Muḥammad
MusaylimaEQ.pdf Musaylima
Musaylima b. ThumÄma b. KabÄ«r b. ḤabÄ«b b. al-ḤÄrith b. ÉAbd al-ḤÄrith, a leader of the BanÅ« ḤanÄ«fa and rival of the Prophet. Muslim sources derisively nickname him âMusaylima the liarâ (al-kadhdhÄb). Musaylima is a diminutive form of Maslama; this can be deduced from a verse of ÉUmÄra b. ÉUkayl (Mubarrad, KÄmil, iii, 26). The basis of the rivalry between Muḥammad and Musaylima was the latter's claim to prophethood. Musaylima made his people believe that he was receiving revelation from God the Merciful (al-RaḥmÄn) through the angel Gabriel. It is essential to stress that Musaylima never denied the prophethood of Muḥammad; he rather claimed that he was destined to share this mission with him. In all their encounters, Muḥammad categorically rejected the quest of Musaylima to share his mission or be appointed Muḥammad's successor after his death. The letters exchanged between them bear clear evidence of their contrasting attitudes. Musaylima wrote to Muḥammad using the title âMessenger of AllÄhâ and claimed that God bestowed on him partnership in prophethood (fa-innÄ« qad ushriktu fÄ« l-amri maÊ¿aka). âHalf of the earth was given to Quraysh and the other half was allotted to us (i.e. to BanÅ« ḤanÄ«fa), but Quraysh are people who exceed their bounds.â In his response, the Prophet addresses Musaylima as âthe liar,â asserts that the earth (in its entirety) belongs to God who gives it âas heritage to whomever he pleases of his servantsâ (BayhaqÄ«, MaḥÄsin, i, 49). Early traditions may help establish the period of Musaylima's activity and his connections with Mecca. According to reliable sources, he married Kayyisa bint alḤÄrith of the Meccan aristocratic clan of ÉAbd Shams. Musaylima was her second husband. The Prophet met Musaylima in Medina several times (it is reported that when Musaylima arrived in Medina for the first time accompanied by a unit of BanÅ« ḤanÄ«fa warriors, he stayed in Kayyisa's grove). In reference to the impertinent demands
of Musaylima, Muḥammad refused to give him âeven a splinter of a palm branchâ which he held in his hand. At a later meeting with a delegation of BanÅ« ḤanÄ«fa, the members of the delegation decided to embrace Islam, but changed their minds after returning to YamÄma, and aligned themselves with Musaylima instead. Musaylima was held in high esteem: his companions called him âthe merciful one of YamÄmaâ (raḥmÄn alYamÄma). Also, as befitted the usual manner in which holy persons, soothsayers and prophets appeared, he was veiled and disguised. There are many common features and methods in the prophetic careers of Musaylima and Muḥammad. Like Muḥammad, Musaylima claimed to be the recipient of divine revelation. Further, he claimed to heal the sick and work miracles. Naturally enough, Muslim tradition describes his claims to such powers as totally baseless. In YamÄma, Musaylima succeeded in gaining the support of many tribal groups who came under his control after the death of Hawdha, the former chief of the area in the service of Persia. In the last years before the Prophet's death, he attempted to establish a social order based on an alliance between the people of YamÄma and tribal groups which moved to YamÄma and settled there. Musaylima erected a safe area (ḥaram) in which certain places inhabited by his allies (qurÄ al-aḥÄlÄ«f) were included. According to Muslim sources, the ḥaram was managed in a corrupt way and the BanÅ« Usayyid, who served as its guardians mistreated other groups. When these groups complained, Musaylima did not redress the injustice. Instead, he read to them âthe answer he got from heaven,â meaning a verse from his qurÉÄn: â(I swear) by the darkness of the night and by the black wolf, the Usayyid did not violate [the sanctity] of the ḥaramâ. When the Usayyid continued their transgressions, another verse was released: â[I swear] by the dark night and by the softly treading lion, the Usayyid cut neither fresh nor dry.â
The death of the prophet Muḥammad raised the hopes of the community of Musaylima. In one of the speeches said to have been delivered in that period and which was directed to the BanÅ« ḤanÄ«fa, Musaylima stressed the qualities of his people and his land in comparison with Quraysh and Mecca: âWhat made Quraysh more deserving of prophethood than yourselves? They are not greater in number than you; your land is wider than their land. Gabriel (JibrÄ«l) descends from heaven like he used to descend to Muḥammad.â Musaylima claimed that the revelation transmitted to Muḥammad had ceased with his death and henceforth it would be transmitted to him alone. The feeling that he was now the sole prophet is expressed in a verse attributed to Musaylima: O you, woman, take the tambourine and play, and disseminate the virtues of this prophet! Passed away the prophet of BanÅ« HÄshim, and rose up the prophet of BanÅ« YaÉrub (Ibn KathÄ«r, BidÄya, vi, 341). Musaylima's adherents grew in number and prestige. The situation in YamÄma inspired a feeling of security and peace. This feeling was, however, shaken by the unexpected arrival of a former soothsayer, who claimed that she had been granted revelations from heaven. Her name was SajÄḥ bt. al-ḤÄrith. She was a Christian of the tribe of TamÄ«m but lived among the Christian Arabs of Taghlib. According to some sources, the forces led by SajÄḥ intended to attack the troops of AbÅ« Bakr under the command of KhÄlid b. al-WalÄ«d who set out to crush the apostasy (ridda) of the tribes after the Prophet's death. In her forces were warriors from her people and others who joined them. After some skirmishes, she decided to fight Musaylima and conquer YamÄma. Musaylima invited her to meet him in order to negotiate a peaceful solution. He recognized SajÄḥ as his partner in prophethood and declared that the land allotted by God to Quraysh would be transferred to SajÄḥ and her people. The other half would belong to Musaylima. Moreover, Musaylima granted SajÄḥ the crops YamÄma had produced that
year and promised her the crops of the next year. SajÄḥ returned to the JazÄ«ra after a few days. (Some reports maintain that Musaylima married SajÄḥ, but differ as to whether she remained with him until his death, or if he cast her off soon after their marriage; cf. Vacca, SadjÄḥ.) AbÅ« Bakr became aware of the rising authority of Musaylima and decided to send KhÄlid b. al-WalÄ«d at the head of the Muslim army to fight Musaylima and his forces. He wrote a letter to KhÄlid b. al-WalÄ«d, stressing the power of the BanÅ« ḤanÄ«fa and their courage. The bravery of BanÅ« ḤanÄ«fa is said to have been mentioned in q 48:16. On his way to fight Musaylima, KhÄlid b. al-WalÄ«d informed his army of AbÅ« Bakr's letter concerning BanÅ« ḤanÄ«fa. In the clashes with the BanÅ« ḤanÄ«fa, a division of the army that came from those Medinans who had assisted Muḥammad in his emigration from Mecca (the Aná¹£Är) attacked YamÄma and fought bravely together with the Meccans who had fled with Muḥammad (the MuhÄjirÅ«n). They were summoned to help out in dangerous situations in the bloody battle of ÉAqrabÄÉ. At the outset, the BanÅ« ḤanÄ«fa succeeded in repulsing the bedouin attacks. The solution of KhÄlid was to put the bedouin fighters of the army behind the lines of the well motivated and steadfast warriors of the Emigrants (MuhÄjirÅ«n) and Helpers (Aná¹£Är). Cases of exemplary bravery on the part of these groups are recorded in the sources. Eventually, WaḥshÄ« killed Musaylima with his javelin in a place dubbed in the Muslim sources as âthe Garden of Death.â According to some far-fetched traditions, Musaylima was 140 or 150 years old when he died in 11/632. The intense loyalty of Musaylima's followers can be gauged from the various stories that have been passed down. A woman who heard about his death exclaimed, âAlas, prince of the believers!â (wÄ amÄ«r al-muʾminÄ«nÄh). A wounded warrior of the BanÅ« ḤanÄ«fa, in his agony, asked a Muslim warrior to kill him in order to put him out of his misery.
Upon hearing of Musaylima's death, he remarked: âA prophet whom his people caused to perishâ (nabiyyun á¸ayyaÊ¿ahu qawmuhu). The Muslim warrior, enraged by these words, gave him the coup de grâce. The belief in the prophethood of Musaylima survived among his believers in the first decades of Islam. His adherents used to gather in the mosque of the BanÅ« ḤanÄ«fa in KÅ«fa and the call lÄ ilÄha illÄ llÄh wa-Musaylima rasÅ«lu llÄh was heard from the minaret. ÉAbdallÄh b. MasÉÅ«d ordered the detention of the followers of Musaylima. Some repented and were released. Those who clung to their faith were executed. M. J. Kister Bibliography
Primary:
al-BalÄdhurÄ«, Aḥmad b. YaḥyÄ b. JÄbir, Futūḥ al-buldÄn, ed. ÉA. AnÄ«s al-ṬabbÄÉ and ÉU. AnÄ«s al-TabbÄÉ, Beirut 1958, 119-20 al-BayhaqÄ«, AbÅ« Bakr Aḥmad b. al-Ḥusayn, DalÄʾil al-nubuwwa, ed. ÉA. al-QalÉajÄ«, 7 vols., Beirut 1985, iv, 79; v, 330 al-BayhaqÄ«, IbrÄhÄ«m b. Muḥammad, al-MaḥÄsin wa-l-masÄwiʾ, ed. M. AbÅ« l-Fa l IbrÄhÄ«m, 2 vols., Cairo 1961, i, 49 al-DiyÄrbakrÄ«, Ḥusayn b. Muḥammad, TaʾrÄ«kh al-khamÄ«s, 2 vols. in 1, Cairo 1283, repr. Beirut, ii, 157 Ibn ÉAbd al-Barr al-NamarÄ«, al-Durar fÄ« ikhtiá¹£Är al-maghÄzÄ« wa-l-siyar, ed. Sh. Cairo 1966, 270 ayf,
Ibn Ḥubaysh, ÉAbd al-RaḥmÄn b. Muḥammad, al-GhazawÄt, ed. S. ZakkÄr, Beirut 1992 Ibn SaÉd, ṬabaqÄt, Beirut 1957, v, 550 al-KalÄÉÄ«, AbÅ« l-RabÄ«É SulaymÄn b. MÅ«sÄ, al-IktifÄʾ fÄ« maghÄzÄ« rasÅ«l AllÄh wa-l-thalÄtha al-khulafÄʾ, ed. M. ÉAbd al-WÄḥid, 2 vols., Cairo 1970, ii, 435 al-KalbÄ«, HishÄm b. Muḥammad b. al-SÄÉib, Jamharat al-nasab, ed. N. Ḥasan, Beirut 1986, 543 al-MaqrÄ«zÄ«, TaqÄ« l-DÄ«n AbÅ« l-ÉAbbÄs Aḥmad b. ÉAlÄ«, ImtÄÊ¿ al-asmÄʾ, ed. M. M. ShÄkir, Cairo 1941, 508-9 ed. M. A. al-NÄmisÄ«, 15 vols., Beirut 1999, ii, 100-1 MuqÄtil, TafsÄ«r, ii, 555 al-NuwayrÄ«, Aḥmad b. ÉAbd al-WahhÄb, NihÄyat al-arab fÄ« funÅ«n al-adab, 31 vols., Cairo 1964-92, xix (1975; ed. M. IbrÄhÄ«m), 85-7 SuhaylÄ«, al-RawḠal-unuf, ed. ÉA. al-WakÄ«l, 7 vols., Cairo 1969, iv, 38-9 ṬabarÄ«, TaʾrÄ«kh, ed. Cairo, iii, 276-300 al-WÄqidÄ«, KitÄb al-Ridda, ed. M. ḤamÄ«dullÄh, Paris 1989, index
Secondary:
V. V. Barthold, Musaylima, in id., SoÄineniya, 10 vols., Moscow 1963-73, vi, 549-74 D. Eickelmann, Musaylima.
An approach to the social anthropology of seventh century Arabia, in JESHO 10 (1967), 17-52 V. Vacca, SadjÄḥ, in EI 2, viii, 738-9 W. M. Watt, Musaylima, in EI , vii, 664-5 [Print Version: Volume 3, page 460, column 2] Citation: Kister, M. J. "Musaylima." Encyclopaedia of the QurʾÄn. General Editor: Jane Dammen McAuliffe.
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RajabEI.pdf Radjab, the seventh month of the Islamic calendar, was observed as a holy month in
the period of the DjÄhiliyya in spring. It was the month of the sacrifices of the Ê¿atÄʾir offered to the pagan deities as a token of gratitude for the augmentation of their flocks and herds. It was also the time of invocations of their deities to increase the number of their flocks. It was as well the month of the sacrifices of the furuÊ¿, the firstlings of the flocks and herds. The owner of the flock had to sacrifice one ewe out of fifty (or hundred) of his herd. The holy month of Radjab was also the month of peace in the Arab peninsula; the tribes refrained from raids and warfare. The month was called al-aá¹£amm âthe deafâ because no sound of weapons was heard during that month and al-aá¹£abb âthe pouringâ because the unbelievers of Mecca used to say that the mercy is pouring forth in this month. Another by-name of Radjab was al-radjm âthe stoningâ because the Satans were stoned in that month and were expelled from the dwellings of the tribes. Other bynames attached to Radjab were: al-muḳīm âthe constant,â because its sanctity was a firm one, since Radjab is one of the four ḥurum months; al-harim âthe agedâ because the sanctity of the month was an ancient one, dating from the time of Mu ar b. NizÄr; as the tribes of Mu ar venerated this month, it was also named radjab Muá¸ar. Because of the comprehensive peace among the tribes and their abstaining from hostilities, the month was called muná¹£il al-all and muná¹£il al-asinna, pointing to the fact that the spearheads were removed, weapons laid down and no fighting among tribes was launched. The name al-muÊ¿allÄ âthe elevatedâ was attached to Radjab because it was a month highly respected among the Arab tribes. The name al-mubriʾ âthe clearing [from fault]â was given to the month because warlike activity was given up, no iniquity was committed and no act of hypocrisy was perpetrated during the month. A peculiar name granted to Radjab was al-muḳashḳish âthe exonerating,â denoting that Radjab distinguished between the people who stuck to the tenets enjoining abstention from
fighting during the month and those who violated the sanctity of the month by fighting. Finally, the month was called al-Ê¿atÄ«ra because the sacrifices of the Ê¿atÄ«ra were carried out during this month. According to tradition, the month of Radjab was a time of devotional practices, exertions and fasting. Invocations against the iniquitous and the wrong-doers in this month were especially efficacious. The opinions of the scholars of Islam as to the permission to continue these practices in Islam were divergent, controversial and even contradictory. The differences in their opinions are clearly exposed in the utterances attributed to the Prophet in the collections of ḥadÄ«th. An utterance attributed to the Prophet and recorded in the early collection of ÉAbd alRazzÄḳ (d. 211/826) says that the Prophet approved of the sacrifice of the Ê¿atÄ«ra which the people used to practice in Radjab. The Prophet said, âDo it, and name it al-radjÄ«ba.â The utterance of the Prophet enjoining sacrifice of the Ê¿atÄ«ra and naming it the radjÄ«ba is opposed by an utterance attributed to the Prophet enjoining annulment of the sacrifice of the firstlings and the sacrifice of the RadjabÄ« Ê¿atÄ«ra. It is recorded in the same collection and is formulated plainly: lÄ faraÊ¿a wa-lÄ Ê¿atÄ«ra âthere is no [sacrifice] of the firstlings nor of the Ê¿atÄ«ra.â This prohibitive tradition was, however, changed by the interpretation given to it by alShÄfiÉÄ«: there is no sacrifice of the Ê¿atÄ«ra nor of the faraÊ¿a âas an obligatory practiceâ, adds al-ShÄfiÉÄ«. This comment of his changes, of course, the meaning of the tradition and its significance.
