami, op. cit., X, 52; al-Jarrahi, op. cit., I, 54, no. I33. Ms. Feyzullah 541, ff. I2Ia-I22a. 52 M. J. Kisterand M. Plessner unbelievers followtheirunbelievers".9 "God will despisethe man who "God will hate the man who hates Quraysh".1 despisesQuraysh".10 to Thesetraditions belongs Quraysh"-said the Prophet.12 "Sovereignty about the qualitiesof Quraysh werefollowed traditions 13 about the by and meritsof the Ansar,of the tribesof Yemen and of the qualities tribes. Northern The legal authority the rule of Qurayshis plainlyattestedin the of utterances the Prophet. The secondary of positionof the Ansar was foretold the same manner.The people of Yemen are describedas in in the "dispersed the world,repelledfrom gates of the rulers";14 they willof courseenterParadisewiththe Prophet."Azd, the Prophetsays, are the lions of God on earth; people want to debase them,but God will extol them; therewill come a timewhena man will say: 'Would that my fatheror my motherwere fromAzd'." 15 These traditions included utterances aboutgroups tribes Tamim, of like Quda'a, Hawazin, Ghatafan,Mudar and smaller tribal units16 like Lakhm, Judham, of the Juhayna, Muzayna,'Usayya etc. The tendency thesetraditions, ofsometribes higher for and authority, be gauged can struggle position froman utterance like: "Islam will becomedebased when Rabi'a will op. cit., p. I26. 10 9 Ib., f. I2Ia; Ibn Abi Hatim, op. cit., f. 384b-385a; 'Abd al-Rahim al-'Iraqi, Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., f. I22a; al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi,op. cit., XIII, I7, o00; ib., X, 23-28); and see 'Abd al-Rahim al-'Iraqi, op. cit., pp. 126-144 (Fada'il quraysh). 1 Ibn Ab HIatim,op. cit.,f. 382b. 12 Al-Muttaqi1-Hindi, op. cit.,XIII, 20, no. i 8; Ibn Abi Hatim, op. cit.,f. 383a. ahlu lldhi .... no. al-Haythami, op.cit., X, 27 (and see the hadithes in favour of Quraysh l-muwalatuli-qurayshin, esp. p. 65: amdnu ahli l-ardi min al-ikhtilafi qurayshun this traditional-Shaukani, al-Fawa'id al-majmi'-a, ed. 'Abd al-Wahhab CAbdalfa-idhd khalafahd qabilatun min al-'arabi srii hizba iblisa; and see 13 Abu Nu'aym al-Isbahani, Hilyat al-auliya', Cairo I357/I938, IX, 64-66 (see 15 Ibn Sa'id, Nashwat al-tarab, Ms. Tiibingen I, f. 55r; al-Muttaql 1-Hindi, op. cit.,XIII, 49, no. 284; 'Abd al-Rahim al-?Iraqi, op. cit.,p. I5I. 16 Cf. al-Suyiti, al-Jdmical-kabir,Ms. al-Jazzar, Acre, p. 236: ald ukhbirukum umliikradm2n,wa-lbi-khayri qabd'ili l-arabi: al-sakin sakin kinda, wa-l-umluk sakdsik wa-firaqmin al-ashcariyyinwa-firaqmin khauldn; and see al-MuttaqI 1-Hindi,op. cit., XIII, 47, no. 276, (the curse of Tamim and Bakr b. Wa'il, the curse of Muqacis and Muladis of Tamim); and see ib., no. 277 (the blessing of Ghifarand Aslam); cAbd al-Rahim al-'Iraqi, op. cit.,p. I56 (qualities of Tamim), I57-I58 (of Juhayna), I59 ('Udhra), I6o-I6I (Qays and Yemen), 162 (Madhhij), etc.; and see al-Haythami, I64 (qualities of Murra b. cUbayd of TamIm) ..... op. cit., X, 42-46 (md jd'a ft qabd'il al-carab), 46-48 (Tamim) .... etc. Latif, Cairo 1960, p. 462; al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, I7-32; Ibn Burhan al-Din, al-Sira al-halabiyya, Cairo 1351/1932, I, 29-30; al-Haythami, op. cit., X, 23-28; al-Tabarsi, al-Ihtijdj, al-Najaf 1386/1966,I, 2II; Ibn CAbd al-Barr, alIsti'db, ed. 'All Muh. al-Bijawi, Cairo n.d., II, 792, no. I330. 14 Al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, 42, no. 260. Notes on Caskel's Gamharat an-nasab 53 God will grantpowerto Islam and diminish be powerful; polytheism and and its peopleas longas Mudarand Yemenstaystrong powerful".17 univerIt was onlynaturalwhenpious circlesof people entertaining of traditions thiskindstressing salistideas aboutIslam tookto discarding of or theexclusiveness superiority the Arabs.Whensomebody expressed that the ProphetallowedBilal, Suhayb and Salman to sit his surprise in a circle(scil.in the mosqueofthe Prophet-K) he said: "God is one, is the religion one and the Ancestor (i.e. Adam-K) is one. Lo, Arabic or is not our father, mother;it is merelya language; he who speaks which "At the Day ofJudgment", Arabicis an Arab".18 says a tradition "God will abolishthe nasab (ofthe in the pious circles, gainedcurrency will noble tribes-K) and will establishHis nasab. The mosthonoured man".19 be a God-fearing mirrors said to have beentoldby al-Kalbihimself, A significant story, circlestowardsnasab and well the attitudeof the pious orthodox quite In nasab compilations. Ibn Qutayba's manuscriptTa'bir al-ru'ya20, at a al-Kalbirecounts dreamofhis.He saw himself theDay ofJudgment intothe Presenceof God, Who said: "You are compiling beingbrought whichyou do not knowand you speak about (things)you genealogies to do not know". He ordered lead al-Kalbi to Hell. Whilebeingled to in Hell al-Kalbi noticedthe Prophetsitting a circleof men and asked for himto intercede himwithGod. But the Prophetsaid: "How can I which for intercede youwhenyoucompile genealogies you do notknow". on a of Al-Kalbisaid: "0 Messenger God, I also compiled commentary the Qur'an". Then the Prophetorderedone of the people of his circle to examineal-Kalbi; the man was 'Ali b. Abi Talib. He interrogated the Al-Kalbianswered al-Kalbi on somefouror fivereligious problems. and this interceded, well,'Alireported to theProphet, thelatter questions and al-Kalbi was let free.He sat downwiththe Prophetand asked him The Prophetmentioned when Umayyadrule was goingto terminate. the time of the fall of the Umayyads,whichin fact occurredat the of fixed date. Later al-Kalbi wroteonly the genealogy knowntribes, is whose pedigree not in doubt. of The storyrevealsclearlythe tendency the pious scholars.It is a of act to compilebooks of genealogy pedigrees containing blameworthy 17 18 Muttaqi 1-Hindi,op. cit., XIII, 39, no. 243. 1388/I968, I, 230. 20 Al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, 48, no. 279. Bahshal, Ta'rikh Wasit, ed. Gurguis cAwwad, Baghdad 1967, p. 252; al- man Muh. cUthman, Cairo al-Tabarani, al-Mujcam al-saghlr, ed. cAbd al-Rah. Coll. Yahuda, Ar. I96, ff.Iob-iia. Ms. Hebrew University, 19 Asad b. Mfisa, Kit. al-zuhd, ed. R. Leszynsky, Kirchhain I909, pp. xxx-xxxi; 54 M. J. Kisterand M. Plessner tribesof doubtful seems origin;to recordwell-established genealogies lawful.Knowledgeof the shari'a and howeverto have been regarded of of Qur'an saves frompains of Hell. Finally: the intercession 'Ali of to pointsapparently the Shi'i sympathies al-Kalbi. the A storyrecorded Ma'mar b. Rashid21 reflects clash between by and that of the Muslimperiod. the old nasab of the Jahiliyya type Al-Sha'bi passed by a Qaysi man while the latter was annoyingan Asadi withquestions about his nasab. Al-Sha'bisat downwiththe two men and asked the Qaysi about the first bannerraisedin Islam, about in Islam,about theman declared the Prophet the first by spoilsgranted to be in Paradise... etc.; all thesevirtueswerein the tribeof Asad, not in Qays. The Qaysi wentaway, leavingthe Asadi alone. was Thisattitude however theprevailing Nasab was diligently not one. studied and gained orthodoxapproval.22 The traditionthat nasab is "a knowledge whichnone profits; of ignorance it does not harm"23 by was confronted tradition the favoring studyof nasab and stressing by its merits.Muslimscholarssaid that God singledout this people (i.e. the Muslims-K) granting themthe i'rdb,the isndd and the nasab.24 I In the firstperiod of Islam genealogyhad to play a special role. Tribalrivalry, in in divisions tribes, changes alliancesofclansand tribes, of on of pressure the government some factions tribes-all these were factorswhichshaped the development genealogy the Umayyad of in period.25 The tendencyof some weak tribal units to attach themselves to is in and tribes reflected a passageofal-Jiliz in which strong influential he records qualitiesofQuraysh. Qurashi, the No states,claimed al-Jahiz to be a descendant anothertribe,whilemembers noble tribes from of claim"untilnow" the descent from Noblepersons from Murra Quraysh. b. 'Auf,26 Sulaym,Khuza'a and others, says al-Jahiz, allegedthat they 21 22 23 Al-Jamic, in Ancient Near East, Yale University Press, I955, pp. 239-310). See J. Obermann,Early Islam, (in R. C. Dentan-ed.-The ff. II9b-I2oa; Abfi Nucaym, Hilyat al-auliyd', IV, 315-316. Idea of History I, 9. 24 Al-Sam'ani, AnsLb,ed. 'Abd al-Rahman al-Mu'allamI, Hyderabad I382/1962, 26 See I. Goldziher,Muh. Studien, Halle I890, I, 97-98, I77 seq.; Caskel, op. cit., I, 25-35. 26 See Caskel, op. cit., II, 433 (and see Mufa1daliyydt, ed. Lyall, 10I-I03); Ibn Kathir, al-Sira al-nabawiyya,ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wahid, Cairo I384/1964, I, 91-93. Al-Zurqani, Sharh al-mawahibal-ladunniyya,Cairo I326, V, 394-395. Notes on Caskel's 6amharat an-nasab 55 The wereQurashites.27 case of Khuza'a is well known;theiroriginis but some of themindeedclaimedto be Qurashites.28 Al-Kalbi obscure, stated that al-Salt b. Nadr b. Kinana died childless; thus Khuza'a could Ibn al-Kalbi records themas descendants Azd from of not be his son.29 of Saba'.30Some claimedthattheyweredescendants Qama'a b. Khindif by (i.e. al-Yas, theirfather-K); thiswas affirmed an allegedutterance of of the Prophetin which'Amrb. Luhayy,the ancestor Khuza'a was as about the mentioned 'Amrb. Luhayyb. Qama'a.31The discussions ofKhuza'a, thepolitical reasons the attachment Khuza'a for of pedigree of with Kinana, the instigations 'Abd al-Malik and the activityof 'Azza are touchedupon by Caskel.32 Kuthayyir The originof the Khulj is also obscure.33 They are includedin the in the nasab of al-Harithb. Fihr, but Ibn al-Kalbi adds his Jamhara In that theyare descendants the 'Amaliq.34 his Nawdqil of reservation 35and in his Kitdbal-bulddn quoted by Mughultay) Ibn alMudar (as Kalbi states: "al-khuljmin 'dd". It is in accordance withthe answerof 'Umar when asked to attach the Khulj to Quraysh: "Am I goingto attach 'Ad to Quraysh?"36 'Ali definedmore harshlythe relation ild md l-himdri khurtimi the between Khulj and Quraysh: bayna jahfalati l-khinziri.37 27 28 Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3183, f. 202b. fusul ..., Al-Jahiz, Mukhtdrat See Mughultay,op. cit., f. 48b: wa-kdna abi ahnash al-nassdba l-khuzaciyyu idhd qUla lahu: mimmananta, qdla: min qurayshin,fa-idhd qUla lahu: min ayyi qurayshin, qdla: min khuzdcata; wa-kdna yazcumu anna khuzd'ata min wuldi l-salti (i.e. al-salt b. al-nadr b. kindna-K). Cairo I956, II, 45. Shifi' al-ghardm, Mus'ab, Nasab Quraysh,ed. Levi-Provencal, Cairo I953, pp. 7 ult.-8 sup.; al-Fasi, op. cit., II, 44. 32 Caskel, op. cit., II, 39-40; and see Mughultay,op. cit., ff.48b-49a, i74a-b; al-Fasi, op. cit.,II, 44-47; al-Kalai, al-Iktifi,ed. H. Masse, Paris I93I, I, I28-I29; al-Wazir al-Maghribi,Adab al-khawdss,Ms. Brussa, Husayn Celebi 85b, ff.85b87a; Ibn Sa'id, op. cit., f. 6Ir; Ibn CAbdal-Barr, al-Inbdh,al-Najaf I966, pp. 96ioo; al-Nuwayri, Nihdyat al-arab, Cairo n.d., II, 317-318, 343; al-Suhayli, alRaud al-unuf,ed. CAbdal-Rahman al-Wakil, Cairo 1378/1967,I, 102; Goldziher, op. cit., I, I89. 33 Al-Nuwayri,op. cit., II, 353; Goldziher,op. cit., I, I8I. 34 The text of Jamhara, Ms. Br. Mus., f. 33a: wa-qaysu bnu l-harithi wa-huwa the .... Mughultay,op. cit.,f. I38a says, refuting l-khuljumin baqiyyatil-camdliqi statement of Suhayli, that the Khulj are a group of Quraysh: .... wa-huwa fZ qaulun mardudun; qdla l-kalbiyyu l-jamharati: yuqdlu innahum adciyd'u min baqiyyatil-camdliqi. 35 In text,,. 1Jn.On nawdqil see Caskel, op. cit., I, 59; and see ib., p. 80, no. ed. 21 in the list ofIbn al-Kalbi's works; and see Ibn al-Kalbi, Kit. al-asndm, Ahmad Zaki Pacha, Cairo 1924, p. 69, nos. 21-24; and cf. below note 58. 36 Mughultay, op. cit., I38a. 37 Ib. 31 29 Ib. 30 A1-Fasi, 56 6M.J. Kisterand M. Plessner The obscure genealogiesof Sdma b. Lu3ayy,8 Sa'd b. Lu'ayy (Bundna) who were accepted into the nasab of Quraysh by 'Uthmdn,39and alH{drith b. Lu3ayy40 were also disputed. The Khuzayma b. Lu'ayy his wanted to strengthen power by them.42In this case the reasons for the affiliation are quite clear. The opinions of the genealogists about the origin of Qud"'a are contradictory.Some of them assert that they were descendants of Macadd, according to others they were from Himyar.43 The North-Arabian insisted thatQudc'a was thesonofMa'add. Thisfactis attested tradition an alleged utterance of the Prophet; in this utterance the Prophet by stated that the kunya of Ma'add was Abfi Qud1d'a.44 The South-Arabian tradition claims Qudli'a as a descendant of JHJimyar.45 alleged utThe terance of the Prophet plainly attributesQudlc'a's descent to IHlimyar.46 Ibn al-Kalbi records a harmonizing version: Mu'cna,47 the mother of QudlZ'a was the wife of Mdlik b. 'Amr b. Murra b. MMlikb. JIHimyar; later she got marriedto Macadd and broughtQudl'a b. Mdlik with her. Qudidca, because of her second marriage, was later called Qudlca b. Ma'cadd.48 Anothertraditionstates that Mu'cna was the wife of Ma'add 38 See Ibn Hamdfin, Tadhkira, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3180, II, 63b-64a; al-Suhayli, ed. Mul. IHamidullah,Cairo oP. cit., I, 406-407; al-Balddhuri, Anscb al-ashrdf, ed. al-Maymani, Cairo I959, I, 46-47; al-Mubarrad, Nasab cAdnan wa-Qahtdn, 1354/1936, P. 4; Mughultdy, oP. cit., ff.49a-5oa; Ibn Kathir, Sira, I, go-g9; al1382, pp. 48-50; Goldziher, op. cit., I, i88-i89. 41 to ('A 'idhat Quraysh) were affiliated Quraysh by Mu?dwiyawho Nuwayri, op. cit., II, 354; al-Zajjdji, Amcllf,ed. 'Abd al-Saldm Hririn, Cairo 39 Al-Balddhuri,op. cit., I, 44-45; Mughultdy, op. cit., f. 49b (quoted fromthe Mathclib of Abil 'Ubayda); al-Suhayl!, op. cit.,I, 402-403. 40 See Caskel, op. cit.,s.v. al-Hdritb. Lu'aiy. 41 See Caskel, op. cit.,I, 4, 148. 42 bihimmu'cawiAl-Nuwayri,op. cit.,II, 355: .... wa-humqaumun takaththara yatu fa-adkhalahum qurayshin; al-Suhayl!, oP. cit., I, 405. ft 43 See al-BalddhurI, op. cit., I, I5-i6; al-Nuwayri, op. cit., II, 283, 295; al- The name of the motherof Qudlca is also recordedas cAnna,Neciima(on the authority of al-Mazriic), cUkbara-al.BalddhurI, op. cit., I, 15-i6; Quddc'a-alNuwavri, op. cit., II, 283. 48 See SuhaylI, op. cit., I, 121; a1-BalddhurI, op. cit., I, 15; AbC l-Baqd', op. cit., 9oa. 47 al-cUmari, Baghdad Al-Hamddni,op. cit., I, I54-i8i; al-Mubarrad,op. cit.,p. 23. Ibn Wahb, Jdmic,ed. J. David-Weill, Cairo I939, p. 3, 11.7-9; al-Hamddni, op. cit., I, 164, 167; Ibn cAbd al-Barr, al-lnbdh,p. 6i sup.; al-MuttaqI al-Hind!, op. cit., XIII, 57, nos. 331-333; Khalifa b. Khayyit, al-Tabaqdt,ed. Akram Diiyl' 46 Br. Mus., Add. 23,296, f. 89a-89b. 45 Mughultay,oP. cit., f. 7b-8a (with a discussion of the problem of QudI'a); Ibn CAbdal-Barr, al-Lnbdh, 59; al-SamcdnI,op. cit., I, 25; al-Baladhuri, oP. cit., 1, p. i6; AbC l-Baqd?: al-Mandqib al-mazyadiyya akhb&ral-muliikal-asadiyya, Ms. ftc Suhayli, op. cit., I, 117-124. 44 Al-Hamddni, al-Iklfl, ed. Muh. al-Akwac al-Hiwili, Cairo i383/1963, I I70; I387/1967, P. I20. Notes on Caskel's Camharat an-nasab 57 married and gave birthto his son Quda'a; she subsequently Malik b. 'Amr fromHimyar who adopted her son Quda'a; therefore Quda'a Ibn was called: Quda'a b. Malikal-H.imyari.49 Sa'id reports thatQuda'a became Ma'addite when they moved into the Hijaz.50 Ibn al-Kalbi who attachedQuda'a to the YemeniteHimyarwas statesthat the first 'Amrb. Murraal-Juhani.51 The account of Nasr b. Mazrfu' al-Kalbi52 concerning the factors in the nasab of Quda'a, the period whichbroughtabout the changes of the changesand the personsinvolvedis of some interest. to a Up in Mu'awiya's rule as caliph the tribesof Quda'a had been and point of descendants Ma'add. At thattime'Amrb. Murra, respected a remained man from of Juhaynaand a Companion the Prophet, urgedthe people to join the Yemenites.In the period of Ibn al-Zubayr,Marwanand the 'Abd al-Malik,during raids of 'Umayrb. Hubab al-Sulamiagainst the Kalb (i.e. Quda'a-K) and those of Humayd b. Huraythal-Kalbi Kalb allied themselves withthe Yemenitribes. againstQays 'Aylan,53 They were aided by Khalid b. Yazid b. Mu'awiya,who opposed the to and Merwanids intended weakentheirpowerand to drivethe people of Syriaaway from them.54 alliancebetweenKalb and the Yemeni The at tribesbecame permanent the time of the expedition Maslama b. of He 'Abd al-Malikagainst Constantinople. treated Kalb wrongly and favoured Then Kalb finally Khalid Yemen. Subsequently Qays. joined b. 'Abdallahal-Qasrias governor 'Iraq bribedleadersof Quda'a and of theirnasab. Nasr b. Mazrui' remarks thatpious and Bajila so as to forge righteous people of Quda'a refuseto disclaimdescentfromMa'add.55 Similarreports givenon the authority Sharqi b. al-Qutamiand are of Ibn Habib.56 These passages in the worksof earlyhistorians help us to 49 Al-Baladhuri, op. cit., I, 15; Abi 1-Baqa', op. cit., ib.; al-Nuwayri,op. cit., II, 283. 50 Nashwatal-tarab,f. 5Ir. 51 Al-Baladhuri, op. cit., I, I5 (and see p. I6: the report of Muh. b. Habib); al-Mausili, Ghdyat al-wasd'il ild macrifatil-awd'il, Ms. Cambridge Qq 33 (Io), f. 34a; and see the utteranceof the Prophet: antum.... min himyarin the biob. graphyof CAmr Murra in Ibn Hajar's al-Isdba, Cairo I325/I907, V, i6, 11.II-I2. 52 See a tradition reportedby him above, note 47; and see al-Jahiz, .Hayawan, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Harfin,Cairo I945, VII, 256. 53 See al-Baladhuri, Ansdb al-ashrdf, vol. V, ed. S. D. Goitein,JerusalemI936, index s.v. cUmayrb. al-Hubab and Humayd b. Hurayth. 54 .... wa-mdla'ahum Calayhikhalidu bnu yazida bni mucdwiyatakhildfanlibani marwanawa-qasdanli-tauhini mulkihim canhum. wa-tafriqi jamdcatiahli l-shdmi 55 Abi 1-Baqa', op. cit.,f. 89b-9oa; on Khalid b. 'Abdallah al-Qasri see Mus'ab, op. cit., p. 9, 11. I -2. 56 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Inbah, pp. 60-6I. 58 M. J. Kisterand M. Plessner Rabi(a shared commondwellingsand common places fortheperformance of rituals during the pilgrimageto Mecca.6' It is noteworthythat the delegation of Kinda attempted to attach the Prophet to their nasab nasab: Banii "AbdMandf > Banil Akil al-Murdr. proposingthe following The Prophet, however, rejected this pedigree, stressing that he is a it traditions is stressedthat in the time of the Jdihiliyya Kinda and anderstand the factorsbehind the far-reaching change of nasab of the tribesin Syria.57 Quda'a The opinions of genealogists about the nasab of Kinda were not unanimous. Some of them stated that Kinda were descendants of Macadd.58 This pedigree was transmitted by Ibn al-Kalbi.59 Some genealogists claimed that Kinda were descendants of Rabica.60 In some 51 See Caskel, op. cit., II, 73-74; see ib., I, 32; and see Hamddni, op. cit., I, . ... mu yaqailu bacdu I-nussabinna kindata min al-ndqilati(see above note bi-dhdliha ild min aul&di macaddinfa-ntasabii qat4cda. ntaqalfi 35) lladhfna 5" Al-Wazir : oP. al-Maghribi, cit.,f. 93b-94a: qala hishamunal-kalbiyyu dhakara bacdu l-nussdbianna kindata bna thauri bni Cufayri bni haydata bni mucuwiyata bni macaddi bni cadnana. The evidence for the soundness of the traditionwas "attested" by the verse of Imru' I-Qays: la ta-llclhi yadhhabushaykhiba*tild: khayrumacaddinnasaban wa-narVild. The contradictorytradition, attaching Kinda to the South Arabians quotes the second hemistichdifferently: hasaban wa-ncPlild. ya khayrashaykhin 60 Al-Wazir al-Maghribi,op. cit., f. iooa: .... wa-kdna I-ndsu ft I-zamani 1awwali yaqWiliina: kindatu min rabicata ...; and see ib., f. 93b-94a: .... wa-qula inna kindatamin wuldi cumiri rabicatabni nizdribni macaddin. And bni khhariina see Mughultdy, op. cit., f. Io9a-b (quoting Adab al-khawdcl). 61 Siyar al-mulfik, I34a: .. .. wa-yuqdlu, f. bal ardtda kana yali (? perhaps: mdi Jnat duruhumwC7hidatan wa-k "bayna"-K) kindata wa-rabicatamin al-tacJqudi, I-zamcni; yaqfiluI-shcciru: ft dhcllika wa-kindatu tarmi1-jimaracashiyyatan idh ..... etc.; al-Wazir al-Maghribi, ktinat mahallatukindata wa-rabiclata wa-duruhumtX op. cit., 94a: .... wa-li-dhdlika wa-munckkhuhum1-mawdsimi macan, wa-kdni ft 1-jThiliyyati ft 1-jahld)iw4zhidatan qaulu abi mutah4liftnamutacdqidina; wa-mimma yuhaqqiqu hdhd Ciindahum : OWNib bni "abdi 1-mnuttalibi I54-i63. 58 See Kitidb siyar al-muliih, Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23,298, f. I33b: wa-arcida wa-kindatu tarmi1-jimuira idh caskiyyatan: bakribni wdu'ii yujawwizuhdhujjajuju shaddd 'aqda md htalafdlahu: kaliffcni wa-raddd Calayhi Cdt futi 1-wasa'ili l-wascPil "al-arMdm";Abfil-Baqd?, op. cit.,f. 84a: as The WazIr explains cati~ffti rabicatu bnu nizdrin taqifu cinda l-ma4ifqi cinda 1lca.qabati ... wa-kUnat fa-tujfzu kindata li-annahum kdnii kulafd'lahum fa-taqiilu 1-nusu(perhaps:-L-l-ndsi-K) aqimii hattdtajfiza I-mlakiu min kindata; wa-ftdhulikayaqiilu abiltdlibin: .... etc.; and see Caskel, oP. cit., I, 33. wa-kindatu Notes on Caskel's ,amharat an-nasab 59 of descendant Nadr b. Kinana.62'Abbas and AbuiSufyan, the Prophet used to claimtheir descent from Kinda whileon their remarked, journeys to the Prophetall the marriages his ancestors of in Yemen.63 According to were according the rules of Islam, pure and unstained. in with this utterancethe serious There was, however, connection of problem Barra bintMurr(the sisterof Tamimb. Murr)who married and gave birthto al-Nadrb. Kinana, Kinana b. Khuzaymab. Mudrika the ancestorof the Prophet.It was this Barra of whomJarirboasted that "Tamim begot Quraysh": Tamim were the maternaluncles of to was of Barra,according sometraditions thewife Khuzayma, Quraysh.64 bore him children and was married his son Kinana afterhis death, by to the Alaccording the usual customof the Jahiliyya, nikdhal-maqt. Baladhuriand Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah recordthis fact plainly.65 alIbn of Kalbi mentions marriage Barra withKhuzayma(Jamhara 4b) the f. children Kinana. of and withKinana (f.5a); she borethirteen devotelengthy and to chapters theelucidation Al-Nuwayri Mughultay of thisproblem. scholars triedto findthe justification the two for Some thattheywerepermissible the Jahiliyya, in of marriages Barra,arguing as the dya ofthe Qur'Sn (IV, 22) has an explicit reservation: mdqad illa This argument couldhowever be accepted.The problem hardly salafa.66 was solved by al-Jahizin his Kit. al-asndm.Kinana married fact, in to Barra bint Udd, the wife of his father afterhis according al-Jahiz, death; she howeverbore him no child. Then he marriedBarra bint Murrb. Udd, who gave birthto al-Nadr,the ancestor Quraysh, of and otherchildren.67 This proves,of course,the unstainedpedigreeof the of and removes suspicion nikdh Prophet any al-maqt amongtheancestors of the Prophet.Al-Damiri, wishes who quotes the passage of al-Jahiz, to be forgiven whathe wrotein his otherbooksas a reward for al-Jahiz forthisinformation Ibn about Barra.68 Although al-Kalbi did not quote to he the tradition Barra according thereport al-Jahiz nevertheless of of stated: "I recorded fivehundred ancestresses the Prophetand I did of 62 Ibn Sacd, Tabaqdt, Beirut I380/I960, I, 22-33; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya wa-lnihaya, Beirut-Riyad, I966, II, 200-201; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Inbdh, p. 67; al-Sam'ani, op. cit., I, 14, 17. 63 Ibn Sacd, op. cit., ib.; al-Tabari, Ta'rikh, Cairo I357/I939, II, 394 (here 'Abbas and RabiCa b. al-Harith). 64 Ibn Kathir, al-Biddya, II, 20I; Jarir,Diwdn, ed. al-Sawi, Cairo I353, p. 508. 