In the same way was interpreted the utterance of the Prophet Ê¿alÄ ahl kull bayt an yad̲h̲baḥū shÄt fÄ« kull radjab wa-fÄ« kull aá¸á¸¥Ä shÄt . The expression Ê¿alÄ kull ahl bayt
an i in i an i i in
i
i
in
is, however, interpreted not as an enjoinment but only as a recommendation. The utterance has to be understood as recommendation for every family group to sacrifice a ewe during every month of Radjab and to sacrifice a ewe on every aá¸á¸¥Ä celebration. An utterance of the Prophet about the Ê¿atÄ«ra permits the sacrifice of the Ê¿atÄ«ra in any month of the year and enjoins the practice of charity, dividing among the poor the meat of the slaughtered beasts. It is obvious that the sanctity of Radjab was, according to this tradition, fairly limited, or even abolished, while the advice of charity was especially stressed. A tradition reported on the authority of ÉÄÉisha says that the Prophet enjoined the slaughter of the firstling of the herd numbering fifty, which tallies with the prevalent DjÄhilÄ« practice. But another tradition attributed to the Prophet says, âPractice the sacrifice of the faraÊ¿a if you wantâ. Thus the sacrifice was left to the discretion of the believer. A peculiar utterance of the Prophet turns the sacrifice of the faraÊ¿a into a voluntary practice, with a special reservation of the Prophet changing the aim of the practice. The Prophet permitted the practice but remarked that it would be preferable to feed the camel until it grows up and to ride it on expeditions and raids for the cause of God; similarly, it is preferable to feed the ewe until it grows up, to sacrifice it and to divide the meat among the poor. Similarly, the utterance of the Prophet in which he is said to have approved of the faraÊ¿a, saying al-faraÊ¿a ḥaḳḳ, was considerably changed by the added reservation that it would be better to feed the destined sacrificial animal until it grows up and can be used
to ride on it in a raid for the cause of God (in the case of a camel) or to slaughter it (in the case of a ewe) and give the meat as charity to a needy widow. Scholars of Islam stress that the slaughter of animals in Rad̲j̲ab was continued in the first period of Islam and was only later abrogated. Al-Ḵh̲aá¹á¹ÄbÄ« (d. 388/998) considered the Ê¿atÄ«ra compatible with the principles of Islam: it was in the period of Islam sacrificed to God in contradiction to the j̲ÄhilÄ« Ê¿atÄ«ra, which was sacrificed to the idols. There is
indeed a report saying that Ibn SÄ«rÄ«n (d. 110/729) used to slaughter the Ê¿atÄ«ra in Radjab. Strictly orthodox scholars stressed that there is no valid tradition concerning the virtues of Radjab. There were, however, scholars, especially from among the pious and devoted, who favoured the widely-circulated popular traditions allegedly uttered by the Prophet, emphasising the virtues of Radjab and encouraging the carrying out of the various practices considered laudable and right. The Prophet is said to have named Radjab âthe month of Godâ, s̲h̲ahr AllÄh, because it was the month of the people of the ḥaram (i.e. the people of Mecca) who were called Äl AllÄh. The problem of the sacrifices during the month of Radjab was only one aspect of the disputes among the Muslim scholars as to the ritual practices performed in the Muslim community in that month. A significant tradition ascribed to the Prophet singled out the peculiar sanctity of three months of the year: âRadjab is the month of God, ShaÉbÄn is my month and Rama Än is the month of my people.â As the month of Radjab was put on par with the two other months there was an obvious tendency to competition between these holy months regarding the rewards of the ritual practices performed during these months, the exceptional position of certain nights of the months and the prayers during these months. The competition between Radjab and ShaÉbÄn is clearly presented in a tradition reported on the authority of Zayd b. Aslam. The Prophet was informed about people fasting during Radjab. He remarked, âHow far are they from the virtues of the people
fasting during ShaÉbÄn!â Zayd observed, âMost of the fasting of the Prophet, except in Rama Än, was in ShaÉbÄn.â The partisans of Radjab quoted a report of Ibn al-ÉAbbÄs saying that the Prophet used to fast so many days in Radjab that his Companions did not think that he would break his fast; and he used to break his fast so that they doubted whether he would resume it. As against the people venerating ShaÉbÄn, the partisans of Radjab had recourse to utterances attributed to the Prophet in which the fasting of Radjab was recommended and very high rewards were promised to people who were fasting in it. The Prophet is said to have stated that the month of Radjab is of a high position and that the good deeds of the believer gain multiple rewards. He who fasts one day in Radjab is in the position of a believer who would fast a year. He who fasts nine days, for him the gates of Hell are closed; he who fasts eight days, for him the eight doors of Paradise are opened; he who fasts ten days, God will fulfill for him every wish; he who fasts fifteen days, a herald will announce from Heaven that god forgave him every sin which he had committed in the past. In the month of Radjab God carried Nūḥ (Noah) in the ark; he fasted during Radjab, and bade his people to fast during it, thus expressing their gratitude to God for their salvation. Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal said that he had in his possession a tradition recording the rewards for fasting of every day of Radjab; he considered, however, the ḥadÄ«th a forged one. The fasting of the whole month of Radjab was nevertheless frowned upon and sometimes forbidden in order not to create a similarity with Rama Än. The practices of fasting during Radjab were censured by AbÅ« Bakr, ÉUmar and people of the á¹£aḥÄba, says Ibn Taymiyya. Some nights of Radjab are considered to be replete with God's graces. In the first night of Radjab, God will grant every supplication of the believer. It is one of the five chosen
nights in the year. Another prayer strongly censured by Ibn Taymiyya was the prayer practised in the midst of Radjab called á¹£alÄt Umm DÄwÅ«d. A night highly praised by those who observed Radjab was the night of the á¹£alÄt alraghÄʾib âthe night of the prayer for extensive and desirable giftsâ; it starts on the eve of the first Friday of Radjab; the prayers and supplications contained hundreds of invocations, prostrations, rakÊ¿as and recitations of some sÅ«ras of the ḲurÉÄn. The believer is requested to fast on the Thursday preceding this night. A night of Radjab distinguished by the rich rewards is the night of the twenty-seventh of Radjab. The believer spending this night in vigils: praying; thanking God; repeating a hundred times the various phrases of gratitude, the oneness of God, invocations and supplications; performing prostrations and rakÊ¿as; and reading a sÅ«ra of the ḲurÉÄn and fasting the next day, will be highly rewarded by God; he will attain God's grace as if he fasted a hundred years and practiced vigils for a hundred years. On that night, Muḥammad was sent as a prophet. The significant events connected with the life of the Prophet which allegedly happened in Radjab turn the month into one of the most distinctive periods of the year. According to a tradition, the mother of the Prophet conceived him on the first evening of Radjab; another tradition claims that he was born in Radjab. Some traditions assert that the event of the laylat al-miÊ¿rÄdj occurred in Radjab. Other traditions claim that the date of the isrÄʾ was the twenty-seventh day of Radjab. The struggle of the orthodox scholars against those practices of Radjab widely approved by pious ascetics and ṢūfÄ«s was not entirely successful. These practices have survived and form until the present time an essential part of Muslim popular belief and ritual. (M. J. Kister)
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ÉUmar b. Badr al-Mawá¹£ilÄ«, al-MughnÄ« Ê¿an al-ḥifẠwa ʾl-kitÄb, Cairo 1342, 33, 36 Ḳurá¹ubÄ«, al-DjamiÊ¿ li-aḥkÄm al-ḲurʾÄn = TafsÄ«r al-Ḳurá¹ubÄ«, Cairo 1387/1967, vi, 326 Ibn ÉAsÄkir, TaʾrÄ«kh DimÄshḳ, ed. ÉAbd al-ḲÄdir BadrÄn, Beirut 1399/1979, vi, 246, vii, 347 inf.-348 sup. Bayhaḳī, Faá¸Äʾil al-awḳÄt, ed. ÉAdnÄn ÉAbd al-RaḥmÄn MadjÄ«d al-ḲaysÄ«, Mecca 1410/1990, 89-90, no. 7, 106-7, 311-12, no. 149, 95-8, nos. 11, 12 WadjÄ«h al-DÄ«n ÉAbd al-RaḥmÄn b. KhalÄ«l al-AdhruÉÄ«, BishÄrat al-maḥbÅ«b bi-takfÄ«r aldhunÅ«b, ed. MadjdÄ« al-Sayyid IbrÄhÄ«m, Cairo n.d., 41, no. 98 Bayhaḳī, al-DjÄmiÊ¿ li-shuÊ¿ab al-Ä«mÄn = ShuÊ¿ab al-Ä«mÄn, ed. ÉAbd al-ÉAlÄ« ÉAbd al- ḤamÄ«d ḤÄmid, Bombay 1409/1988, vii, 382- 3, no. 3520, 390-3, no. 3529, 393-5, nos. 3530-1 Khaá¹Ä«b al-BaghdÄdÄ«, TaʾrÄ«kh Baghdad, Cairo-BaghdÄd 1349- 1931, viii, 331, no. 4421 ÉAbd al-RaḥmÄn al-SuhaylÄ«, al-RawḠal-unuf, ed. ÉAbd al-RaḥmÄn al-WakÄ«l, Cairo 1387/1967, i, 70 NÅ«r al-DÄ«n al-HaythamÄ«, MadjmaÊ¿ al-zawÄʾid wa-manbaÊ¿ al-fawÄʾid, Beirut 1967, iii, 188, 191 Murta Ä al-ZabÄ«dÄ«, ItḥÄf al-sÄda al-muttaḳīn bi-sharḥ asrÄr iḥyÄʾ Ê¿ulÅ«m al-dÄ«n, Beirut n.d., iii, 422-5 Ibn Ḥadjar al-ÉAsḳalÄnÄ«, TabyÄ«n al-Ê¿adjab bi-mÄ warada fÄ« faá¸l radjab, ed. AbÅ« AsmÄÉ IbrÄhÄ«m b. IsmÄÉÄ«l Äl ÉAá¹£r, Beirut 1408/1988 Ibn HimmÄt al-Dimashḳī, al-TankÄ«t wa ʾl-ifÄda fÄ« takhrÄ«dj aḥÄdÄ«th khÄtimat sifr al-saÊ¿Äda, ed. Aḥmad al-Bazra, Beirut 1407/1988, 96-7, 112-13
MaḳrÄ«zÄ«, al-Khabar Ê¿an al-bashar, ms. DÄr al-Kutub 947, TaÉrÄ«k̲h̲, p. 444 ÉIzz al-DÄ«n b. ÉAbd al-SalÄm al-SulamÄ«, KitÄb al- FatÄwÄ, ed. ÉAbd al-RaḥmÄn b. ÉAbd al-FattÄḥ, Beirut 1406/1986, 117 ÉAbd al-WÄsiÉ b. YaḥyÄ al-WÄsiÉÄ«, al- Mukhtaá¹£ar fÄ« targhÄ«b wa-tarhÄ«b ḥadÄ«th sayyid albashar, Cairo 1345, 26 ult.-27 al-Ḥasan b. Muḥammad al-KhallÄl, Faá¸Äʾil shahr radjab, ed. ÉAmr ÉAbd al-MunÉim, Ṭaná¹Ä 1412/1972 ÉAlÄ« b. Sulá¹Än al-ḲÄrÄ«, al-Adab fÄ« radjab, ed. ÉAmr ÉAbd al-MunÉim, Ṭaná¹Ä 1412/1992, also ed. ÉAbd AllÄh ÉAwda in JSAI, forthcoming Badr al-DÄ«n ShiblÄ«, MaḥÄsin al-wasÄʾil fÄ« maÊ¿rifat al-awÄʾil, ms. B.L., Or. 1530, fol. 56b ÉAlÄ« MaḥfÅ«áº, al-IbdÄÊ¿ fÄ« maá¸Ärr al-ibtidÄÊ¿, Cairo 1388/1968, 296-7 Muḥammad b. Aḥmad b. Djubayr al-KinÄnÄ«, Riḥla, Beirut 1388/1968, 98-104 Muḥammad b. ÉAlÄ« b. ṬūlÅ«n al- Dimashḳī, Faṣṣ al-KhawÄtim fÄ«-mÄ á¸³Ä«la fi ʾl-walÄʾim, ed. NizÄr AbÄáºa, Damascus 1402/1982, 92-4. For additional bibl., see M. J. Kister, Radjab is the month of God, in IOS, i (1971), repr. Variorum, London 1980, Studies in JÄhiliyya and early Islam, no. XII. [Print Version: Volume VIII, page 373, column 2] Citation: Kister, M. J. âRad̲j̲ab.â Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman; Th. Bianquis; C. E. Bosworth; E. van Donzel; and W. P. Heinrichs.
MundhirEI.pdf al-Mundhir b. SÄwÄ (or SÄwÄ«) b. ÉAbd AllÄh b. Zayd b. ÉAbd AllÄh, a chief of
the tribal division of DÄrim of TamÄ«m. The tribal branch of the ÉAbd Allah b. Zayd were, according to tradition, called al-IspadhiyyÅ«n. This name, obviously of Persian origin, is said to have referred to this people because they worshipped a horse (asp); according to another tradition, they were called so because they came from a place called Ispadh. A third tradition assumed that this name was attached to a group of scattered tribal factions joined together and united (al-djummÄÊ¿). Some Western scholars have assumed that the word is derived from the Persian Ispahbadh; this may indicate that this group served as a force of the Ispahbadh of Baḥrayn. There is indeed a report according to which the IspadhiyyÅ«n were a force stationed in the fortress of alMushaḳḳar (see LA, s.v. s-b- dh). The tribal division DÄrim of TamÄ«m were in close relations with the Persians. AlMundhir b. SÄwÄ is mentioned in the Arabic sources as the âMaster of Hadjarâ (á¹£Äḥib Hadjar) or as the âKing of Hadjarâ (malik Hadjar). These âkingsâ, says Muḥammad b. ḤabÄ«b in al-Muḥabbar, were appointed by the kings of Persia and controlled the market of Hadjar. One of the traditions says explicitly that al-Mundhir b. SÄwÄ was appointed by the Persians to control the Arab tribes (kÄna Ê¿ala ʾl-Ê¿arabi min ḳibali ʾl-fursi; alBalÄdhurÄ«, AnsÄb al-ashrÄf, ms. ÉÄshir Ef. 597-8, fol. 969a; and see idem, Futūḥ albuldÄn, 106). After his conversion to Islam, the Prophet is said to have appointed him as governor (Ê¿Ämil) of al- Baḥrayn. Reports of the sÄ«ra compilations mention unanimously that the Prophet sent ÉAlÄÉ b. alḤa ramÄ« with a letter to al-Mundhir b. SÄwÄ summoning him to embrace Islam. They differ, however, as to the date of the event: whether it took place in the year 6 H. or in 8 H. The exact date cannot be established. But it is plausible to assume that the Prophet sent his emissary to Mundhir after his conquest of Mecca; the conquest
strengthened his position in the Arab peninsula considerably and he could, due to his newly acquired authority, widen his influence in some districts which were remote from Mecca and which, though they formed part of the Persian empire, were entrusted by the Persian kings to Arab leaders. The plan to dispatch the messenger was probably stimulated by the fact that the merchants setting out to Hadjar (literally: to alMushaḳḳar) had to cross the territory of Mu arÄ« tribes and had to get the protection of Ḳuraysh (sc. of the Meccans). Without this protection, the merchants could not reach Hadjar with their merchandise (see Ibn ḤabÄ«b, op. cit.). Mundhir responded by stating that he had embraced Islam, that he had read the letter of the Prophet to the people of Hadjar and that some of them converted to Islam, while others refused to do it. Some traditions say that the Arabs of Baḥrayn embraced Islam. Mundhir asked the Prophet for instructions as to the positions of the Jews and the Magians in Baḥrayn. The Prophet decreed that the djizya should be imposed on them if they stuck to their faiths. In another letter of the Prophet, written to the Magians of Hadjar, the Prophet added two stipulations: the believers should not marry Magian women and should not eat meat of animals slaughtered by the Magians. The Prophet is said to have sent to ÉAlÄÉ a list of the mandatory taxes levied as á¹£adaḳa from camels, cattle, sheep and fruits. The poll tax was imposed according to the social position of the taxpayer: people who had no landed property had to pay four dirham a year and deliver a striped cloak (Ê¿abÄʾa) made of hair or wool; others had to pay a dÄ«nÄr. It is noteworthy that the poll-tax imposed on the people of the garrison of Hadjar (al-waá¸ÄʾiÊ¿) who had been settled there by KisrÄ, with whom a separate treaty was concluded by the Muslim authorities, also amounted to one dÄ«nÄr. The Prophet is said to have dispatched special emissaries (mentioned are AbÅ« Hurayra, AbÅ« ÉUbayda b. al-DjarrÄḥ and ÉAlÄÉ b. DjÄriya alThaḳafÄ«) who would carry out the functions of tax- collectors and instructors in the performance of religious duties.
The full authority of the Prophet in the area can be gauged from a particular phrase in the letter of the Prophet to al-Mundhir: â... as long as you act rightly we shall not depose youâ. Certain cases of deviation and disloyalty seem to have taken place; this is implied in an utterance of the Prophet saying that â... he had the ability to drive them (i.e. the people of al-Mundhir b. SÄwÄ) out from Hadjarâ. The Prophet enjoined the converts to Islam to obey his messengers and to aid them in carrying out their mission. The Prophet kept direct contacts with the believers of Hadjar; he is said to have received a deputation of the believers of al-Baḥrayn and to have welcomed them. Another tradition mentions that the Prophet met some believers from Hadjar and interceded in favour of Mundhir. The messengers of the Prophet in Hadjar passed favourable reports about Mundhir to the Prophet. The tradition saying that al-Mundhir b. SÄwÄ came with a group of believers to visit the Prophet was refuted by the majority of the scholars of the sÄ«ra. Another tradition says that âthe king of Ḥadjarâ sent Zuhra b. Ḥawiyya as his envoy to the Prophet; Zuhra embraced Islam and became a faithful believer. Mundhir is said to have died shortly after the death of the Prophet. A rare tradition says that at the Prophet's death the governor of Baḥrayn was AbÄn b. SaÉÄ«d b. al-ÉÄṣī b. Umayya. The position of al-Mundhir b. SÄwÄ and his peculiar relation with the Prophet is examined by Ibn Ḥazm in his Fiá¹£al. Mundhir is included in the list of the âKings of the Arabsâ who deliberately and voluntarily embraced Islam, became sincere believers and gave up their authority and prerogatives transferring them to the messengers of the Prophet. Their forces, says Ibn Ḥazm, were much stronger than those of the Prophet and their territory was vaster than that of the Prophet. The letters of the Prophet to al-Mundhir b. SÄwÄ in which the Magians of Baḥrayn were granted the right to stick to their religion and were obliged to pay the poll tax,
djizya, are in fact the earliest documents reporting on this decision of the Prophet. This ruling of the Prophet is said to have stirred a wave of discontent and anger among the Hypocrites (al-MunÄfiḳūn) of Medina and is reflected in one of the earliest commentaries of the ḲurÉÄn, the tafsÄ«r of MuḳÄtil. The Hypocrites were enraged and argued that the Prophet had violated his own decision to accept the djizya only from People of the Book; they complained bitterly that on the basis of that ruling the forces of the Prophet had fought and killed their fathers and brethren. The believers were perturbed by these arguments and informed the Prophet about it. Then the well known verse of sÅ«ra II, 256, lÄ ikrÄha fi ʾl-dÄ«n, explicitly forbidding to compel anyone to change his faith, was revealed. Another verse of the ḲurÉÄn, sÅ«ra V, 105, yÄ ayyuhÄ Ê¾lladhÄ«na ÄmanÅ« Ê¿alaykum anfusakum lÄ yaá¸urrukum man á¸alla idhÄ Ê¾htadaytum was also revealed in connection with the claim of the Hypocrites; the very early tafsÄ«r of MuḳÄtil glosses the passage lÄ yaá¸urrukum man á¸alla by min ahli hadjar. Later scholars tried to present the stipulations of the agreements concerning the position of the non-Muslim population on a broader ideological basis. Ibn Ḥazm states in his al-MuḥallÄ that the djizya of Jews, Christians and Zoroastrians may be accepted on the condition that they acknowledge (aḳarrÅ«) that Muḥammad is a messenger of God to us (i.e. to the Muslim community) and do not offend him nor the faith of Islam. MÄlik formulated this stipulation as follows: â... he who says that Muḥammad was sent as a prophet to us (i.e. to the Muslim community), not to them, is free of punishment. He who claims that Muḥammad was not a prophet should be killedâ. The treaties concluded between ÉAlÄÉ b. al-Ḥa ramÄ« and the population of Hadjar according to the instructions of the Prophet were, of course, considered valid and the territories of Baḥrayn and Hadjar were assessed as á¹£ulḥ territories (AbÅ« ÉUbayd, alAmwÄl, 100).
Some scholars attempted to justify the imposition of the djizya on the Magians by the fact that the Magians had had a sacred Book, which was concealed by their sinful king; this assumption was however rejected by a great majority of Muslim scholars of tradition and law. Some scholars claimed that the Magians were granted the right to pay the tax of the djizya because they had âsomething like a Bookâ (shubhat al-kitÄb) and rules applying to the People of the Book are valid for them as well (AbÅ« YaÉlÄ Muḥammad b. al-Ḥusayn al-FarrÄÉ, al-AḥkÄm al-sulá¹Äniyya, 154). The Prophet's ruling imposing the djizya on the people of Hadjar and Baḥrayn was not well-known in the Muslim community of Medina. Even ÉUmar was unaware of it, and was informed about it by some Companions of the Prophet. The injunction of the Prophet was supported by his utterance sunnÅ« bihim sunnata ahli ʾl-kitÄb (see Ḥumayd b. Zandjawayh, KitÄb al-AmwÄl, 136, no. 122), âtreat the Magians according to the sunna of the Prophet applied to the People of the Bookâ. The stipulations of the treaties concluded with the People of the Book (Jews and Christians) and the Magians in Baḥrayn were applied in other territories of the Muslim empire. The Magian population in the Muslim empire became an integral part of the community, and the Muslim lawyers took care to provide details of their legal status; this can be seen e.g. in some chapters of the early Muá¹£annaf of ÉAbd al-RazzÄḳ. The revolt against Islam, the ridda, which flared up in Baḥrayn after the death of the Prophet and after the death of al-Mundhir b. SÄwÄ, was quelled by ÉAlÄÉ b. al-Ḥa ramÄ«, who headed some of the Muslim forces and succeeded in conquering some adjacent territories.
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Ibn Sayyid al-NÄs, Ê¿UyÅ«n al-athar fÄ« funÅ«n al-maghÄzÄ« wa ʾl-shamÄʾil wa ʾl-siyar, Cairo 1356, ii, 266 penult.-267 MaḳrÄ«zÄ«, ImtÄÊ¿ al-asmÄÊ¿ bi-mÄ li-RasÅ«l AllÄh min al-anbÄʾ wa-ʾl-amwÄl wa-ʾl-ḥafada waʾl-matÄÊ¿, ed. MaḥmÅ«d Muḥammad ShÄkir, Cairo 1941, i, 308-9 Muḥammad b. ÉAlÄ« al-Aná¹£ÄrÄ«, al-Miá¹£bÄḥ al-muá¸Ä«Ê¾ fÄ« kuttÄb al-nabÄ«yyi ʾl-ummÄ« wa-rusulihi ilÄ mulÅ«k al-ará¸i min Ê¿arabiyyin wa-Ê¿adjamiyyin, ed. Muḥammad ÉAáºÄ«m al-DÄ«n, Beirut 1405/1985, i, 163, 211, ii, 280- 4 Muḥammad b. ḤabÄ«b, al-Muḥabbar, ed. Ilse Lichtenstaedter, Hyderabad 1361/1942, 265 Muḥammad b. ÉAbd al-RaḥmÄn al-Dimashḳī, Raḥmat al-umma fi ʾkhtilÄf al-aʾimma, Beirut 1407/1987, 317 Muḥammad b. ShÄkir al-KutubÄ«, Ê¿UyÅ«n al-tawÄrÄ«kh, ed. ḤusÄm al-DÄ«n al-ḲudsÄ«, Cairo 1980, i, 260 Mughulá¹Äy, Mulakhkhaá¹£ al-zahr al-bÄsim fÄ« sÄ«rat Abi ʾl-ḲÄsim, ms. ShehÄ«d ÉAlÄ« 1878, fol. 71a, l. 3 from bottom MuḳÄá¹il b. SulaymÄn, TafsÄ«r, ed. ÉAbd AllÄh b. MaḥmÅ«d ShaḥÄta, Cairo 1969, i, 135, 348 NiáºÄm DÄ«n al-Ḥasan al-ḲummÄ« al-NaysÄbÅ«rÄ«, GharÄʾib al-ḲurʾÄn wa-raghÄʾib al-furḳÄn, ed. IbrÄhim ÉAá¹wa ÉAwa , Cairo 1381/1962, vii, 46 SamÉÄnÄ«, al-AnsÄb, ed. ÉAbd al-RaḥmÄn b. YaḥyÄ al-MuÉallamÄ«, Hyderabad 1382/1962, i, 195 ult.-196
ShÄ«rawayh b. ShahrdÄr al-DaylamÄ«, Firdaws al-akhbÄr bi-maʾthÅ«r al-khiá¹Äb al-mukharradj Ê¿alÄ kitÄb al-shihÄb, ed. FawwÄz Aḥmad al-ZimirlÄ« and Muḥammad al-MuÉtaá¹£im bi-ÉllÄh BaghdÄdÄ«, Beirut 1407/1987, ii, 436, no. 3212 ṬabarÄ«, TaʾrÄ«kh, ed. Muḥammad Abu Él-Fa l IbrÄhÄ«m, Cairo 1961, ii, 645, iii, 29, 137, 301, 488 WÄḥidÄ«, AsbÄb al-nuzÅ«l, Cairo 1388/1968, 13 ZamakhsharÄ«, al-FÄʾiḳ fÄ« gharÄ«b al-ḥadÄ«th, ed. ÉA. Muḥammad al-BidjÄwÄ« and Muḥammad Abu Él-Fa l Ibraḥīm, Cairo 1971, i, 43 ZurḳÄnÄ«, Sharḥ Ê¿ala ʾl-mawÄhib al-laduniyya li-ʾl- Ḳasá¹allÄnÄ«, Cairo 1326, iii, 350-2 AbÅ« Ḥafá¹£ ÉUmar al-Mawá¹£ilÄ«, K. al-WasÄ«la, Hyderabad 1397/1977, iv/2, 115 Aḥmad b. AÉtham al-KÅ«fÄ«, K. al-Futūḥ, Hyderabad 1388/1968, i, 48-55 W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Medina, Oxford 1956, 131-2, 360-62 M. Cook, Magian cheese: an archaic problem in Islamic Law, in BSOAS, xlvii (1984), 44967 Muḥammad ḤamÄ«dullÄh, MadjmÅ«Ê¿at al-wathÄʾiḳ al-siyÄsiyya li-ʾl-Ê¿ahd al-nabawÄ« wa-ʾlkhilÄfa al- rÄshida, Beirut 1407/1987, 144 (no. 56)-156 (no. 67), 572-7 (and see the editor's comments) ÉAwn al-SharÄ«f ḲÄsim, Nashʾat al-dawla al-islÄmiyya Ê¿alÄ Ê¿ahd RasÅ«l AllÄh, Cairo 1401/1981, 177-94, 323-9 J. Wellhausen, Skizzen und Vorarbeiten. IV. Gemeindeordnung von Medina, Berlin 1889, 103-4 (no. 9), 117-19 (no. 42)
W. Caskel, Ǧamharat an-Nasab, Das genealogische Werk des HiÅ¡Äm ibn Muḥammad alKalbÄ«, Leiden 1966, ii, 430. [Print Version: Volume VII, page 570, column 1] Citation:
Kister, M.J. "al-Mundhir b. SÄwÄ (or SÄwÄ«) b. ÉAbd AllÄh b. Zayd b. ÉAbd AllÄh." Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman; , Th. Bianquis; , C.E. Bosworth; , E. van Donzel; and W.P. Heinrichs.
KhabbabEI.pdf KhabbÄb b. al-Aratt, AbÅ« ÉAbd AllÄh or AbÅ« YaḥyÄ or AbÅ« Muḥammad or AbÅ« ÉAbd Rabbihi, a Companion of the Prophet. Tradition is not unanimous about
his origin. Some reports state that his father was captured in a raid launched by the RabÄ«Éa in the SawÄd, sent to Mecca and sold as a slave to SibÄÉ b. ÉAbd al-ÉUáºzÄ alKhuzÄÉÄ«, a confederate (ḥalÄ«f) of the BanÅ« Zuhra; SibÄÉ (who was later killed by Ḥamza in the battle of Uḥud) gave him as a gift to his daughter Umm AnmÄr who freed him. In a tradition attributed to ÉAlÄ« he is said to have been the first of the Nabaá¹ to embrace Islam. Other traditions claim that the mother of KhabbÄb, a professional circumciser, also gave birth to SibÄÉ; it is for this reason that Ḥamza when killing SibÄÉ, shouted to him âO son of the woman cutting the clitorisâ. By virtue of this kinship, KhabbÄb claimed to be a confederate of the Zuhra in Mecca. Some reports say that his father was from Kaskar or from the vicinity of al-KÅ«fa. A quite different tradition states that alAratt was a TamÄ«mÄ«, of the BanÅ« SaÉd, who was captured in a raid and sold in Mecca to Umm AnmÄr al-KhuzÄÉiyya who freed him. This version, adopted by his descendants, gives his pedigree as follows: KhabbÄb b. al-Aratt b. Djandala b. SaÉd b. Khuzayma b. KaÉb b. SaÉd from TamÄ«m. Another account records that KhabbÄb was a freed slave (mawlÄ) of ThÄbit b. Umm AnmÄr; ThÄbit, these sources claim, was a mawlÄ of alAkhnas b. Sharīḳ ThaḳafÄ«, who in his turn was a confederate of the Zuhra. These contradictory traditions do not help to establish exactly his origin and his position in Mecca, but he must have been of a very low status, as he was doubly dependent, being a mawlÄ of a family which was in turn in a relation of dependence as confederates of the tribal group of Zuhra. KhabbÄb himself was a blacksmith, a profession regarded as base in Mecca and in the Arab peninsula in general. The tradition of his SawÄdÄ« origin seems preferable because of his father's incorrect Arabic speech, which is indicated by his nickname al-Aratt; this would seem to point to Arabic not being his native language, and he probably spoke Nabataean, sc. neo-Aramaic. Although a mawlÄ, KhabbÄb
apparently acquired some influence in the KhuzÄÉÄ« family of his master. It was he who promoted the plan that the family of SibÄÉ should join the ZuhrÄ« ÉAwf b. ÉAbd ÉAwf (the family of ÉAbd al-RaḥmÄn b. ÉAwf) as confederates and he indeed succeeded in carrying out his plan. KhabbÄb was one of the earliest converts to Islam. He is usually mentioned as the sixth or the seventh man who embraced Islam. A unique tradition granting him an usually high position in Islam says that he was the first man who embraced Islam. KhabbÄb is recorded as one of âthe weak onesâ in Mecca. Lacking any protection (manaÊ¿a), he was exposed to persecution and cruel torture. The noble ḲurashÄ«s and leaders of tribes used to mock the Prophet when they saw him in the company of KhabbÄb and other poor men, and some verses in the ḲurÉÄn were revealed to the Prophet in this connection. It is said that KhabbÄb was attached to the Prophet and heard some chapters of the ḲurÉÄn from his mouth, and that he witnessed the conversion of ÉUmar to Islam when present in the house of ÉUmar's sister, reading chapters from the ḲurÉÄn. Having left Mecca as a muhÄdjir, KhabbÄb dwelt in Medina together with al-MiḳdÄd b. ÉAmr in the house of KulthÅ«m b. Hidm; after the death of the latter they moved into the house of SaÉd b. ÉUbÄda. In some sources, KhabbÄb is included in the list of the AṣḥÄb al-á¹¢uffa. The Prophet set up the relation of brotherhood between KhabbÄb and Djabr b. ÉAtÄ«k. KhabbÄb participated in the battle of Badr and was entrusted with the division of the spoils. Tradition usually adds that he took part in all the other battles of the Prophet: he is, however, not mentioned in the list of warriors recorded in the stories of the battles.
No details are available about the vicissitudes of his life during the caliphates of AbÅ« Bakr and ÉUmar. ÉUthmÄn granted him possession of á¹¢aÉnabÄ or IstÄ«niyÄ in the vicinity of al-KÅ«fa and he settled in al-KÅ«fa. ShÄ«ÉÄ« traditions claim that he took part in the battle of á¹¢iffÄ«n and NahrawÄn; some ShÄ«ÉÄ« sources mention that he signed the document of arbitration at á¹¢iffÄ«n. KhabbÄb died in 37 AH (or 39) at the age of 63 (or 73) as a rich man, leaving about 40,000 dirham in cash. He regretted before his death that he had accumulated wealth; he was afraid lest he might have forfeited his reward in the next world, as he had received it already in this world. KhabbÄb gave orders that he should be buried outside al-KÅ«fa, thus initiating a change in the then custom of burying the dead in their own houses. ÉAlÄ« is said to have prayed over his grave when he returned from the battle of á¹¢iffÄ«n. He transmitted 32 utterances of the Prophet, some of which were recorded in the canonical collections of ḥadÄ«th, and some traditions of the Prophet were transmitted by his daughter. A son, ÉAbd AllÄh, was cruelly killed by the KhawÄridj. (M. J. Kister) Bibliography Ibn HishÄm, SÄ«ra al-nabawiyya, Cairo 1355/1936, i, 271, 368-370, 383, ii, 337 Ibn SaÉd, ṬabaḳÄt, Beirut 1377/1957, iii, 164-7, v, 245 al-WÄḳidÄ«, al-MaghÄzÄ«, ed. M. Jones, London 1966, i, 100, 155 al-BalÄdhurÄ«, AnsÄb al-ashrÄf, ed. Muḥammad ḤamÄ«dullÄh, Cairo 1959, i, index idem, Futūḥ al-buldÄn, Beirut 1377/1958, 381-2 al-ṬabarÄ«, TaʾrÄ«kh, index
idem, al-Muntakhab min kitÄb dhayl al-mudhayyal, Cairo 1358/1939, 57 KhalÄ«fa b. KhayyÄá¹, al-ṬabaḳÄt, ed. Akram idem, TaʾrÄ«kh, ed. Akram iyÄÉ al-ÉUmarÄ«, Baghdad 1387/1967, 17, 126
iyÄÉ al-DÄ«n al-ÉUmarÄ«, Baghdad 1386/1967, index
Muḥammad b. ḤabÄ«b, al-Munammaḳ, ed. Kh. A. FÄriḳ, Hyderabad 1384/1964, 294/295 idem, al-Muḥabbar, ed. Lichtenstaedter, Hyderabad 1361/1942, 288 al-MinḳarÄ«, Waḳʿat á¹¢iffÄ«n, Cairo 1382, 506, 530 Ibn Ḳutayba, al-MaÊ¿Ärif, ed. al-á¹¢ÄwÄ«, repr. Beirut 1390/1970, 138 ÉAbd Allah b. al-MubÄrak, KitÄb al-zuhd waʾl-raḳÄʾiḳ, ed. ÉAbd al-RaḥmÄn al-AÉáºamÄ«, Malegaon 1385/1966, 183-4 ṬayÄlisÄ«, al-Musnad, Hyderabad 1321, 141-2 MuḳÄtil, TafsÄ«r, Ms. Top Kapu Saray, Ahmet III, 74, ii, fols. 43b, 165b, 224b al-WÄḥidÄ«, AsbÄb al-nuzÅ«l, Cairo 1388/1968, 146, 251 al-ḤÄkim al-NaysÄbÅ«rÄ«, al-Mustadrak, Hyderabad 1342, 381/383 al-MasÉÅ«dÄ«, al-TanbÄ«h waʾl-ishrÄf, ed. al-á¹¢ÄwÄ«, Cairo 1357/1938, 199 (quoted by Mughulá¹Äy, al-Zahr al-bÄsim, Ms. Leiden Or. 370, fol. 118a) AbÅ« NuÉaym al-Iá¹£fahÄnÄ«, Ḥilyat al-awliyÄʾ, Cairo 1351/1932, i, 143-7, 359-60 al-KalÄÉÄ«, al-IktifÄʾ, Cairo 1387/1968, i, 336 Ibn ÉAbd al-Barr, al-IstÄ«Ê¿Äb, Cairo 1380/1960, 437-9, no. 628
Ibn Sayyid al-NÄs, Ê¿UyÅ«n al-athar, Cairo 1356, i, 272 Ibn Ḥazm, DjawÄmiÊ¿ al-sÄ«ra, ed. I. ÉAbbÄs, N. Asad, S̲h̲Äkir, Cairo, n.d., index Ibn KathÄ«r, al-BidÄya waʾl-nihÄya, Beirut â al-RiyÄ 1966, vii, 288 idem, SÄ«ra al-nabawiyya, Cairo 1384/1964, i, 496-7 idem, ShamÄʾil al-rasÅ«l, Cairo 1386/1967, 358 al-Bayhaḳī, DalÄʾil al-nubuwwa, Medina 1389/1969, i, 425, ii, 57 IbrÄhÄ«m b. Muḥammad al-Bayhaḳī, al-MaḥÄsin waʾl-masÄwÄ«, Cairo 1380/1961, i, 109-11 al-HaythamÄ«, MadjmaÊ¿ al-zawÄʾid, Beirut 1967, ix, 298-9 al-MÄwardÄ«, AÊ¿lÄm al-nubuwwa, Cairo 1319, 77 Ibn AbÄ« Él-ḤadÄ«d, Sharḥ nahdj al-balÄgha, Cairo 1964, xviii, 171-2 Muḥammad b. NÄá¹£ir al-DÄ«n al-Dimashḳī, DjÄmiÊ¿ al-ÄthÄr, Ms. Cambridge Or. 913, fol. 339a al-DhahabÄ«, Siyar aÊ¿lÄm al-nubalÄʾ, Cairo 1957, ii, 234-5 idem, TaʾrÄ«kh al-islÄm, Cairo 1367, ii, 175-6 al-KÄzarÅ«nÄ«, al-SÄ«ra al-nabawiyya, Ms. Br. Mus. Add. 18499, fol. 106a Ibn Ḥadjar, TahdhÄ«b al-tahdhÄ«b, Hyderabad 1325, iii, 133-4, no. 254 idem, al-Iá¹£Äba, Cairo 1325/1907, ii, 101, no. 2206 al-FÄsÄ«, al-Ê¿Iḳd al-thamÄ«n, Cairo 1384/1965, iv, 300-3, No. 1119
al-SuyÅ«á¹Ä«, al-Khaá¹£Äʾiá¹£ al-kubrÄ, Cairo 1386/1967, ii, 262 ÉAlÄ« b. BurhÄn DÄ«n, al-SÄ«ra al-ḥalabiyya, Cairo 1351/1932, i, 355 Ibn ÉAbd Rabbihi, al-Ê¿Iḳd al-farÄ«d, ed. Aḥmad AmÄ«n et alii, Cairo 1368/1949, iii, 238 al-Muttaḳī al-HindÄ«, Kanz al-Ê¿ummÄl, Hyderabad 1388/1968, xv, 343, no. 941 al-MadjlisÄ«, BiḥÄr al-anwÄr, Tehran 1270, viii, 728 al-NabulusÄ«, DhakhÄʾir al-mawÄrÄ«th, Cairo 1352/1934, i, 200-2, nos. 1811-20 al-YaÉḳūbÄ«, TaʾrÄ«kh, Nadjaf 1384/1964, ii, 22 Ibn BÄbÅ«ya al-ḲummÄ«, KitÄb al-khiá¹£Äl, Tehran 1389, 312 YÄḳūt, MuÊ¿djam al-buldÄn, s.v. á¹¢aÊ¿nabÄ and IstÄ«niyÄ W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Mecca, Oxford 1953, index. [Print Version: Volume IV, page 896, column 2] Citation:
Kister, M. J. âKhabbÄb b. al-Aratt, AbÅ« ÉAbd AllÄh or AbÅ« YaḥyÄ or AbÅ« Muḥammad or AbÅ« ÉAbd Rabbihi." Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman; Th. Bianquis; C. E. Bosworth; E. van Donzel; and W. P. Heinrichs.