65 Mus'ab, op. cit., pp. 8, o0; al-Baladhuri, op. cit., I, 35, 37 ult. 66 67 68 Al-Zurqani, Sharh al-mawdhibal-ladunniyya, Cairo 1325, I, 77 (quoting Mughultayas well). al-Rahim al-'Iraql, op. cit., pp. I03-I05. Al-Nuwayri,op. cit., XVI, I3-I5; See e.g. al-Fakhr al-Razi, al-Tafsir al-kabir, Cairo I357/I938, X, 23. Mughultay, op. cit., ff.46b, Io7a; CAbd 60 M. J. Kisterand M. Plessner not find(in thesemarriages) anything (whichbelongsto the vices) of the Jahiliyya".69 The obscure of traditions, origin Thaqifgaveriseto manycontradictory in influenced the situation the UmayyadEmpireand theroleplayed by Ibn by some Thaqafiteleadersand governors. al-Kalbi records Thaqif in the Jamharaas a groupof Hawazin.70 They were howeversaid to be a group of Iyad,71or descendants Thamfd.72 of to According the themto Iyad theThaqifin Ta'if wereallies (hulafd') tradition attaching of Qays. As the mother Qasiyyb. Munabbih of of (the ancestor Thaqif) was the daughterof 'Amir b. al-Zarib73 the Thaqif joined them as allies74and adopted the nasab of Qays.75 The traditions the concerning Iyadi or Thamudi originof Thaqif werewhollyrejectedby al-Hajjaj. It is of interest that Ibn al-Kalbi, who recordsthe tradition the of of Thaqif,transmits the same timethe tradition at about Qaysi origin theirIyadi origin. The tradition abouttheThamidi origin Thaqifis, as usual,attested of in an allegedutterance the Prophet. of This was certainly in favour not of Thaqif. It is thus not surprising find a harmonizing to tradition to attributed the Prophet.The Prophetstated that Thaqif were deof scendantsof Iyad; Iyad were descendants Thamud. When the two men from Thaqifwithwhomthe Prophettalkedshowedsignsof grief theProphet statedthattheywerefrom righteous the groupofThamud.76 Some of the traditions about the Thamuidi descentof Thaqif linked the personof theirancestor Qasiyy= ThaqifwithAbu Righal.Thaqif, was a man from Thamfd who escaped the says one of the traditions, disasterof his people and became a slave of AbuiRighal.Another traditionstatesthatThaqifwas a slave oftheprophet he tookflight Salih; and lived in the haram(of Mecca). 'Ali b. Abi Talib, who transmitted 69 Al-Nuwayri,op. cit., XVI, I3; and see a more explicit version ib., p. 5 inf.: .... katabtu li-l-nabiyyikhamsa mi'ati ummin,fa-ma wajadtu ffhinna sifahdan wa-la shay'an mimma kana min amri l-jdhiliyyati. 70 See Caskel, op. cit., II, I6; al-Nuwayri,op. cit., II, 335; al-Mubarrad, op. cit., 71 72 p. I3. 73 Jamhara, f. i54a records, however, Zaynab bint 'Amir al-'Adwani as the wifeof Thaqif (i.e. Qasiyy). 74 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Inbdh, p. 93. 75 Al-Baladhuri, op. cit.,I, 25. p. 5, 11.2-4; al-Sam'ani, op. cit., I, 20; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Inbdh, p. 96. Al-Baladhuri,op. cit.,I, 25. Mughultay,op. cit., f. I2a; al-Hamdani, op. cit., II, 20I; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., dhalika shaqqa calayhimd qala: ma yashuqqu calaykumd;innamd yuhyi lldhu min thamuda sdlihan wa-lladhina dmanuimaaahu, fa-antum min dhurriyyati qaumin sa2lihzna. 76 Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., f. I23b: .... fa-lamma ra&d rasulu llahi (s) anna Notes on Caskel's Gamharat an-nasab 6i this tradition argued that the Prophet (Muhlammad)was closer to the prophet Salih (scil. than anyone else; thus he deserves to inherit the he patronage of Thaqif); therefore decreed that Thaqif be considered as slaves.7 South-Arabian tradition however says that he was a slave of Salih b. al-Humaysa' b. dhi Ma'dhin.78 Another traditionsays that the slave of the prophet Salih was AbuiRighal; he was sent as tax-collector, treated the people wrongfullyand was thereforekilled by Thaqif.79 According to a tradition reported by al-Zuhri Abfi Righal was the ancestor of Thaqif.80 Similar cases with regard to the genealogy of tribes and clans could be easily adduced. But the few cases discussed above bear evidence to the complicated and confused character of the nasab literature. The information contained in the traditions about pedigrees, alliances between clans and tribes, affiliationsof tribal units and detachmentsall this has to be closely studied and re-examined. II The admirable work of W. Caskel, a comprehensiveand detailed study on Ibn al-Kalbi's Jamharatal-nasab, is an indispensablebook forstudents of Arabic genealogy, history of the Jahiliyya and of early Islam. Its detailed and carefully thoughtout articlesabout persons,clans and tribes in the Jahiliyya and early Islam are a treasure of reliable information collected from many early sources and evaluated with great care and deep insight. The material of the sources of Ibn al-Kalbi has been cautiously and carefully examined by Caskel.81 A few passages in later compilations Mughultay,op. cit., f. IIb; another version says that Thaqif was a slave of al-Hayjumana, the wife of Salih; she gave him the slave as gift. 78 Al-Hamdani, op. cit.,II, 354; Mughultay,op. cit.,f. lib. 79 Ibn Zuhayra, al-Jamil al-la.tf, Cairo I357/I938, p. I70; cf. al-Hakim, alMustadrak, Hyderabad I342, I, 398 (Thaqif mentioned as the man who killed Abu Righal). 80 Cf. Mughultay, op. cit., f. iib inf.; Ibn cAbd al-Barr, al-Inbah, p. 95; alFakihi, Ta'rikh Makka, Ms. Leiden Or. 463, f. 436b, ult.; al-Fawazid al-muntaqat Abi l-Hasan CAll .... Can Yahya b. Ma'cn, Ms. Chester Beatty 3495, min hadTth f. i6a; Ibn Kathir, Sira, I, 32 harmonizes the contradictorytraditions: there were two Abf Righal; one of them was the ancestor of Thaqif, the otherone was the guide of Abraha. And see the stories about Abu Righal: Ibn Sacid, op. cit., f. i4ir; Mughultay,op. cit., lib (a tax collectorof the prophetShu'ayb; Menahem Kister draws my attention to the similaritybetween the word "Righal" and "R'uel" (one of the names of Shucayb = Yethro); al-Baladhuri, op. cit., I, 25 (a slave of Shu'ayb b. dhi Mahdam al-Himyari). And see El2, s.v. Abiu Righal (S. A. Bonebakker). 81 77 Caskel, op. cit., I, 72-81. 62 and M. Plessner 6M. Kister J. in not and scantyquotations manuscripts yet published may elucidate some disputedor obscurepoints about the literaryactivityof Ibn al-Kalbi. Ydqiit copies the list of Ibn al-Kalbi's worksfromJbnal-Nadim's and adds: "Hishdm(i.e. Ibn al-Kalbi)has also al-Faridfif Fihrist I-anseTb, whichhe wroteforal-Ma'miin, al-Mul4ki I-anscbwhichhe wrotefor ftJa"far b. Yahyd al-Barmaki, al-Miijaz ft 1-nasab and other works.82 The book of Jbn alCaskel doubted the truth of this information.83 was considered by Caskel as spurious; he proposed to l-nasabi 1-kabnru" read instead of al-Munzal: "al-Jamharatu wa-huwa kitdbu 1-nasabi 1kabiru".8-5 sheds some lighton the disputed problemof the genealogical compilations 86 "al-Tanbikcaldhudtith A passage in H{amzaal-Isfahdni's al-tashif" Kalbi al-Munzalrecorded Ydqiit84 withtheremark kitdbu "wa-huzwa by the Arab Empire was granted the two outstanding scholars: al-Khalil and Hishdm b. al-Kalbi (fa-l-iqbdlusdqa ild daulati 1-carabi ...) who exerted himselfby establishingtheir genealogies (cuniya lahum bi-dabti l-ansThi).He compiled fivebooks on this subject: al-Munzal, al-Jamhara, al-M27jaz,al-Farid, al-M~ulfttkz. Al-Munzal, says Hllamza,is his largest compilation on nasab (akbaru positions of the Arabs (i.e. the Arab tribes-K; yunzilu 1-carabafihi it that of Ibn al-Kalbi mentioned YdqiTit. IHamzaconsiders fortunate by In lahuft the (genealogical) kitdbin 1-nasabi). this book he established Hlamza quotes some if he found them debased in number or nobility.88 clans which Jbn al-Kalbi omitted.89 ; 87 mandzilahum) in somecases he skippedoversomeclans (takhattt-ihum) 82 ed. hdldhcl Mucjam al-udabd3, Ahmad FarId Rifdci, Cairo n.d., XIX, 292: .... bnu 1-nadimimin tasdnifihi; wa-li-kishamin ma dhakarakhu aydan: al-fariduft I-ansclbi,sannafahu li-l-malmani, wa&-l-muh?tkiyyu ft I-anscbi ay41ansannafahu dhdlika. wa-l-miijazu 1-nasabiay4ian,wa-ghayru ft li-jacfaribni yahydl-barmakiyyi, 83 Caskel, op. cit., I, ob 79, note 4: "Es ist zweifelhaft Yaq.'s Angaben .... a;sei . Farid ft I-ansdib fiiral-Mammin, .. al-Mulfiki l-ansdbfiirden Barmakiden fi Oacfar b. Yalhya verfasst,zutreffen; schon wegen der Prunktiteldie I. al-Kalbi bis auf einen Fall meidet: no. 88 = K. ad-Diba-gfiahbdras'-?ucard" 84 Yaq-at, op. cit.,XIX, 291. 86 Ed. Muh. IHasan Yasin, Baghdad i967, pp. 192-194. The reading "al-munzil" seems to be preferable. 88 The text of the Ms. seems to be corrupted; the reading is doubtful. 89 The editor did not succeed to decipher the names of these debased clans; the text in the Ms. seems to be unclear. The idea to omit the mean or debased fromcompilationsof nasab is indicated in Hamdani's al-Iklif, II, 386: .... wawa-min shardiitiI-nasabi an Id yudhkara min auladi 1qclla abi muhasmmadin: rajuli illd 1-nabihuI-ashharu wa-yulghd1-ghabiyyu;wa-lau-lI dhika lam yasac kdtib... anslba I-nwdsi sijillun wa-lamyad1buIthd 86 87 Caskel, op. cit., I, 97, note 2. Notes on Caskel's Gamharat an-nasab 63 The Jamharais his middle-sized book and contains some stories about the personsrecorded, accounts about the mothersof (akhbdr) the nobles(ofthe clans) and the ancestresses the tribes,(explaining) of how theyoriginated tribesto form from theirclans. He countedtheir theirpoets and theirillustrious men.90 horsemen, The Mijaz, IHamzasays,containsmaterial whichno studentof adab and nasab can ignore.He recorded it the genealogical in listsof smaller and greater tribalunits,the noblesof everygroup,theirpoets,leaders and eminent persons.91 The Farid, IHamzacontinues, a bookon tribes. al-Kalbiassigned is Ibn in thisbook foreverysmalltribalunitits genealogies storiesof its the wars and its poetry;he recordedthis materialand furnished with it and namesofthetransmitters. offered bookto al-Ma'mfin. He isndds this in in not found his otherbooks; it contains included theFarfd, material it this book he offered to although is smallerin size than the former; Ja'farb. Yahya al-Barmaki.92 The detailsgiven by HIamzaseem to be trustworthy. Hamza is in fact the earliestauthority the genealogical on of compilations Ibn alKalbi. The precisedetailsofthe description thathe had a close indicate acquaintancewiththesecompilations. was It is noteworthy theFarZdpresented al-Ma'mfin provided to that with isnddsand names of the transmitters; detail is pointedout this One may venture assumethat Ibn al-Kalbi to by IHamzain particular. added herethe isnddsin orderto adapt himself the new conditions to The of Muslimscholarship requirements the expertsof hadith.93 of and othergenealogical of Ibn al-Kalbi seem to have had no compilations isndd. 90 p. I93:... fihi ba.du l-akhbari wa-taCdddu ummahati l-ashr2fiwa-l-qabacili ild haythuyaftariquna'an qabilatihimwa-yatajdwazunaila butuinihim, wa-dhikru hattd... (two words could not fursinihimwa-shu'ard'ihimwa-dhawinabdhatihim 91 p. I93: .... wa-ammd l-mujazu fa-fihi md Id yuhsinu bi-mubtaghi l-adabi wa-l-ndziri l-nasabijahluhu, fa-dhakarafihi man yunsabu ild batninwa-qabilin, fi wa-man htalla l-sitata minhumwa-stawd wa-sharifakulli qaumin wa-shdcirahum cald l-ri'dsatifihim. (About batn see EI2, J. Lecerf,Batn). 92 Ib., ...wa-ammd l-faridu fa-huwa kitdbul-qabc'ili, afradafthi li-kullibatnin nasabahu mufradan, wa-ayydmahu,wa-shicrahu, fa-dhakara kulla dhdlika bi-lasdnidi wa-l-ruwdti, wa-huwalladhi athafa bihi l-ma'muina;wa-ammdl-mulukiyyu kathiratunId taqacu fi fa-fihi akhbdrunghaziratun macrufatunwa-macrifatun ghayrihimin kutubihi,wa-fthimd yaqacu fi l-faridiwa-in lam yablughmaddhu, wa-huwa lladhi athafa bihi jacfara bna yahyd l-barmakiyya. 93 See Caskel, op. cit., I, 78. Al-Muliki contains a great number of known akhbdrand information be deciphered theeditor). by 64 6M.J. Kisterand M. Plessner We came across a quotation fromthe Munzal in Mughultdy'sal-Zahr al-bdsim94. This passage deals with the story of Nasr b. HIajjdj and his beloved nicknamedal-Mutamanniya; Jbnal-Kalbi reportsthat her name was al-FaThiabint Hammdm b. cUrwa b. Masciid fromThaqif and that she was the motherof al-HIajjdj b. Yiisuf (the hated Umayyad governor of cIrdq). The Jamhara mentions only that Nasr was nicknamed alJamil.95 refers Ibn al-Kalbi in his work about two hundredtimes, to Mughultdiy his opinion about particularpoints of genealogy.96 The Jamhara quoting is quoted about twentytimes.97 quotes two additional works Mughult-ay of genealogy compiled by Ibn al-Kalbi: al-Jcmic (or al-Jdmil li-anscTbi al-jamhara.99 l-carabi)98 and Jamharat A scrutinyof the quotations fromal-Zahr al-bdsimand an examination of the material found in hithertounpublished manuscriptsmay help us to gain a better knowledge of the contents of the genealogical compilations of Jbnal-Kalbi. The list of compilations of Jbn al-Kalbi contains a book with the are recordedin Shj i sources.The odious storyof the pedigreeof Mu cwiya sheds some light on the character of this genre of literatureand points out some of the ways in which tendencious insertionsor deletions were made. Hind, the mother of Mucdwiya,used to have sexual intercourse 94 F. 3o6b.; see al-cAskarI, Jamharatal-amthal,ed. Mulh.Abfi I-Fad1 IbrThimcAbd al-Majid Q-atamish, Cairo 1384/1964, I, 588, no. iiio; al-Mayddni, Majmac cal-amthdl, Cairo 1352, I, 427-428; AbtI Nucaym, Iilyat cl-zuliycQ, IV, 322-323. 9j Caskel, op. cit., II, 446. 96 See ff. 2a, 3a, 3b, 4b, 5b, 6a, 7a, 7b, 8a, 8b, 9a, 9b, Ioa, I4a, i4b, I5b, I7b, i8a, 23a, 23b, 38a, 38b, 4oa, 4ob, 42a, 43a, 43b, 44a, 45a, 45b, 46b, 48b, 49a, 49b, 5ob, 54b, 55a, 56b, 6oa, 6ob, 62a, 69b, 87a, 93a, 95a, 97b, Io9a, iioa, I2ia, I2Ib, I23a, I23b, i3Ia, I32b, I33a, I33b, i34b, i44b, I5ob, I55b, I56b, 2ooa, 202a, 203b, titleMathdlib The al-"arab.100 fewextantpassagesfrom thiscompilation 207a, 20oa, 209b, 2ioa, 2iob, 2I2b, 214b, 224b, 225b, 226b, 23ib, 232b, 233a, 234b, 235a, 236a, 236b, 237a, 240b, 24ia, 247b, 259b, 266a, 277a, 279b, 282b, 285a, 286b, 287b, 295b, 298b, 3ooa, 3iob, 3iia, 31ib, 3I2b, 3iga, 32ia, 322b, 325b, 328a, 330b. 333b, 335b, 336a, 336b, 337a, 339a. (On some pages Ibn al-KalbI is mentioned two or three times). 91 Cf. e.g. Mughultdy f. 22b = Jamhara f. I56a Hutayt; iib 244a Umayma bint Sacd b. Hudhayl; 23a = Caskel, s.v. Munabbih b. Rabica; 52b = i69b Hdshim b. Harmala; 86a - Caskel, op. cit., s.v. A. al-Gabr (2, 251); 99a = 24b Yazid b. CAmr b. Khuwaylid; 237b = Caskel, s.v. HalIfa b. "AdI; 247a= 255b "UbBd b. Bishr; 287b = Caskel, s.v. Uhbdn b. al-AkwaC - Uhbdn b. SayfI (al-Suhayli), Uhbdn b. Aus al-Aslami (al-Tirmidhi, al-Bukhdri, Abil Nucaym, Ibn Manda), Uhb;Rn b. cAbbdd (Ibn Durayd, Ibn al-Kalbi, al-BalTdhuri) etc. 337b 173b, Umm Qirfa and her sons; Dubaiyya b. IHaramI = i62a. 98 Mentioned ten times: ff. 36b, 4oa, 6oa, 67b, 7ob, Io2b, I42a, 237b, 2I3a, 238a. 99 Quoted two times: ff. I02b, i62b. 100 See Sezgin, GAS, I, 270, no. 4. 234a, Notes on Caskel's Gamharat an-nasab 65 with four Qurashites,accordingto the slanderoustraditionof the The four of the of Mathdlib. shared, course, fatherhood Mu'awiya.Three b. of themare named: 'Umara b. al-Walid,Musafir 'Amr,AbuiSufyan; in is the nameofthe fourth notgivenand it is onlyremarked thereport The his thatIbn al-Kalbi mentioned name.101 nameofthe fourth person is howeverexplicitly given by Sibt b. al-Jauzi: al-'Abbas b. 'Abd alMuttalib.102 Mu'awiya admitsin a talk withhis son Yazid that some are of the opinionthat he is the son of 'Abbas b. 'Abd alQurashites One Muttalib.103 may assumethat the name of 'Abbas was erasedfrom in the list of the fouradulterers the periodof the 'Abbasidrule; it was the after fallofthe dynasty. re-inserted of The abominablestoryof the pedigree 'Umar is also quoted from that the shameful Ibn al-Kalbi's Mathdlib.It is noteworthy storyof 04is precededby a peculiarremarkin the the complicated bastardy wa-huwamin of Shi'i compilation al-Majlisi: ... wa-rawd l-kalbiyyu, kdnat Suhdku ahli l-sunnati, kitdbi ....10 This l-mathdlibi, qdla: rijdli fi of and reliability remarkaims, of course,to enhancethe impartiality to emphasize the soundnessof the information Ibn al-Kalbi's and tradition. in of The storyabout the father 'Uthman,as recorded Ibn al-Kalbi's The cases.106 than the two preceding is Mathdlib, not less disgusting the father Abi Bakr: he was of vilification directed was mildest against of the servant 'Abdallahb. Jud'an and calledthe poorofMecca to have at theircharity-meals the table of 'Abdallah. He got, of course,a rewardforthis "duty".'07 paltry Dhakwan of son The story theillegitimate ofUmayyab. 'Abd Shams, (his kunyawas Abfi 'Amr) whose motherTuma was a slave-woman fromSafiiriyya by (Palestine)is reported Ibn al-Kalbi; it fitsin well from thiscomderived and is probably of withthe setting his Mathdlib 101Ibn Tawus, Tara'if CAbdal-Mahmfd, n.p., n.d., p. I56; Muh. Hasan alMuzaffar,Dala'il al-sidq, III, I, 215-2I9; comp. a similar slanderous reportfrom Mathalib bani umayya by Ismcail b. 'Ali al-Samman al-Hanafi, ib., p. 235; and b. comp. on the fatherhoodof CAmr al-'As shared by five persons (... wa-la-qad idda'cka khamsatunmin qurayshinkulluhumyazcumuannaka bnuhu) ib., p. 237. 102 103 104 105 Bihdr al-anwdr,VIII, 311 (lithogr.ed.); and see this story al-Majlisi, op. cit., XXII, 269-27I (new ed., Tehran 1385); Ibn Tawus, op. cit., p. I44; Muh. Hasan al-Muzaffar, cit., III, 2, 84. op. 106 See Ibn Tawus, op. cit., p. I55. Tadhkirat al-khawa.s, al-Najaf I383/I964, p. 202 inf. Ib., p. 203. kdna al-khattabu aban wa-jaddan wa-khdlan li-cumara. ... 107 Ibn Tawis, 25-26 op. cit., p. 123. ORIENS 5 66 M. J. Kisterand M. Plessner Abti 'Ubayda seems to have used the same method of slander pilation.108 in his Mathdlib. Yquit quotes in his Mu'jam al-bulddn109 from Abii 'Ubayda's Mathdlib that Hashim b. 'Abd Manaf bought a black girl, Hayya, at the market of Hubasha. She bore him two sons: Sayfi and Kitdb al-dafd'in 16 and Kitab man qdla shi'ran fa-nusiba ilayhi.117 Al-'Isami mentionsa list of Qurashi judges fromIbn al-Kalbi's Hukkdm Quraysh.118 Of special interestis a compilationof Ibn al-Kalbi not recordedin the 108 Ta'rikh Moskwa I967, f. 4a; Abu al-khulafd',ed. Piotrowski-Graznewych, 1-Baqa', op. cit., f. I2a (Abiu -Baqa' records as well the other version,which is was Umama bint Himyarib. al-Irith H the accepted one: the motherof Abii CAmr of Lakhm; see Mus'ab, op. cit.,p. ioo). timesin Mughultay's Kitdbnawaqilmudar,114 Kitdbal-bulddn,ll Zahr,13 the motherof Sayfi and AbuiSayfi was Hind bint Tha'laba fromKhazraj. This nasab is recordedby Ibn al-Kalbi (Jamhara,7b, inf.).The slanderous traditionsabout the pedigree of al-Ash'ath b. Qays, al-Muhallab b. Abi Sufra, Khalid b. Safwan, al-Jahm b. Badr, Abu Dulaf and Khalid b. 'Abdallah al-Qasri seem to have been recordedfromthe Mathalib of Abf 'Ubayda.11 Ibn al-Kalbi and Abu 'Ubayda both apply the same style of slander directed at the ancestresses,involving accusations of immoral can thus be seen to be in fact nothing conduct and adultery.The mathdlib but a collection of defamatorygenealogical gossip. They are different fromnasab and serve a different purpose. The followingworks of Ibn al-Kalbi seem to be related in subjectmatter to his nasab compilations: Kitdb al-alqab,112mentioned three AbfiSayfi.But Mus'ab givesin his Nasab 110 a rather different version: Ibn Rustah, al-A 'clq al-nafisa,ed. M. J. de Goeje, Leiden 1892, pp. 205-207. See Sezgin, op. cit., I, 271, no. I9. 113 F. 87a (why 'Auf was nicknamed Thumala); f. Io2b (explanation of the nickname Janb; cf. Caskel, op. cit., II, 257); f. 207a (the nickname al-Akhtal). 114 F. I38a (and see Abu l-Baqa', op. cit., f. 36a where a compilation of Kit. al-nawdqilby Abu l-Hasan Muh. b. Muh. al-cAlawiis mentioned); and see above note 35. 112 111 109 S.v. Hubasha. 110 Nasab Quraysh, p. 4, 11. 12-14. 115 116 fimd ruwiyafi l-quburwa-l-dafd'in;Ahmad b. Hanbal, Kit. al-warac,Cairo I340, p. 47: Kit. al-dafd'in). 117 F. I45a, inf.; see Ibn al-Kalbi, al-Asndm, no. 87. qurayshqala ...; rabad 118 Simt al-nujum al-cawali, Cairo I380, op. cit., I, 270, no. I3; see al-Karajaki, F. 33b (the correct reading is Dafd'in, not Daqd'iq as given by Sezgin, Kanz al-fawd'id, n.p., I322, p. I78: fasl Ff. 8b, 9b, Igb, 43a, 45a, 47a, 57a-b, II7b, I96b, 3o6b, 325a. Hyderabad I384/1964, p. 459; and see al-Asndm,no. 64: Ahkam al-cArab (the correctreadingis kukkamas in note 3 ib.). I361/I942, cf. Muh. b. Habib, al-Muhabbar,ed. I. Lichtenstaedter, Hydep. I32; idem, al-Munammaq, ed. Khurshid Ahmad Fariq, I, 213: ... can al-kalbi fZ l-hukkdm min Notes on Caskel's Camharat an-nasab 67 in It list ofhis works. is mentioned Mughultay thefollowing by passage: ... dhakarahu l-shard, l-kalbiyyu kitdbi ta'lifihi: fi wa-md: wa-salld kabbara li-lldhi kabbari119 sallddhawul-'aybiwa-md us This shortpassage of Ibn al-Kalbi's Kit. al-shirdprovides witha and politicalsympathies. of The clue forthe assessment his religious of champion thecause of 'Ali,thecontent personofMiqdad,the famous was of a Shi'i character. The Shi'i symevidencethat the compilation It of al-Kalbi120 and ofIbn al-Kalbi are wellknown.121 is therepathies in an to fore surprising find theJamhara inserted not passageconcerning on inflicted Anas b. Malik forhaving denied having the punishment of in It of heardan utterance the Prophet favour 'All.122 is a well-known Ibn also traditions In spite of his Shi'i sympathies al-Kalbi recorded whichwere not always in favourof 'Ali and the Shi'a.124He was a AlthoughIbn Rustah, op. cit., p. 220, 1. 4 mentionsMuh. b. al-Sa'ib as one of the murji'a. 121 Caskel, op. cit.,I, 73; and see the storytold by Muh. b. al-Sa'ib: ... maridtu mardatanfa-nasftumd kuntua.hfazu fa-ataytuala muhammadin(s) fa-nafathu fi md fiyyafa-hafiztu kuntunasitu-Ibn Abi Hatim al-Razi, Kit. al-jarh wa-l-tac'dl, 120 wa-qdla l-miqdddubnu I-aswadi l-kindiyyuyamda.hu 'aliyyan fimd of the verse and the occasion on which it was uttered-all this bears Shi'i story.123 119 Al-Zahr, f. I17b. And see the traditiontransmitted him that the angel Gabriel used to transmit by the Revelation to 'All in the absence of the Prophet: Ibn Hajar, op. cit., ib.; aled. Safadi, al-Waft bi-l-wafayat, H. Ritter, Wiesbaden I38I/I96I, III, 83; and see the story about the killingof Sacd b. cUbada (cf. al-Husayni, al-Darajdt alrafcta,al-Najaf 1382/I962,p. 334) reportedby al-Kalbi in Yawaqzt al-siyar, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 377I, f. I32a, penult.; al-Dhahabi, Mizdn al-i'tiddl, ed. CAll Muh. al-Bijawi, Cairo I382/I963, III, 557-558; and see ib., IV, 304, ult. on Hisham b. of al-Qurab, p. 148). 122 123 Hyderabad I953, III, 2, 270; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, IX, I79 (no. 266). : Muh. b. al-Sa'ib: wa-qala ibn casdkir rfidi, laysa bi-thiqatin (quoted by the editor Einschub .". Caskel, op. cit.,I, I09: "Ein sonderbarer See al-Majlisi, op. cit., XXXVII, 197-200 (new ed.); Ibn Shahrashfb, Manaqib al Abi Talib, al-Najaf I376/I956, II, I3; Ibn Rustah, op. cit., p. 221. There was however an earlier case which caused a grudge of 'All against Anas; see alMajlisi, op. cit.,LX, 301 (new ed.). 124 See e.g. the traditionthat Khalid b. Sa'id b. al-'As embraced Islam before 'All: Mughultay,op. cit.,f. II7a-b (see on Khalid b. Sa'cd: Mus'ab, op. cit.,p. I74, 1. I5). Al-Kalbi reportsthe following saying of Khalid: "I fearedmy father(thereforeI did not announce my Islam publicly-K), but CAlldid not fearAbfiTalib." And see the favourabletraditionabout Jarirb. 'Abdallah al-Bajali (yatlacucalaykum min hadha l-fajji khayru dhi yamanin calayhi mashatu malikin fa-.talaca jariru bnu 'abdi llahi l-bajaliyyu)-al-Khatlb al-BaghdadI, Miudihauham al-jam' Hyderabad I379/1960, II, 355. And see the traditiontransmittedby wa-l-tafriq, Ibn al-Kalbi (withthe isnad: Ibn al-Kalbi > his father AbuiSalih > Ibn CAbbas) > that the Prophet informed secretlyHIafsathat her father(i.e. 'Umar) will be the 68 Kisterand Plessner,Notes on Caskel's Gamharat an-nasab of and transmitter nasab and akhbdr, he carriedout this vocationwith Besides the Mathdlib compiledbooks in he the utmostresponsibility. was ofArab cultural tradition recorded, thus whicha significant portion valuable information about social life,beliefs, genpoetry, providing on ealogy, wars and alliances of tribes.His compilations genealogy, a constitute solidand masterly monument of amongthemtheJamhara, Arablearning. to We owe a debt of gratitude the late W. Caskel formakingthis book availableto modern scholarship. magnificent Caliph afterAbfi Bakr; Hafsa revealed the secret to 'A'isha-al-Dhahabi, Mzzan Beirut 1385/I966,VII, 57; the tradition al-ictiddl, IV, 305 (see Ibn Kathir, Tafsfr, is recorded with a different isndd. And see al-Tabarsi, Majmac al-bayan, Beirut I380/I96I, XXVIII, I20 inf.; the traditionis recorded without isndd. The tradition is not foundin al-Wahidi's Asbdbal-nuzil and in Suyitl's Lubdb al-nuqilin the chapter of Siirat al-tahrim). 