qudaa.pdf KUDA'A
Kuda'a, a group of Arab tribes of obscure origin. The opinions of the genealogists about their origin are contradictory. Some of them assert that they were descendants of Ma'add, while others say that they were from Himyar. Both parties had recourse to traditions and utterances attributed to the Prophet, in which he is said either to have declared that Ma'add's kunya was Abu Kuda'a, or to have explicitly stated that Kuda'a was a descendant of Himyar. Harmonizing traditions reported that the mother of Kuda'a was the wife of Malik b. 'Amr b. Murra b. Malik b. Himyar who later married Ma'add, bringing with her Kuda'a, her son from her first marriage; Kuda'a was therefore later called Kuda'a b. Ma'add. A contradictory tradition of this kind claimed that Kuda'a was the son of Ma'add; later, his mother married Malik b. 'Amr alHimyarI, who adopted the child, Kuda'a, and thus he was called Kuda'a al-HimyarL 1 Some traditions explicitly say that the Kuda'I tribes related themselves to Ma'add, but turned to the HimyarI nasab after being bribed and pressurized by Mu'awiya.2 The name Kuda'a is an early one and can be traced in fragments of old Arab poetry. The tribes recorded as Kuda'I were: Kalb [q.v.], Djuhayna, Ball, Bahra' [q.v.]' Khawlan [q.v.]' Mahra, Khushayn, Djarm, 'Udhra [q.v.]' Bal~ayn,3 Tanukh [q.v.]' and SalI4; however, theattribution of some of these tribes to Kuda'a (like Tanukh, Khawlan and Mahra) was the subject of dispute among genealogists. Several of the Kuda'a clans joined other tribes, adopting their pedigree and changing their tribal identity. Among the prominent divisions of the Kuda'a one may particularly refer here to the Djuhayna and Ball. 1. The vast territory of the Djuhayna, controlling the coastal caravan route between Syria and Mecca, included the localities of $afra', alMarwa, al Hawra' and Yanbu'; to them belonged $ufayna, the mountains
1 See M.J. Kister and M. Plessner, Notes on Gaskel's Gamharat an-nasab, in Oriens xxv-xxvi (1976), 56-7, and references in notes 43-51; also Nur al-Dln alHayiliamT, Madjma' al-zawii'id, repr. Beirut 1967, i, 194-5; A!l.!!:iin', vii, 77-8; al-
HamdanT, al-Ikm, ed. MuJ:!ammad al-Akwa' al-I:Iiwall, Cairo 1383/1963, i, 180-90. 2 See e.g. M.J. Kister and M. Plessner, op. cit., notes 51-7; Nur al-DTn al-Hayiliaml, op. cit., i, 194; AghanT, loc. cit.; IJ:!san N
khuzaa.pdf KHUZA'A
Khuza'a, an ancient Arab tribe of obscure origin. Muslim genealogists, assuming a Mudari origin of the Khuza'a, based their argument on an utterance attributed to the Prophet, according to which the ancestor of the tribe, 'Amr b. Luhayy [q.v.] was a descendant of Kama'a (='Umayr) b. Khindif, thus tracing their pedigree to Mudar.1 Some sections of the Khuza'a asserted that they were descendants of al-Salt b. al-Nadr b. Kinana b. Khuzayma b. Mudrika b. Ilyas b. Mudar. The claims to Mudari descent made by some Khuza'a groups were firmly rejected by genealogists, who asserted that both Kama'a and alSalt died childless.2 MUs'ab, recording the Mudari genealogy of the Khuza'a, confirmed by an utterance of the Prophet, cautiously remarks that the pedigree given by the Prophet is true, provided that it was actually said by him.3 Harmonizing traditions, trying in the usual way to bridge the contradictory reports about the origin of the Khuza'a, claim that after the death of Kama 'a, the mother of Luhayy married the Yamani, Haritha, and the child traced his pedigree to the Yamani father who adopted him.4 Another tradition states that Kama'a married and had children, but clashed with his relatives, so leaving for al-Yaman and allying himself with the Azd.5 The Yam ani tradition, on the other hand, records a lengthy list of ancestors of Khuza'a, beginning with Luhayy (=Rabi'a) b. Haritha b. 'Amr b. 'Amir b. Haritha b. Imru 'l-Kays b. Tha'laba b. al-Azd. The pedigree is, of course, traced back to Kahtan.6 The traditions about the beginnings of the Khuza'a's rule in Mecca, ascribing the Khuza'a to the Azd, record a long story about the migration of the tribal groups of the Azd from South to North Arabia. While some tribal divisions continued their migration to Syria (Ghassan), 'Uman
1 Ibn Hisham,al-S,ra al-nabawiyya, ed. al-Sakka, al-AbyarI and ShalabI, Cairo 1355/1936, i, 78; al-BaladhurI, Ansab al-amra/, ed. Mul,lammad J.:Iamldullah, Cairo 1959, i, 34; al-FasI, SlJ,ija' al-ghariim bi-a/ffibar al-balad al-~aram, Cairo 1956, ii, 44-5; Mu~'ab b. 'Abd Allah al-ZubayrI, Nasab ~uraym, ed. E. Levi-Proven~al, Cairo 1953, 7-8, ii; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Inbah 'ala ~aba'il al-ruwat, al-Nadjaf 1386/1966, 97-8; Ibn J.:Iazm, Djamharat ansiib al-'Arab, ed. E. Levi-Proven<;al, Cairo 1948, 222-4; al-
Sam'anI,al-Ansiib, ed. 'Abd al-Ral,lman al-Mu'allamI, Hyderabad 1385/1966, v, 116. 2 Ibn al-KalbI, Djamharat al-nasab, Ms. B.M., Add. 23297, fol. 4b, II. 9-10; alWazlr al-MagllribI,-Adab al-/ffiawii~~, Ms. Bursa, Hiiseyin <;elebi, 19, fols. 84b-86a; al-BalacLburI, Ansab, i, 34 ult., 38-9; Mu~'ab, op.cit., 11-12. 3 Mu~'ab, 8; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Inbah, 98. 4 AI-FasI, Shi/ii', ii, 46. 5 AI-Bala,JhurI, Ansab, i, 35, ll. 1-2. 6 AI-FasI, Shi/a', ii, 45, II. 5-10; Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, al-Inbiih, 97; Ibn Durayd, al-Imti~a~, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hartin, Cairo 1378/1958, 468; al-J.:IazimI, 'Udjiilat almubtadi, ed. 'Abd Allah Kantin, Cairo 1384/1965, 54.
2
(Azd 'Uman) and north Yemen (Azd Shanil'a), the Khuza'a separated (inkhaza' at) and managed to gain control of Mecca. One of the traditions reports that the leader of the Azd asked the Djurhum [q.v.], the tribe which then ruled Mecca, to permit them to stay in the region of the town until their foragers find suitable pasturage, threatening war if they were denied this. When the Djurhum refused their permission, the Khuza'a fought them, defeating them and gaining possession of the Sanctuary of Mecca. Another tradition, on the authority of Abu: 'Amr al-ShaybanI, reports that the custodianship of the Ka'ba was legally obtained by the Khuza'a because their leader, Rahi'a b. I:Iaritha, married Fuhayra, the daughter of al-Harit]; b. Mudad al-Djurhuml; his son, 'Amr b. Rabi'a (i.e., 'Amr b. Luhayy), thus had a legal basis for his claims to the custodianship. In the protracted battles which ensued between the Khuza'a and Djurhum, the former defeated the latter who had to leave the town. A third tradition ascribes the decline of the Djurhum in Mecca to their deterioration and moral decay. Afflicted by plagues, God's chastisement for their wickedness, they were extirpated, and only few survivors from amongst them left Mecca. The custodianship of the harem. was then taken over by the Khuza'a, Another tradition gives a quite different account of the events, i.e., that the Khuza'a took over the control of Mecca from the Iyad [q.v.]. A peculiar version of this tradition transmitted by al-Zubayr b. Bakkar reports a battle which followed some clashes between the ruling Iyad and the Mudar in which the Iyad were defeated. The Iyad were given permission to leave Mecca on condition that Mudari women married to IyadlS return to the Mudar if they so wished. Among the women thus returned was a Khuza'I woman named Kudama. The Khuza'a, the report states, then traced their pedigree to Mudar. Since the Iyad did not take with them into exile the pillar with the Black Stone, they decided to bury it. The Khuza't woman told her people of the whereabouts of the buried Stone and advised them to ask the Mudar for the custodianship of the Ka'ba as reward for finding the pillar with the Black Stone. The Khuza'a did so, and succeeded in gaining control of the Ka'ba, keeping it until the arrival of Kusayy [q.v.].7 Another tradition reports that the Djurhum were driven out of Mecca by the joint action of Bakr b. 'Abd Manat of Kinana and the Banu Ghubshan of the Khuza'a.8 These stories, allotting exceptionally long lives to the rulers of the Djurhum and Khuza'a are in the nature of folk-tradition in which were
7 AI-FilsI, Shi/a', ii, 26 f.; al-Ya'kubt, Ta'rf/m, al-Nadjaf 1384/1964, i, 208; Muhammad b. Habib, al-M1Lnamma~, ed. KhurWId Al,lmad Fari~, Hyderabad 1384/1964, 344 f.; al-Tsami, Simt al-n1L~um al-'awalf, Cairo 1380, i, 183. 8 AI-FilsI, ~ifii.', i, 370; 'Bakr b. 'Abd Manat of the Khuza'a', as recorded in art. D.JURHUM above is an error.
Khuza'a
3
embedded elements of mu'ammarun-tales, edifying stories about righteous and pious men,? accounts of battles and clashes in the popular style of the ayyam al-' arab, and recollections oflegends about the migrations of tribes caused by a dam breaking in South Arabia. The tradition focuses on 'Amr b. Luhayy, almost unanimously blaming him for the wicked innovations in the faith of Abraham and for the introduction of idol-worship, especially that of HubaI, in Mecca. There is, however, a contradictory tradition which asserts that it was Khuzayma b. Mudrika, one of the ancestors of Kuraysh, who introduced the worship of Hubal and that Hubal was consequently called "Hubal Khuzayma" .10 As in the case of the Iyad, some traditions mention among the Khuza'a a homo religiosus, Abu Kabsha, who in his search for the true religion worshipped Sirius. The unbelievers used to refer to the Prophet as Ibn AbI Kabsha in the early period of his prophethood, pointing out his deviation from the current beliefs of his people.l ' These conflicting stories seem to indicate that the formation of the tribe of K.huza'a occurred over a long period of time, ramifying into various tribal units. The main territory of the tribe was between Mecca and Medina. When Kusayy arrived in Mecca aiming to gain control of the town, he had to subdue the ruling Bakr b. 'Abd Manat of Kinana, the Khuza'a and their supporters, the Sfifa. The different stories about the enigmatic Kusayy resemble in their outline those about the former rulers of Mecca. Kusayy's marriage to Hubba bint Hulayl b. Hubshiyya gave legitimacy to his custodianship of the Ka'ba. Another legitimisation to it was the tale of how Kusayy bought the office for a goat's skin of wine from the drunken Abu Ghubiillan; this is recounted in the compilations of proverbs and stories of fools.P The court of Abu Ghubshan (dar Abr GlJ,ubMi,an)was still known in Mecca in the second half of the 3rd century
9 See e.g. the story of WakI' b. Salama of Iyad and his servant Hazwara, in al-Fast, ShiN.', ii, 26, and Muhammad b. Habib, al-Munamma~, 346-7. 10 AI-Baladhuri,Amsab, i, 37, no. 77; al-Fasl, Shifa', ii, 51 inf. 11 Muhammad b. Habib, al-MuIJ-abbar, ed. 1. Lichtenstaedter, Hyderabad 1361/1942, 129; 'Ali: b. Burhan al-Dln al-Halabi, Insiin. al-'uyiin fi. sirat al-amin al-ma'miin (=al-S,ra al-IJ-alabiyya), Cairo 1382/1962, i, 333; al-Baladhurr, Ansab, i, 91, 327; al-Suyiitl, al-Durr al-manll!,iir, Cairo 1314, vi, 131; al-Kurtubi, Tafslr, 1387/1967, xvii, 119; al-Makrizr, Imiii: al-asma', ed. Mahrniid Shakir, Cairo 1941, i, 77, 158; al-Kazarfini, Sirat ai-nab" Ms. B.M., Add. 1499, fol. 231a-b; 'Abd al-Salarn Hartin (ed.), Nawadir al-ma/ffi!ii!at, Cairo 1370/1951, i, 100 (al-Fayrtizabadht, TulJ-fat al-abih. fi.man nusiba ila ghayri abfh). 12 Al-'Askari, Djamhar;;t al-amll!,al, ed. Muhammad Abu "l-Fadl Ibrahim and 'Abd al-Madjid ~atamisb, Cairo 1384/1964, i, 387, no. 585; Hamza al-Isfahani, al-Durra al-/a!sliira fi 'I-amll!,a/ al-sa'ira, ed. 'Abd al-Madjrd ~atamiill, Cairo 1972, i, 139, no. 126; al-Tha'alibi, Thimiir al-~ulti.b, ed. Abu'l-Fa<).l Ibrahim, Cairo 1384/1965, 135, no. 190; al-Maydani, Ma'!jma' al-amll!,al, ed. Muhyi 'l-Dfn 'Abd al-Hamid, Cairo
1379/1959, i, 216, no. 1167; Ibn al-Djawzi, A/ffibar al-IJ-am~a, Beirut, n.d., 42.
4 of the Hidjra.l ' According to another account, like the preceding rulers, Kusayy fought the two tribes of Bakr b. 'Abd Manat and Khuza'a and destroyed their power. As in the story of Iyad, his wife, Hubba, revealed the place where the pillar with the Black Stone was buried, and so the true worship of the Ka'ba could be resumed.l" Relations between Kusayy on one side and the Bakr b. 'Abd Manat and Khuza'a on the other were settled on the basis of the judgement of the arbiter, Ya'rnar b. 'Awf of the Bakr b. 'Abd Manat, called alShuddakh. The verdict granted Kusayy the custodianship of the Ka'ba and provided for the Khuza'a to be left in the area of the f},aram.15 In the new regime set up by Kusayy, in which the scattered tribal units of the Kuraysh were gathered and settled in Mecca, the groups of the Khuza'a played an important role in strengthening the power-base of Mecca, aiding the Kuraysh to extend their influence among the tribes. The Khuza'a were included in the organization of the Hums [q. v.]. Two tribal groups of the Khuza'a, the Mustalik and Haya, were included in the organization of the Al,tabI§h, the allies of the Kuraysh.l" Together with Mudari tribes, the Khuza'a worshipped al-'Uzza and Manat; and with the Daws they worshipped Dhu 'f-Kaffayn.!" The involvement of the Khuza'a and the Bakr b. 'Abd Manat in the affairs of Mecca and their influence can be gauged from the story about the agreement between the Kuraysh and the Thal,Uf concerning the mutual rights of these two tribes to enter Mecca and Wadjdj: the Tha~If complied with the demands of the Kuraysh, fearing their strength and that that of the Khuzaa and Bakr b. 'Abd Manat.l" The considerable number of Khuza'Is listed as married by the Kurashis recorded in the sources bears witness to the close relationship between the Kurays]; and the Khuza'a. Indeed, when the Khuza'a decided to ally themselves with 'Abd al-Muttalib, they stressed that he was 'borne' by Khuza'I women (fa-~ad waladnaka). Similarly, the Khuza'I, 'Amr b. Salim, addressed the Prophet with the words kad kun-
Al-Fakiht, Ta'rikh Makka, Ms. Leiden, Or. 63, [01. 456b, l. 15. AI-FasT, Sllifii', ii, 73; al-Nuwayri , Nihiiyat ai-arab, Cairo 1374/1955, xvi, 31. 15Ibn al-Kalbi, Djamhara, fols. 51a inf.-51b sup. 16See e.g. Ibn ~utayba, al-Ma'iini "l-kabir, Hyderabad 1368/1949, 998, l. 4; Muhammad b. Hablb, al-Muhabbar, 178; al-Hazimi, al-I'tibiir [i bayiin al-niisik_h wa 'l-mansu/;;/> min al-iiiliiir, Hyderabad 1359, 150; Ibn al-Kalbi, Djamhara, fols. 48b-49a sup.; al-Fasi, Shifii', ii, 41; Yaknt, S.v. Makka; al-Bakri, Mu'djam mii 'sta'djam, ed. al-Sakka, Cairo 1364/1945, 245; Ibn al-Fakth, al-Buldiin, cd. de Goeje, Leiden 1885, 18. 17Yakut, s.v. Manat: Ibn 'Arabi, Muhii4arat al-abriir, Beirut 1388/1968, i, 415; Ps, Asma'T, al-Shiimil, the section Tawiir;;/;;/> al-anbiyii', Ms. B.M., Or. 1493, fo!' 27a; Muhammad b. Habtb, al-Muhabbar, 318. 18'Muhammad' b. J:IabTb, al~Munamma~, 280.
13 14
Ktuizc:«
5
tum waladan uia-kunnii walidii when he came to ask for his help against the Banu Bakr and Kuraysh.l" According to one tradition, when the Prophet was on his hidjra to Medina he met Burayda b. al-Husayb al-AslamI [q.v.] with a large group of his people. Burayda and his people then embraced Islam and prayed behind the Prophet. These Aslam, a branch of the Khuza'a, very early allied themselves to the Prophet, and As1am warriors participated in his campaigns. The Prophet's agreements with the Aslam/" are evidence of the friendly relations which existed between the Prophet and the Aslam. After the murder of those who went on the Bi'r Ma'una [q.v.] expedition, the Prophet invoked God's blessing for the Aslam.r! When the Prophet mobilised the forces for the conquest of Mecca he summoned the Aslam, who dwelt in the neighbourhood of Medina, to present themselves in the town. In fact, 400 Aslam warriors, among them 30 riders, took part in the conquest of Mecca. Aslam's two standard bearers ofthe conquest were Burayda b. al-Husayb and Nadjiya b. a1-A'cljam.22 The Aslam, along with the Ghifar, Muzayna and Djuhayna, were pointed out by the Prophet as having surpassed in virtue the mighty tribes of the TamIm, Asad, 'A.mir b. Sa'sa'a and Gl1atafan.23 Haditl: commentators are unanimous in saying that this high position was granted to them because they had rushed to embrace Islam. The stand taken by the Mustalik, another branch of the Khuza'a allied with the Banu Mudlidj of Kinana and included in the Ahabish organization linked with the I~uraysh, was, however, quite different towards the Muslim commonwealth of Medina. Their leader, al-Harith b. AbI Dirar, gathered his tribe's forces for an assault on Medina but was defeated by the Prophet's men who attacked them at MuraysI' in 5/627 and defeated them, taking captives and booty. The Prophet married the captured daughter of the leader, Djuwayriya.e? Another branch of the Khuza'a, the Ka'b b. 'Arm, played a decisive role in the struggle between Mecca and the Prophet. The discord and clashes between the Ka'b and their neighbours, the Bakr b. 'Abd Manat, led the Ka'b b. 'Amr to opt for an alliance with the Prophet in the pact of al-Hudaybiya, whereas the Bakr b. 'Abd Manat allied themselves with
19
Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, 'Uyun
ol-attvar ji: [utiiin. al-maghazi
wa 'I-shamii'il
wa 'I-siyar,
Cairo 1356, ii, 164-5, 182. 20 See Hamidullah, MadJmu'at al-waillii'ik al-siyiisiyya Ii 'I-'ahd al-nabawi wa '1Iffiilafa al-riish.uia, Cairo 1376/1956, 191-4, nos. 165-70. 21 Wa-Aslam salamahii 'llahu; al-Wakidi, al-Maghazi, ed. Marsden Jones, Oxford 1966, 350. 22 AI-FasI, SlJifa', ii, 123; Ibn Hacljar, al-Isiiba, ed. 'All Muhammad al-Bidjawi, Cairo 1392/1972, vi, 398, no. 8647; al- WakidI, 799-800. 23 Al-Kast.allanr, Irshiid al-siiri, Cairo 1327, vi, 11-13; Ibn Hadjar, Fath al-bari, Cairo 1301, vi, 395-7. 24 AI-Wa~idI, 403-13.
6 Mecca. A group of the Bakr b. 'Abd Manat clandestinely helped by some Kuraysh leaders attacked the Ka'b b. 'Amr at al- Watir, killing several of them. The orator of the Ka'b, 'Amr b. Salim, appeared at the court of the Prophet in Medina and addressed him, reminding him of the alliance of the Ka'b with 'Abd al-Muttalib. He drew attention to the killings of the Ka'b at al-Watrr and urged him to avenge his allies. The Prophet responded with a promise of aid for victory (nu$ra). The request of a man from the 'AdI b. 'Arnr, the brethren of the Ka'b b. 'Amr, to be included in the promise was answered by the Prophet's remark that the Ka'b and 'AdI are one corporate body.25 It is evident that the tendency of this tradition is to establish the position of the 'AdI b. 'Amr in the Prophet's invocation and stress their role in the expedition against Mecca. Whether the Ka'b b. 'Amr were already Muslims when they asked for help is disputed by scholars.P" According to some commentators ofthe Kur'an, vv .13-15 of Siirai al- Tawba ordering battle against those who had broken their solemn pledges (ala tu~atilUna ~awman nakath:u aymanahum ... ) were revealed in connection with the wicked attack by the Banu Bakr b. 'Abd Manat against the Ka'b b. 'Amr.27 When the Prophet set out against Mecca, he was joined by those Ka'b tribesmen who had remained in Medina. The main Ka'b troop joined the Prophet's forces in Kudayd, The Ka'b troop numbere 500 warriors and had three standards carried by Busr b. Sufyan, Abu ShurayJ:t28 and 'Amr b. Salim. It is noteworthy that the Prophet permitted the Ka'b to continue fighting the Bakr b. 'Abd Manat in Mecca for some additional hours after he had ordered all other troops to stop.29 It may be remarked that a group of the Bakr b. 'Abd Manat hastened to join the Prophet's forces. When Abu Sufyan looked at the marching troops of the Prophet and noticed Bakr's forces, he remarked sadly: "By God, they are an inauspicious people; because of them Muhammad raided us" .30
25 Wa-hal 'Adiyyun iWi Ka'b wa-Ka'bun illii 'Ad,: Niir al-Drn al-Haythami, Madjma' al-zawii'id, Beirut 1967, vi, 164; Ibn al-Bakkal, al-Fawii'id al-munta~iit, Ms.-?ahiriyya, madjrnfla, 60, fol. 85b; al-Tabarani, al-Mu'ti.jam al-~afl'>'r, ed. 'Abd al-Rahrnan Muhammad 'Uthman, Cairo 1388/1968, ii, 73-5. 26 Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, ii, 182, penult. says that they were unbelievers; al-Kala'I, alIktijii', ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wahid, Cairo 1389/1970, ii, 288, says that they were Muslims; and see Ibn Hisham, op.cit., iv, 36, n. 4. 27 Al-Tabarr, Tajs,r, ed. Shakir, Cairo 1958, xiv, 158-62 (nos. 16535-16547); alSuyutt, al-Durr al-manlliur, iii, 214-15; idem, Lubiib al-nu~ul, Cairo 1373/1954, 114; al-Kurtubi, Tofstr, viii, 86-7; al-Farra', Ma'iin, I-~ur'iin, ed. Ahmad Ytlsuf al-Nadjatt and Muhammad 'All al-Nadjdjar, Cairo 1374/1955, i, 425. 28 Ibn' 'Asakir, Ta'r,klr-, Damascus 1349, vi, 400; Ibn Sa'd, Taba~iit, Beirut 1377/1957, iv, 294-5; al-Wakidl, 801 ('Ibn Shurayl,l' in ibid., I. 2 is an error). 29 See ibid., 839, al-Makrfzr, op. cit., i, 388; al-Fasl, Shifii', ii, 144, al-Hazimf, alI'tibiir, 153; 'All b. Burhan al-Dln, al-Siro: al-~alabiyya, iii, 97 inf. 30 Al-Wakidt, 820; Ibn 'Asakir, vi, 401.
Khuzii'a
7
The meritorious attitude of the Khuza'a towards the Prophet is fairly reflected in Muslim tradition. The Prophet is reported to have stated that the Khuza'a were intimately linked to him.31 The Kur'an is said to have been revealed to the Prophet in the dialect (lugha) ofthe two Ka'bs, Ka'b b. Lu'ayy and Ka'b b. 'Amr b. Luhayy, because they shared the same abode.F The Prophet granted a special privilege to the Khuza'a by awarding them the rank of muhadjirun while permitting them to remain in their territory.33 It was a Khuza'I, Tamim b. Usayd, whom the Prophet entrusted with the restoration of the border-marking stones (an.~iib) of the lJ,aram of Mecca.i'" The leader of the Ka'b, Busr b. Sufyan, according to one tradition, was appointed by the Prophet as the tax-collector of the Ka'b, In 9/630 they were prevented from handing over their taxes by groups of the Banu 'l-'Anbar and Banu 'l-Hudjaym'" of the Tamim. The Prophet then sent out a troop commanded by 'Uyayna b. I:Ii1?nagainst these Tamlmls.36 In the account, it is emphasized that the Ka'b were believers, paying the sadaka willingly. A special tax-collector was also sent to the other branch of the Khuza'a, the Banu MU1?tali~.37 'Umar b. al-Khattab used to carry the dfwiin of the Khuza'a to Kudayd and there distributed payments to the people of the tribe.38 Khuza'I warriors participated in the Islamic conquests and groups of the Khuza'a settled in the various provinces of the Arab empire. Some members of the Khuza'a took part in the revolt against 'Uthman in Medina.i'? Groups of the Khuza'a joined 'All and fought on his side in the Battle of Siffln, and some Khuza'ts in Khurasan were among the 'Abbasid agents who paved the way for the new dynasty.
31 Khuza'atu minni wa-ana minhum; Khuzii.'atu l-uiiilidu. wa-ana 'l-waladu: see e.g. al-Daylami, Firdaws al-aicl!bar, Ms. Chester Beatty, 3037, fol. 78b; 'All b. Burhan alDIn, al-Stro al-~alabiyya, iii, 83; al-Muttaki al-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal, Hyderabad 1385/1965, xiii, 55, no. 316. 32AI-FasI, Shi/a', ii, 55; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Inbii.h, 99. 33Ibid., 100. 34Mughaltay, al-Zahr al-bii.sim fi sirat Abi 'l-~asim, Ms. Leiden, Or. 370, fol. 319ainf.-319b; al-Fasi, al-' Ikd al-t/!am.n, ed. Fu'ad Sayyid, Cairo 1383/1964, iii, 387, no. 861. 35 'Ibn al-'Vtayr' and 'Banil Djuhaym' in al-Wakidr, 974 are errors. 36AI-Wa~idI, 974f. 37Ibn Sa'd, iii, 440 inf. 38AI-Baladhuri, Futii~ al-buldan, ed. 'Abd Allah and 'Umar al-Tabba', Beirut 1377/1957, 634; Ibn Sa'd, iii, 298. 39Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, al-'I~d al-farid, ed. Ahmad AmIn, Ahmad al-Zayn, Ibrahim al-Abyarl, Cairo 1381/1962, iv, 300, I. 19.
8 Bibliography: In addition to references mentioned above: al-'AmirI, Bahrljat ol-moliafil, Cairo 1331, i, 212, 398 f.; al-Azrakl, Ta'rzklJ, Makka, ed. F. Wiistenfeld, Leipzig 1858, 51-66; Dahlan, al-Sira alnabawiyya, Cairo 1310, ii, 75 f.; al-Diyarbakrt, Ta'rikh al-khamzs, Cairo 1283, i, 109-112, 153-56, 335, ii, 77 f.; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, ol-Durar fi 'khti$iir 'I-maghiizz wa 'I-siyar, ed. Shawki Dayf, Cairo 1386-1966, 224-5; Ibn KathIr, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, ed. Mustafa 'Abd al- Wal,tid, Cairo 1384/1964, i, 94-100, iii, 526-34, 5461. 10,580; Ibn Nasir aI-Din, Djtimi' al-tit;fltir fi mawlid al-nabf al-mukhttir, Ms. Cambridge, Or. 913, fols. 112b inf.-115b; al-MadjlisI, Bihiir al-tmuuir, Tehran 1384, xxi, 10010, 124-5; Ibn Shahrashub~- Manti~ib tu AM Ttilib, al-Nadjaf 1376/1956, i, 173, 177; al-Makdisi, ai-Bad' wa 'l-ta'rzkh, ed. Cl. Huart, Paris 1919, iv, 125-6, 232-3; al-Mawsili, Ghiiyat al-wasti'il ila ma'riJat al-awti'il, Ms. Cambridge, Qq 33 (10) fols. 29b, 61a, 81b-82a, 102a-b; aI-I:IarbI, al-Manasik, ed. Hamad al-Djasir, al-Riyad 1389/1969, index; al-Suyiltl, al-Kha$a'i$ ol-kubrii; ed. Muhammad Khalil Haras, Cairo 1386/1967, ii, 77; al-Salihi, Subul al-hudii wa 'l-rashiid. fi sirat khayr al-'ibad, ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wal,tid, Cairo 1394/1974, ii, 241-2; al-rabarI, Ta'rzkh, index; al-Zurkani, Shar~ al-mawahib al-Iaduniyya, Cairo 1325, ii, 288 f.; W. Caskel, Gamharat an-Nasab, das genealogische Werk des Hisiim ibn Muluunmad al-Kalbz, Leiden 1966, ii, 39-40; Mukatil, Tafsir, Ms. Ahmet iii, 74/i, fols. 150b-151a; Ibn AbI Shayba, Ta'rikh, Ms. Berlin, 9409 (Sprenger 104), fols. 76a-78a; al-Samarkandi, Tcfsir, Ms. Chester Beatty, 3668, i, fols. 264b-265b; al-ShiblI, Ma~iisin al-wasii'il fi ma'ri/at al-awii'il, Ms. B.M., Or. 1530, fols. 59b-61b; W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Mecca, Muhammad at Medina, Oxford 1953, 1956, indices; F. Buhl, Das Leben Muhammeds, repr. Heidelberg 1955, 279-80, 304-5. Further references in sources already mentioned in the article: alKala'I, al-Ikti/ii', i, 71-80; al-Kazarunr, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, fo1. 246ab; 'AIr b. Burhan al-Dm, ol-Siro. al-~alabiyya, ii, 81-121; al-BaladhurI, Futu~ al-buldiin, index; idem, Ansiib al-ashrii/, i, index; Nur al-Drn alHaythamI, Marljma' al-zawa'id, vi, 161 f.; Ibn 'Arabi, Mu~ii¢arat alobriir , i, 335-6, 427, ii, 292 1. 1, 36-42, 291; Ibn Hisham, al-Sira alnabawiyya, index; al-Tsaml, Simt al-nurljum al-'awiilz, i, 159 f., 181-6, ii, 123-4, 173-4; al-BakrI, Mu'rljam mii 'sta'rljam, index; al-Muttaki al-HindI, Kanz al-'ummiil, x, nos. 2085, 2092, 2114, 2123, xiii, nos. 338-46, 395-6, 402-5, 409, 425; Muhammad b. ij:abIb, al-Mu~abbar, ol-Muncmmok, indices; Ibn Durayd, al-Ishti~ii~, index; al-Fasr, Shi/a' al-ghariim, i, 359-78, ii, 44-59; al- Wakidt, al-Maghiizz, index.
DjariyaEI.pdf DjÄriya b. ḲudÄma b. Zuhayr (or: b. MÄlik b. Zuhayr) b. al-Ḥuá¹£ayn b. RizÄḥ b. AsÊ¿ad b. Budjayr (or: Shudjayr) b. RabÄ«Ê¿a, AbÅ« AyyÅ«b (or: AbÅ« ḲudÄma, or: AbÅ« YazÄ«d) al-TamÄ«mÄ«, al-SaÊ¿dÄ«, nicknamed âal-Muḥarriḳâ, âthe
Burnerââwas a Companion of the Prophet (about the identity of DjÄriya b. ḲudÄma with Djuwayriya b. ḲudÄma see TahdhÄ«b, ii, 54, 125, and Iá¹£Äba, i, 227, 276). DjÄriya gained his fame as a staunch supporter of ÉAlÄ« b. AbÄ« ṬÄlib. According to a tradition quoted by Ibn SaÉd (ṬabaḳÄt, vii/1, 38) DjÄriya witnessed the attempt at the assassination of ÉUmar; later, he was in Baá¹£ra when the forces of Ṭalḥa and al-Zubayr entered the city. He harshly reproached ÉÄÉisha (al-ṬabarÄ«, ed. Cairo 1939, iii, 482; al-ImÄma wa ʾl-SiyÄsa, ed. Cairo 1331 A.H., i, 60), and took part in the battle of the Camel with ÉAlÄ« (although his tribe, the SaÉd, remained neutral); he was given command of the SaÉd and the RibÄb of Baá¹£ra in the battle of á¹¢iffÄ«n and distinguished himself in this battle (Naá¹£r b. MuzÄḥim: Waḳʿat á¹¢iffÄ«n, 153, 295, ed. Beirut). He seems to have approved the idea of arbitration and was among the delegation of the heads of TamÄ«m who tried to mitigate al-AshÉath and the Azd (alMubarrad, al-KÄmil (ed. Wright) 539). DjÄriya remained faithful to ÉAlÄ« after the arbitration and supported him in his struggle against the KhawÄridj: he was at the head of the troop levied with difficulty by ÉAbd AllÄh b. ÉAbbÄs from Baá¹£ra (37 A.H.) and dispatched to fight the KhawÄrid̲j̲ (al-ṬabarÄ«, iv, 58; Caetani, Annali, x, 85). He remained faithful when the influence of ÉAlÄ« began to shrink and ÉAlÄ« was deserted by his friends. After his conquest of Egypt MuÉÄwiya, being aware of the peculiar situation in Baá¹£ra in which the differences between the tribal groups were acute and the partisans of ÉAlÄ« not numerous, decided to wrest the city from ÉAlÄ«. The details about these events holding ÉIrÄḳ are provided by al-BalÄdhurÄ«'s AnsÄb al-As̲h̲rÄf among other sources (fols. 206b-209a). MuÉÄwiya sent to Baá¹£ra (in 38
A.H.) his emissary, ÉAbd AllÄh b. ÉÄmir (or b. ÉAmr) al-Ḥa ramÄ«, in order to win the hearts of the BanÅ« TamÄ«m in Baá¹£ra. He gained in fact the protection of the BanÅ« TamÄ«m. The deputy prefect of, Baá¹£ra ZiyÄd b. AbÄ«hi, was compelled to seek protection for himself with the Azd in Baá¹£ra. ÉAlÄ« sent his emissary, AÉyan b. ubayÉa al-
MudjÄshiÉÄ«, in order to prevent the fall of the city into the hands of MuÉÄwiya; he was, however, killed by a group of men said to have been KhÄridjites (although the version of the participation of ÉAbd AllÄh Ibn al-Ḥa ramÄ« seems to be plausible). ZiyÄd asked ÉAlÄ« to send to Baá¹£ra DjÄriya b. ḲudÄma who was highly respected in his tribe (Ibn Abi ÉlḤadÄ«d, S̲h̲arḥ Nahdj al-BalÄgha, i, 353). DjÄriya arrived at Baá¹£ra with a troop of 50 warriors (or 500âsee al-ṬabarÄ«, iv, 85; or 1000 or 1500âsee AnsÄb, fol. 208b), met ZiyÄd b. AbÄ«hi, rallied the followers of ÉAlÄ«, succeeded in winning the hearts of groups of TamÄ«m who joined him, attacked the forces of Ibn al-Ḥa ramÄ« and defeated them. Ibn al-Ḥa ramÄ« retreated with a group of 70 followers to a fortified SÄsÄnid castle belonging to a TamÄ«mÄ« called SunbÄ«l (or á¹¢unbÄ«l). DjÄriya besieged the castle, ordered wood to be placed around it and set the wood on fire. Ibn al-Ḥa ramÄ« and his followers were burnt alive. There are controversial traditions about the course of the encounter between DjÄriya and Ibn al-Ḥa ramÄ« (see AnsÄb, fol. 208b). According to a rather curious tradition (refuted by al-BalÄdhurÄ«), DjÄriya came to Baá¹£ra as an emissary of MuÉÄwiya together with Ibn al-Ḥa ramÄ«, but forsook him however in Baá¹£ra (AnsÄb, fol. 209a). After the victory of DjÄriya, ZiyÄd returned to the residence of the Governor of Baá¹£ra. The authority of ÉAlÄ« was thus secured in Baá¹£ra. ZiyÄd b. AbÄ«hi praised in his letter to ÉAlÄ« the action of DjÄriya and described him as the ârighteous servantâ (al-Ê¿abd al-á¹£Äliḥ). It was DjÄriya who advised ÉAlÄ« in 39 A.H. to send ZiyÄd to the province of FÄrs to quell the rebellion of the Persians who refused to pay their taxes (al-ṬabarÄ«, iv, 105).
According to Ibn KathÄ«r (cf. Ibn al-AthÄ«r, al-KÄmil, iii, 165), the revolt was caused by the brutal action of burning committed by DjÄriya (al-BidÄya, vii, 320). DjÄriya fought his last fight in the service of ÉAlÄ« against Busr b. AbÄ« Ará¹Ät [q.v.] in 40 A.H. When the tidings about the expedition of Busr reached ÉAlÄ«, he dispatched DjÄriya with a troop of 2000 men to pursue Busr (another troop under the command of Wahb b. MasÉÅ«d was also dispatched by ÉAlÄ«). DjÄriya, following Busr, reached the Yemen (so al-BalÄdhurÄ«, AnsÄb 211b; according to al-ṬabarÄ«, iv, 107, he reached NadjrÄn) and severely punished the partisans of MuÉÄwiya. Pursuing the retreating Busr, DjÄriya arrived at Mecca and was told that ÉAlÄ« had been killed. He compelled the people of Mecca to swear allegiance to the Caliph who would be elected by the followers of ÉAlÄ«. In Medina he compelled the people to swear allegiance to Ḥasan b. ÉAlÄ«. In the time of MuÉÄwiya there was a reconciliation between DjÄriya and MuÉÄwiya. Anecdotal stories report about the talks between DjÄriya and MuÉÄwiya (al-NaḳÄʾiá¸, ed. Bevan, 608; al-BalÄdhurÄ«, AnsÄb, fol. 358b; al-DjÄhiáº, al-BayÄn, ii, 186; al-Mubarrad, alKÄmil, ed Wright, 40). According to a fairly reliable tradition in al-BalÄdhurÄ«'s AnsÄb (fol. 1048b), MuÉÄwiya granted DjÄriya a large fee of 900 djarÄ«b. DjÄriya died in Baá¹£ra. His funeral was attended by al-Aḥnaf. (M.J. Kister) Bibliography BukhÄrÄ«, TaʾrÄ«kh, i/2 (ed. ḤayderÄbÄd 1362 A.H.) 236, 240 (N. 2309, 2325) al-DhahabÄ«, TaʾrÄ«kh, ii, 182, 187 Ibn ÉAsÄkir, TaʾrÄ«kh, ed. 1331 A.H., iii, 223
Wellhausen, The Arab kingdom, 100 Ibn al-KalbÄ«, Djamhara, Ms. Br. Mus., fol, 82a Ibn Durayd, IshtiḳÄḳ, (ed. ÉAbd al-SalÄm HÄrÅ«n), 253 al-BalÄdhurÄ«, AnsÄb al-AshrÄf, fols. 206b-209a, 211a, 366a, 358b, 1048b, 1130b Muḥammad b. ḤabÄ«b, al-Muḥabbar, index al-Mubarrad, al-KÄmil, index Ibn al-AthÄ«r, al-KÄmil (ed. Cairo 1301 A.H.), iii, 156, 165-7 Ibn KathÄ«r, al-BidÄya, vii, 316, 322, 320 Ibn SaÉd, ṬabaḳÄt, index al-YaÉḳūbÄ«, TaʾrÄ«kh, index al-ÉAsḳalÄnÄ«, TahdhÄ«b al-tahdhÄ«b, s.v. DjÄriya and Djuwayriya al-ÉAsḳalÄnÄ«, al-Iá¹£Äba, s.v. DjÄriya and Djuwayriya al-MarzubÄnÄ«, MuÊ¿djam al-ShuÊ¿arÄʾ, (ed. Krenkow), 306 Muir, The Caliphate, Edinburgh 1924, 280 ṬÄhÄ á¸¤usayn, Ê¿AlÄ« wa-banÅ«hu, 143-6, 150-1 al-ṬabarÄ«, index For a tradition of DjÄriya and its parallels, see: DjÄmiÉ Ibn Wahb (ed. David-Weill) 54, 106
Ibn Abi Él-ḤadÄ«d, Sharḥ Nahdj al-BalÄgha, ed. 1329 A.H. [Print Version: Volume II, page 480, column 2] Citation: Kister, M. J. âDjÄriya b. ḲudÄma b. Zuhayr (or: b. MÄlik b. Zuhayr) b. al-Ḥuá¹£ayn b. RizÄḥ b. AsÉad b. Budjayr (or: Shudjayr) b. RabÄ«Éa, AbÅ« AyyÅ«b (or: AbÅ« ḲudÄma, or: AbÅ« YazÄ«d) al-TamÄ«mÄ«, al-SaÉdÄ«.â Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman; Th. Bianquis; C.E. Bosworth; E. van Donzel; and W. P. Heinrichs.