Ibn al-Kalbi - Arabian Peninsula.pdf NOTES AND COMMUNICATIONS A WORK OF IBN AL-KALBT ON THE ARAB PENINSULA The list of the works of Ibn al-Kalbi recorded by Ahmad Zaki Pasha (Ibn al-Kalbi, Kitab al-asnam, Cairo, 1924, p. 73, no. 57) contains a work Kitdb Ghuzayya (correctly: Kitdb Ghaziyya; see Yaqfit, Mu'jam al-udaba', ed. Ahmad Farid Rifa'I, Cairo, n.d., xIx, 290, 1. 1); Ahmad Zaki remarks that Ghuzayya is a well-known tribe. The title of the work seems to indicate that it deals with the tradition and stories about the tribe. The name of the book was, however, transmitted erroneously and it seems that the error crept very early into the copied book of Ibn Nadim's Fihrist. The correct name of the book is recorded in the MS of al-Husayn b. 'All b. al-Katib, known as al-Wazir al-Maghribi (see GAL, Suppl., I, 600-1), al-H.asan Adab al-khawdss (MS Brussa, Husayn Qelebi, 85b) in a significant passage in which one of the meanings of the root ' 'arb ' is discussed (fols. 38b-39b). Al-Wazir al-Maghribi quotes an opinion that 'arba denotes the Arab peninsula and records a passage from Ibn al-Kalbi's book 'Arba (so vowelled) confirming this opinion: fa-min al-shdhidi 'ald anna 'arbata ismu jazirati 'l-'arabi m&anshadahu hishdmun al-kalbiyyu fi kitabihi 'l-musammr 'arbata li-abi talibin 'ammi 'l-nabiyyi salla 'lldhu 'alayhi wa-'al adlihi....1 wa-'arbatuardun la yuhillu hardmahd: min al-ndsi ghayru 'l-shautariyyi 'l-qunabili.2 Al-Wazir al-Maghribi gives the explanation of the meanings of shautari and qunabil3 and differs with the opinion of Ibn al-Kalbi that 'arba-according to the quoted verse-denotes the Arab peninsula. In his opinion 'arba in the verse quoted by Ibn al-Kalbi denotes Mecca. 'But Hishdm (i.e. Ibn al-Kalbi) knows better' 4 remarks al-Wazir al-Maghribi respectfully at the end of the passage. Al-Wazir al-Maghribi may indeed be trusted in his information about genealogy and about the works of Ibn al-Kalbi. He had a profound knowledge of nasab which is attested by his book al-inds bi-'ilmi 'l-ansdb(British Museum, 1 The author gives a detailed pedigree of Abdi Tilib: ... wa-ismuhu 'Abd Mandf b. 'Abd alMuttalib (wa-ismuhu Shayba) b. Hdshim (wa-ismuhu 'Amr) b. 'Abd Mandf (wa-ismuhu 'l-Mughira) b. Qusayy (wa-ismuhu Zayd) b. Kildb b. Murra b. Ka'b b. Lu'ayy b. Ghdilibb. Fihr b. JMulikb. al-Nadr (wa-huwajimn'u Quraysh, man laysa min wuldi 'l-Nadr fa-laysa min Quraysh) b. Kindna b. Khuzayma b. Mudrika (wa-ismuhu 'Amr) b. al- YTs b. Mlludar NizJr b. Ma'add b. 'Adnan. b. 2 See the verse in Mu'jam al-bulddn, s.v. 'araba with the hemistich: Ydqfit's min al-ndsi illJ 'l-laudha'iyyu 'l-buldhilu and see L'A, s.v. 'arb with the hemistich as in Ydqfit's Mu'jam; but L'A, s.v. qnbl, the hemistich is recorded as in Adab al-khawdss. 3 A rajaz verse of Abfi Ghilib al-'Ijll is quoted: BanT Kulaybin sqaukumjaddun shaqiyy : Hatt&ramdkum 'inda asali 'l-'ashiyy : Bi-mutrahammin f T 'l-shabdbishautariyy. wa-and ardanna hadhi 'l-bayta yadullu 'ald ghayri ma'stashhada bihi 'alayhi Hishamun 4... li-annahu yadullu 'ald Mackkata faqat, wa-Hishamun a'rafu. NOTES AND COMMUNICATIONS 591 MS Or. 3620).5 His quotations, glosses, and remarks prove that he had a vast erudition in Jahiliyya tradition and that he was a connoisseur of Jahili poetry. His immense knowledge of nasab is evident in his detailed pedigrees given in the recorded stories of Adab al-khawdss. His esteem for Ibn al-Kalbi and his keen interest in his works is attested by the comments and notes recorded on his authority in the margin of the MS of Kitdb al-asndm.6 It is evident that the work of Ibn al-Kalbi referred to by Ibn al-Nadim in his Fihrist is Kitdb 'Arbanot Kitdb Ghaziyya. The cause of the erroris obvious: the slight graphical difference between Zj and L which led to the clerical s. error. The quotations recorded on the authority of Ibn al-Kalbi in Ydqilt's Mu'jam al-bulddn7are with all probability derived from his Kitdb 'Arba,a book obviously dealing with the Arab peninsula. M. J. KISTER 5 The note of the editor Ahmad Farid Rif5'I in Ibn Khallikan's Wafaydt (v, 39, n. 3): huwa kitabunff wa 'l-adab is erroneous. 6 See 'l-muh.dardt al-Asndm, 26-7. 7 s.v. 'Araba Beirut, 1957, Iv, 97a, 97b; see the verses of Ibn Munqidh, and Abfi Sufydn al-Aklubi (pp. 97, 98) in Adab al-khawdss, fol. 39b f. (On Abil Sufyin al-Aklubi see al-Sam'Kni, al-Ansdb, ed. al-Mu'allimi, Hyderabad, 1962, I, p. 337, n. 1.) 

strangers&allies.pdf ON STRANGERS AND ALLIES IN MECCA To the memory of my student Yehiel Amsallim The role of Quraysh in the commercial activities of Mecca in the period of the Jahiliyya is well known and has been the subject of comprehensive research. There were, however, some non-Qurashi individuals or groups in Mecca, whose role in the social and political life of that city has not been sufficiently assessed. It seems desirable to put together the available data about the vicissitudes of these strangers, their relations with the Meccan clans and their absorption into the Meccan community. It is also important to examine the reports about the struggles among the various factions of Quraysh and the changes which occurred as a result of this strife. This examination of the traditions and the stories may give us a better insight into the history of Mecca in the period of the Jiihiliyya I A case of successful absorption of immigrants into the Meccan community can be seen in the story about Abu Ihab b. 'Aziz b. Qays b. Suwayd b. Rabi'a b. Zayd b. 'Abdallah b. Diirim al- Tamimi. According to the report recorded by Ibn I:Iajar, 'Aziz the father of Abu Ihab came to Mecca, joined the Banu Naufal b. 'Abd Maniif as an ally (/:tallf) and married Fakhita bint 'Amr b. Naufal; she bore him their son Abu Ihiib.1 There are some differences between this report and the one transmitted on the authority of Ibn al-Kalbi. According to the latter it was not 'Aziz who came to Mecca, but an ancestor of 'Aziz, Suwayd b. Rabi'a b. Zayd b. 'Abdallah who sought shelter in Mecca and joined the Banu 1 Ibn I:Iajar al-'Asqaliini, al-/ saba fi tamyizi l-sa/;aba, ed. 'Ali MulJammad al-Bijiiwi, Cairo 1392/1972, VII, 24, no. 9551 114 Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf as an ally. He sought refuge in Mecca because he had killed Malik, the son of al-Mundhir, the king of al-Hira, Malik was entrusted as a child by the king to Zunira b. 'Udus, When he grew up he happened to pass by a camel belonging to Suwayd; he ordered it to be slaughtered and ate its meat with his companions. When he returned from hunting, Suwayd was told of Malik's deed. He attacked the youth and wounded him, .and the youth died shortly afterwards from his wounds. Suwayd escaped and found shelter in Mecca.' For the elucidation of the events it is necessary to provide some details about the background and circumstances of the incident: Suwayd was the son-in-law of Zurara, the powerful leader of Tamim, Zurara was one of the iarrarim: he succeeded in rallying Tamim and other tribes and was their leader on the "Day of Shuwayhit",' He is said to have frequented the court of kisra and was granted a slave girl who bore him children.' He used to visit the court of the king of al-Hira, fought on his side and advised him on matters of peace and war regarding the tribes of the Arab peninsula.' According to a tradition it was Zurara who mediated between the Kindi king al-Harith and the Lakhmi al-Mundhir and thus succeeded in bringing to an end the war between them.6 Zurara's fame survived in Islam. An anecdote says that a Tamimi woman, listening to the call of the muadhdhin; wondered why 2 See e.g. the versions of the story: al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-ashrh], ed. 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Diiri, Beirut l398/1978,IlL 305; Jarir and Farazdaq, al-Naqiiid, ed A. Bevan. Leiden 1905. pp. 652 ult, - 654 (the name of the king: 'Arnr b. al-Mundhir; the name of the entrusted child: As'ad); al-Baladhuri, Ansiib al-ashra], MS. 'Ashir ar, foL 968b. 3 Muhammad b. Habib. ai-Muhabbar, ed. Ilse Lichtenstaedter, Hyderabad 1361/1942, . 247. p 4 Al-Baliidhuri. Ansiib. MS. foL 969a. 5 See e.g, Jarir-Farazdaq, al-Naqdid, p.653. 6 See the commentary of the verse of al-Farazdaq; minna lladhi [amaa t-muliika wa-baynahum: harbun yushabbu sa'iruha bi-dirami, Naqa'i4. p. 266 inf.(L); according to other reports the mediator was the Tamimi Sufyiin b. Mujishi' (see: Naqa'i4. p. 267; Abu l-Baqa', al-Manaqib al-mazyadiyya II akhbari l-muliiki l-asadiyya; MS. Br. Mus. Add 23296. fol. 26a). On strangers and allies in Mecca 115 Zuriira was not mentioned in the shahada together with the Prophet,' One of the features of the close association of Tamim with the kings of al-Hira was the practice of entrusting the children of kings of al-Hira to some noble families of Darim, Hajib b. Zuriira boasted of the fact that his people brought up the children of the kings until their moustaches and beards came out," AI-'Askari records that people reproached Hajib saying: "We never saw a man boasting of his shame except Hajib; a governess is just a servant iai-zi'ru khadimatuni and service is degrading, not uplifting"," It is evident that this opinion is congruent with the views of a later period. Another report may be mentioned: the kings of al-Iraq (i.e, the kings of al-I:Iira) used to fight the kings of Syria; when they intended to march out to Syria they used to leave their families under the protection of the strongest of the Arabs (a'azzu 1-'arab).10 These reports expose clearly the web of mutual relations between the Darim and the rulers of al-Hira, The murder of Malik shattered these relations and brought about the cruel retaliation of the king of al-Hira; the children of Suwayd were brought by Zurara to the court of al-Hira and were executed in his presence; a hundred Tamimis from the branch of Darim were killed or burnt on the order 7 8 Al-Husayn b. 'Ali al-Maghribi, al-ln{lS [i 'ilmi l-ansab, ed. Hamad ed. 'Abd al-Sattar Ahmad al-Jasir, al-Riyad, 1400/1980, p.210. Ibn al-Mu'tazz, Tabaqiu al-shuara, Farraj, Cairo 1375/1956, p. 199: rabbayna boo mili l-muzni wo-bnay muharriqin: 9 ila an bOOaJminhum lihan wa-shawarib: Al-Askari, J amharat ai-amJhiU, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim and 'Abd ai-MaJId Qatamish, Cairo 1384/1964, L 261 10 Jarir-Farazdaq, op. cit, p. 267 inf: ajarna boo mili l-muzni wa-boo muharriqin: jamian wa-sharru l-qauli mil huwa kiidhibu thaliuhatu amliikin thawau [i buyUiinii: ila an badat minhum titian wa-shawaribu: The two verses attributed here to Miskin al-Darirni are in fact the verses (with variants) attributed to Hajib b. Zurara A collection of Miskin's poetry edited by Khalil Ibrahim al-'A~iyyah and 'Abdallah al-Jubiiri, Baghdad 1389/1970 records only the verse (p, 25): thaliuhatu amlakin rubii [i bujurina: kadhibu: fa-hal qa'ilun haqqan ka-man huwa 116 of the king of al-Hira, The event is well known as yaum uwiira.H The daughter of Abu Ihab, Umm YalJ.ya. intended to marry 'Uqba b. al-Harith b. 'Amir al-Naufali; but was prevented from carrying out the plan, because a black slave-maid attested that she had suckled both of them12 Abu Ihab had friendly relations with al-Harith b. 'Amir who was his half-brother from the mother's side," Abu Ihab seems to have been a well-to-do person, with a taste for ease and luxury, fond of wine and singing girls. This can be deduced from the story relating the theft from the Ka'ba of the golden statue of the gazelle. This was stolen by a group of drunkards who attended a drinking party in the tavern of Miqyas b. 'Abd Qays al-Sabmi." The list of the felons and profligate persons who frequented the place includes several quite prominent men of Quraysh: Abu Lahab, al-Hakam b. Abi l-'As. al-Fakih b. al-Mughira, Mulayh b. al-Harith b. al-Sabbaq, al-Harith b. 'Amir b. Naufal, Abu 1Mb and others. On a certain day, when the drunkards failed to provide money for the wine and the supply of wine ran short, they decided to steal the gazelle of the Ka'ba and buy wine from a caravan which arrived in Mecca from Syria. The group which carried out the plan included Abii Lahab, Abii Musafi' and al-Harith b. 'Amir. They sold the statue, bought the wine and drank it at their leisure. When, after a 11 See e.g. al-Husayn b. 'Ali al-Maghribi, at-lnas, pp. 208-210; Muhammad b. Habib, al-Munammaq, ed. Khurshid Ahmad Fariq, Hyderabad 1384/1964, pp. 290-293. 12 Ibn l;Iajar, al-/ $aba, VII, 24, no. 9551, VIII, 324, DO. 12298; Ibn al-Athir, Usd aJ-ghllba fi mdriiai 1-$aJ;iiba. Cairo 1280, VI, 627; Ibn 'Abel al-Barr, aJ-Istiah fi mdrijaii 1-ll$I)iJb, 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijlwi, Cairo 1380/1960, p. 1072, no. ed. 1822 13 See e.g. Ibn Hishiim, al-Slra aJ-nabawiyya, ed. al-Saqqa, al-Abyarl, Shalabi, Cairo 1355/1936, III, 180, ult. (and see ibid. 181, 1. 1); Ibn Kathir, al-Sira al-nabawiyya; ed. Ml1$tafii 'Abd al-Wiil.lid. Cairo 1385/1965, III. 128; Ibn I;Iajar, aJ-/$iIba, II, 263, and Ibn al-Athir, Usd, V, 142 14 But see Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, Hadhf min nasab quraysh; ed. SaliilJ al-Din al-Munajjid, Cairo 1960, p. 84: qaysu bnu 'adiyyi bni sa'di bni sahm kana min ru'asa'i quraysh [i l-jahiliyya, wa-huwa $Qhibul-qiyani lladhi kiina shabQ.bu qurayshin yajtamtima ilayhi [a-amarahum bi-akhdhi ghazlUinmina l-ka'bati, fa-fa'aJu. fa-qtasamahu qiyllnuhu wa-kllna l-ghazlUumin dhahabin. On strangers and allies in Mecca 117 considerable time, the culprits were discovered, the affair stirred unrest and division between the two alliances of the Qurashi clans: the mutayyabin and the ahla]. Some of the culprits were severely punished, others escaped chastisement. Al-Harith b. 'Amir and Abii Ihab were compelled to leave Mecca and they returned only after some ten years. On the eve of the battle of Badr they asked of Quraysh the permission to join the force which was about to march out to fight the Prophet. They got the permission, joined the force and fought at Badr. Al-Harith b. 'Amir was killed in the battlefield by Khubayb; Abii Ihab managed to escape," The cordial relations between Abii Ihab and al-Harith b. 'Amir are reflected in the verses written by Abii Ihab in which al-Harith's generosity in spending on good wine and beautiful women is praised," Al-Harith had friendly relations withAbii Lahab - he married Abii Lahab's daughter Durra!? He shared Abii Lahab's hatred for the Prophet: both are included in the list of the Prophet's enemies" He was the representative of the Banii Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf in the consultation of Quraysh against the Prophet in the dar aJ-nadWa.19 But at some point al-Harith seems to have met the Prophet, had talks with him and was impressed by his words; Quraysh even suspected him to have embraced Islam." On the eve of the battle of Badr he tried to 15 Hassan b. Thabit, Diwtm, eel. Walid N. Arafiit, London 1971, II, 115-127; Ibn l:Iabib, aJ-MU1IlJlfIlTUJ([, 54-57. pp. 16 See a1-BaJadhuri, Ansiib III, 304; Ibn l:Iabib, aJ-MU1IlJlfIlTUJ([,62: P. abligh qusayyan idhiJ jftilhii. - fa-ayya fatan waJladat nau.faJu idhiJ shariba l-khamra aghJa bihil - wa-in jahadat laumahu I-'udhdhalu da'ilJul ita l-shanfi, shanfi l-ghazQ - li hubbun li-khamsiuuuin 'ayraJi li-'athmata hina tarda: lahu : wa-asmda 'a#latin ajmoli. 17 Ibn l:Iabib, al-Muhabbar, p. 65, according to Ibn a1-KaIbi, Jamhara; MS. Br. Mus. fol 116b, Il 4-5. Durra married Abu lhiib. 18 See e.g. al-Maqrizi, Imta' al-asmd bimii li-rasUli lliihi min aJ-anba' wa-l-amwill wa-l-haiada wa-l-maid, ed. Mahmiid Muhammad Shakir, Cairo 194}. L 23, l3 from bottom, 24 ult, 19 Ibn Hishiim op. cit. II, 125. 20 Hassan, b. Thiibit, Diwiln, IL 125, llS persuade Quraysh not to march out against the Prophet," Nevertheless, he joined the Qurashi force and was one of the wealthy Qurashites who took care of food supplies for the forces.22 The Prophet is said to have forbidden the Muslim fighters to kill al-Harith and ordered them to "leave him for the orphans of the Banii Naufal": for he was a generous man and spent on the weak and needy (q,u'afa bani nau.fal).23 He was killed, as mentioned above, in the battle of Badr by Khubayb b. IsM, who did not know him, or, according to another report, by the pious Companion Khubayb b. 'Adiyy.24 The solidarity of the families of Abu Ihab and al-Harith b. 'Amir is seen in the story of the execution of Khubayb: Hujayr b. Abi Ihab bought Khubayb b. 'Adiyy for the husband of his sister, 'Uqba b. al-Harith b. 'Amir in order that he may kill him, avenging the death of his father al-Harith b. Amir, Hujayr and 'Uqba took part in the execution of Khubayb." 'Uqba b. 21 Al-Maqrizi, 1m/a', I, 68, (wa-mii kana ahadun minhum akraha li-l-khurii]! mina 1-1;.iirithi 'iimirin); al-Wilqidi, al-MaghiJzi, ed. Marsden Jones, London 1966, I, bni 36-37; al-Baliidhuri, Ansah, ed. Muhammad Hamidullah, Cairo 1959, I, 292 22 Ibn Hishiim, op. cit. II, 320; al-Maqrizi, Im/ri, I, 69; al-Wiiqidi, op. cit. I, 128, 144. 23 AI-Baliidhuri, Ansah, I, 154 (the report mentions that he helped to annul the document of Quraysh to boycott the Prophet and his family); al-Wiiqidi, op. cit. I, 91; l;Iassiin b. Thiibit, op. cit. I, 269. 24 See e.g. al-Baliidhuri, Ansiib, I, 297; al-Maqrizi, I mta', I, 90, l. 1; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit. II, 442 (wa-kana khubayb qad qataia abiihu yauma badr); Ibn Hajar, al-I ~aba, II, 262; and see Hassan, op. cit. I, 370, note 1 (the comment of the editor); 'Ali b. Burhiin aI-Din al-Halabi, Insan al-'uyim Ii sirtui l-amini l-mdmiin (=al-Sira aJ-J.lalabiyya), Cairo 1382/1962, III, 189, II. 10-11 (and see 114: wa-lau lam yaqtul khubaybu bnu 'adiyyini Hriiritha bna 'iimirin ma kana li-ttiniii iiii l-l;iuith bi-shirdihi wa-qatlihi mdnan) 25 See e.g. al-Maqrizi, Im/rl, I, 176, ll, 1-2 (and see ib. p. 175 penult); Ibn Kathir, al-Sira; III, 128; Ibn Hishiim, op. cit. III, 180 info - 181 sup; Ibn Hajar, al-I saba; 11,263; al-Fasi, al-Tqd al-thamin Ii ta'rikhi l-boladi l-amin; ed. Fu'iid Sayyid, Cairo 1384/1965, VI, '!JJ7; al-Waqidi, op. cit. p. 357; and see E[2, s.v, Khubayb (Wensinck), On strangers and allies in Mecca 119 al-Harith embraced Islam and died in the time of Abii Bakr," Abii Ihab planned to kill the Prophet; Tulayb b. 'Umayr met him, beat him and wounded him."? He later embraced Islam and was the first Muslim after whose death a prayer was said in the mosque of the harami": Hujayr b. Abi Ihab, a respected member of the Quraysh nobility, came with a group of noble Qurashites to Abu Sufyiin and requested that profits from the sales of merchandise transacted by the Qurashi caravan be spent on equipping a Qurashi force against the Prophet and the Muslims for the purpose of avenging the defeat of Badr," He was obviously a wealthy man and was an owner of a court (dar) in Mecca,'? He later embraced Islam" and is included in the list of the Companions of the Prophet." The story of Abii 1Mb gives us some insight into the social and economic conditions prevailing at Mecca in the Jahiliyya period, on the eve of Islam. Al-Harith b. 'Amir, though a hedonist, had a sharp and acute understanding of the economic and political situation of the Meccan body politic. Tradition says that verse 58 in Sicrat al-qasas (siira XXVIII): 'They say: Should we follow the guidance with thee we shall be snatched from our land", (in nattabi' l-huda maaka nutakhauat min ardind) was revealed in connection with a discussion between the Prophet and al-Harith b. 'Amir b. Naufal. Al-Harith conceded that the faith of the Prophet was true tinni: ndlamu anna qauJaka haqqun); but he argued that this faith (the huda; 26 Ibn I:Iajar. aI-lsaba. IV, 578, no. 5596. 27 Ibn I:Iajar. al-Isiiba; III. 541. n i-z, al-Baladhurl, Ansiib, MS. fol 968b (wa-kana abu ihabin dussa li-I-fatki bi-l-nabiyyi (s) [a-laqiyahu tulayb b. 'umayr [a-darabahu bi-IaI}yi jamalin fa-shajjahu); and cf. Mu'arrij al-Sadiisl, op. cit. p. 59. 28 Ibn Hajar, al-Lshba; VII, 24 (quoted from al-Fiikihi); al-Fiikihi, Ta'rikh makkata; MS. Leiden Or. 463, fol 442a. 29 Al-Wiiqidi, op. cit. p. 199. 30 Al-Fakihl, op. cit. MS. fol. 46la, L 9 : _ wa-kanai lahum diiru-l-hujayri bni obi i.hiJbibni 'azizin aI-tamimiyyi halifi l-mutimi bni 'adiyyin: 31 Ibn Hajar, aI-Isaba. II, 40-41, no. 1638. 32 Ibn l:Iibbiinal-Busti, Kitiib aI-thiqat, Hyderabad 1397/1977.I1I,94; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, I, 387; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit. p. 333, no. 489; Ibn Hajar aI-I saba, II, 40 (quoting Ibn Abi I:Iatim that he was a Companion). 120 the right guidance - K) was unacceptable because the Bedouins (al-'arab) would rise against Mecca and "snatch away" the Meccans, putting an end to the Meccan body politic," Al-Harith gladly accepted the family of Abu Ihab, and the marriages between the two families helped to remove the barriers between them: Abu Ihiib became firmly rooted in the Meccan community, Satirical verses composed by Hassan brought to memory the fact that Abu Ihab was a refugee expelled by 'Udus (i.e, by his own family - K).34 Indeed Abu Ihab had the courage to state that he was a haii], an ally; but he demanded to be treated on a par with the members of the family which he had joined," He could dauntlessly answer the influential 'Abdallah b. Jud'an who urged the leaders of Quraysh to punish the thieves of the gazelle, accusing him that his court harboured prostitutes," It is instructive to observe to what extent Meccan society was open to outsiders, enabling an ally to build his home in Mecca and contribute to its economic development One tribal group which attained a high position in Mecca was the group of the Tamimi Usayyid The small group was influential and controlled several divisions of Mudar.'? A report by Ibn al-Kalbi says that Ghuwayy b. Jurwa of the Usayyid used to levy taxes from 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a; after his death his son Salama b. Ghuwayy did the same," Satirical verses by Tufayl al-Ghanawi (or by al-Ashall b. Riya}:t) directed against the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a describe the submissiveness of the 33 See e.g. al-WiiQidi, Asbiib al-nuzUl, Cairo 34 35 36 37 38 1388/1968, p. 228 inf; al-Qurtubi, ai-Jam!" li-ahkiimi I-qur'an (= tafsir al-Qurtubn, Cairo 1387/1967, XIII, 300; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir [i l-tafsir bi-l-mathia, Cairo 1314, V, 135; Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, op. cu. p. 43 (al-hlzrithu bnu 'amiri bni naufali bni 'obdi manafin kana 'azlma l-qadri wa-huwa lIadhi qQJa: in naltabt ...;wa-kana [i lladhina saraqis ghaziila I-ka'bar. : in some sources the name is erroneously given: aI-1.riJTithu bnu 'iahmana: See I:Iassiin. op. cu. I, 227, II, 170-171 Hassan h Thii bit, op. cu. II, 121-122 Hassan b. Thiibit, op. cit. II, 121 O. J ESHO VIII (1965) 144-145. Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara; MS. Br. Mus., Add. 23297, fol. 94a (the tax was paid in cheese [aqit] and melted butter). On strangers and allies in Mecca 121 'Amir and their baseness," Ghuzayy b. Buzayy b. Jurwa b. Usayyid was killed by Dhii l-'ubra Rabi'a b. al-Harith b. Ka'b of the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a, "Ubrd' is explained as "kharzd', a kind of crown worn by the kings," Al-Baladhuri reports about the Tamimi, who levied the taxes (itawa) of the Hawazin, that "he made himself a king over them" (yatamallaku 'alayha).41 Al-Khims b. Rabi' b. Hilal succeeded the Tamimi in collecting the taxes of Hawazin.42 It was thus a conspicuous group who controlled the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a and the Hawazin, It is interesting to note that these tax collectors tried to gain power (yatamaJlaku) and to rule large tribal divisions. To this group belonged a tax collector with the enigmatic name DhU 1-a'wiidY Mughultay records the explanation of the word given by Abii 'Ubayda in his Kitab al-tai: DhU t-dwad is 'Adiyy b. Salama al-Usayyidi, who levied the taxes imposed on Mudar; they used to pay 39 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS. Br. Mus., CoL94a: bani 'lunirin la tadhkuru l-fakhra innakum: mata tadhkurUhu fi l-mdashiri tukdhabu fa-nal)nu mandnakum tamiman wa-antumii sawOltu ilia tuhsinU I-sola tul/rabu AI-Baliidhuri 1177b-1178a): records additional verses (al-Baliidhuri, Ansab, MS. Col. bani 'lunirin la tukhbiru l-nasa [akhrakum: mata tanshurUhu [i l-kirluni tukdhabu [a-innakumii la tansibiina khatlbakum: wa-li: tulimUna l-zilda haua tu'annabu fa-ya'dhira [ ] qabla qad [ ] wa-asbalat: lakum khaylunil mil lam takUnU [ ] wa-nahnu mandndkum tamiman wa-antumu: sawaltu [ ] wa-nohnu IJobasniJkum hifa;an 'alaykumu: wo-kunium unilsan qad rahabtum [ ] fa-lammii khashinil an tasiru li-ghayrinil: nafaynil (-a'1u1i an tul/amil wa-tul)rabu 40 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara MS. Br. Mus. foL 187a. 41 Al-Baladburi, Ansiib, MS. CoL1177b, inf. falayhii refers to Hawazin), 42 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Ms. Br. Mus., CoL187a. 43 See the explanation in L.'A s.v. 'awd. 122 them every year. 'Adiyy grew old so that he had to be carried in a litter passing by the Bedouins at their water-springs while collecting the taxes.44 AI-Fayruzabadi mentioned different members of the Usayyid to whom the name dhit 1-a'wQ.d may refer: a. Ghuwayy b. Salama, b. Rabi'a b. Mukhashin, c. Salama, b. Ghuwayy who had the right to levy the tax from' MUQar, d. it refers to the grandfather of Aktham b. Sayfi (here Faynizabadi gives an account of his virtues);" Abu 'Ubayda's report from the Kitiib al-tiii is recorded by Ibn Abi l-I:ladid.46 This group of Tamim included the clan of al-Nabbash b. Zurara in Mecca. The mother of Baghid b. 'Amir b. Hashim, of the 'Abd Manaf b. 'Abd al-Dar, who wrote the document of the boycott against the Bami Hashim, 47 was a daughter of the Tamimi al-Nabbash b. Zurara of the Usayyid; he was an ally of the 'Abd al-Diir.48 The plot of land which belonged to the clan of Murtafi' (iii al-murtati') was owned before that by the clan of Nabbash (lzl aI-nabbiish b. zurara).49 The mountain of Shayba also belonged to al-Nabbash b. Zurllra.50 A Meccan transmitter, Sulaym al-Makki reports that people in the period of the Jahiliyya used to say: "You are more powerful than the clan of al-Nabbash" tla-anta a'azzu min iili l-nabbash); he pointed with his hand to the houses around the mosque (of the haram - K) and said: 'These were their dwellings" (hi.uihihi kana: ribiluJuun).51 44 Mughultay, al-Zahr al-bOsim [i sirat abi-I-qasim, MS. Leiden Or. 370, fol46a (; kana lahu kharajun 'alii mudara yu'addUnahu kulla 'iunin ...);and see other explanations ibid. fol 45b, info - 46a. 45 AI-Fayriizlioodi, aI-QiimUs aI-mu/:lir, I, 330, sv, 'awd. 46 Ibn Abi l-Hadld, Sharh. nahj aI-boJiigha, ed. Muhammad 47 48 49 50 Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim, Cairo 1962, XV,132 See the comment of the editors: Ibn Hisham op. cit. II, 16, note 2; and see MU$'ab, Nasab quraysh; ed. Levi Provencal, Cairo 1953, p. 254. AI-Zubayr b. Bakkiir,lamharat nasab quraysh; MS. Bodleiana, Marsh 384, fol 88b; Mus'ab Nasab, p. 254. Al-Fakihi, op. cit. MS. fol. 456a, l 2; cf. al-Azraqi, Akhbar makka; ed. F. WiistenfeId, Gottingen 1275/1858, 465, l 3 from bottom. AI-Azraqi,op. cit. p. 490. 51 Al-Fiikihi, op. cit. MS. fol 4S6a, sup. On strangers and allies in Mecca 123 One of the members of this clan was Abii IIDa, the husband of Khadija, There is no unanimity in the tradition as to his name, the name of his child (or children) born by Khadija or the problem whether he was Khadija's first or second husband Ibn al-Kalbi records his name as Abii Hala Hind b. al-Nabbash b. Zuriira b. Waqdiin b. Habib b. Salama b. Ghuwayy b. Jurwa," The exact pedigree of the Tamimi husband of Khadija is indeed important he was a descendant of the powerful Usayyidi who succeeded in controlling the Mudari tribes which yielded to his authority and paid taxes to him According to Ibn al-Kalbi Khadija bore him a son, Hind; this son had in tum a son whom he named Hind; he was thus called Hind b. Hind b. Hind Hind b. Hind attended the battle of Badr ("others say: uhud'); Hind b. Hind b. Hind fought on the side of Ibn al-Zubayr and was killed in battle. According to Ibn al-Kalbi Hind b. Hind b. Abi Hala married Durra bint 'Utba b. Abi Lahab. It is noteworthy that the phrase is: wa-ghtarabat durra bini 'utba b. abi lahab 'inda hind _ Hind b. Hind b. Abi Hala was still considered a gharib, a stranger," The descendants of Abii Hala passed away, leaving no progeny/" Important details about the marriage of Khadija are supplied by Ibn Sa'd; Khadija was "mentioned" to Waraqa b. Naufal; but the plan of the marriage was cancelled and she married Abii Hala Hind b. al-Nabbash, His father was of noble lineage: 55 He alighted in Mecca and joined the 'Abd 52 53 54 55 al-Kalbi, Jamhara; MS. Br. Mus. fol93b inf. - 94a sup. al-Kalbi, J amhara; MS. Br. Mus., fol 11Sa ult,- 11Sb.1 1 al-Kalbi, Jamhara; MS. Br. Mus. fol93b inf - 94a sup. Sa'd, al-Tabaqiu al-kubra; Beirut 137711958, VIIL 14; wa-ki:ma abiihu dhi:l sharafin [i qaumihi. (In text abiiha is an error). The report is on the authority of Ibn al-Kalbi. Ibn Ibn Ibn Ibn 124 al-Dar b. Qusayy as ally. Ibn Sa'd adds a short comment "Quraysh used to intermarry with their .allies" iwa-kima; qurayshun tuzawwi ju halifahumr; this comment is indeed an important clue for the understanding of the position of the allies in Mecca. Khadija bore Abu Hala two sons: Hind and Hala, After Abu Hala, she married 'Atiq b. Abid b. 'Abdallah b. 'Umar b. Makhziim, She bore him a daughter, Hind. who married Sayfi b. Umayya al-Makhziimi and gave birth to a son named Muhammad; the sons of Muhammad were called "the sons of the pure woman", which, of course, referred to Khadija," This family passed away without progeny. Khadija concluded her third marriage with the Prophet, Muhammad b. 'Abdallah and bore him al-Qasim, 'Abdallah (= al-Tahir), al-Tayyib; the female children were: Zaynab, Ruqayya, Umm Kulthiim and Fatima-57 There are divergent, even contradictory, traditions concerning the name of Khadija's Tamimi husband and the names and fate of their children," 56 Ibn Sa'd, op. cu; VIII, 15 sup; and see about Muhammad b. Sayfi b. Umayya; al-Zubayr b. Bakw, Jamharat nasab quraysh, MS. Bodley, fol. 149b iwa-qad inqarada wuldu l'fUIlJammadibni $ayfiyyin). 57 Ibn Sa'd, op. cit; vm. 16. 58 See e.g. al-BaIadhuri, Ansilb, I, 406 info (her first husband was Abu Hala, the second: 'Atiq b. 'Abid; 'Atiq divorced her; then she married Muhammad b. 'Abdallah, the Prophet); Ibn Habib, al-MuJ;abbar, pp. 78 inf. - 79 sup.; Mus'ab, Nasab, pp. 21-23;Ibn Abi l-Hadid, op. cu; XV, 131-132 (the Prophet adopted the young boy Uabanniihu), the son of Abu Hiila); Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'arif, ed. Tharwat 'Ukasha, Cairo 1969,132-133(her first husband 'Atlq, the second Abu Hala; he died in the period of the Jahiliyya; Abu HiiIa's son, Hind, was brought up by the Prophet); Ibn Durayd, al-l shtiqaq, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hliriin, Cairo 1378/1958,p. 142 (al-Nabbash), 208 (Zuriira b. al-Nabbash); he died in Mecca in the period of the Jahiliyya; Hind b. Hind died in Basra; some say that he left progeny; Ibn Hajar, al-/ saba. VI, 557-558, no. 9013 (see the different versions; see the version that his name was Malik b. al-Nabbash); Niir al-Din al-Haythaml, Majma' al-zawiiid, Beirut 1967, VIII, 275 info(al-Nabbash and Malik b. Zurara); al-Diyarbakrf, Ta'rikh ol-khamis; Cairo 1283,I, 263-264 (the first husband 'Atiq; he died and she married Abu Hala; she bore him a male On strangers and allies in Mecca 125 A peculiar tradition says that Khadija bore Abu Hala two sons: al-Harith and Hind," Al-Harith was killed in Mecca during the first period of the Prophet's activity: when the Prophet started to preach openly in the mosque (scil. of the haram - K) at Mecca exhorting his listeners to believe in the one true God and was attacked by the unbelievers. Alarmed, Al-Harith hurried to the mosque and was killed in a scuffle with the unbelievers at the Ka'ba'" There is a tradition mentioning another son of Abu Hala named al-Zubayr; but there is no explicit statement that his mother was Khadija," Ibn Hajar records the name of a transmitter of hadith who was a descendant of Abu Hala; Yazid b. 'Amr Abu 'Abdallah al- Tamimi62 59 60 61 62 offspring and a female one; some traditions say that the first husband was Abu Hala, the second 'Atiq); Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, op. cit. p. 51; Ibn al- Jauzi, al-Wafa bi-a/:lwali l-mustafa; ed. MU$tafa 'Abd al-Wal.tid, Cairo 1386/1966,p. 145 (the marriage of Khadija with Waraqa was cancelled. She married Abu Hala (Hind) (or Malik) and bore him two sons: Hind and Hala, She married afterwards 'Atiq b. 'A'idh and bore him a girl named Hind. Then she married the Prophet and bore him all his children, except Ibrahim}, 'Ali Khiin ai-Madani al-Shirazi al-Husayni, al-Darajiu al-rafia fi (abaqati l-shia, ed. Muhammad Siidiq Bahr al-uliim, Najaf 1381/1962, pp. 407, 411ult, (the name of Abu Hala; Nammiish,or Nabbash, or Malik b. Zurara b. Nabbiish, or Zurara b. al-Nabbiish or Nabbiish b. Zurara); al-Zurqanl, Sharb al-mawahibi Haduniyya; Cairo 1325,I, 199(Abu Hala's name: Malik b. Zuriira, or Hind, or al-Nabbiish; Khadija bore him two male children: Hind and HiiIa. After the death of Abu Hala, Khadija married 'Atiq b. Abid and bore him a daughter, Hind; some say: she bore him a son, Hind}, al-Mausili, Ghiiyat al-wasdi! ita mdriiasi l-awa'it, MS., Cambridge Qq 33(10)fol 37a, inf. - 37b sup. Al-Baladhuri, AnsQb, MS. foll069b. Mughultay, op. cu. MS. Leiden, Or. 370, fol 142b, ult; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba; I. 605; al-Fiisi, al-Tqd oi-thamin; I, 228 penult; al-Ma~li, Ghiiyat oi-wasdil, MS. fol 23a, info Ibn I:Iajar, al-/saba. IL 558,no. 2792. Ibn l:Iajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, Hyderabad 1327,XII, 148,no. 705 L min wuldi abi hiiJata l-nabbashi bni zurarata). 126 To the clan of the Banii Nabbash belonged the poet al-A'sM b. al-Nabbash, who eulogized the unbelievers killed at Badr. He was, like his relatives, an ally of the Banii Naufal of the 'Abd al-D.ir.63 and an influential person in Mecca involved in its internal struggles. The story of the Usayyidi group in Mecca is a convincing example of the skillful policy of the leaders of the Meccan body politic; the Usayyidi newcomers were received in a friendly manner, and due to their experience and energy they managed to acquire property, settle in the centre of Mecca and grow wealthy and influential Their marriages with their allies in Mecca contributed to a considerable degree to their feeling of identity with their new relatives, and with the interests of Mecca and to their loyalty to their Meccan allies. The story of Khabbab b. al-Aratt is not in fact that of an ally; the circumstances of his life and career, and his attitude to the family to which he was attached, resemble however to a great extent the situation of the hulafii', the allies in Mecca. Khabab was a man of obscure origin. His father was sold in Mecca as a slave to a Khuzi'i family who, themselves, were allies of the Banii Zuhra. Khabbab's profession and that of his mother were base and contemptible: she was a professional circumciser, he was a blacksmith. According to a tradition the mother of Khabbab married a Khuza'i, an ally of Zuhra and bore him Sibii'; Khabbab was thus a half-brother of Sibii', whose client he was. This may have granted him a special status in the family of his master and he could persuade them to join the Zuhri family of 'Auf b. 'Abd Auf as allies.64 Khabbab was one of the earliest converts to Islam and as one of the 4u'afii' was exposed to persecution and torture at the hands of the unbelievers; the Prophet used to visit him 63 See on him e.g. Mus'ab, Nasab, pp. 403-404; al-Zubayr b, Bakkar, Jamhara; MS. fol. 185b; al-Tayalisi, Kitiib al-mukiuhara 'inda l-mudhakara; ed. al-Tanji, Ankara 1956, pp. 22-24; al-Amidi, al-Mu'talif wa-l-mukhtalif, ed. 'Abd al-Sattar Farra], Cairo ·1381/1961, p. 21; ai-A'sha wa-i-ashaun ai-akharun, ai-Subh. al-munir [i sm·r abi basir, ed. R. Geyer, London 1928, pp. 272-274 (and see "Anmerkungen", pp. 268-270}' Ibn Durayd, op. cit. pp.142-141 64 See e.g. Ibn Habib, al-Munarnmaq, pp. 294-295. On strangers and allies in Mecca 127 in the midst of his troubles and showed him sympathy/" In Islam he is highly respected and was one of the eminent Companions, taking part in all the battles against the unbelievers. 'Uthman granted him land in Iraq and he became a wealthy man.. He, nevertheless, joined 'Ali and fought in the battle of Siffin on the side of 'Ali. Some Shu sources claim that he signed the document of arbitration at Siffin, He died in 37 AH and 'Ali is said to have prayed over his graVe.66 The story of Khabbab is highly instructive, being the case of an individual of low class origins who gradually rose from the position of a slave to that of a client tmaulii), subsequently becoming an ally (I)alif). He was presumably able to attain this position because his mother was married to one of her masters. But Khabbab also endured hardship and suffering for the openness and courage with which he expressed his genuine opinions and beliefs. Islam granted him full rights in the community and a position of equal footing with all the believers. An eminent person in Mecca in the period of the Prophet was al-Akhnas b. Shariq al-Thaqafi, an ally of the Banii Zuhra. His pedigree is given by Ibn al-Kalbi as follows: Ubayy b. Shariq b. 'Amr b. Wahb b. 'Ilaj, an ally of the Banii Zuhra. He was nicknamed "al-Akhnas" because he diverted the Banii Zuhra from fighting on the Day of Badr,"? Al-Akhnas was a rich man: his clan owned a court (dar, dar al-akhnasi in the lane of the perfumers (zuqaq al-iauarin); they possessed as well a patch of land (lJmiq) in the "night market" (sUq al-layl), which they bought from the 'Amir b. Lu'ayy," In the old days, says al-Fakihi, Abyssinians stayed in the mountain where the gorge of the clan of al-Akhnas was located." The mountain al-Hira (where the 65 Al-Fasi, aI-'f qd ol-thamin; IV, 30L 66 See El2, s.v. Khabbiib b. al-Aratt; and see al-Shibli, MaQ1JSin al-wasdil ila mdrifaii al-awa'il. MS. British Library, Or. 1530, fols. 108b-l09a; Muqatil b. Sulaymiin, Tafsir, ed. 'Abdallah Mahmiid Shabiitah, Cairo 1969, I, 105inf; Abu I-'Arab, Kitab al-mihan, MS. Cambridge Qq 235(8), foIs. 39b-40b (dhikru qatli 'abdi 111lhibni khabOObi bni i-araai wa-l-I:liuithi bni murrah). 67 Ibn al-Kalbi, J amhara; MS, Br. Mus.,foL 1553. 68 Al-Fiikihi, op. cit; MS, foL 457a 128 Prophet received his revelation - K) is located by this gorge. Through this gorge the Prophet entered Mecca on the Day of the Conquest of Mecca. Najda, the Kharijite alighted in this gorge." Al-Akhnas' relations with Quraysh were very close: his mother was Rayta bint 'Abdallah b. Abi Qays al-Qurashi, from the Banii 'Amir b. Lu'ayy," Al-Akhnas married Khalida, the daughter of the noble Abu l-'~i 72 His son, Sa'id, married Sakhra, the daughter of Abu Sufyiin.73 His sister, Thurayya, was the wife of Abu Dhi'b Hisham b. Shu'ba of the Abu Qays b. 'Abd Wudd of Quraysh." Descendants of al-Akhnas continued to intermarry with Quraysh," Al-Akhnas was an implacable opponent of the Prophet. Some patently tendentious traditions state that he did not embrace Islam at alP6 Other traditions report that he embraced Islam and was one of the muallaia quliibuhum; i. e. those whose sympathy for Islam was gained by gifts granted them by the Prophet," A harmonizing report assumes that he embraced Islam and participated in the battle of Hunayn, He probably apostatized later and then converted again to Islam," We have, in fact, some information about the activities of al-Akhnas against the Prophet. A report recorded by al-Baladhuri says that al-Akhnas was a member of the Qurashi delegation which came 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 Al~Fiikihi, op. cit; MS. fol 5OOb. Al-Azraqi, op. cu; p. 492. See Muqiitil. Tafsir, I. 102. Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 101;al-Baladhurl, Ansah, ed. M Schloessinger, IV A., 169. Ibn 1;Iabib, al~Mul)abbar, p. 105; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit; VIII, 240. Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 421 See e.g. Ibn a1~Kalbi, Jomnara; MS. Br. Mus. fol117a Al-Baladburf, Ansah, MS. fol. 1226a; al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, (= al-Jam," li-ai)kami l-qur'iin), Cairo 1387/1967, HI, 15, II 77 Ibn al-Athir, Usd, I, 48. 78 Ibn Hajar, al-I saba, I, 38-39. On strangers and allies in Mecca 129 to Abii Talib asking him to halt the Prophet's missionary activity; al-Akhnas was the speaker of the delegation." Al-Akhnas was involved in another incident: he watched, in the company of unbelievers, how a group of believers went out to the gorge of Abii Dubb in Mecca in order to perform there the ritual ablution (wuq.u1 and prayer (evidently in the first period of Islam, when believers had to conceal their ritual practices - K). The unbelievers attacked and beat them. Ibn Sa'd, one of the believers, seized a camel's jaw and beat them with it until he wounded one of the unbelievers, who were routed tinkasara l-mushrikiin) and left the place.80 The relations in this early period preceding the hijra of the Prophet were probably not explicitly hostile: when the Prophet returned from his journey to al- Ta'if he sent to al-Akhnas asking for his protection (jiwar) in order to enter Mecca; al-Akhnas, however, could not respond; he argued that being himself an ally (l)aIif) he was not authorized to grant protection," The inferior status of the ally (balif) is mentioned only twice: in the case of Abii Ihab with the gazelle and here in the case of the protection withheld from the Prophet It is noteworthy that, according to a tradition, al-Akhnas granted protection to Abii Sabra b. Abi Ruhm'" . A decision made by al-Akhnas on the eve of the Day of Badr happened to be a turning point in the history of the Muslim community: it was a main contributing factor to the Muslim victory on the Day of Badr. Al-Akhnas headed a troop of 300 Zuhri warriors. In the consultations of the Qurashi leaders al-Akhnas opposed the activist 79 Al-BaIadhuri, Ansah, L 23L 80 Al-Baladhuri, Ansah, I, 116;on Shi'b Abi Dubb see l-Bakri, Mu'jam rna stdjam. ed. M~tafii l-Saqqa, Cairo 1364/1945,p. 540. 81 Ibn Hishiim, op. cit. II, 20; al-Tabarsi, l'liim ai-wara bi-dlam ai-Juu:ia, ed. 'Ali Akbar al-Ghaffiiri, Tehran 1379,p.65; Ibn Junghul, Tarlkh; MS. British Library, Or. 5912, I, 203a: the messenger of the Prophet to al-Akhnas was 'Abdallah b. Urayqit, 82 Al-Baliidhuri, Ansah, L 228. 130 attitude of some leaders (like Abu Jahl), proposed to refrain from any military action against the Prophet and his forces and to return to Mecca. He explained to the Zuhri warriors that Muhammad was their nephew (ibn ukht), and that if he was a prophet they should not kill him; if, on the other hand, he was an impostor, they, of all people, should definitely refrain from fighting him," According to another tradition al-Akhnas argued that, as the caravan had already reached its destination safely, the Meccan force should return to Mecca," The Zuhri troop obeyed al-Akhnas and returned to Mecca.85 The Qurashi force was thus reduced from 1000 to 700 and its striking force was seriously impaired. The retreat of the Zuhri troop was an important event, if not the decisive factor, in the victory of the Muslim forces and the defeat of Quraysh," The victory at Badr heralded the triumph of Islam After the battle of Badr, al-Akhnas is said to have visited the court of the Prophet in Medina, engaged him in conversation, feigning willingness to embrace Islam. He assured the Prophet of his love for him and expressed his allegiance to the new faith.. Unaware of the real nature of his thoughts and feelings, the Prophet used to honour him and let him sit in council close to him. It was in connection with this that the verses of Sura II were revealed tal-baqara) 204-205: wa-min at-nasi man yu'jibuka qauluhu _ "and some men there are whose saying upon the present world pleases thee and such a one calls on God to witness what is in his heart, yet he is most stubborn in altercation" (translation: Arberry)," Al-Akhnas afterwards went out, 83 Muqatil, Tatsir, 1, 103. 84 Al-Baladhuri, Ansilb. I, 291; and see Abii l-Faraj, AghQni. Beirut, 1390/1970. IV. 22 reprint; al-Waqidi. op. cit, pp. 44-45. 85 See e.g. al-Azraqi, op. cit, p. 492; Ibn Hishiim, op. cit, II. 271; al-Tabarsi, l'tiim ol-wara; p. 85; Ibn J:lajar. ai-/$iiba, I. 38-39; al-BaIiidhuri. Ansilb. MS. fo11226a; Ibn-Athlr, I. 48; Muqati~ Taisir, MS. 1, fol 146a-b and I, 161 (printed edition). 86 The Zuhra and the 'Adiyy were the only Qurashi divisions which did not pin the Qurashi force; see al-Waqidi. op. cit, p. 45. 87 See e.g. Muqdtll, Tafsir, I, 102; al-Qurtubl, Tafsir, II. 14 inf.; al-Tabari, Tajsir, ed. Mabmiid and Ahmad Shakir. Cairo n.d. IV, 229-230. no. 3961 us« On strangers and allies in Mecca 131 burnt some crops and killed some donkeys," Four verses of Sura LXVIII (Surat al-qalam) 10-13: wa-lii tuti' kulla hallatin mahin, hammazin mashshii'in bi-namim _ "and obey thou not every man swearer, backbiter, going about with slander, hinderer of good. guilty agressor _" are also said to refer to al-Akhnas," Some commentators record traditions saying that the words humaza lumaza in Sura Clv, 1 (Surat al-humazas; "backbiter, slanderer" refer to al-Akhnas," That these interpretations seem to have been widely circulated can be inferred from the following anecdote: al-Kalbi was asked in Mecca about the interpretation of Siira II. 204 (quoted above) and replied that the person intended in the verse was al-Akhnas. One of those present in the council tmailis), a descendant of al-Akhnas, requested al-Kalbi to desist from circulating these interpretations in Mecca," Al-Akhnas' son Abu l-Hakam fought in the battles against the Prophet. He (or his father) is said to have killed Unays b. Qatada at Uhud." Another tradition relates that Abu l-Hakam b. al-Akhnas killed 'Abdallah b. Jahsh'" 88 See e.g, al-WaI)idi. Asbiib al-nuzUl, Cairo 1388/1968, p. 39; al-Tabari, Tafsir, IV, 229; al-Suyiiti, ai-Durr al-manthiir. I. 238; Ibn Kathfr, Tafsir, Beirut 1385/1966. I. 436. 89 See Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, VII. 84 inf; al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, XVIII. 235; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr, VI. 251 info 252 (According to other traditions the verses referred to al-Hakam, the father of Marwan, or to al-Aswad b. 'Abd Yaghiith); Ibn Hisharn, op. cu; I. 386; al-Naysibiiri, Gharllib al-qur'iin wa-raghiiib ai-tUTqan, Cairo 1390/1970, XXIX. 21 1.4 from bottom; al-Tabarsi, Majma' ai-bayan ti tafsiri l-quran, Beirut 1380/1961. XXIX. 27 (referred to al-Walid b. al-Mughira, or to al-Akhnas b. Shariq, or to al-Aswad b. 'Abd Yaghiith), 90 Al-Tabarsi, Majma' al-bayan; XXX, 230 info (refers to al-Akhnas, or to al-Walid b. al-Mughira); al-Samarqandl, Tafsir, MS. Chester Beatty 3668, II, 344b. ll. 1-3 (al-Akhnas or al-Walid b. al-Mughira) ; al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, Xx. 83 sup; al-Suyiiti. al-Durr. VI. 392 91 Al-Suyiiti. aI-DUTroI. 238. 92 Ibn Qudarna al-Maqdisi, ai-Istibsar [i nasabi l-sohaba min ol-ansiir, ed. 'Ali Nuwayhid, Beirut 1391/1971. p. 294, It 1-2; aI-Waqidi, op. cit; p. 301 (killed by Abii l-Hakam); Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cii; p. 113,no. 91 (killed by al-Akhnas), 93 Anonymous, ai-Ta'rikh al-muhkam [i man intasaba ila i-nabiyyi salia ll~ 'aiayhi wa-sallam; MS. Br. Mus. Or. 8653, fol. 214a; Ibn Hajar, ai-Isaba; IV. 37, no. 4586. 132 For years al-Akhnas remained hostile to the Prophet. He attended the execution of Khubayb in Mecca'" and demanded that the Prophet extradite Abii Basir al-Thaqafi, who was a maula of Banii Zuhra," Al-Akhnas died, as a Muslim of course, during the caliphate of 'Uthman," The son of al-Akhnas, al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas, was a sincere and loyal adherent of 'Uthman- and lost his life defending 'Uthman from the attacks of his enemies. The killer, at the time unaware of his victim's identity, on being informed that it was al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas, recalled a dream in which he had seen vessels with boiling water prepared for the man who would kill al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas," After al-Mughira's death, a man of the Banii Zuhra reported to Talha b. 'Ubaydullah: "Al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas has been killed". Talha b. 'Ubaydullah remarked: ''The sayyid of the allies of Quraysh has been killed".98 One of the grandsons of al-Mughira, al-Mughira b. Asad b. Mughira b. al-Akhnas b. Shariq married 'A'isha bint 'Abdallah b. 94 Ibn Hisham, op. cit. Ill, 188;al-Wliqidi, op. cit. P. 361;al-Suyiiti, al-Durr, I, 238. 95 Ibn Hazm, J awaml ol-sira; ed. Ibsan 'Abbas, Nli$ir al-Din al-Asad, Cairo n.d.,p. 210; Ibn Hisham, op. cit. III, 337;al-Wliqidi, op. cit. p. 624; al-Baladhuri, Ansab, I, 211;on Abii Basir see Ibn I:Iajar, ol-lsaba; IV, 433,no. 5401 % Ibn al-Athir, Usd,l, 48. 97 See e.g. Anonymous, al-Tdrikn al-muhkam; fol. 62a-b; AbU l-'Arab, Kitiib al mihan; MS. fol. 18a-b; Muhammad b. Yabyli l-Maliqi, aJ-Tamhid wa-i-bayiin [i maqtali l-shahidi 'whmim, ed. Mahmiid Yiisuf Zliyid, Beirut 1%4, pp. 134,135 (and see index; the report on p. 133 is transmitted by the grandson of al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas); and see on him Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqat, I, 403, III, 66; Ibn al- Athir, Usd, IV, 405-406; al-Fasl, ai-'/ qd al-thamin; VIII, 252-253, no. 2498 (another version of the dream); al-Baladhuri, Ansiib, V, 76, 79 (ed, s.D. Goitein, Jerusalem 1936); Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, op. cit. p. 1444; Ibn Hajar, al-I saba, VI, 1%-197. 98 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit. p. 1444. On strangers and allies in Mecca 133 'Umar," His grandson, Ya'qiib b. 'Utba b. al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas b. Shariq was a trustworthy muhaddith; he was honest and noble, and governors used to send him as tax-collector'?" There-is no need here to comment at length on the story of al-Akhnas b. Shariq. Suffice it to say that it reveals another aspect of Meccan policy towards strangers desirous of joining one of the Meccan clans: newcomers were allowed freedom of action, and opportunities were given them to attain the highest position of leadership. So it came about that an ally made a decision that was to prove momentous to the subsequent history of the Islamic community: it was the Thaqafi hali] al-Akhnas b. Shariq who issued the order of retreat to the Zuhri troop and made the Muslim victory at Badr possible. The list of the arbiters of Quraysh includes the name of a Thaqafite ally of the Banii Zuhra: al-'Alli' b. Jariya (or Haritha) b. Sumayr b. 'Abdallah b. Abi Salama b. 'Abd al-'Uzza b. Ghiyara al-Thaqafi, hall] (ally) of the Banii Zuhra'?' It was, of course, unusual for a halit to gain the position of an arbiter on behalf of a tribal divison. He must have been a very respected member of the Meccan community. It is indicative of the Prophet's skill in management that he included al-'Alli in the group of the muallata quJ.Ubuhum, eminent unbelievers whose sympathy for Islam was won by gifts.102 99 Mus'ab, Nasab, p.357. 100 Ibn l:Iajar, Tahdhib al tahdhib, XI, 392, no. 755; al-Bukhiiri, al-Ta'rikh ol-kpbir, VIII, 389,no. 3434. 101 Ibn l:Iabib, aJ-Mul}abbar,p. ill. 102 Ibn Hazm, Jawamt al-sira; p. 246; aI-Wiiqidi, op. cit. p. 946; Ibn Qutayba, ai-Ma'arif, p. 342; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit. II, 153,l. 1; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, p. 1085,no. 1840; al-Tabari, Tarikh; ed. Muhammad Abu l-Pad! Ibrahim, III, 90; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, IV, 7; Ibn I:Iajar, al-Isaba; V, 279, no. 6807; aI-BaIiidhuri, Ansab, MS. foL 1226b;Ibn Hishiim,op. cit. IV, 136;Muqiitil, Tafsir, MS. I, 155a; al-Fiisi, Shifa' aJ-gliarllm,II, 1~ 134 A peculiar case of tribal collaboration between Quraysh and Sulaym is seen in the story of Abii I-A'war al-Sulami, the ally of Abii Sufyan, His family had a close relationship with Quraysb: his mother and his grandmother were from Quraysh (the mother from Sahm, the grandmother from 'Abel Shams).I03His father, Sufyan b. 'Abel Shams, had been an ally of Harb b. Umayya and fought with Quraysh against the Prophet. It was he who killed the father of Djibir b. 'Abdallah and 'Abbas b. 'Ubada on the Day of Ubud.104 In the battle of the Ditch Sufyiin b. 'Abd Shams headed a troop of 700 warriors of Sulaym fighting on the side of Quraysh against the force of the Prophet-" It is noteworthy that the Sulami troop which joined the Prophet in the conquest of Mecca also numbered 700 (or 1000) warriors. It was probably this same group of warriors that went over to their former enemy.l06 The son, Abii l-A'war, 'Amr b. Sufyiin, was a leading figure in Mecca. He took part in a delegation of distinguished Meccans who came to Medina in order to persuade the Prophet that he should acknowledge the power of the idols,"? He seems to have remained hostile towards the Prophet for a very long time; thus the biographical compilations of the Companions state that he cannot be counted among the Companionsl'" However, he played an important role in the reign of Mu'awiyal"? and the latter's plan to appoint him as governor of Egypt only failed on account of a stratagem employed by 'Amr b. al-'As.no 103 See Ibn Hajar, aJ-/sQba,N, 641, no. 5855. 104 See al-Baladhuri, Ansah, I, 331,333; aI-Wiiqidi, op. cit; pp. 258, 266, 302, 306. 105 AI-Wiiqidi,op. cit; p. 441 106 See Ibn Hishiim, op. cit. N, 63; al-Wiiqidi, op. cit. 812 inf.- 811 107 See e.g. al-Nasafi, Tat sir aJ-qur'luI,Cairo n..d.,III, 292; and see J ESHO, XXIV, 258-259, ad notes 76-77. 1~ See e.g. EP, s.v. al-A'war (Lammens); and see Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba; 641, no. 5855; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, V. 138. 109 See e.g. Nasr b. Muzahim, Waq'at siffin, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hiirlin, Cairo 1383, index. 110 See 'Ali b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Hudhayl, 'Ayn al-adab wa-l-siyasa wa-zayn al-hasab wa-I-riyasa, Cairo 138811969,pp. 149-150. On strangers and allies in Mecca 135 Some of the allies were among the earliest converts to Islam. One of them was a Tamimi, Said b. 'Amr, an ally of the Banii Sahm of Quraysh; his half-brother on his mother's side was Tamim b. al-Harith al-Sahmi, who was among the first believers, and is listed among the distinguished group of Muslims who emigrated to Abyssinia (kana min muhajirati l-habashati l-hijrata l-thlmiya); he is said to have been killed in the battle of al-Ajiadayn'" The career of another halit, the Yarbii'i Tamimite Waqid b. 'Abdallah, is also noteworthy. He was sold as a slave to Khattab b. Nufayl of the 'Adiyy, who adopted him. He was called Waqid b. al-Khattab and became an ally of the Banii 'Adiyy. Later he changed his name to Waqid b. 'Abdallah according to the injunction of Siira XXXIII, 6: UtlUhum li-llbllihim, huwa aqsaiu 'inda lliihi ... "Call them by the names of their fathers. That is more equitable in the sight of God". In the first fraternization (mu'akhllt makka) he was paired with Bishr b. al-Bara'J'? He migrated to Medina and was sent by the Prophet to Nakhla with a group of warriors. In the attack of the Muslim group on the caravan of Quraysh, Waqid killed 'Amr b. al-Hadrami, 'Umar b. al-Khattab composed two verses about this event. It has been pointed out that Waqid was the first believer to kill an unbeliever, and was a highly respected person; 'Abdallah b. 'Umar named one of his sons Waqid after Waqid b. 'Abdallah al-Tamimi'" 'Umar included him in the pay-roll (jaraaa.lahu) of his family-'" Waqid died during the caliphate of 'UmarYs 111 Ibn cis; l12 Ibn 113 Ibn 114 Ibn 115 Al- cit. Sa'd, op. cu; IV, 197; Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 401, II. 11-13; Ibn 'Abel al-Barr, op. p. 626, no. 990; Ibn Hajar, aJ-I $Qba, Ill, 114,no. 328L l:Iabib, aJ-Muhobbar, P. 73 inf. Hajar, aJ-I$Qba, VI, 595 info Habib, al-Munammaq; p. 314. BaIadhuri, Ansiib, MS. fol. l000a; and see about him Ibn Abi l-Hadid, op. XV, 130; Ibn Sa'd, TabaqQJ, II, 10, IV, 159. 136 The biography of the Tamimi Ya'lii b. Umayya (or: Ya'la b. Munya) is the story of the meteoric rise to eminence of an ally in Mecca. He was an ally of the Banii Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf he converted to Islam. emigrated to Medina and fought in the battles of Hunayn, al- Ta'if and Tabiik. His sister, Nafisa bint Munya, who was the matchmaker between Khadija and the Prophet, converted early to Islam'" Ya'la's brother, Salama b. Umayya, fought on the Prophet's side in the expedition of Tabiik"? After the death of the Prophet he was appointed by Abii Bakr governor of Hulwan. 