DjabirEI.pdf DjÄbir b. Ê¿Abd AllÄh b. Ê¿Amr b. ḤarÄm b. KaÊ¿b b. Ghanm b. Salima, AbÅ« Ê¿Abd AllÄh (or AbÅ« Ê¿Abd al-RaḥmÄn, or AbÅ« Muḥammad) al-SalamÄ« alKhazradjÄ« al-Aná¹£ÄrÄ«, Companion of the Prophet. His father, ÉAbd AllÄh, was one of
the seventy men of Aws and Khazradj who gave the Prophet the oath of allegiance at the ÉAḳaba Meeting and committed themselves to defend him. His father is also recorded in the list of the twelve nuḳabÄʾ, the chosen group from among the seventy; DjÄbir himself attended the Meeting as a very young boy, and is therefore counted in the list of âthe Seventyâ and in the honourable list of those who embraced Islam together with their fathers. His father prevented him from taking part in the two encounters at Badr and Uḥud, leaving him at home to look after his seven (or nine) sisters. A report according to which he attended the battle of Badr and drew water for the warriors is denied authenticity by al-WÄḳidÄ« and marked by him as an ÉIrÄḳī tradition. On the Day of Uḥud, DjÄbir lost his father, his mother's brother ÉAmr b. alDjamūḥ and his cousin KhallÄd. DjÄbir's father distinguished himself in the fight and was the first Muslim warrior killed in this battle. The Prophet did not object to DjÄbir mourning for him, and gave him permission to uncover his face. ÉAbd AllÄh was buried according to the Prophet's ruling as a martyr on the spot where he fell, clad in his garment, with his wounds still bleeding. The Prophet personally suggested that he should act as father to DjÄbir and put ÉÄÉisha in his mother's place. On the day following the battle of Uḥud, DjÄbir asked and was granted permission to join the force dispatched by the Prophet to ḤamrÄÉ al-Asad. After that DjÄbir accompanied the Prophet on 18 or so expeditions. The Prophet showed great concern for DjÄbir and his family and often came to his dwelling. DjÄbir's family, who were familiar with his tastes, used to prepare for the Prophet his favourite kind of meal. On one such visit the Prophet blessed the family of DjÄbir and their abode, on another he cured DjÄbir of fever by sprinkling on him water
which he had used for ablution. The Prophet gave his approval for DjÄbir to marry a woman who was not a virgin and who would take care of his sisters. By his blessing he helped DjÄbir to pay a debt which his father owed to the Jew AbÅ« Shaḥma and he invoked God's forgiveness for him when he bought his camel (laylat al-baÊ¿Ä«r). After the death of the Prophet ÉUmar appointed DjÄbir chief (Ê¿arÄ«f) of his clan. During the military operations of the conquest of Damascus he was sent as a member of an auxiliary force dispatched to KhÄlid b. al-WalÄ«d. On another occasion he was dispatched by ÉUmar with a small group to al-KÅ«fa. When the rebellious Egyptian troops advanced to Medina in order to besiege the house of ÉUthmÄn, DjÄbir was among the group sent by the caliph to negotiate with them and appease them. He is said to have fought on the side of ÉAlÄ« at á¹¢iffÄ«n (37/657) and then to have returned to Medina. During the expedition of Busr b. Ará¹Ät (40/660) DjÄbir was compelled to swear allegiance to MuÉÄwiya; this he did in precautionary dissimulation (taḳiyya), after having consulted Umm Salama, the wife of the Prophet. This is a new trait of character, indicating ShÄ«ÉÄ« sympathies, and is one of the earliest cases of taḳiyya mentioned in the texts. As an indication of DjÄbir's attachment to Medina and to the relics of the Prophet, one may adduce the report that he and AbÅ« Hurayra prevailed upon MuÉÄwiya to leave the minbar of the Prophet in Medina and not to transfer it to Syria. He is said to have visited the court of ÉAbd al-Malik and to have asked him for some grants for the people of Medina. When the force sent by YazÄ«d b. MuÉÄwiya against Medina (63/683) entered the city, DjÄbir openly voiced his objection, circulating an utterance of the Prophet about the punishment which would befall people who affrighted the city. He was saved from death by MarwÄn when a man, enraged by his words, attacked him intending to kill him. After the victory of al-ḤadjdjÄdj over Ibn al-Zubayr (73/692), al-ḤadjdjÄdj ordered the hands of some of the opponents of the Umayyad rule to be stamped in the same way as was done to the dhimmÄ«s and DjÄbir was among those opponents. DjÄbir's
sharp criticism and unkind words with regard to the rulers, especially al- ḤadjdjÄdj, provoked the latter's caustic remark that DjÄbir displayed the same pride as the Jews (by which, of course, the Aná¹£Är were meant). DjÄbir died at 78/697 at the age of 94 (other reports, however, give varying dates). He is said to have been the last survivor of the group of 70 Aná¹£Är who attended the ÉAḳaba Meeting, thus fulfilling a prediction of the Prophet. The prayer over his grave was performed by the governor of Medina, AbÄn b. ÉUthmÄn, or according to another tradition, by al-ḤadjdjÄdj b. YÅ«suf when he came to Medina after his victory over ÉAbd AllÄh b. al-Zubayr. DjÄbir is noted as a most prolific narrator of traditions from the Prophet. The number of those going back to him is estimated at 1,540; al-BukhÄrÄ« and Muslim recorded 210 ḥadÄ«ths transmitted by him in their compilations, and the subject-range of his transmission is extremely wide. Of special interest are DjÄbir's reports about events which he witnessed and details furnished by him about expeditions in which he took part. DjÄbir was highly respected by the scholars of ḥadÄ«th and is counted in the lists of reliable transmitters and the aṣḥÄb al-futyÄ. He used to recite his traditions in the mosque of Medina; his sessions of ḥadÄ«th-transmission were attended by a wide circle of students who would discuss the traditions of their master after leaving the mosque. A composition known as á¹£aḥīfat DjÄbir contained a great number of traditions recorded by him. Scholars of ḥadÄ«th were eager to circulate traditions on his authority, without always observing the necessary rules of ḥadÄ«th transmission. Even a distinguished pious scholar like al-Ḥasan al-Baá¹£rÄ« was suspected of reporting some traditions on the direct authority of DjÄbir although he never was his disciple. The impressive list of those who transmitted his traditions includes the names of three of his sons: ÉAbd al-RaḥmÄn,
ÉAḳīl and Muḥammad. His descendants are said to have settled in North Africa, in a place called al-Aná¹£Äriyya. In ShÄ«ÉÄ« tradition, DjÄbir was granted an exceptionally high rank. The ḥadÄ«ths recorded in ShÄ«ÉÄ« sources on his authority touch upon the fundamental tenets of ShÄ«ÉÄ« belief: the mission of ÉAlÄ«, his qualities, his authority over the believers, the graces granted him by God, the divine virtues of his descendants and the duties of allegiance and obedience incumbent upon the believers. It was the imÄm al-BÄḳir who asked DjÄbir about the Tablet which God sent down to FÄá¹ima and which DjÄbir got permission to copy. In this Tablet God named the imÄms and established their order of succession. It is noteworthy that, according to some versions, the imÄm compared the copy of DjÄbir with the Tablet in his possession and stated that the copy was a reliable and accurate one. In another story DjÄbir confirms the accuracy of the unusual report about the hidjra as told him by the imÄm. DjÄbir is credited with the ḥadÄ«th about the appointment of ÉAlÄ« as waṣī, which forms the base of the ShÄ«ÉÄ« interpretation of SÅ«ra LIII, 1â4. It was he who reported the utterance of the Prophet that ÉAlÄ« is the á¹£irÄá¹ mustaḳīm, the right path to be followed. The imÄm al-BÄḳir stressed that DjÄbir was privileged to possess knowledge of the correct interpretation of SÅ«ra XXVIII, 85 which, according to him, refers to the radjÊ¿a, the re-appearance of the Prophet and ÉAlÄ«. Among further ShÄ«ÉÄ« traditions reported on DjÄbir's authority is the one which states that there are two weighty things left by the Prophet for the Muslim community: the ḲurÉÄn and his Family (al-Ê¿itra). Another tradition has it that the angel DjibrÄ«l bade the Prophet proclaim the vocation of ÉAlÄ« and his descendants, the imÄms, and tell the Muslim community about ÉAlÄ«'s distinguished position on the Day of Resurrection and in Paradise. The SunnÄ« version of DjÄbir's report that the first thing created by God was the Light of Muḥammad had its ShÄ«ÉÄ« counterpart traced back to DjÄbir, which said that this Light was split into two parts: the Light of Muḥammad and the Light of ÉAlÄ«,
and that it was later transferred to the succeeding imÄms. It is on the authority of DjÄbir that the significant tradition which states that the last persons to be with the Prophet when he died were ÉAlÄ« and FÄá¹Ä«ma is reported. Some of his traditions relate the miracles of ÉAlÄ«. ÉAlÄ« ascended to Heaven in order to put down the rebellion of the wicked djinn who denied his authority and a luminous angel prayed in his place in the mosque. Another miracle happened when ÉAlÄ« walked with DjÄbir on the bank of the Euphrates: a very high wave covered ÉAlÄ«; when he reappeared completely dry after a short time, he explained that it had been the Angel of the Water who greeted and embraced him. DjÄbir is distinguished in the ShÄ«ÉÄ« tradition by a significant mission entrusted to him by the Prophet: he was ordered to meet the imÄm al-BÄḳir and to convey to him the greetings of the Prophet, which he did. This created a peculiar relationship between the elderly bearer of the good tidings and the young recipient, the imÄm al-BÄḳir. According to tradition, the two used to meet, and some of the traditions transmitted by al-BÄḳir are told on the authority of DjÄbir and traced back to the Prophet. It is evident that the idea that the imÄm might have derived his knowledge from a human being is opposed to the principles of the ShÄ«Éa. It had thus to be justified that it was merely done in order to put an end to the accusations of the Medinans, who blamed al-BÄḳir for transmitting ḥadÄ«ths on the authority of the Prophet whom he had never seen. As the traditions reported by DjÄbir and those independently reported by the imÄm and revealed to him by God were in fact identical, the insertion of DjÄbir's name between the name of the imÄm and that of the Prophet was quite a formal act with no significance. A few traditions are indeed reported with names of some Companions inserted between the imÄm and the Prophet. In one of the traditions it is explained that this insertion may make the ḥadÄ«th more acceptable to people, although it is obvious
that the imÄms knew more than that Companion whose name was inserted between the imÄm and the Prophet. The close relationship of DjÄbir with the family of ÉAlÄ« is also exposed in the story relating that FÄá¹ima bint ÉAlÄ« asked DjÄbir to intervene and to persuade Zayn al-ÉÄbidÄ«n to cease his excessive devotional practices which might be harming for his health. It was a sign of respect and faith that, when Ḥusayn asked his enemies on the battle-field of KarbalÄÉ to save his life, quoting the utterance of the Prophet that he and his brother were the lords of the youths of Paradise (sayyidÄ shabÄb ahl al-djanna), he referred to DjÄbir who would vouch for the truth of the utterance. DjÄbir is said to have been present at the grave of Ḥusayn shortly after he had been killed and to have met there the family of Ḥusayn who were sent back by YazÄ«d b. MuÉÄwiya. Another ShÄ«ÉÄ« tradition reports about his visit to the grave of Ḥusayn and his moving speech over the grave. DjÄbir had intimate relations with the family of ÉAlÄ« and especially with the two imÄms Zayn al-ÉÄbidÄ«n and al-BÄḳir. There are some ShÄ«ÉÄ« attempts to link him with DjaÉfar alá¹¢Ädiḳ and to fix the date of his death at the beginning of the 2nd century A.H. Finally, the high position of DjÄbir in ShÄ«ÉÄ« tradition is expressed by the fact that he was placed in the list of the four persons who clung to the true faith and in the list of the nine persons to whom ÉAlÄ« promised that they would be in Paradise. (M. J. Kister) Bibliography Ibn ḲudÄma al-MaḳdisÄ«, al-Istibá¹£Är fÄ« nasab al-á¹£aḥÄba min al-aná¹£Är, Cairo 1392/1972, index ÉAbd al-Malik b. ḤabÄ«b, al-TaʾrÄ«kh, Ms. Bodl. Marsh 288, p. 126
AbÅ« ÉAbd AllÄh al-ṢūrÄ«, Djuzʾ, Ms. Leiden Or. 2465, fols. 4bâ5a Abu Él-ÉArab, K. al-Miḥan, Ms. Cambridge Oq 235, fol. 162a ÉAbd al-GhanÄ« al-NÄbulusÄ«, DhakhÄʾir al-mawÄrÄ«th fÄ« 'l-dilÄla Ê¿alÄ mawÄá¸iÊ¿ ʾl-ḥadÄ«th, Cairo 1352/1934, i, 125â76, nos. 1139â1599 Aḥmad b. ÉAlÄ« al-ṬabarsÄ«, al-IḥtidjÄdj, Nadjaf 1386/1966, i, 84â8, 291 Aḥmad b. al-Ḥusayn al-Bayhaḳī, al-Sunan al-kubrÄ, Hyderabad 1344, iâx, index
w Akhá¹ab Kh wÄrizm, al-ManÄḳib, Nadjaf 1385/1965, 27, 36, 60, 62, 80, 82, 88, 106â7,
195, 219, 227, 266 Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal, K. al-Ê¿Ilal wa-maÊ¿rifat al-ridjÄl, ed. Talat Koçyiǧit and Ismail Cerrahoǧlu, Ankara 1963, i, index idem, Musnad, BÅ«lÄḳ, iii, 292â400 al-MadÄ«nÄ«, al-Ê¿Ilal, Beirut 1392/1972, index anon., TaʾrÄ«kh al-KhulafÄʾ, ed. P. A. GryaznyeviÄ, Moscow 1967, fol. 42a, l. 1, 213b, ll. 4â5 AbÅ« NuÉaym, Ḥilyat al-awliyÄʾ, repr. Beirut 1387/1967, ii, 4â5, iii, 189â91, 200â2 al-BalÄdhurÄ«, AnsÄb, i, ed. ḤamÄ«dullÄh, Cairo 1959, index, v. ed. S. D. Goitein, Jerusalem 1936, index, Ms. fol. 1215b al-DhahabÄ«, Siyar aÊ¿lÄm al-nubalÄʾ, Cairo 1956 f., i, 235â7 (ed. á¹¢alÄḥ al-DÄ«n alMunadjdjid), iii, 126â9 (ed. AsÉad Ṭalas) idem, TaʾrÄ«kh al-IslÄm, Cairo 1367, iii, 143â5
idem, ḤuffÄáº, Hyderabad 1375/1955, i, 43â4 al-Fa l b. al-Ḥasan al-ṬabarsÄ«, IÊ¿lÄm al-warÄ bi-aÊ¿lÄm al-hudÄ, ed. ÉAlÄ« Akbar alG̲h̲affÄrÄ«, Tehran 1338, 58, 210, 253, 262â3 FurÄt al-KÅ«fÄ«, TafsÄ«r, Nadjaf n.d., 77, 101, 174, 175, 176, 192â3, 205, 220 al-ḤÄkim, al-Mustadrak, Hyderabad 1342, iii, 202â4, 564â6 HÄshim b. SulaymÄn al-BaḥrÄnÄ« al-TawbalÄ« al-KatakÄnÄ«, al-BurhÄn fÄ« tafsÄ«r al-ḲurʾÄn, Ḳumm 1394, i, 305, 522, 563, ii, 127â8, 442, iii, 146â7, 239â40, iv, 148, 245, 490, 491 Ibn ÉAbd al-Barr, al-IstÄ«Ê¿Äb, Cairo 1380/1960, i, 219â20, no. 286 Ibn AÉtham al-KÅ«fÄ«, K. al-Futūḥ, Hyderabad 1391/1971, iv, 57 Ibn ÉAsÄkir, TaʾrÄ«kh (tahd̲h̲īb), Damascus 1329 f., iii, 386â91 Ibn al-AthÄ«r, Usd al-ghÄba, Cairo 1280, i, 256â8 Ibn BÄbawayh, AmÄlÄ«, Nadjaf 1389/1970, 16, 19â20, 47, 68, 79, 85, 108, 110, 119, 215â 16, 244, 297, 315â16 Ibn Ḥadjar, TahdhÄ«b al-TahdhÄ«b, Hyderabad 1325, ii, 42â3, no. 67, vi, 153, no. 309, vii, 253, no. 461, ix, 90, no. 117 idem, al-Iá¹£Äba, Cairo 1392/1972, i, 434â5, no. 1027, iv, 189â90, no. 4841 Ibn HishÄm, Cairo 1355/1936, indices Ibn Ḥazm, DjawÄmiÊ¿ al-sÄ«ra, ed. IḥsÄn ÉAbbÄs and NÄá¹£ir al-DÄ«n al-Asad, Cairo n.d., index
idem, Djamharat ansÄb al-Ê¿arab, Cairo 1962, 359 Ibn al-ÉImÄd, ShadharÄt al-dhahab, Cairo 1350, i, 84 Ibn SaÉd, ṬabaḳÄt, index Ibn Ḳutayba, MaÊ¿Ärif, Cairo 1960, index Pseudo-Ibn Ḳutayba, al-ImÄma wa ʾl-siyÄsa, Cairo 1378/1967, i, 183 Ibn ShahrÄshÅ«b, ManÄḳib Äl AbÄ« ṬÄlib, Nadjaf 1376/1956, passim Ibn ṬÄwÅ«s, al-LuhÅ«f Ê¿alÄ á¸³atlÄ Ê¾l-á¹ufÅ«f, Tehran 1348, 196 IbrÄhÄ«m b. Muḥammad al-Bayhaḳī, al-MaḥÄsin wa ʾl-masÄwÄ«, Cairo 1380/1961, index IbrÄhÄ«m b. MarÉÄ« al-ShabrakhÄ«tÄ«, Sharḥ Ê¿alÄ Ê¾l-arbaÊ¿Ä«n ḥadÄ«th(!) al-nawawiyya, Beirut n.d., 86 IsmÄÉÄ«l b. Muḥammad al-ÉAdjlÅ«nÄ« al-DjarrÄḥī, Kashf al-khafÄʾ wa-muzÄ«l al-ilbÄs Ê¿ammÄ Ê¾shtahara min al-aḥÄdÄ«th Ê¿alÄ alsinat al-nÄs, Cairo 1351 (repr.), i, 265, no. 827 al-ÉIá¹£ÄmÄ«, Simá¹ al-nudjÅ«m al-Ê¿awÄlÄ«, Cairo 1380, ii, 331, 423, 475, 482, 485, 492, iii, 91â 2, 144 al-Khaá¹Ä«b al-BaghdÄdÄ«, MÅ«á¸iḥ awhÄm al-djamÊ¿ waʾl-tafrīḳ, Hyderabad 1378/1959, i, 395, 398 KhalÄ«fa b. KhayyÄá¹, TaʾrÄ«kh, ed. al-ÉUmarÄ«, Nad̲j̲af 1386/1967, index KhalÄ«l b. Aybak al-á¹¢afadÄ«, Nakt al-himyÄn, Cairo 1329/1911, 132â3 al-KishshÄ«, RidjÄl, Nad̲j̲af n.d., 42â5, 113â4
al-KulaynÄ«, al-KÄfÄ« (al-uṣūl), Tehran 1388, i, 242, 442â4 al-MÄmaḳÄnÄ«, Tanḳīḥ al-maḳÄl fÄ« aḥwÄl al-ridjÄl, Nadjaf 1349, 199â200, no. 1569 al-MadjlisÄ«, BiḥÄr al-anwÄr, Tehran 1385 f., passim al-MasÉÅ«dÄ«, IthbÄt al-waá¹£iyya, Nadjaf 1374/1955, 165â6, 173 al-DjahshiyÄrÄ«, K. al-wuzarÄʾ waʾl-kuttÄb, Cairo 1938, 21 Muḥammad b. Aḥmad al-Ahdal al-ḤusaynÄ« al-MarÄwiÉÄ«, Bughyat ahl al-athar fÄ« man ittafaḳa lahu wa-li-abÄ«hi á¹£uḥbat sayyid al-bashar, Cairo 1347, 36, l. 2 Muḥammad b. al-FattÄl al-NaysÄbÅ«rÄ«, Rawá¸at al-wÄÊ¿iáºÄ«n, Nadjaf 1386/1966, 202â3, 206, 271 Muḥammad b. ḤabÄ«b, al-Muḥabbar, Hyderabad 1361/1942, index Muḥammad b. al-Ḥasan al-ÉÄmilÄ«, al-DjawÄhir al-saniyya fÄ« ʾl-aḥÄdith al-ḳudsiyya, Nadjaf 1384/1964, 201â9, 242â3, 256â7, 265â6, 304 (see the tradition on p. 304 in DaylamÄ«'s Firdaws al-akhbÄr, Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 167a, ll. 8â9) Muḥammad b. Abi Él-ḲÄsim al-ṬabarÄ«, BishÄrat al-muá¹£tafÄ li-shÄ«Ê¿at al-murtaá¸Ä, Nadjaf 1383/1963, 19â20, 23, 40, 65, 66â7, 74, 101, 133, 137â9, 145, 158, 183, 187, 190â2 Muḥammad NawawÄ« b. ÉUmar al- j̲ÄwÄ«, TarghÄ«b al-mushtÄḳīn li-bayÄn manáºÅ«mat alsayyid al-barzandjÄ« Zayn al-Ê¿ÄbidÄ«n, Cairo n.d., 40 Muḥammad b. YaḥyÄ al-MÄlaḳī, al-TamhÄ«d wa ʾl-bayan fÄ« maḳtal al-shahÄ«d Ê¿UthmÄn, Beirut 1964, index
al-Muḥibb al-ṬabarÄ«, al-RiyÄḠal-naá¸ira fÄ« manÄḳib al-Ê¿ashara, Cairo 1372/1953, ii, 203, 222, 265, 296 idem, DhakhÄʾir al-Ê¿uḳbÄ fÄ« manÄḳib dhawÄ« ʾl-ḳurbÄ, Cairo 1356, 66, 70â1, 85, 91, 95, 96, 119, 129, 176 NÅ«r al-DÄ«n al-HaythamÄ«, MadjmaÊ¿ al-zawÄʾid wa-manbaÊ¿ al-fawÄʾid, Beirut 1967 (reprint) ix, 7, 11â12, 87, 88, 172, 317, x, 9â10 á¹¢afÄ« al-DÄ«n al-KhazradjÄ«, KhulÄá¹£at tadhhÄ«b tahdhÄ«b al-kamÄl fÄ« asmÄʾ al-ridjÄl, Cairo 1391/1971, i, 156, no. 973 al-Shaykh al-MufÄ«d, al-Ikhtiá¹£Äá¹£, Nadjaf 1390/1971, 2, 56â7, 195, 196, 205â6 idem, al-IrshÄd, Nadjaf 1381/1962, 254 inf., 262 idem, al-AmÄlÄ«, Nadjaf n.d., 39, 41, 48, 74, 98, 100, 111, 112 al-ṬabarÄ«, TaʾrÄ«kh, index al-ṬayÄlisÄ«, Musnad, Hyderabad 1321, 232â48, nos. 1667â1801 al-WaḳidÄ«, MaghÄzÄ«, ed. Marsden Jones, Oxford 1966, index YaÉḳūb b. SufyÄn al-FasawÄ«, al-MaÊ¿rifa wa ʾl-taʾrÄ«kh, Ms. Esad Ef. 2391, fols. 5b, 13b al-YaÉḳūbÄ«, TaʾrÄ«kh, index E. Kohlberg, An unusual ShÄ«Ê¿Ä« isnÄd, in Israel Oriental Studies, v (1975), 142â9 U. Rubin, Pre-existence and light, in ibid., 99, n. 86, 115 n. 22 Sezgin, GAS, i, 85, no. 3.