'Umar appointed him governor of some districts of the Yemen, but deposed him when he appropriated to himself land property (1)amii li-natsihi himan). He was, nevertheless, highly regarded by 'Uthman, and, on hearing of the latter's assassination, he hurried to Medina and urged that the murder of 'Uthman be avenged. Promising to equip any warrior willing to go out and avenge the murder, he actually equipped 70 warriors of Quraysh and bought the camel 'Askar for 'A'isha. He granted al-Zubayr 400,000 (dirhams - K) to implement the necessary preparations for the expedition. He married two distinguished Qurashi women: the daughter of al-Zubayr and the daughter of Abii Lahab. He died as a respected and wealthy man, a Meccan owning a piece of land (khiua) in Mecea'" Two men of the Usayyidi group of Tamim deserve to be mentioned here. Though there is no indication that they ever came to Mecca, they were certainly converts from the early Medinan period. Hanzala b. al-Rabi' al-Katib and his brother Rabah b. al-Rabi' rose speedily to a high position in the Muslim community and played an important role in the events of that period. Hanzala is said to have Ansab, I, 98; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba; VIII, 143, no. 11816 (Nafisa bint Umayya), 117 AI-Fasawi, ai-Ma'rifa wa-l-tdrikh; L 337. 118 See e.g. Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, op. cit; pp. 1585-1587, no. 2815; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, V, 128-129; al-I;>hahabi, Siyar a'llun ai-nubaia', ed. As'ad Talas, III. 66-67 no. 245; Ibn Hajar, lsaba, VI, 685, no. 9365; Idem, Tahdhib ai-tahdhib, XI, 399, no. 77l:, al-Fasi, al-Tqd al-thamin, VII, 478-480, no. 2753; al-Tabari, Tarikh; ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibriihim, index; al-Baliidhuri, Ansab, MS. foL 99O-991a 116 See e.g. aI-BaIiidhuri, On strangers and allies in Mecca 137 been the secretary of the Prophet, wrote the revelation and was entrusted with the Prophet'sseal iwa-kima mdahu khiaam al-nabiyyi). The Prophet sen. him as a spy to al- Tli.'ifand recommended him highly for his qualities of leadership. ii'tammic bi-mithli hii:dhii: wa-ashbii:hihi). According to Ibn al-Kalbi, Tamim, Asad Ghatafan and Hawazin fought under his banner on the Day of al-Qadisiyya'" He married a woman from a very noble family: a daughter of Naufal b. al-Harith b. 'Abd al-Muttalib.'t? He took part in the battles of the Conquest of Islam and settled in Kiifa; but as 'Uthman was generally spoken of in abusive terms there, Hanzala left the city and settled in Qarqisiyya..He used to visit the court of Mu'iiwiya.who had a high opinion of him. He died during the latter's reign.Tamim claim that the jinn bewailed his death. Al-Baladhuri, who records this information, however, notes that some people believed him to be of obscure provenance (kana da'iyyan).121 His brother RaMI;l(or Riyah) suggested to the Prophet to fix a special day in the week for the Muslim community; they would have their day like the 'Jews and the Christians.The siira: ai-iumua was then revealed and Friday was established as the Day of the Muslim community'> II Some additional details about the alliances in Mecca and the circumstances in which they were concluded may widen our understanding of general conditions in Mecca and the relations existing between allies and the clans which accepted them. In some cases 119 Ibn aI-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS. Br. Mus., foL 93b. 120 Ibn aI-Kalbi, Jamhara; MS. Br. Mus., foL USa. 121 See about him: aI-Bahidhuri, Amab, MS. foL 1069b; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit, p. 379, no. 548; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba; 11,134-135, nos. 1861-1862; Idem, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, III, 60, no. 109; Ibn al-Athir, U sd, II, 58; Khalifa b. Khayyat, al-Tabaqiu. ed. Akram I;>iya' I-'Umari, Baghdad 1387/1967,pp. 43, 129; Ibn 'Asiikir, Tdrikh; ed.. 'Abd aI-Qadir Badriin, Beirut 139911979,V, 13-15. 122 Al-Baladhurl, Amab, MS. foL 1069b; Ibn al-Athir, al-Barr, op. cit. p. 486, no. 744. Usd, II, 160-161; Ibn 'Abd 138 Quraysh welcomed newcomers who applied for allied status. Such was the case of Jahsh b. Ri'ab of the Asad b. Khuzayma In consequence of a blood feud between Asad and Khuza'a a division of Asad requested the aid of Kinana; when these refused, they turned to the Ghatafan, Their request seems, however, to have been rejected.. Ri'ab b. Ya'mur, the father of Jahsh, came to Mecca and applied for allied status with Quraysh. He was invited by Qurashi Asad b. 'Abel al-Uzza to join them as ally and he gladly joined them as hali]. Later, however, people remarked that the Asad b. 'Abel al-'Um were a wretched branch of Quraysh; Ri'ab consequently cancelled the alliance and concluded one with the 'Abd Manaf. When the Banii Jahsh made their hijra to Medina, Abii Sufyan sold their houses and appropriated for himself the proceeds of the transaction. One of the sons of Jahsh complained of this iniquity, stressing that "others" (ie, other branches of Quraysh - K) wanted to affiliate them as allies, but the Banii Jahsh preferred an alliance with Abii Sufyan, 'Abel al-Malik inquired who it was who had offered the Banii Jahsh the alliance and 'Urwa b. al-Zubayr said that his clan had done so, but that Banii Jahsh had preferred to conclude an alliance with Abii Sufylin.123 The verses indicating the purpose of the alliance are significant wa-la-qad da'ani ghayrukum Ia-abaytulur. wa-khabdtukum li-nawliibi l-dahri. The place and time in which the alliance was concluded are also given: wo-aqadtu habli [i hilXdikum: 'inda l-jimiJri 'ashiyyata lrnahri. The attitude towards the Umayyads is expressed in warm words: a-bani umayyata kayla uslamu fikumu: wa-anii bnukum wa-holilukum [i 1-'usri.124 123 Ibn Habib, al-M/.UIIJmITIiUl, 286-288. p. 124 See the story and the verses in al-Fiikihi, Tarikh; fol. 452a-b (with many variants). On strangers and allies in Mecca 139 The close ties existing between the Qurashites and their allies are evident from the circumstance that Jabsh b. Ri'iib married the daughter of 'Abd al-Muttalib/ She bore him three sons and two daughters: Zaynab bint .Jahsh married the Prophet (before that she had been the wife of Zayd b. Haritha); Hamna bint Jahsh married Talha b/Ubaydullah.P! Zaynab (her former name was Barra) was distinguished by special verses revealed about her in the Qur'iinl26 The esteem in which these Asadi companions of the Prophet were held is reflected by the fact that their names were added to the list of the Qurashi Companiona"? A vivid description of the atmosphere in which an alliance was concluded is given in the story of Khalid b. al-Harith of Kiniinii, the father of Qariz, The poet Khalid, a congenial and eloquent person, came to Mecca. Every clan desired to have him as an ally and many people offered him hospitality (an yunzilahu) and the hands of their daughters in marriage. Khiilid asked to be given some time, went up to Hira' in order to worship God (yata'abbadu) and to pray for guidance in making his decision. After 3 days he came down and decided to conclude an alliance with the first person he met, who turned out to be 'Auf b. 'Abd al-Harith of Zuhra b. Kilab, He tied his garment to that of 'Auf, took his hand, and, both of them approached the haram; they stood by the House and affirmed their alliance.'" 125 Al-Baliidhuri, AnsQh,I, 88; Mus'ab, Nasob, p. 19,IL3-10. 126 See e.g. Muhibb al-Din Ahmad b. 'Abdallah al-Tabari, al-Sinq al-thamin [i manaqib ummahilli l-muminin; Cairo n.d., pp.87-92; Ibn Habib, al-Muf)abbar, pp. 85-88. 127 See Anonymous, al-Ta'rikh al-muhkam; MS. Br.Mus. 8653, foL 213a:hadha akhiru ma aradnahu. min nasabi a$/:labi rasidi /lahi (s) wa-akhbarihim; wa-adhkuru mdahum akhhara I-$al}ii.batimin bani asadi bni khuzaymata li-anna minhum bani [ahshin, bani 'ammati i-nabiyyi ts) we-hum mina l-siibiqina l-auwolina wa-l-muhaiirina I-hijratayn, we-hum hu/afa' bani 'abd shams _ ; and see the list ibid. fols. 2l3a-222a; and see the list of the Asadi Companions in Albert Dietrich, 'Abdalmu'rnin b. Xalaf ad-Dimyatinin bir Muhiicirin Listesi, $arkiyat Mecmuasi, Ill, 1959,pp. 136-137. 128 Ibn I:Iabib,al-Munammaq, p. 288. 140 The aim of the alliance of al-Ghaydaq b. 'Abd al-Muttalib with the Sulami Shayban was quite different When al-Ghaydaq was denied his share in his father's heritage, 'Abd al-Muttalib, by his brothers and was not able to secure the aid of his half-brother, 'Auf b. 'Abd 'Auf of the Zuhra, he applied for help to Shayban of Sulaym, who had married Umm Hakim, the daughter of al-Zubayr b. 'Abd al-Muttalib, Al-Ghaydaq's half-brother helped to conclude the alliance. By means of this alliance al-Ghaydaq succeeded in compelling his brothers to grant him his lawful share of the heritage.129 The friendly relations obtaining between the sons of Shayban and the family of 'Abd al-Muttalib seem to have continued: Arwa. the daughter of Rabi'a b. al-Harith b. 'Abd al-Muttalib married 'Abood b. Shayban.130She bore him two daughters (in the period of Islam); one of these daughters married Muhammad b. 'Ali b. Abi TaIib and bore him a son, Ibrahim. Arwa's mother was Umm al-Hakam (not Umm Hakim as in Munammaq) the daughter of al-Zubayr b. 'Abd al-Muttalih'" In some cases an alliance was concluded with two persons; such was the case of Mirdas al-Sulami, who concluded the alliance with both Harb b. Umayya and Abu l-'As b. Umayya; it later broke down.132 In others the effects of the alliance came to fruition after many years: 'Abd al-Rahman b. Sayhan was the ally of the 'Abd Manaf. Mu'awiya ordered his governor in Medina, Marwan, to refrain from punishing 'Abd al-Rahman b. Sayhan for drinking an intoxicating beverage made of raisins (or dates).133 In some cases alliances were merely fictitious. Such was the case of a Persian slave who was set free in Mecca and established his abode there. He was a successful carpenter, sired pretty daughters and 129 See Ibn Habib, ai-MU/UJlfI1T/.Oi/, p. 289; on al-Ghaydaq n 11-12;al-BaIadhuri, Ansah, I, 71, 90. 130 See Ibn Habib, aJ-MU/UJlfI1T/.Oi/, p. 289, ult, l31 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS, Br. Mus. fol116b, inf. see Mus'ab, Nasab, p.l8, 132 Ibn I:Iabib, aJ-MU/UJlfI1T/.Oi/, p. 330. 133 Al-Baladhuri, Ansah, ed. M. Schloessinger, Jerusalem 1971, IVA, pp. 81, 112-114; Ibn I:Iabib, aJ-MU/UJlfI1T/.Oi/, p. 305. On strangers and allies in Mecca 141 gifted sons, and joined Harb b. Umayya as ally.134Ibn Habib rightly remarks that it was in fact not an alliance at all: (wa-qad dakhala ti ahlati qurayshin man laysa lahum bi-haiitin minhum al-hadarima ->.135 That the economic factor had played a decisive role in acceptance of the new ally by Ibn Umayya emerges quite clearly from the outline of al-Hadrami's career: wa-nazala makkata wa-kathura maluhu wa-walada nisdan hisanan wa-rijalan ta-aniabahum, [a-tazawwaja baniihu haythu ahabbii; wa-hum yadddiina hilta harbi bni umayyata, wa-laysa lahum hiliun min ahadin min qurayshini" Al-Hadrami married Umm Talha, the daughter' of Umm Hakim bint 'Abd al-Muttalib, Their son, 'Amr b. al-Hadrami, was killed on the Day of Nakhla,"? Ibn Habib records many cases of alliances which were in fact never formally concluded, but subsequently acquired outward recognition when the daughters of Meccan noblemen married newcomers, who were usually of inferior status. An apparent case of this kind is that of the Byzantine slave Salama b. al-Azraq, His son, Salama "entered" into an alliance with the 'Abd Shams, marrying Amina, the sister of 'Uthman b. 'Affan..138 The clan of 'Amr b. Umayya al-Damri was considered an ally of the Banii Umayya because 'Amr b. Umayya" married Sukhayla bint 'Ubayda b. al-Harith b. 'Abd al-Muttalih'v' Ibn Habib's opinions about fictitious alliances of this kind are instructive: ... [a-dakhalii [i bani 'abdi l-dari bi-l-sihri, wa-laysa lahum hilt _141 sami'tu man yuhaqqiqu hiltahum wa-sami'tu man ... 134 135 136 137 138 l;Iabib, al-Munammaq, pp.320-322 Habib, al-Munammaq; p. 319 ult, Habib, ol-Munammaq, p. 321; and see ibid, p. 322, 15. Mus'ab, Nasob, p. 18, 1113-17; al-Baladhuri, Ansah, L 88, 297. Habib, al-Munammaq, p. 302, 11.6-7; but according to Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 101, II. 8-9 she married a man from Madhhij 139 See on him J ESHO, vol. XXIV, 251, notes 40-41; and see ibid, pp. 262-263 and notes 84-85. 140 Ibn l;Iabib, al-Munammaq, p. 302 141 Ibn l;Iabib, oi-Munammaq; p. 306, I. 8. Ibn Ibn Ibn See Ibn 142 yuwahhinuhu wa-yaqidu: innama dakhaJit bi-arhamihim wa-asharihim [i=bani zuhrar'? In some cases Ibn Habib admits that he does not know the reason for the affiliation of an adopted ally to his clan: ._wa-huwa ya'ia b. umayya; wa-ia dritu sOOOOa dukhidihim fi bani 'abdi l-darit" The allies who attached themselves to the Meccan clans took part in the political events and war activities of Mecca.. This is stated in the report about the fourth war of the Fijir; ''Nobody of the Tamim attended it except (the clans, or groups of Tamim - K) because of the alliance with Quraysh: the clan of Zurara, the clan of Abii Ihab and the clan of Abii Yalta b. Munya".144 III The alliances of Quraysh with great tribal divisions differed in many respects from the alliances of individuals or of small groups with individuals and clans in Mecca. The strangers and small groups accepted into the body politic of Mecca became usually tied by marriage to the Meccan clans, and integrated themselves into Meccan society. They preserved their nisba; which kept the memory of their tribal origin, but were loyal to Meccan interests and Meccan policy. Great tribal divisions could endanger the balance of power between the various tribal units in Mecca and even bring about a situation in which one or more of these foreign elements would, on conclusion of the alliance, secure for themselves predominant positions. These considerations emerge with clarity from the story of the alliance planned between a division of the Aus of Medina with Quraysh. The Aus proposed alliance with Quraysh; Quraysh consented and the alliance between them was signed. It was, however, cancelled when Walid b. al-Mughira (from Makhziim - K) convinced the Meccans that such an alliance may endanger the existence of the 142 Ibn l:fabTh, al-MUfU.lTI1lrI£Uj, p. '!JJ7. 143 Ibn l:fabib, al-MUfU.lTI1lrI£Uj, p. 306. 144 Ibn Habib, al-MUfU.lTI1lrI£Uj, p. 199. On strangers and allies in Mecca 143 Qurashi community in Mecca. Certain expressions in the story may reflect the considerations and reasons for the cancellation of the document: the Aus went out from Yathrib as a jaliya; a group of emigrants (i,e, a group which did not leave their abode of their own free will - K) and alighted in Mecca in the dwellings of Quraysh tnazalat 'ala qurayshr; it was with this group that the Meccans signed the alliance. Al-Walid b. al-Mughira's warning to Quraysh reads as follows: "Never did a people alight in the abode of another people, without depriving them of their honor and inheriting their abodes" (ma nazala qaumun qattu 'ala qaumin ilia akhadhii sharaiahum wa-warithii di yarahum), As a pretext for the cancellation of the document al-Walid proposed to explain to the Aus that the Meccans tend to behave in a licentious manner with women; this may be detrimental for the Aus (sci I. if they decide to live in Mecca - K). The Aus were impressed by the argument and cancelled the alliance.v" The other account of the event (that of Abu 'Ubayda) is similar in outline but contains additional details. These merely record the names of clans who had left Yathrib and came to Mecca: 'Abd al-Ashhal, Zafar, Mu'awiya and people from Riiti~146they went out clandestinely under the pretext of an 'umra. They came to Mecca, alighted in the city, concluded the alliance and stayed there for some days. Then Abu Jahl returned from a journey and was reported about the alliance which had been concluded. It was he who warned the Meccans of the danger that they might be overpowered by the Aus. He proposed to use the aforementioned pretext, which, in the event, proved convincing, and the Aus annulled the document. In the words of Abu 'Ubayda: " .. wa-qad raddadna ilaykum IJilfakum".147 Within the leading group in Mecca there was, however, a tendency to extend their socio-economic activity so as to include within it Medina and al- Ta'if, An important report about the relations 145 Ibn l:Iabib. al-Munammaq, p. 326. 146 Riitij is a locality in Medina (ie, in Yathrib); see Yiiqiit, Mu'jam al-buJdan, s.v. Riitij. 147 Ibn l:Iabib. ol-Munammaq, pp. 327-330. 144 between Mecca and al- Ta'if is recorded by Ibn Habib; When Quraysh increased in number (sci I. in the period of the Jahiliyya - K) they coveted the valley of Wajj ( ... anna qurayshan hina kathurat raghibat Ii wajiin); they suggested to Thaqif (the inhabitants of al- Ta'if) that they should share the haram of Mecca and Wajj on equal terms. Thaqif refused, arguing that Wajj had been built by their ancestors (thus claiming exclusive right of control over the land and the city - K), whilst the haram of Mecca was established by Abraham (and was thus a place open to all - K). Quraysh then threatened to deny Thaqif access to Mecca. Thaqif, fearing war with Quraysh and their allies from Khuzi'a and Bakr b. 'Abd Maruit, were compelled to concede, and entered into alliance with Quraysh. They even persuaded the Daus to sign a treaty of alliance with Quraysh on the same terms'" The stipulation of al-sharika Ii l-dar made by Quraysh was made into an alliance agreed upon by all the parties interested. Thaqif were granted entrance into the Qurashi controlled Hums and intermarried with Quraysh. Quraysh were able to purchase land property in Wajj.149 The two cases of alliances of Mecca with large and cohesive divisions seem to exemplify the socio-economic views held by Quraysh concerning this type of alliance. IV In Mecca itself the tribal factions struggled among themselves for influence and power. Sometimes conflicts led to bloody encounters. Tradition reports such a clash between the Banu Jumah and the Banii Muharib b. Fihr. The date of the event (or even the period) is not given; the report says that the number of Jurnahis killed and heaped on the battlefield was so great that the place was called radm bani juma/:l.150 Conflicts between the various factions brought about 148 Ibn Habib, al-Munammaq, pp. 280-281 149 Comp. JSAI I (1979) 8-10. 150 Al-Bakri, Mu'jarn rna sta'jam, p. 649 (sv, al-radm); ol-basim; MS. fo1183b. Mughultay, al-Zahr On strangers and allies in Mecca 145 alliances of the different groups. The division of the Meccan society into the mutayyabisn and ahla] is quite well known, and so is the story of the hilt al-tu4itl.151 Another tribal grouping, including the Zuhra and the Ghayatil, 152 was called the "alliance of righteousness" (hilt al-salah). The Qurashi tribes gave their consent to it, but did not join the alliance. The Muslims acted according to its tenets in the period of Islam."? 'Ubaydullah b. 'Adiyy b. al-Khiyar of the Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf sat on a council imailis) at which the noble and the people of knowledge would meet. Mu'awiya inquired what happened at this council, which was called "majlis al-qilada', "the council of the necklace'T" Quarrels between families and clans brought about the establishment of temporary or relatively stable tribal alliances in which the weak sought the help of the strong. Such cases are seen in the reports about the Banii Zuhra. Umayya b. 'Abd Shams, says one report, was attacked and beaten because he used to pass by a Zuhri house and peep at the women. The Banii 'Abd Manaf became enraged at the deed of the Zuhra and demanded that they leave Mecca. The Zuhra started to prepare for departure; they were, however, urged to stay with one of their relatives of Sahm. He came with a band of fighting men in order to defend the Zuhra. The Banu 'Abd Manaf recoiled from a confrontation with the Sahmi group and consented to leave the Zuhra in their dwellings.P? Of a similar kind was the alliance between the Sahm and the Banii 'Adiyy, The 'Adiyy clashed with the 'Abd Shams b. 'Abd Manaf. In the fights between them the 'Abd Shams usually had the upper hand. Both parties suffered losses; but when 'Adiyy realized 151 See e.g. E P, s.v. Muhammad nur (E. Tyan), nnr al-Fuc;liil (Ch. Pellat); M. Watt, at Mecca, index, s.v. Mutayyabiin, Al:Iliif,al-Fudiil: and see 152 153 154 155 al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Jamhara; MS. Bodleiana, Marsh 384, foll74b; al-Sinjirl, Manij'il) al-karam bi-akhbari makka wa-l-haram; MS. Leiden, Or. 7018,fol 46a-b, 60b-61b, 148b-149b; al-Mu'iifii b. Zakariyii, al-J ails al-salih; MS. Topkapi Saray III Ahmet, no. 2321,fol170b; al-Baliidhuri, Ansab, MS. foll44a See about them Caske\, Die Gomnara;II, 274, s.v.Gayatil, AI-Zubayr b. Bakkiir, Jamhara; MS. foll06b inf. Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, op. cit; p.42 Ibn Habib, al-MUlIlJ1rIfTUU/, pp.40-42 146 that they were no match for their foes, they decided to conclude an alliance with the Sahm. The 'Adiyy (almost all of them) sold their houses (which were between the Safa and the Ka'ba - K) and moved to the dwellings of Sahm, where they were assigned plots of land (for their houses - K). Al-Khattab (the father of 'Umar) praised the Sahm and thanked them.!" The contest between the Sahm and the 'Abd Shams is referred to in the commentaries of the Qur'an; (Sura ClI, al-Takiuhur): "Gross rivalry diverts you, even till you visit the tombs,"? Traditions report about the help extended to some members of the 'Adiyy in critical situations: al-Khattab, the father of 'Umar, detained a number of women of the Banii Ka'b, who were riding donkeys in the market of Mecca, in order to secure repayment of a debt owed to him by a man of the Ka'b. A group of the 'Abd Maruif hurried to the court of al-Khattab in order to free the women. AI-'As b. Wa'il (the father of 'Amr b. al-'A~) came with haste, chased away the 'Abd Manaf, chided al-Khattab and ordered the women's release. 158 It was al-As b. Wa'il who defended 'Umar, when he was attacked by a group of unbelievers of Quraysh enraged by his public announcement of his conversion to Is1am.159 Some reports talk of bloody clashes between the Banii Khalid b. 'Abd Manaf of the Taym b. Murra and the Banii l-Sabbiiq of the Banii 'Abd al-Dar; it is said to have been the first act of violence and outrage (baghy) in Mecca. They fought each other so violently that they virtually annihilated each other, and only a few of them remained alive. Some of the Banii Sabbiiq left Mecca and joined the 'Akk.160 In another report about the clashes between Khalid b. 'Abd Manaf (called 156 Al-Azraqi, op. cit. pp. 472-473; al-Fakihi, op. cit. MS. fol, 460a-b. 157 AI-Wiibidi, Asbiib al-nuzid, p. 305; Muqiitil, Taf sir, MS. II, fol. 249a; al-Qurtubi, Taisir, 169; al-Fiikihi, op. cit. MS. fol, 507a, IL 7-10. xx. 158 Al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Jamhara; MS. Bodleiana, foL 18Th. 159 AI-Zubayr, b. Bakkiir, Jamhara; MS. fo1.l87a; Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 409, L 4; Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, op. cit. p. 87. 160 Al-Zubayr, b. Bakkar, Jamhara; MS. foL 89b. On strangers and allies in Mecca 147 al-Mashrafiyy) and the Banii l-Sabbaq, al-Zubayr records the verses of Khalid's mother, al-Subay'a, and of 'Abdallah b. Jud'iin..161 Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah al-Zubayri gives a concise assessment of the role of Sahm in relation to other divisions of Quraysh: Qays b. 'Adiyy (of the Sahm) was the man who protected the Banii 'Adiyy b. Ka'b and the Zuhra b. Kilab against the 'Abd Maniif, and also protected the 'Adiyy b. Ka'b against the Jumah, Mus'ab remarks that the Banii Sahm grew in number in Mecca tkathurti) so that they almost equalled the 'Abd Maniif; however, at the time of the Prophet's advent, their numbers were substantially reduced by a plague. 162 A report recorded by al-Fakihi provides important information about a peculiar Sahmi fighting group - the Sahm were the most numerous and the most vigorous group of people in Mecca. They owned a rock at the mountain called Muslim..163 (This is the mountain overlooking the narrow pass of the Humran in Dhii Tuwii).164When they were about to undertake an important matter (idhii arQdu amran) their herald would cry out yo sabal)ilh, and they would reply: asbib layl. Then Quraysh would ask: "What's up with these inauspicious people?", for Quraysh considered them to be inauspicious. From among them was a group named banii ghaytalal'" distinguished by their intemperance (saraf) and violence (baghy).166 161 AI-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Jamhara; MS. fol. 126a-b; comp. Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 293; and see al-Mausili, Ghayat al-wasa'il, MS. fol. 57b (two reports about the violence in Mecca; the violence of the Aqayis mentioned); Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS. Br. Mus, fol 3Oa;and see al-Zubayrb. Bakkar, op. cit. fol89b. 162 Mus'ab, Nasab, pp.400 ull-401 163 The mountain Muslim is mentioned by al-Azraqi iop. cit. p. 501); but there is no mention of the Banii Sahm in this place. 164 See al-Bakri, Mu'jam rna stdjam, p. 896, s.v. Dhii Tuwan, 165 See above, note 152;and see Mus'ab, Nasob, p. 401, II. 6-7; and see al-Fakihi, op. cit. fol. 506b ull-507a sup; Ghaytala married 'Adiyy b. Sahm and bore him al-Harith and Hudhafa; they were numerous (kana [ihimu l-'adadu) and violent (baghy). 166 See al-Fakihl, Of). cit. MS. fol 506b-507a 148 It is noteworthy that when he decided to help the Zuhra, Qays b. 'Adiyy uttered the cry asbih. layl, ordering the Zuhra to stay and commanding his group to be alert and ready for battle,"? The violence of which Sahm was accused refers, probably, to a special section of Sahm staying in the close vicinity of Mecca. This fighting group was savagely violent and terrified the inhabitants of Mecca. which explains why the expression baghy is used in the sources. v A distinctive feature of Meccan society in the period of the Jahiliyya was the diversity of its inhabitants. Members of different tribes frequented Mecca in order to carry out the obligations pertaining to the pilgrimage and the ritual practices at the Ka'ba, Merchants with their wares flocked to the market in the neighbourhood of Mecca and were engaged in selling and buying transactions. Meccan caravans passed the tribal territories with safety due to the pacts concluded with the Arab tribes and the letters of security of the neighbouring countries-" For a very short period the believers debated whether they were allowed to conduct trade during the hajj; Sura II, 198: laysa 'alaykum iunahun an tabtaghii [adlan min rabbikum; "It is no sin for you that you seek the bounty of your Lord" was interpreted as 167 Ibn Babib, aI-MU/IllIrIInlUl,p. 41,L 3. 168 See U. Rubin, "The IIaf of Quraysh," Arabica XXXI, 165-188; and see: Mahmood Ibrahim, Social and Economic Conditions in Pre-Islamic Mecca, Jl MES, 14(1982),343-358;Harnza al-Isfah3ni, al-Durra aI-faJchira fi l-amthiJIi l-sliira, ed. 'Abd al-Majld Qatamish, Cairo 1972,II, 335,no. 557;'Abd al-Qadir al-Baghddl, Khiziinat al-adab, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Muhammad Hariin, Cairo 1397/1977, VI, 15-16; IV, 469-473; al-Qazwini, Athiir al-biliid wa-akhbar aI-'ibad, Beirut 1389/1969, p. 84 penult,-85 sup; al-Azraqi, op. cit, pp. 131-132; MJ. Kister, Studies in Jahiliyya and Early Islam, Variorum, London 1980, L 117-121 and Addenda. About the markets see al-Fasl, Tuhfat al-kiram [i akhbari l-baladi l-hariim; MS. Leiden, Or. 2654, fols. 18Oa-181a; nd see Abu a 'Ubayd, Gharib aI-h.atiith, Hyderabad, 1384/1964,IV, 102-103,s.v. habl, On strangers and allies in Mecca 149 allowing commercial activities during the pilgrimager" the markets then turned again into places of lively commercial activity. Sudden changes in the economy of Mecca during the period of the Jahiliyya, which brought about depression and loss of capital for the merchants led to the establishment of the i'tiiiu: (or ihiitad): the merchants in their hopeless situation would leave for the desert, where they pitched their tents and patiently expected their death. Professor Serjeant informs me that the custom of the i'tifad endured in Arhab until recent times. The reform introduced by Hashim according to which the poor of Mecca had to be attached to the rich in their commercial journeys and thus their share in the profits apparently brought about a favourable change in the social situation in Mecca'?" It is noteworthy that the Qur'an explicitly allowed the "nihd", a kind of collective sharing of common expenses of a group on a journey,'?' It is evident that the verse of Siira: ai-Nur, 61: " ... laysa 'alaykum iunahun an ta'kulu ;anu...• au ashtiuan _ " gave sanction to a an practice which was deeply rooted in the Jahiliyya period. Somewhat separated from the Meccan community lived the zan; ("the black"). 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr had a court (dar) in Qu'ayqi'an in which he placed the zanji slaves iraqiqu zan;in).172The mountain Thabir was called jabal al-zanj; the zan; of Mecca used to pick up firewood and "play" there/" In the place where we nowadays have the dar al-'abbas there used to be in "the old days" the market 169 See e.g. al-Wai)idi, Asbab, p.38: _ kana dlW l-majiu wa-'uka+maijara niisin fi l-jahiliyya, [a-lamma ja'a l-isliimu ka-annahum karihi: dhalika lJaua nazalat : laysa 'alaykum junii/;u.ul [i mawiisimi 1-/,uJjji_ 'an ibm 'abbiisin: _ kanu yauaqiina l-buyu'a wa-l-tiiiirata [i 1-/,uJjji.yaqiditna : ayyiimu dhikri lliihi. fa-anzala lliihu ta'iila:laysa 'olaykum junillJ- . 170 See al-Siilii)i, Subul al-huda wa-l-rashiid [i sirat khayri l-'ibiid (=al-Sira al-shamiyya), ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wai)id, Cairo 1392/1972. I, 317-318; al-Muttawwi'i, Man sahara zafira; MS. Cambridge Or. 1473(10),fol 22a; and see MJ. Kister, op. cit; L 122,Addendum 171 See al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, XIL 317-318; uqatil, Tajsir, MS, IL foL 4la M 172 Al-Azraqi, op. cis; p. 464. 173 Al-Fakihi, op. cit; MS. foL 497a; al-Azraqi, op. cii; p. 486. 150 where slaves were sold, says al-Fakihil?" In the dar al-'ulit;, which belonged to the Makhziim, dwelt the Abyssinians. Some reports say that 'Ati b. Abi Rabah was born in this courtl" One can get some idea of the social status enjoyed by the Abyssinians at this time and of the Muslim community's opinion concerning their morality from the hadith recorded by al-Fakihi. The Prophet was informed that the 'ulis] of the Banii Mughira (ie, the Abyssinians owned by the Banii Makhziim - K) refrained from coming to his court, because they were afraid that the Prophet would drive them away (an taruddahum). The Prophet then said "The Abyssinians are no good: if they are hungry they steal; if they are sated they drink. They do indeed have two good qualities: they feed (the needy -K) and they are brave in wat'.176The alleged haditb reflects indeed the views of some circles with an outspoken hostility towards the Abyssinians (and the Black - K) in the period of Islam, but it is possible to assume that some circles in Mecca entertained similar views about them during the Jahiliyya, Thus they seem to have been ostracized from the community. There was probably also a Christian enclave in Mecca, but no explicit information to this effect occurs in the sources. The existence of a Christian cemetery is, however, mentioned in Dhii Tuwa.177 In the Qurashi population of Mecca there were two divisions: the quraysh a/-+awahir and quraysb a/ birQ.J:z. According to a tradition the quraysh al-zawahir were driven out by their brethren the quraysb ai-bi{alJ, and lived outside Mecca." Small and weak groups of the Qurashi tribes tried to form alliances in order to ensure their own 174 175 176 177 178 Al-Fakihi,op. cit. MS. 448a, lL 5-6. AI-Fakihi, op. cit. MS. foL 458a.. AI-Fakihi,op. cit. MS. foL 458a; al-Suyiiti, aI-JlPru"aI-leahir, Cairo 1978, I, 90. AI-Azraqi, op. cit. p. 50; al-Fakihi, op. cit. MS. foL 506a, L 5 from bottom. Al-Baladhurl, Ansab, I, 51: thumma inna bani kdb b. lu'ayy lammii kathuru akhrajii bU(unan min qurayshin ila ?awahiri makkata, [a-summi: quraysha hawahir. On strangers and allies in Mecca lSI survivat'" The expelled Qurashi clans affiliated themselves to different tribes outside Mecca, but returned at the beginning of Islam and requested that they be reattached to Quraysh.180 An alliance of different Qurashi tribal groups set up against another Qurashi tribal unit is seen in the alliance of Naufal b. 'Abel Manaf with 'Abel Shams b. 'Abel Maruif against Hashim b. 'Abel Maruif and al-Muttalib b. 'Abd Manaf.181 Contests between the factions of Quraysh brought about a search for helpers and allies outside Mecca. Such a case was that of 'Abd al-Muttalib, Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf seized the land property iai-arkiih) owned by 'Abel al-Muttalib, As 'Abel al-Muttalib's people failed to help him, he summoned his relatives in Medina, the Banii Najjar, and they hastened to Mecca threatening the Banii Naufal The Banii Naufal perceived the danger and returned the land property.'v The relationship between 'Abel al-Muttalib and the Banii Najjar was not one of hilt. they, however, behaved faithfully towards each other as one would according to the stipulations of a hilt. The Khuza'a were deeply impressed by the action of the Khazraj and asked 'Abd al-Muttalib and his clan to conclude an alliance with them. He responded favourably, and the document was written down, signed and hung in the Ka'ba.183 When the Khuza'a appealed to the Prophet for help against the unbelievers in Mecca they based their pledge on this very alliance of 'Abel al-Muttalib with their ancestors, stressing that it was still valid184 179 See e.g. MJ. Kister, "Some reports concerning al-Ta'if," ISAl, I (1979) p.14 note 59 and p. 15 note 65. 180 See al-Baladhurl, Ansiib, I, 42-47 (Noteworthy are the expressions: p. 44: .., [a-lamma kimat khilafatu 'uthmana alhaqahum bi-quraysh _ ; p. 45: fa-lam yarjtu haua qama 'uthmanu tr) fa-ataului. fa-athbatahum [i quraysh; fa-kanu [i l-badiyati mda bani shayoona, wa-kitiibatuhum [i quraysh _ ); and see about sarna b. Lu'ayy MJ. Kister, "Some reports concerning al-Ta'if", ISAI, I (1979)15-16,note 66. 181 Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, op. cit. p.41 182 See e.g. al-Baladhurl, Ansiib, I, 69-70. 183 Al-Baladhuri, Ansiib, I, 70-72 184 See EP, Khuza'a (English edition V, 78 inf.), 152 The allegiance to an alliance manifested itself in loyalty to the people one was allied with and in affection for the symbols of the alliance. The banner of Quraysh, which was handed over by QU$aYY to 'Abd al-Dar, remained in their possession for generations. In the battle of Badr this banner was borne by the unbelievers of the 'Abd al-Dar, In the battle of Uhud the Prophet handed over to the commanders of the Muslim army three banners: one of the Aus, one of the Khazraj and one of the Muhajiriin.185The unbelievers went under three banners: one borne by Sufyan b. 'Uwayf; the other was the banner of the Ahabish, borne by one of them; the third was the banner inherited from Qusayy and borne by Talha ibn Abi Talba.186The description of the bearers of the banner of Qusayy, who followed each other to death, is one of the most moving descriptions of loyalty and allegiance. They held the banner with their right hand; when their right hand was cut off, they transferred it to the left; when this was cut off as well, they held it with their arms, When the last bearer of the banners, a maula; could only lift the banner with his arms (as his hands were cut off) he looked at the 'Abd al-Dar and asked them: "Did I do all I could do?~87 When the 'Abd al-Dar converted to Islam they asked for their banner to be given back to them The Prophet refused arguing: "Islam is broader than that" tal-islamu ausa' min dhalikd). The meaning appears to be: there is no room for the banner of a particular group. The banner belongs to the whole Muslim community. There were, of course, special banners adopted by specific groups and divisions; but they distinguished only units which competed among themselves in the battles fought for the cause of Islam This marked a new era in which tribal alliances were forbidden'" 185 Al-Wiiqidi, op. cit; p. 215. 186 Al-Wiiqidi, op. cit; p. 201 187 AI-Wiiqidi, op. cii; 226-227, al-Baladhuri, Ansab I, 54-55. According to the report of aI-BaIiidhuri the last who lifted the banner of the 'Abd al-Dar in this battle was a woman: 'Umra bint al-Harith b. 'Alqama of the 'Abd al-Dar, 188 Cf. aI-Suyiiti, al-Jiuru" al-kabir i, 905, L 4 from bottom; L GoIdziher, Muslim Studies, transL c.R Barber, s.M Stern, London 1967, I, 70, notes 2, 4. On strangers and allies in Mecca 153 It is noteworthy that on the day of Uhud Quraysh were still fighting under the banners of the M14ayyabUn and the Al}1at.I89 There were two separate cemeteries in Mecca (in the period of the Jahiliyya); one of the M14ayyabUn and one of the Ah/at.l90 Due to the marriages of the Meccans with the different tribes, Southern and Northern ones alike, there grew up a Mecean community in which the characteristic features of the various tribal groups survived. The memory of these ancestors remained vivid in the minds of the Meccans; the Prophet prided himself on the fact that "he was born" of twelve ancestresses named 'Atika. The sources record, in fact, twelve ancestresses with this name: two Qurashi, three Sulami, two 'Adwani, one Kinani, one Asadi, one Hudhali, one Qu<;la'i,and one Azdi."! The peculiar blend of Meccan society helped to establish friendly relations with the Arab tribes, who recognized the superiority of Mecca and its leading role. The institution of the halit contributed in large measure to this development The role of Mecca had already been transformed in the early period of Islam: its leadership becoming distinctly spiritual in character. Only some jurists claimed that the position of the Meccans was that of fuJaqa', "the freed" or "manumitted", pointing to the assumption that the population of Mecca was hostile to the Prophet and that Mecca had been conquered by force. 'Umar, according to one tradition, refrained from paying 'afa' to the Meccans and from levying fighting men for military expeditions from among them, on the grounds that the Meccans were fuJaqa'.l92 189 Zubayr b. Bakkir, Jamnara; MS. foL 86b. 190 AI-Fakihi, op. cit. fol. 480a: ... wa-klmat makkata wa-maqbaratu l-aNali bi-asiali maqbaraiu l-miuayyabina bi-dla makkata ., ; and see additional details about the alliances in Mecca: MJ. Kister, ''Some Reports Concerning Mecca",JESHO, XV (1972)81-84. 191 See e.g. L'A, S.v. 'a t k; and see Ibn Hablb, Ummahiu al-nabiyyi ,salla llahu 'aJayhi wa-QJihi wa-saJlam, ed. Husayn 'Ali Mabf~ Baghdad 1372 192 Al-Fakihi, op. cit. MS. foL 417a 154 Quraysh were however the people chosen by God, and in his utterances the Prophet enjoined love and respect them193 In the course of thecenturies, there evolved a large literature of fa4liil makkata and of fa4liil quraysh; extolling the city and its inhabitants, and predicting that on the Day of Resurrection the city and its inhabitants will be saved. The allies of Quraysh will be in their company, for, according to the tradition: 'The ally is a member of the people'?" 193 See e.g. al-Hasan b. 'Arata, Juz', Chester Beatty 4433, fol. 142b: ahibbu qurayshan [a-innahu man ahabbahum ahabbahu llahu _; and see this tradition: Niir al-Din al-Haythami, Majma' ai-zawa'id wo-manbd ai-fawa'id, Beirut 1967,X, 27 inf.; and see Niir al-Din ai-Haythami, op. cit. X, 27 sup; man ahana qurayshan ahimahu Iliihu (and see this tradition: 'Abd al-Razziiq, ai-Musannaf, ed. Habibu l-Rahrnan al-A'zami, Beirut 1392,XI, 58 no. 19905; and see this tradition: al-Fasawi, al-Mdrifa wa-l-ta'rikh, I, 401; and see Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, op. cit. X, 26: _ inna qurayshan ahlu amiuJatin fa-man baghahumu i-'awathira akabbahu lliihu ii-mankharayhi... (and see this tradition: Ibrahim Muhammad ai-l;Iusayni al-Dimashqi, ai-Bayan wo-l-tdrif [i asbilbi wurUdi i-hmiithi l-sharif, Beirut 1400/1980, II, 63, no. 639);and see e.g. al-Muniiwi, FaYQ al-qadlr, shari: aI-jam!' i-,faghir, Beirut 1391/1971, IV, 516, no. 6123: qurayshun wuiatu i-nasi [i l-khayri wa-l-sharri iia yaumi i-qiyiuna _ 194 See 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannai, XI, 56, no. 19897: (the Prophet ordered 'Umar to convoke Quraysh; among them were their nephews, their allies and their mawali) the Prophet said: ibn ukhtina minna wa-huiafa'una minna wa-mawaiina minna ...; and see al-Dariml; Sunan; Dar Ibya' al-sunna I-nabawiyya, n.d., n.p. II, 244, l 1:maula l-qaumi minhum, wa-halifu l-qaumi minhum wa-bnu ukhti l-qaumi minhum: 

sirah.pdf THE SIRAH LITERATURE Sirah literature (biography of the Prophet), inspired as it was by the imposing personality of the Prophet and bearing the marks of the stormy political events of the conquests, of the social changes in the Muslim community and of the struggle of the different factions, came into being in the period following the death of the Prophet. It developed in the first half of the first century of the hijrah, and by the end of that century the first full-length literary compilations were produced. The development of Sirah literature is closely linked with the transmission of the Hadith and should be viewed in connection with it. Most of the reports about utterances and orders of the Prophet were, during his lifetime, transmitted orally, and few of them seem to have been written down. Although some accounts about the recording of the utterances, deeds and orders dictated by the Prophet to his Companions are dubious and debatablel and should be examined with caution (and ultimately rejected), some of them seem to deserve trust. The pacts which the Prophet concluded with the different groupings in Medina after his arrival in that city were apparently written down so as to serve as the legal basis for their communal life. His letters to rulers, governors and chiefs of tribes are recorded in some of the compilations of the Sirah. The Sirah also contains accounts of pacts concluded between the Prophet and conquered tribes or localities and of grants bestowed upon tribal leaders. Information about tax-collectors appointed by the Prophet was conveyed to the tribal units to which they were dispatched. The news about the victories of the Prophet and his conquests were widely circulated in the vast areas of the Arabian Peninsula. All this material came to form an essential part of the Sirah. In addition to this, the affection of the Companions of the Prophet and 1 E.g., on the sahifah of' Ali, cf. Ahmad b. 1:1anbal,Musnad, II, nos 1306, 1307, 1297. The Prophet did not single out the' Alids by anything not granted to others; the only thing hy which they were singled out was the sahifah attached to the scabbard of' Ali's sword (or in other sources that of the Prophet or that of 'Umar). It contained some short utterances about taxes imposed on camels (or, according to some, sheep), about the sanctity of Medina, the obligation to give protection to the People of the Book, etc. 352 THE SIRAH LITERATURE 353 their loyalty, respect and awe for him, in contrast to the attitudes, customs and practices of other communities towards their rulers, leaders and chiefs, constituted a favourite topic of conversation at the gatherings of his Companions as well as of his enemies, and were embodied into the compilations of the STrah. The daily contacts of the Prophet with his family and relatives, his adherents and adversaries, formed the subject matter recorded by the transmitters. The STrah aimed at giving information about the men who aided the Prophet loyally and faithfully, about stubborn opponents and enemies who persecuted him and those who later fought him, about hypocrites who concealed unbelief and hatred in their souls and about Companions who suffered and fought for him. Consequently the STrah became a record of the life of contemporary society, reflecting as it did the mutual relations between tht> Prophet and this society. Every member of this society is therefore assessed as to his virtues, views and actions and is placed on a graded scale according to his rank as believer, fighter, adherent and supporter, or as enemy or hypocrite. It is thus plausible that, in the early compilations of the STrah, people eagerly compiled lists of the first men who embraced Islam, the first who suffered for the cause of Islam, the first who emigrated to Abyssinia, the first Medinans who gave the oath of allegiance, the men who opposed the Prophet in Mecca, etc. Later special treatises dedicated to such subjects, the awa'il, were compiled.2 The careful evaluation of the deeds and actions of the Companions of the Prophet gave rise to the compilation of biographies of the ~a4abah. Furthermore, certain passages in the Qur'an, pointing to some events in the life of the community, required explanation and elucidation. It was necessary to specify to what people or events certain expressions or phrases referred. For an interpretation to be reliable in the opinion of the Muslim community it had to be based on an utterance ascribed to the Prophet or to one of his Companions. These utterances, stories or reports expounded the background and the circumstances of the verses of the Qur'an, establishing to whom they referred and providing details of the event recorded. These groups of Traditions, forming an essential part of the Sirah, developed into an independent branch of Quranic exegesis, the asbab al-nuziil (" the reasons for the revelations "). The lengthy passages from the early Tafsir of al-KalbI recorded by Ibn Tawiis,3 the bulk of Traditions transmitted on this subject of the asbab al-nuziil by many scholars in their commentaries bear evidence to the richness of this material and its role in the interpretation of the Qur'an. On the other hand the Sirah compilations recorded verses of the Qur'an, providing corresponding 2 For the aw;li/literature, cf. Sezgin, GAS, I, 176, 196, l zz. 3 Sa'd, 20 9-20. 354 THE SiRAH LITERATURE material of the circumstances of the revelation. The development of Sirah literature thus ran on parallel lines with that of the Tafsir, intertwining and overlapping, corroborating and sometimes contradicting it. EARLY COMPILATIONS A subject of considerable importance in the formation of Sirah literature, comprehensively dealt with also in some commentaries on the Qur'an, was the stock of stories about the creation of the world, as well as about the messengers and prophets mentioned in the Qur'an, who were sent by God to different peoples. These stories were extended and supplemented by additional material derived from Jewish, Christian and Zoroastrian sources, transmitted by converts from these religions to Islam. It is evident that these" biblical stories" had to get the approval of the orthodox circles. This could only be achieved, as is usual in Islam, by an utterance transmitted on the authority of the Prophet. The utterance used in this case (" Narrate [traditions] concerning the Children of Israel and there is nothing objectionable [in that]") legitimized the flood of the "biblical" legends and stories which poured into the domain of Islam. The first compilation of this kind seems to have been the book of Hamrnad b. Salamah (d. 167/783), a contemporary of Ibn Ishaq, entitled Akhbtir Bani Isrii'il. The process of elaborating and enlarging upon the stories of the Qur'an widened the scope of the Muslim conception of history. The biography of Muhammad and the formation of his community were decreed by God before the creation of Adam. Muhammad was destined to be a prophet long before the creation of Adam. Were it not for Muhammad, God would not have created Adam. Nine thousand years before things were created, says a Tradition, God created the Light of Muhammad, This Light turned around the Power (qudrah) and praised Him. From this Light God created a jewel; from this jewel He created sweet water and granted it His blessing. For a thousand years the water raged and could not come to rest. Then, from this Light God created ten things: the Throne, the Pen, the Tablet, the Moon, the Sun, the Stars, the Angels, the Light of the Believers, the Chair and Muhammad, The Light of Muhammad, which resided in the pure ancestors of the Prophet, was transmitted in the line of descendants until it reached the Prophet. God granted Adam the ku,!)ah (honorific name) Abu Muhammad, The name of Muhammad is written on the Throne of God; Adam saw this inscription when he was created. When he committed his sin, he begged God to forgive him by referring to the name of Muhammad, EARLY COMPILATIONS 355 The contact between the Muslim conquerors and the population of the conquered territories, bearers of ancient cultural and religious traditions with a rich lore of prophetical beliefs and stories, brought about the appearance of literature concerning the miracles of the Prophet. Stories about miracles, either performed by the Prophet himself or wrought for him by God, were widely current and were later collected; compilations of stories about his miracles were Amarii! al-nubuwwah, A'Iam al-nubuwwah, Dala'il al-nubuwwah. The miraculous power granted the Prophet by God, and his extraordinary feats, are often compared in these books with the miracles performed by the preceding prophets.! Tradition emphasizes that the Prophet was superior to other prophets in the graces granted to him and the miracles performed by him. God enjoined the prophets to tell their peoples of the appearance of Muhammad and to bid them embrace his faith. The assumption that this genre of the dala'il grew up under the impact of the contact with other faiths is confirmed by the account of a letter sent by Hartin al-Rashld to the Byzantine emperor in which he recorded the "proofs of the prophethood" (a'Iam al-nubuwwah) of Muhammad. The letter was compiled by Abii 'l-Rabi' Muhammad b. al-Layth al-Qurashi after a detailed perusal of the" books of the foreigners". 5 Al-Ma'miin, the son of Harun, is credited with a book entitled A'Iam al-nubuwwah; this seems to be the earliest compilation on this subject. It was followed by a treatise of al-j ahiz (d. 256/870), entitled Dala'il al-nubuwwah,6 and by al-j uzajani's (d. 259/873) Amaral al-nubuwwah. Later Ibn Qutaybah (d. 276/889) compiled his A'Iam al-nubuwwah. Books of dala"'il al-nubuwwah were compiled in the same period by Ibn Abi 'l-Dunya (d. 281/894) and Ibrahim al-Harbl, Other dala"'il books were compiled by al-Firyabi (d. 301/914), Ibrahim b. Harnmad b. Isbaq (d. 323/935), Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Naqqash (d. 351/962), Abii 'l-Shaykh al-Isfahanl (d. 369/979), Muhammad b. 'Ali al-Shashi (d. 365/975) and Abii Hafs 'Umar b. Shahin (d. 386/996). A comprehensive book of dala"'iI, entitled Sharaf al-Mu~(afa, was compiled by 'Abd ai-Malik b. Muhammad al-Khargiishi (d. 407/1016). The" proofs of prophethood " form a considerable part of this compilation; however, it contains extremely rich material about the life of the Prophet. The author touches upon the pedigree of the Prophet, his virtues, his battles, his proverbs, his dreams, virtues of his family, virtues of Medina and of the Mosque of the Prophet, virtues of his Companions, virtues of Mecca and stories foretelling the appearance of the Prophet. AlKhargushi's book was widely circulated and it is often quoted by both • See e.g. al-Mawardl, A'liim, 68-70. 5 'Abd al-Jabbiir, Tathbit, I, 77-8. • Cf. al-Sandiibi, Rasa~iI, 1'7-14; Ift9aj al-nlihli/ll/llah. THE SiRAH LITERATURE Sunni and Shl'i authors. The famous Mu'tazili scholar 'Abd al-jabbar al-Hamadhani (d. 415/1024) discusses in his Tathbit dala'il al-nubuwwah the miracles of the Prophet against a wide background of historical situation, having recourse to comparisons with other religions and entering into polemics with the unorthodox sects of Islam. The compilations of the first half of the fifth century, the Dala'il of Abu Bakr Ahmad al-Bayhaql (d. 458/1066) and the Dala'il of Abu Nu'aym al-Isfahani (d. 430/1038), became very popular. Another book of dald'i! was written in the same period by Abu Dharr al-Harawi (d. 435/1043). Often quoted in later compilations of the Sirah literature is the compilation of the great scholar al-Mawardi (d. 450/1058), A'lam al-nubuwwah. In the same period, the Dala"'il of al-Mustaghfiri (d. 432/1040) was compiled. Among the many compilations of this genre the famous book of Qadl 'I ya<;l. al-Yahsubl (d. 544/ 1149), al-Shifa"' fi ta'rif I;uqiiq al-Mu{tafa, deserves special mention; it became one of the most popular and most admired books in some Muslim countries. The glorification of the person of the Prophet, as expounded in these compilations of the" proofs of prophethood ", was indeed a continuation of a very early trend which, as mentioned above, began shortly after the death of the Prophet. The miracles wrought by the Prophet, or for him, form an essential part of the Sirah of Ibn Ishaq ; in the Jami' of Ma'mar b. Rashid, a special chapter is devoted to this subject. Miraculous elements were included in the Sirah of Miisa b. 'Uqbah? and in the Sirah traditions reported by al-Zuhri.8 The earliest Sirah compilation, the Sirah of Wahb b. Munabbih (d. 110/728 or 114/732), contains an unusual amount of miraculous stories as attested by the fragments of the papyri." Flick was right in his conjecture, made before he read the fragments of the papyri, that the Sirah of Wahb was a work in which truth and legend about the life of the Prophet were interwoven, turning it into an entertaining story. 10 Indeed, the fragments of the papyri of Wahb contain the same kind of miraculous elements as can be found in later compilations. The role of the Devil in the council of the Meccans, convened to get rid of Muhammad, corresponds to what we have in later biographies of the Prophet. The setting of the story of the hijrah in the papyrus is similar to the accounts in later compilations: it contains, for instance, the miraculous story of Umm Ma'bad, recorded, with few variants, in almost every later Sirah; the story of Suraqah ; the story of the dove and the spider at the entrance of the cave and the dust thrown at the heads of the watching Qurashi guard , Cf. e.g. Sachau, "Berliner Fragment", 469 (the story of Suraqah}; 470 (the Prophet sees in his dream Jesus performing the circumambulation of the Ka'bah). 