[Print Version: Volume XII, page 230, column 1] Citation: Kister, M. J. âDjÄbir b. ÉAbd AllÄh b. ÉAmr b. ḤarÄm b. KaÉb b. Ghanm b. Salima, AbÅ« ÉAbd AllÄh (or AbÅ« ÉAbd al-RaḥmÄn, or AbÅ« Muḥammad) al-SalamÄ« al-KhazradjÄ« alAná¹£ÄrÄ«.â Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman; Th. Bianquis; C.E. Bosworth; E. van Donzel; and W. P. Heinrichs.
rajab.pdf "RAJAB
IS THE MONTH OF GOD ... "
A Study in the Persistence of an Early Tradition
M. J. KISTER
in memory ofmy student
DAVID
S.
ELLER
The holy month of Rajab was observed during the period of the Jahiliyya in spring.1 It was the month of the `umra and of offering of the sacrifices of the `ata'ir to the pagan deities.2 The people of the Jahiliyya kept the sanctity of the month by refraining from raids and warfare.3It is said to have been a month of devotional practices and of fasting.4 According to some traditions swearing
1 See EI, s.v. "Radjab" (M. Plessner); S. D. Goitein, Studies in Islamic History and Institutions (Leiden 1966), pp. 92-93; J. Wellhausen, Reste arabischen Heidenturns (Skizzen und Vorarbeiten) (Berlin 1887), pp. 74, 93; G. E. von Grunebaum, Muhammadan Festivals (New York 1951), p. 36; W. Gottschalk, Das Geliibde nach iilterer arabischer Auffassung (Berlin 1919), pp. 106-107; K. Wagtendonk, Fasting in the Koran (Leiden 1968), p. 106; M. Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Le Pelerinage ala Mekke (Paris 1923), pp. IV, 192-198; C. Rathjens, Die Pilgerlahrt nach Mekka (Hamburg 1948), p. 66. [The above books are quoted by the names of their authors.] 2 See EI2 s.v. '''Atira'' (Ch. Pellat); F. BuhI, Das Leben Muhammeds (Heidelberg 1955), p. 88 (and see note 246, ibid.); al-Anbiirl, Shar/.l al-q~ii'id al-sab' al-(iwiil, ed. 'Abd al-Saliim Hdriin (Cairo 1963), pp. 294, 484; Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'iinl al-kahlr (Hyderabad 1949), I, 67; al-NuwaYrl, Nihiiyat ai-arab (repr. Cairo 1964), III, 120; Ibn Durayd, al-Ishtiqiiq, ed. 'Abd aI-Salam Hdriin (Cairo 1958), p. 280 (with a divergent version: inna 'alii kulli muslimin Ii kulli 'iimin 'atiratan, wa-hiya shiitun kiinat tudhba/.lu Ii I-mu/.larrami la-nasakha dhalika I-at/bii. The month of sacrifice here is Mul;larram, not Rajab); J. Wellhausen, pp. 94, 115-116; W. Gottschalk, p. 119; W. Robertson Smith, Lectures on the Religion 01 the Semites (London 1914), pp. 227-228; K. Wagtendonk, p. 36; al-Jal;liz, Kit. al-lzayawiin, ed. 'Abd al-Saliim Hariin (Cairo 1965), I, 18. 3 See J. Wellhausen, p. 94; al-Farra', al-Ayyiim wa-I-Iayiill wa-I-shuhur, ed. Ibrahim alIbyiirl (Cairo 1956), pp. 12-13; al-Marziiql, al-Azmina wa-I-amkina (Hyderabad 1332 AH), 1,282,90,278; al-Jumal;lI, Tabaqiit lu/.lul al-shu'arii', ed. MaJ;unud Mul;l. Shakir (Cairo 1952), p. 61; VA,s.v. "~mm, ~/, rjb"; al-Turtushl, Kit. al-/.Iawiidith wa-I-bida', ed. Mul;l. al-Tiilibl (Tunis 1959), pp. 123, 125; 'All al-Qari', al-Adab Ii rajah, Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Ms. Arabe 6084, Majmu'a, fol. 65a (wa-yuqiilu rajabun al-~ammu li-annahu Iii yuniidii lihi "yii qaumiih" wa-"yii ~abiibiih" wa-li-annahu Iii yusma'u lihi /.Iissu I-silii/.li Iii Ii I-~abiibi wa-lii Ii I-rawii/.li); Ibn Qutayba, Tatsir gharib al-Qur'iin, ed. Al;lmad ~aqr (Cairo 1958), p. 185. 4 See S. D. Goitein, pp. 92-93; K. Wagtendonk, pp. 117, 120-122.
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against the iniquitous and wrong-doers in this month was especially efficacious. 5 The veneration of this month seems to have continued in the period of Islam and to have survived until recent times. Contradictory traditions attributed to the Prophet, recommending some practices of Rajab or interdicting it, bear evidence of divergent opinion on this subject in the Muslim community during the early centuries of Islam. Heated discussions among Muslim scholars concerning different aspects of these practices make it possible to understand them better. These Rajab traditions are to be surveyed in the following pages of this paper.
I
The widely circulated utterance of the Prophet Iii fara'a wa-lii "atirata, "no sacrifice of the firstlings (of the flock) nor of the animals slaughtered in Rajab",« indicates explicitly the interdiction to perform the sacrifices of Rajab. This hadith is however contradicted by a tradition reported by 'Amr b. Shu'ayb.? The Prophet, when asked about the 'aqiqa, the fara'a and the 'atira, stated concerning the "atira: al-' atiratu haqqun, "the "atira is 0bligatory" (verbatim: the 'atira is an obligation). The word "atira is explained in the tradition as a sacrifice of a ewe, which the people of the Jahiliyya used in Rajab to slaughter, cook, and whose meat they used to consume and feed from (scil. the needy and poor).s More explicit about the obligatory character of the 'atira, the sacrifice of Rajab, is the tradition reported on the authority of Mikhnaf b. Sulaym.? "Upon the people of every house, stated the Prophet, there is an obligation every
5 See al-Kala'I, al-Iktifii' maghiizi l-mustafd wa-l-thaliithati l-khulafd'; ed. H. Masse (Alger 1931), I, 123-124; al-Jtlant, al-Ghunya li-fiilibi tariqi l-haqqi 'azza wa-jalla (Cairo 1322 AH), I, 196. 6 Ahmad b. Hanbal, Musnad, ed. Ahmad Muh. Shakir (Cairo 1949-1956), XII, 104, No. 7135 and XIV, 171, No. 7737; al-Suyutl, al-Jiimi' al·~aghir (Cairo 1320 AH), II, 202; L 'A, s.v. "fr'"; comp, W. Robertson Smith, pp. 227, note 3, and pp. 462-465; al-Shaukiini, Nayl al·aufar(Cairo 1347 AH), V, 119; AbU I-Mabiisinal-:aaniifI,al-Mu'ta~ar min al-mukhtasar (Hyderabad 1362 AH), I, 274; Abu Da'ud, $a/;li/;l unan al-mustafii (Cairo 1348 AH), II, 8; s al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak (Hyderabad 1342 AH), IV, 236; al-Muttaql al-Hindl, Kanz al'ummiil (Hyderabad 1954), V, 48, No. 428; al-Tirmidhi, $al;li/;l(Cairo 1931), VI, 311-312; Muslim, $a/;li/;l(Cairo 1285 AH), II, 159; al-'Azizi, al-Siriij al-munir (Cairo 1957), III, 473, ult.; al- Tibrizi, Mishkdt al-masdbib (Karachi), p. 129. 7 See on him al-Dhahabl, Miziin al-i'tiddl, ed. 'Ali Muh, al-Bijiiwi (Cairo 1963), III, 263268, No. 6383; Ibn I;iajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib (Hyderabad 1326 AH), VIII, 48-55, No. 80. S Ahmad b. Hanbal, XI, 4-7, No. 6713; al-Shaukani, Nayl, V, 119; al-Suytltl, al-Jiimi' al-saghir, II, 67; al-Muttaqi al·Hindi, V, 48, No. 427; al- 'Azizi, II, 467, info 9 See on him Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Istt'ab, ed. 'Ali Muh, al-Bijawi (Cairo, n.d.), p. 1467. No. 2534; Ibn I;iajar, Tahdhib, X, 78; idem, al-Isiiba, VI, 72, No. 7842.
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year (to slaughter) a victim (scil. of the Sacrificial Feast) and a "atira", The "atira is glossed in the tradition as "al-rajabiyya", ('Alii kulli ahli bay tin fi kulli 'iimin UfJ/.liyyatun10 wa- "atiratun: hal tadriina mii 1-'atiratu? hiya l-rajabiyyatu).l1
It is evident that these traditions are contradictory and reflect two diverse attitudes towards the continuation of the practices of the sacrifices of Rajab in Islam: the one approving of the rajabiyya and incorporating it into the body of Islamic sacrifices, authorized by the utterance of the Prophet; the other one aiming at the abolition of the Rajab sacrifice, it too basing its arguments on the utterances of the Prophet. The two contradictory traditions tld fara'a wa-lii 'atirata and inna 'alii kulli ahli bay tin) are discussed by AbU 'Ubayd (d. 224 AH). Stressing the Jahill character of the 'atira, he remarks that this sacrifice was abolished by Islam. In his opinion, the hadith of "Iii fara'a" abrogates the hadith of "'alii kulli ahli bay tin ... " iwa-l-hadithu l-awwalu niisikhun li-hiidhii}.12 Al-Khattabi (d. 388 AH) records the opinion of AbU Da'ud (d. 275 AH) about the tradition of Mikhnaf b. Sulaym, which is identical with the opinion of Abu 'Ubayd, "The "atira, says Abu Da'ud, is (an) abrogated (practice)", al- 'atiratu mansiikhatun.tt Al-Khattabi emphasizes the difference between the meaning of 'atira in the times of the Jahiliyya and that of Islam. In the period of the Jahiliyya "atira denoted a ewe sacrificed for the idol; its blood was poured on the head of the idol - argues al-Khattabi. But in this hadith (i.e. in the hadith of Mikhnaf b. Sulaym) it denotes the sacrifices of an animal in Rajab. This, says al-Khattabt, fits the intent of the hadith and is compatible with the prescription of the religion.t+ Al Khattabi does not consider the
In some traditions "ar/./:Iiitun". Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba, VI, 72; AbU Nu'aym, Akhbiir Isfahan, ed. S. Dedering (Leiden 1931). 1,73; al-Shaukani, Nayl, V, 117; L'A, s.v. '''atr''; AbU l-Mahasin al-l;IanafI, I, 274; 'Abd al-Ghant al-Nabulsi, Dhakhii'ir al-mawdrtth (Cairo 1934), III, 95; al-Suyiitl, al-Jdmi' alsaghtr, II, 60 (with a slightly different version: 'alii ahli kulli bay tin an yadhbahu shdtan ft kulli rajabin wa-ft kulli ar/./:Iiihtitan); al-Muttaql al-Hindl, V, 48, No. 429 and V, 57, No. s 500-502; al-Bayhaql, al-Sunan al-kubrii (Hyderabad 1356 AH), IX, 260; Muslim, II, 159; Abu Da'ud, II, 2; Ibn al-Athlr, al-Nihdya, ed. al-Tana1).i (Cairo 1963), III, 178 ('alii kulli muslimin at!/:Iatun wa-'atiratun); Ibn al-Athlr, Jiimi' al-usa; min al;liidith al-rasid, ed. MuI;1. l;Iiimid al-Fiqql (Cairo 1950), IV, 121, No. 1624. 12 Abu 'Ubayd, Gharib al-hadith, ed. MuI;1. 'Azim al-Dln (Hyderabad 1964), I, 194-195; VA, s.v. "tatr" (where the opinion of Abu 'Ubayd is recorded differently: wa-l-hadithu I-awwalu a~a/:l/:lu); nd see the note of the editor in Ibn al-Athlr's Jiimi' al-usid IV, 122 (Abu a 'Ubayda stated that the hadlth: "ld faraa ... " abrogated the hadlth: '''alii ahli kulli baytin ... "). 13 Hamd b. MuI;1.al-Khattabt, Ma'iilim al-sunan (Balab 1933), II, 226. 14 lb., ( ... al- "atiratu tafsiruhd Ii l-hadithi annahd shdtun tudhbahu Ii rajabin wa-hddhii huwa lladhi yushbihu ma'nd l-hadithi wa-yaliqu bi-hukmi l-dtn: [in text: l-tadayyunii); L'A, s.v. "'atr" (correctly: l-dini}; Ibn al-Athlr, al-Nihdya, III, 178 (correctly: l-dini).
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'atira as abrogated; he seems to consider it lawful, although he has some reservations in connection with one of the transmitters of the hadith.t> The opinion that the "atira was abrogated by the Sacrificial Feast is plainly reflected in the hadith reported on the authority of This date is given as well by some ShI'I sources.46 Some traditions assert that the event of laylat al-mi'riij occurred in Rajab.s? The Prophet gathered the people in Rajab, according to a tradition reported
Ibid., p. 29. See Muh. b. Pattal, Raudat al-wa'iztn (Najaf 1966), p. 396; Ibn Babuyah, p. 52. 40 G. E. von Grunebaum, "The Sacred Character of Islamic Cities", Melanges Taha Husain, ed. Abdurrahman Badawi (Cairo 1962), pp. 26-27. 41 Al-Zurqant, Sharh 'ala l-mawdhib al-Iadunniyya (Cairo 1325 AH), I, 131, line 4; Ibn Hajar al-Haythaml, al-Ni'ma al-kubrii 'alii 1-'iilam bi-maulidi sayyidi bani Adam, Ms (in my possession), fol. 19a, line 1. 42 Al-Zurqant, I, 132, line 19 (quoted from 'Abdari's Mudkhal); and see Ibn Hajar alHaythamI, al-Ni'ma al-kubrii, fol. 19a, lines 3-6; al-Majlisl, Bibiir al-anwiir, XX, 113, line 25 (lithogr. ed.); and comp. al-Suyiitl, al-Hiiwi, I, 305 sup. 43 Ibn l,Iajar al-Haythamt, al-Ni'ma al-kubrd, fol. 12b; al-Shatibl, al-Jumdn It akhbar al-zamdn, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3008, fol. 48a. 44 Al-Halabt, Insiin al-'uyun (Cairo 1932), I, 68; al-Zurqanl, 1,105, line 10. 45 Al-Suyutl, al-Durr al-manthiir (Cairo 1314 AH), II, 235 ult.; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Zad al-ma'iid (on margin of Zurqanl's Sharb I, 58); Ibn al-Jauzl, Sifat al-safwa (Hyderabad 1355 AR), I, 27; al-Ghazall, Ibya' 'ulum al-din, (Cairo 1933), I, 328. 46 Ibn Babiiyah, p. 57; al-Tiisi, Amdli (Najaf 1964), I, 44; al-Bahranl, al-Hadii'iq anniit/ira ft ahkdm al- 'itra al-tdhira (Najaf 1384 AH), XIII, 362-363; al-Majlisl (Teheran 1386 AH), XVIII, 189. 47 Al-Zurqanl, I, 306, 308; al·'Abdari, al-Mudkhal (Cairo 1929), I, 294, line 10; see alDirini, Taharat al-quliib (Kafr al-Zaghara 1354 AH), p. 93, line 11; EI, s.v. "Mi'radj"; Abii Talib al-Makkt, I, 93; al-Ghazzall, I, 328; 'Ali al-Qari', al-Adab, fol. 66a.