8 Duri, "al-Zuhri", the story of Suraqah. • Khoury, Wahb b. Mllnabbih, 1I8-7j. 10 Fuck, Mllqammad, 4. EARLY COMPILATIONS 357 besieging the house. All these stories are essential elements of the later biographies. Some passages of the papyrus of Wahb cannot, however, be traced in later compilations; they were apparently discarded. Such are the cases of al-Tufayl b. al-Harith's letter to Ja'far b. Abl Talib in Abyssinia and the story of Abu Bakr's meeting with the Devil; neither could be traced in other stories. A part of the papyrus contains a record of an expedition of 'All against Khath'am. This story fully attests the impact of the Shl'l trend on the development of early Sirah literature. A number of scholars have analysed with insight the various stages of the early compilations. The fragments of Wahb's Sirah corroborate the conjectures of these scholars about the popular and entertaining character of the early Sirah stories, a blend of miraculous narratives, edifying anecdotes and records of battles in which sometimes ideological and political tendencies can be discerned. These stories were widely circulated among the believers; pious men used to narrate the Sirah in mosques and to discuss the maghazi at their meetings. It was considered less binding as a duty to narrate the maghazi than to transmit utterances of the Prophet. Scholars refrained from recording Hadith utterances transmitted by unreliable scholars while they did not hesitate to relate maghazi material on their authority. It was only later, in the first half of the second century, that Haditb scholars reacted strongly against the popular Sirah literature and made attempts to discard dubious folk-stories by applying strict rules of Hadith criticism. They did not, however, succeed; the Sirah literature absorbed these narratives and they continued to be transmitted there. The fragment of Wahb's papyrus reflects the very early stage of the formation of the legendary type of Sirah; the Sirah of Ibn ISQaq is in fact a selective collection of this material. Late compilations such as al-Sirah al-If.alabryyah, al-Sirah al-Shamryyah, al-Zurqanl's Shar4 al-Mawahib and Mughultay's al-Zahr al-bdsim contain references to early popular Traditions not incorporated in the generally approved Sirah compilations. POETRY IN THE SiRAH A characteristic feature of early Sirah literature is the numerous poetical insertions.P The heroes of the stories narrated often improvise verses referring to the events recorded; in these poetical passages opponents blame others in verse, fighters expound their virtues and extol the virtues of their clans or their leaders, poets or relatives bewail the warriors killed in battle. These poetical compositions are generally of rather poor quality. The poetical passages attached to the maghazi stories closely resemble the 11 Cf. below cap. 18, "The poetry of the Siroh literature". THE SIRAH LITERATURE poetry of the ~yam (days of battle). A part of this poetry is false, and some of these forgeries were convincingly shown to be so by 'Arafat;12 a certain portion seems, however, to be authentic. But even the fake poems, reflecting as they do the internal struggles in the Muslim community, are of some importance: the historical allusions in .these verses may help to gain an insight into the event referred to; the activity of the forgers had its inception in the first decades of the first century, and the forgers were closely acquainted with the details of the event. Of interest are popular verses in the Sirah literature. Some are attributed to unseen persons, who recited them to the jinn, to idols, to the Devil or to his progeny. Such specimens of popular poetry can be found in the fragments of Wahb's Sirah, in the compilations of Ibn ISQaq,al-Tabari, Abu Nu'aym, al-Bayhaql and in the later biographies of the Prophet. This trend is well represented in the Sirah compilations of Abu 'l-Hasan al-Bakrl, Poems in praise of the Prophet preserve elements of the laudatory poems addressed to tribal leaders. The contents of the eulogies of the Prophet differ, however, in some respects; they specially stress his prophetic mission, emphasize his spiritual qualities, praise the new religion and point out personal or tribal allegiance to the Prophet and Islam. They breathe a spirit of the new faith and stress the moral values of Islam, often coupling them with the old ideas of tribal pride and boasting. Some observations on the change of attitude towards poetry in the early period of Islam may help us to gain a better insight for evaluating the poetry of the Sirah. The attitude towards poets and poetry in the Qur'an was clearly and explicitly unfavourable.P Some pious circles persisted in their negative attitude towards profane poetry, further supporting their argument by the famous utterance attributed to the Prophet: "It is better for a man that his body be full of pus than that he be full of poems."14 It is in accordance with this view that 'A'ishah vigorously denies, in a Tradition attributed to her, the claim that Abu Bakr ever recited poetry. In a speech ascribed to Mu'dwiyah poetry is counted among the seven things forbidden by the Prophet. A version of the Prophet's saying contains the following addition, which demonstrates the tendency to restrict its scope: "than that he be full of poems by which I was satirized" .15According to this enlarged version the transmission of poetry which does not contain satirical verses against the Prophet is permitted. 12 'Ararat, "Aspect", 31-3; 'Ararat, "Early critics", 4l3-63. 13 Qur'an, xxvi.ZZI-8. 1. Goldziher, Mlls/im S tudies, II, 16. 16 AI-SubkI, Tabaqdt, I, zz6-8. POETRY IN THE SiRAH 359 The same trend of concession and compromise is reflected in another Tradition attributed to the Prophet. The Prophet is said to have stated that some poetry is wisdom. A considerable part of poetry containing aphorism, exhortation, edification or moralizing clearly won the approval of orthodox circles. Another utterance attributed to the Prophet permits poetry if its aim is to gain justice from oppression, to gain means of deliverance from poverty and expression of gratitude for a favour received. It was pointed out that the reason why the transmission of poetry was forbidden was the fact that it served to excite inter-tribal discussions and disunity. The libellous and defamatory verses which might threaten the peaceful relations in Islamic society were dangerous and harmful. Such poetry was censured and rejected. But poetry supporting the Prophet and his struggle against the Unbelievers and verses written for the cause of Islam were, of course, praiseworthy. The exceptive phrase in Qur'an xxvi.zzS was explained as referring to the poets of the Prophet, who were commended. They were described as striking the Unbelievers with their verses. Consequently Sirah literature and adab compilations record stories that the Prophet encouraged poets who composed poems in praise of God, and liked to listen to good and beautiful poetry recited by poets. Abu Bakr, a Tradition says, came to the Prophet and, in his presence, met a poet who recited a poem. Abu Bakr asked: "How is that? Qur'an and poetry?" "Sometimes Qur'an and sometimes poetry," answered the Prophet.P There was thus good poetry, which was permitted and which the Prophet even sometimes recited, and bad poetry, which was forbidden. 'A'ishah formulated it as follows: "There is good and bad poetry: take the good and leave the bad."17 A similar Tradition is attributed to the Prophet: "Poetry is like speech; good poetry is like good speech, bad poetry is like bad speech.Yl" According to this utterance the ban on poetry is almost entirely lifted; the listener had to distinguish between good and bad poetry and choose the good, just as he ought to distinguish between good and bad speech and choose the good. The pious Ibn 'Umar indeed acted in this way: he listened to a recitation of a poet; when the poet began to recite unseemly verses he stopped him. A further step in the development of the favourable attitude towards poetry was the legitimization of Jahiliyyah verse. A Tradition, attributed to the Prophet on the authority of Abu Hurayrah, states that the Prophet gave licence for the transmission of Jahiliyyah poetry with the exception 16 17 18 Al-Isfahanl, Muqa4arat, r, 79. AI-JIlini, Fadl, II, 314, no. 866. Qurtubl, Jam,', XIII, r 50. THE SIRAH LITERATURE of two poems (one of Vmayyah b. AbI 'I-Salt, the other of al-A'sha). The same idea is reflected in Traditions that the Prophet used to sit with his Companions and listen to their recitation of pre-Islamic poetry, smiling (that is, with approval). Among the pieces recited in the presence of the Prophet are verses of praise, of contemplation on life and death, of belief and piety; there are also some erotic verses, verses recited by women at a wedding celebration, and even a complaint of a poet deserted by his wife.l" The favourable attitude towards poetry is represented in Traditions stating that the four Orthodox Caliphs were poets, that they either quoted verses or listened to recitations of poems. 'A'ishah is said to have had a good know lege of poetry; she recited verses of JihilI poets and encouraged people to study poetry. Ibn Mas'fid used to recite poetry of the cryyam (battles of the pre-Islamic Arabs). Abu Dharr (d. 604/ I 2°7) quotes an opinion of a Muslim scholar, that the ban on the transmission of poetry was imposed when there were conflicts between Muslims and unbelievers. But once people had embraced Islam and animosities between believers had disappeared there was no objection to transmitting poetry. This view is in fact based on the actual situation in Muslim society of the first century. Poetry was widely transmitted; poems were recited at private meetings, in the markets and even in the mosques. The great scholar al-Sha'bI (d. 103/721) recited poetry in the mosque of Kufa. 'Abdullah b. al-Zubayr was surprised to find a group of people reciting poetry in the court of the mosque of Mecca; they argued that it was not the kind of poetry which was forbidden. When 'Vmar reproached Hassan for reciting poetry in the mosque of Medina, he said: "I recited poetry in this mosque in the presence of a man who was better than you." Hassan was referring, of course, to the Prophet. 'Vmar left him and permitted poetry to be recited in the mosque. Muhammad b. Slrln was asked, when in the mosque, whether it was permitted to recite poetry during the month of Ramadan (some people even went so far as to claim that recitation of poetry nullified the ritual ablution). He immediately recited a verse which was far from being chaste, and stood up straightaway to lead the prayer. It was Ibn SIrIn who, when rebuked for reciting a J ahilI verse, said: "What is disliked is poetry composed in Islam; poetry composed in the period of the Jahiliyyah has already been condoned." It is possible to guess at the identity of those who persisted consistently in stubborn opposition to the transmission of poetry from a significant remark by Sa'Id b. al-Musayyab. Having been told that some people in Iraq disliked poetry, he said: "They became ascetics in a non-Arab fashion." 19 See al-A'sha, Dfwiin, 218-19. POETRY IN THE SiRAH Transmission of poetry was encouraged by rulers and governors; poetry became one of the subjects essential to the education of the Umayyad prince. Poetry continued to be one of the most favoured preoccupations of Muslim society in the first century and even fighting troops on the battlefield showed a vivid interest in it. What poet surpasses others in the art of poetry? Who is the best poet? These were common subjects of talk and discussion. An alleged saying of the Prophet accurately reflects the love of poetry of the Arabs: "They will not give up poetry until camels give up yearning [for their resting places ]."20 Ibn AbI 'l-Sa'ib al-Makhziimi expounded it in an utterance very much to the point: "By God, were poetry banned, we would be punished at court several times every day [that is, for reciting it]. "21 The origin of the Sirab poetry, its formation and growth have to be viewed against the background of the uninterrupted transmission of poetry and the struggle for its legitimization. Simple, not elaborate, but vivid, it became a regular component of the early Sirab literature, and was popular and widespread. It was not earlier than the second/eighth century that the content of the early Sirahs came under the scrutiny of scholars and the criteria of ijad{th scholars were applied to assess their validity. This applied to the poetry in the S{rah as well as to its prose portions. GENEALOGY Genealogy was an essential subject of the S{rah literature. Traditions stress the purity of the Prophet's pedigree and the qualities of his ancestors. Special chapters were dedicated to the virtues of Quraysh and the family of the Prophet, the Hashimites. Utterances attributed to the Prophet tried to prove that there was a close link between the ancestors of the Prophet and Islam. Ka'b b. Lu'ayy is said to have foretold the appearance of the Prophet. The Prophet is said to have forbidden the disparagement of Mudar because he was a proto-Muslim. Other versions of the utterance of the Prophet forbid the disparagement of RabI'ah, Imru' al-Qays, Asad b. Khuzaymah, Tamlm and al-Harith b. Ka'b; they all were said to have been Muslims or believers in the faith of Abraham. Another list of the ancestors of the Prophet whom it was forbidden to abuse, because they were true believers, includes 'Adnan, Ma'add, Udad, Khuzaymah, Tamim, Asad and Dabbah. Khuzaymah b. Mudrikah was the first who uttered the testimony of faith. Al-Yas b. Mudar was also a true Believer; he was the first who offered 20 21 Ibn Rashiq, 'Umdah, Ibid. I, 17. THE SIRAH LITERATURE sacrifices in the baram of Mecca and it is forbidden to abuse him. Ma'add was a follower of the Hanlfiyyah of Ibrahim (Abraham), 'Adnan acted according to the Hanlfiyyah ; he was the first who clothed the Ka'bah with leather clothes. Nizar was endowed with the "light of prophethood", which was handed on to Muhammad, The glory of the pedigree of the Prophet was extended, as a matter of course, to include the whole of Quraysh; the idea of the excellency of Quraysh was embodied in the rich literature of Fac/ii'il QurC!Jsh. Quraysh, says a Tradition traced back to 'Abdullah b. 'Abbas, were the light in the presence of God two thousand years before the creation of Adam; this light, reposited first in Adam, passed on and was transmitted to the Prophet.V The excellence of the pedigree of the Prophet is formulated in an utterance of the Prophet: "The best of the Arabs are Mudar ; the best of Mudar are 'Abd Manaf; the best of 'Abd Manaf are Banu Hashim; the best of Banii Hashim are Bami 'Abd al-Muttalib, By God, since God created Adam never was there a division of people into two parts without my being in the better one.'?" An opposite tendency, that of depreciating the excellence of Quraysh, is evident in a Tradition stating that all the Arab tribes have their share in the pedigree of the Prophet. Pious circles in the Muslim community, struggling against the excessive study of genealogy, nevertheless stressed the value and importance of the genealogy of the Prophet. The interdiction on tracing genealogical lineages beyond Ma'add was not followed in the case of the pedigree of the Prophet; his genealogy was traced back to Abraham and the close link of descent and prophecy between him and Abraham was especially stressed. FACTIONALISM The constant struggles between the various political and ideological factions in Islamic society left their mark on the formation of the Sirah. Invented stories and alleged utterances served the cause of the rulers, pretenders and rebels. Some examples are quoted below. The 'Abbasid bias can be clearly seen in the story of the attempt to sacrifice the father of the Prophet, 'Abdullah. It was al-f Abbas, according to this version, who drew him out from under the feet of 'Abd al-Muttalib, trying to save his life. It was al-'Abbas who was the first to kiss the Prophet after he was born; his mother took him to the abode of Aminah, the Prophet's mother, and the women in the house drew him to the cradle of the Prophet, encouraging him and saying: "Kiss thy brother!" The same tendency is evident in the story that al-'Abbas took the oath of .2 Ghanamah, Maniiqil, fols 3b-4a. •• Suyutl, Durr, III, '94-j. FACTIONALISM allegiance from the An~ar for the Prophet at the 'Aqabah meeting. Not less tendentious is the report that al-'Abbas embraced Islam before the battle of Badr and served as a spy of the Prophet in Mecca. The utterance attributed to the Prophet, "Al-'Abbas is indeed my trustee (wa!i) and my heir; 'All and I are closely related",24 bears the mark of an 'Abbasid and anti-Shi'ite tradition, standing in contrast to the ShI'I tradition about the trusteeship of 'AII.25 The general expression '''AlI and I are closely related" merely serves to emphasize the special position of 'Abbas. The famous utterance of the Prophet known as the" Tradition of the Garment" (Ifadith al-kisa"'), when he is said to have covered 'AlI, al-Hasan and al-Husayn with a garment, establishes the entity of the" Family of the Prophet" (AM al-Bt!Yt) and provides an essential argument for the legitimacy of 'All's claim to the caliphate; it has its counterpart in an opposing Tradition, according to which the Prophet covered al-'Abbas and his sons with a garment and said that they were the Family. It is not surprising to find a ShI'I Tradition describing how al-'Abbas and Abu Lahab instigated people against the Prophet and publicly denounced him as a liar. The Tradition about the pact of fraternity (mu'akhah) between the Prophet and 'AII26 is contradicted by a Tradition that the Prophet said: "If I had chosen a friend I would have chosen Abu Bakr, but he is my brother and Companion.t'P? The Tradition which talks about the close fraternal relation between the Prophet and 'AlI is of crucial importance for proving 'AlI's legitimate claim to the caliphate. The contradictory reports about the first man to embrace Islam, whether it was Abu Bakr, 'Allor Zayd b. Harithah, reflect the different opinions of the religio-political parties. The ShI'ah vigorously affirm, of course, that the first believer was 'AlI. An Umayyad bias can be noticed in a peculiar Tradition reporting that the family of Abu Sufyan, himself an Umayyad, were the first to be admonished and warned by the Prophet. Abu Sufyan rejected the scornful words of his wife, saying that the Prophet was not a liar or a wizard. There are divergent and contradictory reports about various events in the life of the Prophet. Some incidents, even very prominent ones, are subject to debate by transmitters and scholars. Only a few cases may be reviewed here. Varying Traditions about the number and identity of the children of the Prophet were further blurred by the tendentious inventions of the AI-MuttaqI 'I-HindI, Kanz, XII, 280, no. ,649, .6 GanjI, Kifiiyat, 260-1. .8 Ibid., '92-3 . • 7 Ibn AbI 'l-Hadld, Shar~ nahj al-baliipha, XI, 49. .4 THE SIRAH LITERATURE religio-political factions. A ShI'I report stated that Ruqayyah and Zaynab were the daughters of Halah, the sister of Khadljah ; another Tradition claimed that they were the daughters of J ahsh, 28 This served as a weighty argument in ShI'I polemics against 'Uthman, who was called Dhii '1-Nurayn, it was said, because he had married two daughters of the Prophet. There are different reports also about the date of birth of the Prophet, of his revelation, about the age of Khadijah when she married the Prophet, about the hijrah, the change of the qiblah (direction of prayer) and about the chronology of the battles and raids of the Prophet. Lists of participants in crucial events were deliberately rearranged or changed. Some of the An~ar, says a report of Ibn al-Kalbi and al-WaqidI, omitted certain names from the list of participants at the' Aqabah meeting, substituting the names of their relatives, who had not attended the meeting. The lists of participants at the battle of Badr were also a subject of debate. Ibn Sa'd felt constrained to consult the genealogy of the Ansar, and having done this, he removed a spurious name from the list of those who took part in the battle of Badr.P" The reports about the number of the Companions who were present at the oath of allegiance at al-I:fudaybiyah are divergent. There were conflicting Traditions about the person appointed to take charge of Medina when the Prophet went out to Badr and the one bidden to divide the booty after the battle. Reports concerning the warriors who remained with the Prophet at Uhud and those who deserted the battlefield are similarly divergent; among the latter group ShI'I tradition counts Abu Bakr, 'Umar and 'Uthrnan, while' AlI was, of course, of those who stayed with the Prophet and defended him. How far political interests had a bearing upon the transmission of the Sirah can be seen in the following story. Al-ZuhrI told his student, Ma'mar b. Rashid, that it was 'AlI who had written out the treaty of al-Hudaybiyah, and added, laughing: "If you asked these people they would say it was 'Uthrnan who wrote the treaty." By" these people", Ma'mar remarks, "He meant the Umayyads.t'P" Another anecdote illustrates the attempts made by the Umayyads and their governors to denigrate 'AlI in the Sirah. Khalid b. 'Abdullah al-Qasri bade al-Zuhrl write down the Sirah for him. AI-ZuhrI asked: "If I come across events related to 'AlI, may I mention them?" "No," said Khalid, "except when you see him in the lowest part of Hell. "31 In another story al-Zuhri courageously refuses to transfer the guilt of slandering of' A'ishah from 'Abdullah b. Ubayy to 'AlI.32 28 2. 31 Ibn Shahrashub, Malliiqib iii Abi Tiilib, Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt, III, j' 3. Horovitz," Biographies ", 49. I, '38, '40. 30 32 'Abd al-Razzaq, Mu{allllaj, v, 343, no. 9722. Horowitz, "Biographies ", I. C. II, 41. FACTIONALISM The favours bestowed on al-Zuhri by the Umayyads and the close relations between him and the rulers aroused the suspicions of independent Haditb scholars as to his integrity. The pious Sa'd b. Ibrahim b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Awf chided al-ZuhrI for transmitting a qadith in which the Prophet said that a caliph may not be invoked. Sa'd mentioned a case in which the Prophet was invoked and said: " How can it be that the Prophet was invoked and ai-Wand should not be invoked P'" It is evident that the aim of the Tradition invented was to encourage respect for the Umayyad rulers. Salamah b. DInar Abu Hazim, a pious scholar, sent to al-Zuhri a lengthy letter censuring him for his co-operation with the oppressive Umayyad rulers and criticizing him severely for helping them in caring for their power and authority and in their aiming at worldly gain. He serves the oppressive rulers, "who have turned him into the axle of the wheel of their falsehood and into a bridge for their deceit and error", says Salamah. By his services they sow doubts in the souls of scholars and gain the favour of the ignorant. It is hard to deny that these accusations have some foundation, and the assertion that he (i.e. al-ZuhrI) "was not influenced by political parties and tried to give an impartial account of what he had seen in Medina "34 is open to doubt. The possibility that his Traditions concerning the STrah were influenced by his ties with the Umayyad court cannot be excluded. ShI'I scholars counted him among the Traditionists whose attitude towards' All was hostile. Although highly respected by Sunni scholars engaged in assessing the credibility of Ff.adTthtransmitters Uarq wa-ta'dTI), he was nevertheless recorded in the lists of the mudallisiin. An early report of al-Asrna'I, traced back to Hisham b. 'Urwah, states that al-ZuhrI used to expand or abbreviate the long accounts recorded by his father, 'Urwah. A closer examination of the activities of al-ZuhrI and of the Traditions transmitted by him may help us to acquire an insight into the formative stage of the development of Sirab lore and Haditb. It is, furthermore, important for the evaluation of the formation of Sirah literature to consider the differences between the various schools of Tradition, especially those between Medina and Iraq. These differences were often pointed out in the literature of Hadith and a special compilation was dedicated to this problem. The attacks against the Iraqi school were fierce and passionate, and the Traditions of its scholars were often stigmatized as lies. It is noteworthy also that divergences and contradictions could be found between the accounts transmitted by the disciples of the same Traditionist. 33 3' Ibn Durayd, Mujtana, II. Dud, "al-Zuhri", roff, THE SiRAH LITERATURE MAJOR SiRAH COMPILATIONS The section on the biography of the Prophet in the Ta'rikh of al-Tabari (d. 310/922) records a wealth of early Traditions carefully provided with isndds. The philologist and commentator on the Qur'an, al-Zajjaj (d. 3II/923) is credited with a Maghazicompilation.35 Muhammad b. Hartin al-Ansari al-DimashqI (d. 353/964) wrote a book entitled ~iJat al-nabi. The great scholar of Haditb, Muhammad b. Hibban al-Bustl (d. 354/965), the author of a book on the ~aqabah, compiled a biography of the Prophet. At the end of the fourth century the philologist Ahmad b. Faris compiled a book on the names of the Prophet and another about the life of the Prophet. A concise 5 irah compiled by Ibn Hazm (d. 456/1064)36 was based on the terse biography of the Prophet composed by Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr (d. 463/1071), al- Durar .ft' khti!ari I-magnazi tua-l-siyar, The later compilations, like the commentary of al-SuhaylI (d. 581/1185) on Ibn Hisharn's Sirah, al-Rawq al-unuJ, the Bid4Jat al-su'iil of'Abd al-'AzIz b. 'Abd al-Salarn al-SulamI (d. 660/1262), the K. al-1lr-tiJa' of al-Kala'I (d. 634/1236), the Kheldsat siyar St!Yyid al-basbar of al-Muhibb al-Tabari (d. 684/1285), the 'Uyiin al-atbar of Ibn Sayyid al-Nas (d. 734/1333), the section of the Sirah in al-Nuwayri's (d. 732/1331), Nih4Jat al-arab, and the section of the Sfrah in Ibn KathIr's (d. 774/1372) al-Bid4Jah wa-'I-nih4Jah contain a great number of early Traditions derived from lost or hitherto unpublished compilations. Of special importance is the work of Mughultay (d. 762/1360), al-Zahr al-bdsim, Arguing in his polemic against al-SuhaylI's al-Rawq al-unuJ, Mughultay records an unusually large number of quotations from various recensions of diwans, collections of poetry, compilations of genealogy, philology, lexicography, commentaries on the Qur'an, biographies of the Prophet, books of adab and history. The painstaking efforts of Mughultay to establish correct readings, his checking of variants, his pursuit of every record and Tradition, his comprehensive knowledge, turn his compilation into a veritable treasure for the study of Sirah literature and help towards a better understanding of the controversial ideas of the scholars about the activities of the Prophet and his personality. Summarizing compilations of the Sirab were provided by Yahya b. AbI Bakr al-'Amiri (d. 893/1488) in his Babiab, and by Taql 'I-DIn al-Maqrlzi (d. 845/1441) in his Imtd', Three late compilations deserve special attention: theSubul( = Sfrahal-Shamryyah) of Muhammad b. Yusuf al-Salihi (d. 942/1535), the lnsdn al-'''!}'iin.ft sirat al-amin al-ma'miin (= al-Sirah al-fJalabryyah) of'AlIb. Burhan al-Dln (d. 1044/1634), and the commentary '5 Cf. cap. 16, "The Maghiizi literature". 38 Jawami'. MAJOR SiRAH COMPILATIONS by al-Zurqani (d. 1122/1710) on the al-Mawahib al-Iadunryyah of al-Qastallanl (d. 923/15 17)' Al-Sirah al-Shamryyah is one of the most comprehensive compilations of the biography of the Prophet. Al-~alil).I drew, according to his statement in the preface, on more than three hundred books. He accumulated an enormous number of Traditions, narratives and reports from sirab compilations, Haditb collections, books of dala"'il, shama"'il, kha{a"'i{, histories of cities and dynasties, biographies of transmitters of Haditb, and treatises of asceticism and piety, recording carefully the variants of the reported Traditions and attaching detailed lexicographical explanations of difficult words and phrases. AI-Sirah al-Fjalabryyah, although extracted mainly from al-Sirah alShamryyah, contains a great deal of additions by al-Halabi. It is one of the characteristic features of this compilation that al-Halabi records divergent and contradictory Traditions and strives to harmonize them. Al-Zurqani gives, in his meticulous commentary, a wealth of Traditions corroborating or contradicting the reports recorded by al-Qastallani. The late compilations thus contain an immense wealth of material derived from early sources. Some of these Traditions, stories, reports and narratives are derived from lost or hitherto unpublished sources. Some Traditions, including early ones, were apparently omitted in the generally accepted Sirab compilations, faded into oblivion, but reappeared in these late compilations. . Only a small part of the sirab compilations have been mentioned above. The uninterrupted flow of transmission of Traditions on the life of the Prophet embedded in the rich literature of Qur'an commentaries, collections of Haditb, works of adab, history, polemics of religio-political parties and works of piety and edification, is remarkable. The ramifications of Sirah literature, such as the literature on the ,$aqabah, on the ancestors of the Prophet, on his genealogy, servants, secretaries, on the habits and characteristics of the Prophet, on his birth, on the" night-journey" (isra"') and "ascent" (mi'rij), are indispensable for an adequate study of the development of the conception the Muslim community formed, throughout the ages, of the person of the Prophet. The narratives of the Sirah have to be carefully and meticulously sifted in order to get at the kernel of historically valid information, which is in fact meagre and scanty. But the value of thisJnformation for the scrutiny of the social, political, moral and literary ideas of the Muslim community cannot be overestimated; during the centuries, since Muslim society came into existence, the revered personality of the Prophet served as an ideal to be followed and emulated. 

fadak.pdf ON THE WIFE OF THE GOLDSMITH FROM A STUDY FADAK IN JAHILI AND HER PROGENY TRADITIONS GENEALOGICAL The section in Ibn al-Kalbi's Jamhara concerning the pedigree of Hisn b. Damdam and of his clan of Kalb 1 may shed some light on the relations between the different groups of the population in the North of the Arabian peninsula in the second half of the sixth century AD; some additional data from other sources enable us to get a better perception of the events. The passage of Ibn al-Kalbi, summarized by W. Caskel ", deserves a closer examination . • •* Al-Harith, the son of Hisn b. Damdam, nicknamed al-Harsha, was the chief of his people. When Fadak was conquered by Kalb in the period of the Jahiliyya his share of the booty consisted of the captives (wa-lahu sara sabyu fadaka hina ftatahahii kalbun fi l-jdhiliyyatii. The very concise report about the conquest of Fadak given by Ibn al-Kalbi is amplified by an account recorded by Abu l-Baqa": al-Harith b. Hisn b. Damdam b. 'Adi b. Janab al-Kalbi, known as al-Harsha, had the right to the pay (ja'ala) imposed on the people of Fadak; when they refused to pay, he raided them 3. Among the captured women was Shaqiqa, the wife of the goldsmith. Wa'il b. 'Atiyya b. al-'Udays (or 'Udas): al-Harith took her to him and she bore him his son Suwayd. Ibn al-Kalbi points out that Shaqiqa was a Jewess and records her ancestors in along' pedigree which goes back to Abraham". Abu l-Baqa' is more precise: the Jewish goldsmith Wa'il was captured together wi th his Jewish wife Shaqiqa 5. Ibn al- Kal bi' s Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Ms. Br. Mus. (Esc.) Add. ll, 376, fol. 74a. See W. Caskel, Gamhara( an-Nasan, das genealogische Werk des Hiiiim ibn Muhammad al-Kalbi, Leiden 1966, II, 307 (al-Hari] b. Hisn al-Harsa'), 520 (Suwaid b. al-Harij), (Hisn b. Damdam), 3 Abii l-Baqa', al-Maniiqib al-mazyadiyya fi akhbari l-muluki I-asadiyya, Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23, 296, fol. 72b inf. - 73b sup. 4 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara (Esc.), fol. 74a. 5 Abii l-Baqa', op. cit., fol. 72b. 1 2 322 account seems to contain a vague indication of the time of this event: the mother of al-Harith b. Hisn was Hirr the daughter of Salama of 'Ulaym, to whom Imru l-Qays referred in amatory language in his poems 6. Imru I-Qays died about 550 AD7, and Hirr should have been a young woman at that time. Other chronological indications may be derived from the additional sources. Both Ibn al-Kalbi and Abu l-Baqa' report about the four daughters of the couple Wii'il and Shaqiqa ; they differ, however, as to their names. Ibn al-Kalbi records Salma, al-Rabi'a, (?) al-Shamiis and Hind; Abu al-Baqa' records: Miiwiya, Najwa, 'Afat (? perhaps 'Uqab - K) and Salma 8; thus only one name is common to both lists: Salma, The couple had also two sons: Ma'bad and 'Ubayd. The progeny of Ma'bad joined the Banu Suwayd b. al-Harith (i.e. the clan of his uterine brother - K); a family of them attached themselves to an Ansari tribal unit, falsely claiming Ansari descent. 'Ubayd settled as a tribal unit in Syria 9. The status of the four daughters can be deduced from Abu l-Baqa's account: they remained with al-Harith, at his abode (... fa-asdba wd'ila bna 'atiyyata l-yahiidiyya l-sd'igha wa-ma'ahu mra'atahu /-shaqiqata, wa-kiinat yahiidiyyatan, wa-arba'a bandtin lahu '" fa-kunna 'indahu); the daughters of the Jewish couple married members of various Arab tribes, while Salma married the king of al-Hira, al-Mundhir b. al-Mundhir, and gave birth to their son al-Nu'man b. al-Mundhir b. al-Mundhir, the last king of the Persian-protected vassal state of al-Hira. Later (i.e. after his death) she married Riimiinis b. Mu'aqqil of the 'Amr b. 'Abd Wudd of Kalb and bore him a son, Wabara. Al-Nu'man and Wabara were thus uterine brothers and this is why al-Nu'man granted Wabara the two settlements: Baradiin and La'la"!". Yaqut records the details about the Ibn al-Kalbi, op. cit., (Esc.), fol. 74a. EF s.v. Imru' al-Kays (S. Boustany). • Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara (Esc.), fol. 74a; Abu l-Baqa', op. cit., 72b. 9 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara (Esc.), fol. 74a. 10 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara (Esc.), fol. 74a; cf. Hamza al-Isfahani, Ta'rikh sini muluki l-ard! wa-l-anbiya', Beirut 1961, p. 95 (al-Nu'man is the son of Salma, the daughter of Wa'il, the goldsmith from Fadak); al-Tabari, Ta'rikh, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim, Cairo 1961, II, 194 (Nu'man's mother is Salma, the daughter of wru, the goldsmith from Fadak); al-Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh, Najaf 1384/1964, I, 185 (al-Nu'rnan's mother is Salma, a captive said to be from Kalb); al-Mas'Iidi, MUrUj al-dhahab, ed. Ch. Pellat, Beirut 1966, II, 224, no. 1061 (the mother of al-Nu'rnan is Salma, the daughter of Wa'il h. 'Atiyya from Kalb); al-Jahiz, al-Bayan wa-l-tabyin, ed. Hasan al-Sandilbi, Cairo 1351/l932, III, 156 (Salrna, the daughter of 'Uqab, is the mother of al-Nu'man): cf. G. Rothstein, Die Dynastie der Lahmiden in al-Hira, 6 7 ON THE WIFE OF THE GOLDSMITH 323 kinship relations between al-Nu'man and Wabara and reports that Wabara died in Baradan and was buried there 11. The story of the marriage of Salrna with al-Mundhir b. al-Mundhir (= al-Mundhir al-asghari is presented by Abu l-Baqa' in dramatic terms: al-Mundhir alighted on his way back from one of his raids against Syria in the abode of al-Harith, who welcomed his guest, accomodated him in a tent of hides, slaughtered for him a camel and sent Salma (i.e. the daughter of the Jewish couple captured in Fadak - K) to anoint his hair. When she entered al-Mundhir seized her and raped her. She returned to al-Harith weeping, complaining that his guest dishonoured her. Al-Harith hurried in rage to the tent of al-Mundhir with his sword drawn, and accused al-Mundhir of having put him to shame amongst Kalb. But al-Mundhir answered asking al-Harith : « Did I bring shame upon you by marrying your maid»? Thus he married Salma and set out with her to al-Hira. There she bore him his son al-Nu'man, who became later king of al-Hira. After the death of al-Mundhir Salma returned to Kalb and married Rumanis b. Mu'aqqil of the branch of 'Abd Wudd of Kalb. She bore him Wabara, who was thus the uterine brother of al-Nu'man. Al-Nu'man was satirized as the heir of the goldsmith, the coward 12. According to a tradition recorded by Abu Hilal al-Askan, Salma (the mother of al-Nu'man) was a maid servant of 'Amr b. Tha'laba al-Kalbi 13. During a raid launched by Dirar b. 'Amr al-Dabbi 14 against Kalb he captured Salrna with her mother and two of her sisters. 'Amr asked him to return them, but Dirar, who became impressed by Salma, only agreed to return her mother and sisters. 'Amr appealed to his generosity by saying: « Let the horse (granted as a gift - K) be followed by the bridle », that is: as you have already Berlin 1899 (repr.), pp. 108-109; Jawad 'Ali, al-Mufassal fi ta'rikhi 1-'arab qabla l-isliim, Beirut 1969, III, 261-2. 11 See Yaqiit, Mu'jam al-bulddn, s.v. Baradan ; cf. Abii Tarnmam, al-Wahshiyydt, ed. al-Maymani, Cairo 1963, p. 133, no. 212. 12 Abii l-Baqa', op. cit., fol. 73a (with 8 verses), 3la-b (I verse); the verses are attributed to al-Nabigha, 'Abd al-Qays b. Khufiif al-Burjumi and Murra b. Rabi'a b. Qura' al-Sa'di: cf. W. Ahlwardt, The Diwans of the six ancient Arabic poets, Paris 1913, p. 173 (4 verses); al-Nabigha, Diwdn, ed. 'Abd al-Rahrnan Salam. Beirut 1347/1929,pp. 80-90 (9 verses); Ibn Qutayba, al-Shi'r wa-l-shu'ard', ed. M.J. de Goeje, Leiden 1904, pp. 73 (l verse; the mother of al-Nu'rnan is recorded as Salrna, the daughter of 'Atiyya, the goldsmith), 76 (3 verses; about the alleged authorship of the verses as in Abii l-Baqa'ts Manaqib): al-Jahiz, al-Hayawdn, ed. 'Abd al-Salarn Hartin. Cairo 1385/1966,IV, 377, 379. 13 See on him Caskel, op. cit., II, 185 ('Amr b. Tha'laba b. al-Harith). 14 See on him Caskel, op. cit., II, 242. 324 returned the majority of the captured family, give back the remainder too. Thereupon Dirar returned Salma I 5. The version recorded by Abu l-Baqa' differs in some essential details: when al-Mundhir left the abode of al-Harith b. Hisn b. Damdam with Salma, the daughter of the Jewish goldsmith, given him as a gift by al-Harith, and set out (for al-Hira - K), he was attacked by al-Dirar al-Dabbi, who was at the head of a very strong troop. Dirar robbed him of everything he possessed, including Salma. Al-Mundhir returned to al-Harith and complained of Dirar's action. Al-Harith (who was a friend of Dirar) intervened, and Dirar returned Salma to al-Mundhir together with the other booty. Then al-Mundhir said to al-Harith : «Place the bridle on the horse» (he obviously asked an additional gift); al-Harith then gave him as an additional gift (« the bridle» - K) a sister of Salma, and al-Mundhir set out with both of them to al-Hira 16. The son of Salma from her second marriage, Wabara (according to some reports Hassan b. Wabara) played an important role in the battle of al-Qurnatayn, in which Dirar b. 'Amr al-Dabbi fought courageously with his sons on the side of Wabara (or Hassan b. Wabara) against the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a who attacked both Tamim and Dabba. According to the account of al-Mufaddal al-Dabbi, al-Nu'man appointed his brother Wabara as governor (,ammalahu) on the Ribab and he headed the forces of Dabba in the battle 17. He was captured by Yazid b. al-Sa'iq and released on the payment of a very high ransom 18. Another tradition, also recorded by al-Baladhuri, gives a quite different account. The attack against the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a was well planned and prepared by the king al-Nu'man and his brother. Al-Nu'rnan levied a strong force « from the Ma'add tribes and others» under the command of his uterine brother Wabara. Then he sent to Dirar b. 'Amr and summoned him to join his forces. Dirar responded and came with nine of his sons (eighteen according to another account) 19. Al-Nu'man sent a caravan to Mecca and ordered the (warriors escorting the - K) caravan to launch an attack (sci!. suddenly 15 Abu Hilal al-lAskari, Jamharat al-amthiil, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim, Cairo 1384/1964, I, 92, no. 78. 16 Abu l-Baqa', op. cit., fols. 128b, inf. - 129a, sup. 17 Al-Baladhuri, Ansdb ai-ash raj; Ms. fol. 956b (= 1016b). 18 See e.g. Arabica, XV (1968), 156-7; Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara (Esc.), fol. 82a inf.82b sup.; idem, Jamhara, Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23, 297, fol. 123b-124a; al-Marzubani, Mu'jam al-shu'arii', ed. F. Krenkow, Cairo 1354, p. 394 (al-Nu'rnan's brother captured by Yazid b. al-Sa'iq is Ru'ba b. Riimanis, apparently a scribal error for Wabara b. Rumanis); and see al-Nuwayri, Nihiiyat ai-arab, Cairo 1368/1949, XV, 375-77. 19 Al-Baladhuri, Ansiib, Ms. fol. 949a (= 1009a). ON THE WIFE OF THE GOLDSMITH 325 and treacherously - K) on the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a on the way back, after the arrangements (of buying and selling - K) were accomplished and Quraysh would have come back to Mecca from 'Ukaz The men (escorting the caravan - K) acted according to the plan; but the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a had been warned by 'Abdallah b. Jud'an and succeeded to defeat the joint forces of Dabba and the troops levied by the king and put under the command of Wabara. Dirar managed to escape, aided by his sons; Wabara was captured by Yazid b. al-Sa'iq and had to pay a very high ransom: a thousand camels, two singing girls and granting Yazid the right to a share in his possessions 20. Some details about the descendants of one of the warriors who fought in the battle give us a hint as to the time in which the battle took place. AI-Mundhir b. Hassan b. Dirar, the grandson of Dirar, was one of the notables of al-Kiifa and gave his daughter in marriage to 'Abd al-Rahman b. al-Hakam al-Thaqafi ". Another grandson of Dirar, Harthama, embraced Islam and settled in Basra 22. The daughter of Dirar, Mu'a~havfnarried the Tamini leader Ma'bad b. Zurara and bore him a son;ar::Qa'qa', who converted later to Islam+'. The grandsons and granddaughters of other persons connected with the account of the battle can be traced in the period of the Prophet and of the first Caliphs 24. It is significant that these persons emigrated to Mecca or Medina and their fate was closely connected with some of the Companions of the Prophet. 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Auf, one of the richest Companions of the Prophet, married Tumadir, the daughter of al-Asbagh b. 'Amr b. Tha'laba b. al-Harith b. Hisn b. Damdam from Kalb. It is evident that she was the direct descendant of al-Harith b. Hisn, the man who conquered Fadak and captured the family of the Jewish goldsmith Wa'il b. 'Atiyya, Turnadir was the first Kalbi woman married by a Qurashite, says the report. Mus'ab reports further that Tumadir's mother was «Juwayriyya the daughter of Wabara b. Riimanis, who was the brother of al-Nu'man b. al-Mundhir x+", The Al-Baladhuri, Ansdb, Ms. fol. 948b-949a (= 1008b-lOO9a). Al-Baladhuri, Ansdb, Ms. fol. 949a (= l009a); and see on him Ibn Hajar, al-Isiibafi tamyiz al-sahiiba, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawi, Cairo 1292/1972, VI, 314, no. 8470. 22 Al-Baladhuri, Ansdb, Ms. fol. 949a (= 1009a), penult. 23 Al-Baladhuri, Ansdb, Ms. fols. 948b (= lOO8b), 965a (= 1025a); and see on him: Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, V, 452, no. 7133. 24 See e.g. Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, VI, 703 (Yazid b. Qays b. Yazld b. al-Sa'iq), 301, no. 8437 (Mu'adh b. Yazid b. al-Sa'iq). 25 Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, Nasab quraysh, ed. E. Levi Provencal, Cairo 1953, p. 267; and see al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Jamharat nasab quraysh, Ms. Bodley, Marsh. 384, fol. 95b; Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara (Esc.), fol. 95b. 20 21 326 honourable position inherited by the descendants of al-Harith b. Hisn and Wabara can be seen from the account that the Prophet sent 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Auf to Kalb and advised him to marry « the daughter of their king» if they would embrace Islam. As Kalb responded, 'Abd aI::~i}man married Tumadir ; her father, al-Asbagh, was indeed « the king» (i.e. the chief - K) of Kalb 26. Another report lists three tribal groups tracing their origin to Juwayriyya, the daughter of Wabara b. Rtimanis?". The marriage of the Caliph 'Uthman with another Kalbi woman, Na'ila also reflects the position of the family of the conqueror of Fadak: her father was al-Furafisa b. al-Ahwas b. 'Amr b. Tha'laba b. al-Harith b. Hisn b. Darndam b. 'Adiyy b. Jandal ". * * * It may be of some interest to trace the pedigree and vicissitudes of a Tamimi woman, who emigrated to Mecca and married a distinguished man from the aristocratic clan of Makhziim. Her progeny played an important role in the struggle between the Prophet and Quraysh. Asma', the daughter of Mukharriba 29 from the tribal group of Nahshal b. Darirn of Tarnim, married Hisham b. al-Mughira from the clan of Makhzilm and bore him two sons: Abu Jahl (= 'Amr) and al-Harith ; after her divorce from Hisham, she married his brother, Abu Rabi'a b. al-Mughira, and bore him two sons: 'Abdallah and 'Ayyash 30. The high status of Asma' can be inferred from the report that she was entrusted with the keeping of the document of the boycott Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqat, Beirut 1377/1958, VIII, 298. Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara (Esc.), fol. 74a. 2. Ibn l;Iazm,lamharat ansab al- 'arab, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Harun, Cairo 1962, p. 456 inf. 29 On the reading « Mukharriba» and « Mukharrima » see e.g. the note of the Editor of Jumahi's Tabaqdt jubul al-shu'arii', p. 123, note 2. 30 Al-Jumahi, Tabaqdt fubul al-shu'arii', ed. Mahmiid Muhammad Shakir, Cairo 1952, p. 123, no. 142; Naqa'id Jarir wa-I-Farazdaq, ed. Bevan, Leiden 1908, p. 607; Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, fol. 36a inf. - 36b sup. (Hisham is said to have been the first Qurashite to divorce his wife Asma' by the zihii: formula; it was his father al-Mughira, who chose for Asrna' her husband after her divorce: his son Abu Rabi'a b. al-Mughira), 67b; Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, op. cit., p. 318; al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, op. cit., fol. 135a inf. (she was also the mother of Umm Hujayr, the daughter of Abu Rabi'a), 140b (and see the two verses of Hisharn b. al-Mughira, in which he expresses his regret at divorcing Asrna', the daughter of Mukharriba, ib., fol. 141a, sup.); Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VIII, 300 (she married Abu Rabi'a after the death of her husband Hisharn), V, 443-4, IV, 129 sup.; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isti'iib fi ma'rifati l-ashiib, ed. 'Ali al-Bijawi, Cairo 1380/1960, p. 1230, no. 2009, p. 961, no. 1628, p. 301, no. 440; Anonymous, al-Ta'rikh al-muhkam fiman intasaba i1a I-nabiyyi ~alla lldhu 'alayhi wa-sallam, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 8653, fol. 148a, 1.4. 26 27 ON THE WIFE OF THE GOLDSMITH 327 of the Prophet and his family. Another version says that al-Julas, the daughter of Mukharriba, her sister, kept the document 31. The marriages of the daughters of this Darimi (Tamimi) family with Qurashites are remarkable. Asma', the daughter of Salama b. Mukharriba b. Jandal of Nahshal (Darim, Tamim), married 'Ayyash b. Abi Rabi'a b. al-Mughira. She joined her husband when he set out for his hijra to Abyssinia and there she gave birth to his son 'Abdallah 32. Asma', the daughter of Salama b. Mukharriba, was for a period the wife of 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Auf; his son, 'Abd al-Rahrnan b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Auf was born from her 33. 'Abdallah b. 'Ayyash married Hind, the daughter of Mutarrif b. Salama b. Mukharriba; she bore him his son al-Harith b. 'Abdallah b. 'Ayyash 34. Al-Harith b. 'Abdallah begot 'Abdallah b. al-Harith b. 'Abdallah; the latter married Umm Aban, the daughter of ['Abbad b.] Mutarrif b. Salama b. Mukharriba and she bore him his son 'Abd al-'Aziz35. Also to be noted are the marriages of the members of this branch of Makhziim (descendants of al-Mughira) with the family of Zurara (Tamim), Abu Jahl married the daughter of 'Umayr b. Ma'bad b. Zurara and she bore him his sons Abu 'Alqama, Zurara and Abu Hajib, Tamim 36. 'Abd al-Rahrnan b. 'Abdallah b. Abi Rabi'a, nicknamed al-Ahwal, was the son of Layla, the daughter of 'Utarid b. Hajib b. Zurara 37. Umm Hujayr, the daughter of Abu Rabi'a 38 married a Tamimi from another family: Abu Ihab b. 'Aziz 39. *** Al-Baladhuri, Ansab, I (ed. Muhammad Harnidullah), 235 sup. Khalifa b. Khayyat, Tabaqdt, ed. Akram Diya' al-Tlmari, Baghdad 1387/1967, p. 234; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VIII, 301; Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, op. cit., p. 319; al-Fasi, al- 'Iqd al-thamin, ed. al-Tanahi, Cairo 1388/1969, VIII, 180, no. 3300; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, VII, 484, no. 10795 (and see ib., p. 492, the elucidation of the relationship between Asma' bint Mukharriba and Asma' bint Salama b. Mukharriba); Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., p. 1783; Ibn Hazrn, Jamhara, p. 230; Ibn Hisharn, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, ed. al-Saqa, al-Abyari, Shalabi, Cairo 1355/1936, I, 273. 33 Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., III, 128; Anonymous, al-Ta'rikh al-muhkam, Ms. fol. 113a, inf.; Mus'ab v. 'Abdallah, op. cit., p. 267 (,Abdallah b. 'Ayyash b. Abi Rabi'a was thus the uterine brother of 'Abd al-Rahrnan b. 'Abd al-Rahrnan b , 'Auf, adds Mus'ab). 34 Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, op. cit., p. 319; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., V, 28; al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, op. cit., fol. 141b. 35 Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, op. cit., p. 319; al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, op. cit., fol. 142a, sup. 36 Mus'ab, op. cit., p. 312 sup.; al-Zubayr, op. cit., fol. 135b inf. 37 AI-Zubayr, op. cit., fol. 141a sup. 38 See above note 30. 39 AI-Zubayr, op. cit., fol. 135b, 1.1. 31 32 328 The peculiar verses in the Diwdn of Hassan b. Thabit link the person of Asma' (the mother of Abu Jahl and al-Harith, the sons of Hashim b. al-Mughira al-Makhziimi) with that of al-Furafisa, the father of Na'ila, the wife of 'Uthman : «Had you been a scion of a noble woman you would prove it for her by a noble deed: but you are a descendant of the daughter of 'Uqab »40. The verse is directed against al-Harith b. Hisham who fled shamefully from the battlefield of Badr. 'Uqab is recorded in the commentaries as a slave of the Taghlib. Some daughters of 'Uqab ended up by chance (fa-waqa'a ba'duhunnai at al-Furafisa b. al-Ahwas where they stayed on as slaves. One of these maids was married by a man from Taghlib and bore him a daughter. This daughter was later married by Mukharriba b. Ubayr (sci1. from Nahshal, Tamnn)+'. The commentary gives insufficient details of the slave and the maids. One has thus to consult the other poem in which 'Uqab and the maidslaves are mentioned. The qasida CLXXVIII is headed by an explanatory note: «He (i.e. Hassan) said satirizing al-Harith b. al-Mughira (i.e. al-Harith b. Hisham b. al-Mughira - K); his mother, a Nahshali woman (a descendant of one - K) of the daughters of 'Uqab, a female slave staying with the Banil Taghlib; she (married and) had daughters who bore children in Kalb, Quraysh and in other tribes». The third verse of the qasida runs as follows: «Lo, al-Furafisa b. al-Ahwas is vexed: because of your mother [one] of the daughters of 'Uqab»42. The comrnentary+" does not add much for the understanding of the hints included in the two verses. It is therefore fortunate that Ibn al-Kalbi supplies some additional data about Furafisa. It was Furafisa who obtained the heritage of the goldsmith from Fadak and therefore Hassan uttered the verses against him. Ibn al-Kalbi mentions the other daughters of the goldsmith: al-Rabi'a married 'Arnr b. Kulayb b. 'Adiyy b. Janab and gave birth to daughters who got married with men from Kalb. The other daughter, al-Shamus, married 40 41 42 43 Hassan b. Thabit, Diwdn, ed. Arafat, London 1971, I. 298 (CXLIX 7): Lau kunia din'a karimatin ablaytahii : husnd, wa-liikin din 'a hinti 'uqdbi. Hassan b. Thabit, op. cit., II, 220. Hassan, op. cit., I, 343 (CLXXVIII, 3) : Inna l-furiifisata bna l-ahwasi 'indahu : shajanun /i-ummika min banati 'uqdbi. Hassan, op. cit., 11,246; and see ib .• II, 220: 'Uqab was a slave (not a slave-maid). ON THE WIFE OF THE GOLDSMITH 329 al-Jann from Taghlib and became the mother of 'Anaq. 'Anaq married Mukharriba b. Ubayr from Nahshal; she gave birth to Julas, the daughter of Mukharriba (usually recorded as Umm Julas Asma' the daughter of Mukharriba). Umm Julas bore the two sons of Hisharn b. al-Mughira: Abu Jahl and al-Harith 44. This very pedigree is recorded by al-Baladhuri on the authority of Abu 'Ubayda : Asma' was the daughter of Mukharriba (or 'Amr b. Mukharriba) and 'Anaq ; 'Anaq was the daughter of al-Jann from Taghlib b. Wa'il, and his wife al-Shamiis, the daughter of Wa'il b. 'Atiyya from Fadak "". Abu 'Ubayda gives some additional details about the marriage of Asma' with Hisham. Hisharn met Asma' in Najran ; she was a widow and Hisharn married her and moved with her to Mecca. There she gave birth to his two sons. After his death she married his brother, Abu Rabi'a ; she bore him two sons to046. This has already been mentioned above. A similar tradition about the marriage of Hisham with Asma' is recorded by al-Zubayr b. Bakkar on the authority of Ma'rnar b. Rashid; it contains some more details, such as those relating to the talk of Hisham with Asma', her cleverness and beauty?". The date of the death of Asma' is disputed: some put it at the time of the Prophet, others at the time of 'Umar=". A quite different tradition is recorded in Ps. Asma'I's Nihiiyat ai-arab. 'Adiyy b. Zayd introduced al-Nu'man to the Persian Emperor, telling him that his mother was the daughter of the goldsmith 'Atiyya, who was a Persian. He came by chance to Tayrna' and settled there. He married there. The daughter of the goldsmith, Salma, bore al-Nu'man+". Finally an early tradition identifies the first husband of Salrna as Suwayd b. Rabi'a, the well known Darimi tribesman who killed the relative of the king of al-Hira and caused thereby the slaughter of the Tamimis on the Day of Uwara 50. On his flight from the king of al-Hira Suwayd reached Mecca and became an ally (/:lalif) of the Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara (Esc.), fol. 74a inf. Al-Baladhuri, Ansiib, I, 209. 46 Al-Baladhuri, Ansdb, I, 208-209. 47 AI-Zubayr b. Bakkar, op. cit., fol. \35b, sup. 48 See e.g. Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, VII, 491, no. 10807; al-Baladhuri, Ansab, I, 209. 49 Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23, 298, fol. 237b inf. ~ 238a. 50 See e.g. on the Day of Uwara : al-Baladhuri, Ansdb, fols. 966b (= 1026b), 968b (= 1028a); among his descendants was Abu Ihab b. 'Aziz who was one of the thieves of the «Gazelle of the Ka'ba »; al-Baladhuri (Ms. fol. 342b) records his pedigree as follows: Abu Ihab b._'Aziz b. Qays b. Suwayd b. Rabi'a b. 'Abdallah b. Darirn ... the halif of the Banii Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf. 44 45 330 Banil Naufal; Asma' reached al-Yaman; she later married Hisham b. al-Mughira. When she bore him his first son she named him 'Arnr (later nicknamed by the Prophet «Abu Jahl» - K) after her father (as the real name of Mukharriba was 'Amr) 51. This account closes the chain of stories in which the fates of the descendants of the goldsmith's daughters are related. *** Some comments on the few passages quoted above may be useful. It is instructive that the Jewish settlement, Fadak, had to pay some tribute to the tribal group of Kalb. The account seems to indicate that the power of the Jewish agricultural settlements in that period, the end of the third quarter of the sixth century, began to decrease; the weakness of the rulers of al-Hira, the sudden changes in the Persian Empire, the rise of the strength of the Arab tribes, the emergence of Mecca as an influential centre in the Arabian peninsula - all these factors explain the successful raid of al-Harith b. Hisn against Fadak and its conquest; it is indeed conspicuous that the account uses the expression: iftatahahii kalbun denoting the conquest of a village or a city. It is noteworthy for the understanding of the event that about the same period the Jewish representative of Persia in Medina was replaced by the Khazraji 'Amr b. al-Itnaba 52, and the dominant position of the Jews in this city declined. The role which Mecca began to play in that period can be deduced from the reports about the migration of membres of different tribes to Mecca. The marriages between Qurashites and members of the tribal immigrants reflect the evolution of a flourishing mixed population, dominated by a well developed Meccan tradition and custom; the immigrants became integrated into the Meccan order and absorbed into the Meccan society. It was a peculiar blend of Jewish, Christian, Kalbi, Taghlibi, Tamimi and Qurashi elements, which produced devoted believers like 'Ayyash, malicious infidels like Abu Jahl and gifted poets like 'Umar b. Abi Rabi'a. 51 52 Al-Baladhuri, Ansdb, fol. 986b (= lO46b). See Arabica XV (1968) 146-8. 

Huluban.pdf THE CAMPAIGN OF HULUBAN OF ABRAHA A NEW LIGHT ON THE EXPEDITION The record of the expedition of Abraha against the Ma'add and especially against the 'lmir b. Sa'sa'a deserves special mention. The record of this expedition found on an inscription on a rock in the vicinity of the well of al-Murayghan refers to a tribal division of Tamim. It is the only case - as yet - in which a tribal division of Tamim has been mentioned in an inscription. This inscription «( Ry 506 », found by the expedition of Professor G. Ryckmans, was published by him with a French translation and comments 1. It was published with a German translation and valuable comments by W. Caskel 2, rendered into English with notes and remarks by Sidney Smith 3 and by F. Beeston 4, who gave a penetrating analysis of the text. Of importance are the remarks and studies of J. Ryckmans 5. A comprehensive study of the inscription was given in Russian by A.G. Lundin 6. The inscription was partly translated into Arabic and furnished with notes by Jawad 'Ali 7. The text given by Sidney Smith was translated into Arabic by IQ.san 'Abbas 8. The rendering of F. Beeston of the inscription is here given in full : « By ,the power of the Merciful One and His Messiah, the king Abra:ha (etc.) wrote this inscription when he had raided Matadd in the spring razzia in the month .!l!!btn(and) when all the Ban'ii tAmir had revolted. Now 1Jheking sent 'BGBR with the Kindites and tAlites and BSR son of I;If?N with the Sa'dites and these two commanders of the army did battle and fonght, (namely) the Kindite column against the Bani