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on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas, and informed them about the virtues of his All the rivers of the world visit in Rajab the well of Zamzam according to a tradition reported by Wahb b. Munabbih.s? The sanctity of Rajab was assessed in comparison with that of the other months in a peculiar utterance attributed to the Prophet. The Prophet said: "Rajab is the month of God, Sha 'ban is my month, Ramadan is the month of my people. "50 Close to this tradition is a hadith counting the rewards for the believers observing Rajab, Sha'ban and Ramadan and reported on the authority of Anas b. Malik. It is recorded in al-Bayhaqi's (d. 458 AH) Fadd'll al-auqdt and quoted by Ibn Hajar, "The month chosen by God is Rajab" - says the Prophet. "He who honours the month of Rajab - honours the order of God and he who honours the order of God - God will introduce him into the Gardens of Paradise and grant him His favour", etc.S1 Al-Bayhaqi marks the hadith as munkar, but Ibn Hajar differs, classifying it as "forged with obvious features of forgery" (bal huwa maudii'un ziihiru l-wad'i) and attributes the forgery to one of the transmitters, Nul). al-Jami', "Nul). the Collector", about whom people used to say that "he collected everything except truth."s2 Nevertheless al-Suyutl (d. 911 AH) recorded this tradition in his commentary of the Qur'an.53 A peculiar sun tradition sheds some light on the similarity of growth of pro-Rajab tenets in Sunni and Shi'I societies as well as on the manner of casting of the Shi'I traditions in this matter. 'Ali, says the tradition, used to fast the whole month of Rajab, and he used to say: "Rajab is my month, Sha'ban is the month of the Messenger of God, Ramadan is the month of God."S4 It is evident that this is a Shi'i re-moulding of the hadith "Rajab is the month
pedigree.sf
al-Qandilzl, Yandbi' al-mawadda (Najaf 1965), p. 16. Al-Dlrinl, p. 93. 50 AI-SahmI, Ta'rikh Jurjdn (Hyderabad 1950), p. 184; al-Sakhiiwi, al-Maqdsid al-hasana fi bayiin kathir min al-a/;liidith al-mushtahira, ed. 'Abdallah Muh, al-Sadlq (Cairo 1956), p. 224, No. 510; al-Jarrahl, Kashf al-khafii' wa-muzil al-ilbds (Cairo 1351 AH), I, 423, No. 1358; al-Suyutl, al-Jiimi' al-saghir, II, 21 inf.; Ibn Hajar, Tabyin al- 'ajab, p. 10 sup.; alJllanl, I, 200; al-Shaukanl, al-Fawii'id al-majmu'a fi l-ahddtth al-maudii'a, ed. 'Abd alRahman al-Mu'allamt al-Yamant (Cairo 1960), p. 439, ult.; idem, Nayl, IV, 210; Ibn Biibiiyah, p. 52; al-Pattanl, Tadhkirat al-maudii'iit (Cairo 1343 AH), p. 116 inf.; and see a divergent tradition: sha'biin shahrt wa-ramaddn shahru lliihi... , in al-Jarraht's Kashf II, 9, No. 1551 and in Ibn Biibiiyah's Amalt, p. 13; and see 'Ali al-Qari', al-Adab, fol. 65a inf.; idem, Risdlat al-a~iidith al-maudii'a, Majmu'a, fol. 61a. 51 Ibn Hajar, Tabyin al- "ajab, p. 13. 52 See on Nub al-Jami": a1-Dhahabi, Mizdn al-i'tiddl, IV, 279, No. 9143. 53 Al-Durr al-manthiir, 111,236 sup.; (and see Qasim al-Qaysl, Ta'rikh al-tafsir (Baghdad 1966), p. 132, about weak: and forged traditions in the commentaries of al-Suyiitl). 54 Al-Bahrant, XIII, 381 inf.; cp, Ja'far Mansnr a1-Yaman, Ta'wil al-zakdt, Ms. Leiden
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"Rajab is the Month of God ... " of God, Sha 'ban is my month (i.e. of the Prophet), Ramadan is the month of my people". Another assessment of Rajab in relation to other months is reported in a hadith recorded on the authority of Anas b. Malik. The Prophet said: "The superiority of Rajab over other months is like the superiority of the Qur'an over other speech; the superiority of'Sha'ban over other months is like my superiority over other prophets; the superiority of Ramadan over other months is like the superiority of God over (His) believers."55 The scale of qualities is, in this hadith, rather different. The highest rank is, like in the Shi'I tradition mentioned above, given to Ramadan,
III One of the most controversial practices of Rajab was the practice of fasting. Just as in the case of the sacrifices of Rajab, the partisans of fasting in Rajab took recourse to alleged utterances of the Prophet56 pointing to the merits of fasting and the efficacy of fasting during some particular days in this month. The antagonists rejected the sanctity of the month altogether, basing their arguments again on alleged utterances of the Prophet and marking the traditions in favour of fasting in Rajab as weak, untrustworthy or even forged. The lines of discussion on fasting resemble those of the discussion about the sacrifices. "In Paradise there is a river called Rajab" - says a tradition attributed to the Prophet. "This river is whiter than milk and sweeter than honey.
Or. 1971, fol. 38a: wa-qdla rajabun shahru lldhi wa-sha'biinu shahri wa-ramadanu shahru "aliyyin. 55 Al-Samarqandi, Tanbth al·ghiifilin (Cairo 1347 AH), p. 116; Ibn Hajar, Tabyln al-'ajab, p. 14; al-Pattanl, p. 116 inf.; al-Sakhawi, p. 299, No. 740; Ibn al-Dayba', Tamyiz al-tayyib min al-khabtth flma yadiiru 'alii alsinati l-ndsi min al-I;zadith (Cairo 1324 AH), p. 137; alShaukanl, al-Fawii'id, p. 440 sup.; and see an interesting shrt tradition in al-MajlisI's Bi/:liir XXXVII, 53 (newed.): Muhammad among his believers is like Ramadan in relation to other months, the family of Muhammad among the believers is like Sha'ban in relation to other months, "Ali among the family of Muhammad is like the best of the days of Sha "ban, i.e. the fifteenth day of this month. The believers of the family of Muhammad are like Rajab in relation to Sha 'ban. 56 Comp. J. Goldziher, "Neue Materialien zur Litteratur des Oberlieferungwesens bei den Muhammedanem", ZDMG L (1896), p. 482: "allerdings haben die Theologen mit seltener Ktihnheit in jedem auftauchenden Falle, den sie zu entscheiden hatten, ihre eigene Ansicht oder die der Lehrpartei der sie angeherten als Spruch des Propheten ausgegeben, zuweilen Spruche die lange Zeit als Urtheile angesehener Leute aus der Gemeinde des Islam bekannt waren, an den Propheten selbst angelehnt urn dadurch grossere Authoritiit fUr dieselben zu erlangen."
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He who fasts one day of the month of Rajab - God will give him to drink from that river."57 "In Paradise" - asserts another tradition - "there is a palace (prepared) for the people fasting in Rajab."58 The obligation of fasting in Rajab is motivated by miracles of God, His aid and deliverance of the righteous after plight and distress and His favour and grace granted to His believers in this month. Fasting is in fact an act of gratitude. God bade Nuh to set out on his ark in Rajab. He fasted this month, thanking God for His grace and ordered the people of the ark to fast this month according to some traditions. 59In Rajab God split the sea for Moses; Ibrahim and 'Isa were born during Rajab. God forgave the people of Yiinus their sins in Rajab; in this month too God forgave Adam.6o Rajab is nicknamed "the Deaf" (al-asammy; because the wrath of God was never heard of during this month; God punished peoples in other months, but never in Rajab.s! Rajab was also nicknamed al-asabb, "the Pouring", because the mercy of God poured forth during this month and flooded His servants; God bestows on them in this month graces and rewards which never an eye has seen, nor an ear heard, nor had it occurred to the mind of a man.62 Special rewards were promised, according to some traditions, for fasting on some particular days in Rajab. One of these especially venerated days is the twenty-seventh day of Rajab. On this day Muhammad was granted his prophethood. "He who fasts on the twenty-seventh day of Rajab will be granted by God the reward (otherwise) due for fasting sixty months", says a tradition reported on the authority of Abii Hurayra and attributed to the Prophet.O In another version of this hadith, he who fasts the twenty-seventh day of Rajab, and spends the preceding night awake (praying) will be rewarded just
57 Al-Jllanl, I, 200; al-Suytitl, al-Jami' al-saghir, I, 91 inf.; aI-'AzizI, I, 513; al-Dhahabl, Miziin al-i'tidiil, IV, 189, No. 8797; al-Bahrani, XIII, 381; Ibn Biibiiyah, p. 52; Ibn l;Iajar, Tabyin al-iajab, pp. 5-8; MuQ.. b. FattiiI, p. 401; al-Muttaql aI-Hindi, VIII, 360, No. 2646; al-Zurqanl, VIII, 128; al-Turttlshl, p. 125; 'Ali al-Qari', al-Adab, fol. 65a; al-Suyntt, alHdwt li-l-fatiiwl, ed. MuQ.. Muhyl l-Dln 'Abd al-Hamld (Cairo 1959), I, 145; and comp, alAsyiiti, al-Kanz al-madfiin (Cairo 1288 AH), p. 74. 58 Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rikh (Tahdhib), ed. Ahmad 'Ubayd (Damascus 1351 AH), VII, 137; al- 'Azrzr, I, 513; al-Suyutt, al-Durr al-manthiir ,III, 235; al-Muttaql al-Hindl, VIII, 409, No. 2967-2968; al-Dlrlnl, p. 93, line 3; al-Zurqanl, VIII, 128; AbU Shama, al-Bd'ith. 'ala inkari l-bida'i wa-l-hawiidith; ed. Mahmud Fu'iid Minqara al-Tarabulsi (Cairo 1955), p. 55. 59 Al-Jtlant, I, 197; Ibn Hajar, Tabyin al- "ajab, p. 17; al-Suyutt, al-Durr al-manthiir, III, 235; and see aI-ShaukiinI, al-Fawii'id, p. 440, line 12; 'All al-Qari', al-Adab, fol. 65a. 60 Ibn Hajar, Tabyin al-'ajab, p. 17. 61 Al-Jiliini, I, 196 info 62 Ibid., I, 197. 63 Ibn Hajar, Tabyin al- "ajab, p. 28; aI-Jiliini, I, 205.
200
"Rajab is the Month of God ... " as if he fasted one hundred years and spent the nights of a hundred years awake.s+ According to a tradition reported on the authority of 'Ali b. Abl Talib, the Prophet promised forgiveness of ten years (of sins) to the man who would fast that day and would supplicate at the breaking of the fast (da'ti 'inda l-if!tir).65 It is noteworthy that 'Abdallah b. 'Abbas - according to a tradition reported on the authority of al-Hasan al-Basrl - used to practice the i'tikiif on the twenty-seventh day of Rajab, and recite (among other sura's of the Qur'an) the sura of Laylat al-Qadr.66 This may, of course, point to the continuity of the Jahiliyya practice of i'tikiif during Rajab in the period of Islam and support the proposition of Wagtendonk about the link between the laylat al-qadr and the twenty-seventh day of Rajab.s" The link between laylat al-qadr and the month of Rajab is indicated in some comments on Sura XIII, 39. Mujahid relates this verse to the former, while Qays b. 'Ubad refers it to the tenth of Rajab.67a Of special merit was also fasting on the first day of Rajab. The Prophet, according to a tradition reported by Abu Dharr, said: "He who fasts the first day of Rajab, will get the reward equivalent to the fasting of a month." The seven gates of Hell will remain closed - continues the tradition - for a man who fasts seven days of Rajab; he who fasts eight days - the eight gates of Paradise will be opened for him. God will turn into good deeds the wrong ones of a man who would fast ten days of Rajab. He who fasts eighteen days - a herald will call from Heaven: "God already forgave you (your sins), so start work (soil, of worship) again".68 Slightly different is the scale of rewards in a Shi'I tradition. Nub embarked on his ark on the first day of Rajab and ordered the people of the ship to fast this day. The fire of Hell will keep a distance of one year's journey from a man who fasted this day. The seven fires of Hell will be closed to a man who fasted seven days of Rajab. The eight gates of Paradise will be opened in the face of a man who fasted eight days of Rajab. The wishes of a man who fasts ten days of this month will be fulfilled. The sins of a man who fasted twenty five days will be forgiven and he will be told: "start again your (Pious) work". He who adds (days of) fasting - his rewards will be augmented.69 A tradition reported on the
64 Ibn I,Iajar, Tabyin al-tajab, p. 27; al·Suyuti, al-Durr al-manthar, III, 235 inf.; al-Jtlant, 1,205; 'All al-Qiiri', al-Adab, fol. 65a. 6S Ibn I,Iajar, Tabyin al- 'ajab, p. 28. 66 Al-Jtlanl, I, 205. 67 K. Wagtendonk, pp. 117-118. 67a AI-TabarI, Ta!sir, ed. Mahmud Mul,l. Shakir, XVI, p. 479, No. 20471 and p. 489, No. 20505. 68 AI·JUiini, I, 201. 69 Al-Bahranl, XIII, 381; al-Suytltl, aI-La'iili I-masnu'aft l-a/,liidlthi l-mauda:« (Cairo n.d.) II, 115; see Ibn I,Iajar, Tabyin al-tajab, p. 23.
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M.l. Kister authority of Ibn 'Umar records as reward for fasting on the first day of Rajab the equivalent of fasting a year. If the believer would fast seven days, the seven gates of Hell would be closed for him. If we hould fast ten days, a herald would announce from Heaven: "Ask (anything you like) and you will be granted (it)"70. A gradually decreasing list of rewards is given in a tradition reported on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas: God will forgive the sins of three years for fasting on the first day of Rajab, two years for fasting on the second day of Rajab, one year for fasting on the third day of Rajab, then fasting on every following day will be counted with reward of one month."! A considerable reward is promised for fasting on the first day of Rajab in another tradition: God will forgive sixty years' sins to the man who fasts on the first day of Rajab; God will bring a mild judgment upon a man (I;zasabahu hisiiban yasiran) who fasts fifteen days; God will grant His favour to a man (kataba lliihu lahu rir}wanahu) who fasts thirty days of Rajab and He will not punish him.72 Some versions of the traditions quoted above do not mention the first day of Rajab, but mention only the rewards of fasting "a day of Rajab". Unusual in its generosity is a list of rewards reported on the authority of 'Ali. The Prophet said: "The month of Rajab is a great month; he who fasts one day of this month - God will count for him (the reward of) fasting a thousand years. He who fasts two days - God will count for him (the reward of) fasting two thousand years. He who fasts three days of this month God will count for him (the reward of) fasting three thousand years. He who fasts seven days - the gates of Hell will be closed for him ... "73 Among the fourteen nights of the year, which the faithful are urged to spend awake, there are three nights of Rajab: the eves of the first, of the fifteenth and of the twenty seventh of Rajab.74 The eve of the first day of Rajab is counted among the five nights in the year; if its practices are properly observed by the believer he will enter Paradise.T' Of special merit is also fasting on the first Thursday of Rajab (connected with the vigils of the eve of Friday and saldt al-raghd'ib], the fifteenth and the last day of Rajab.76
AI·Muttaqi al-Hindt, VIII, 360, No. 2648. Ibid., VIII, 360, No. 2647; al-Suyutt, al-Jiimi' al-saghir, II, 45; al- 'Azizi, II, 391. 72 Al-Jtlant, I, 201 info 73 See Ibn al-Jauzl, Kit. al-maudu'at, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman MuQ.. 'Uthman (Cairo 1966), II, 206-207. 74 Al-Jllanl, I, 202; AbU Tiilib al-Makkl, I, 93; al-Ghazall, I, 328. 75 Al-Jiliini, I, 202. 76 Ibid., I, 204.
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"Rajab
is the Month of God ... "
A current tradition about fasting in Rajab reported on the authority of Sa'id al-Khudri gives a detailed account of the rewards of fasting on every day of the month. "Rajab is the month of God, Sha'ban is my month, Ramadan is the month of my people" - says the Prophet. Therefore he who fasts one day?? of Rajab out of belief and piety (imdnan wa-htisdbany deserves God's greatest favour (istaujaba ridwdna lliihi l-akbara) and God will lodge him in the upper part of Paradise. He who fasts two days of Rajab will get a double reward; the weight of every single reward will be like the mountains of the world. He who fasts three days God will put between him and between the fire (of Hell) a ditch extending for a distance of a year's journey.78 He who fasts four days of Rajab, will be healed from madness, elephantiasis, leprosy, the trial of the false Messias (fitnat al-masihi l-dajjali) and the chastisement of the grave Cadhiib al-qabr). He who fasts five days, will be protected from the chastisement of the grave (wuqiya "adhiiba l-qabri).79 He who fasts six days, will step out from his grave, his face shining more than the moon at the night of full-moon. He who fasts seven days - God will close for him the seven gates of Hell (closing for every day of fasting one gate). He who fasts eight days of Rajab, God will open for him the eight gates of Paradise (opening for every day of fasting one gate). He who fasts nine days, he will step out from his grave proclaiming lii iliiha illd lliihu and his face will not be turned away from Paradise. He who fasts ten days - God will lay for him at every mile of the path to heaven bedding (fariish) on which he might rest. As for him who fasts eleven days - there will be at the Day of Resurrection no believer superior to him except a believer who would fast the same number of days or more. He who fasts twelve days - God will bestow upon him two garments, one of which would be better than the world and all that is in the world. He who fasts thirteen days - a table will be put up for him in the shade of the Throne (of God) and he will eat from it, while other people will remain in distress (wa-l-niisufi shiddatin shadidatin). He who fasts fourteen days - God will grant him a reward which no eye has seen, no ear has heard, and which has not occurred to the mind of men twa-ld khatara 'alii qalbi basharin). He who fasts fifteen days - God will raise him on the Day of Resurrection in the stand (mauqif) of the believers.w He who fasts sixteen days - he will be among the
"Youman" omitted in Ibn al-Jauzt's Maur!u'iit and in Suyfitf's La'iili. Compo MuQ.. b. al-Hasan al-'Amili, al-Jawiihir al-saniyya fi I-al)iidith al-qudsiyya (Najaf 1964), p. 140. 79 The reward of five days is not mentioned in Ibn Jauzi's Maur!u'iit and in SuyiitI's La'iili. 80 Here the tradition stops in Ibn al-Jauzl's Maur!u'iit II, 206, in Ibn Hajar's Tabyin p. 12 and in Suyiitt's La'ali II, 115, line 2 (there is however an additional phrase in Jnani's Ghunya I, 198: fa-ld yamurru bihi malakun muqarrabun wa-ld nabiyyun mursalun iIIii qdla ruba laka anta min al-iiminin); it is continued in Jllanl's Ghunya with the remark: wa-ft lafzin dkhara ziyiidatun 'alii khamsata 'ashara wa-hiya ... ; and see Ibn l;Iajar, Tabyin al- 'ajah, p.12 info
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M. J. Kister first who would visit the Merciful, look at Him and hear His speech. He who fasts seventeen days - God will arrange for him at every mile of the path to Heaven a resting place.s! He who fasts eighteen days - God will build for him a palace opposite the palace of Ibrahim and Adam; they would greet him and he would greet them. He who fasts twenty days - a herald will proclaim for Heaven: "God has forgiven you what passed, begin thus anew your (Pious) work."82 Some descriptions of the rewards of people who fasted the whole month of Rajab are of the type of stories of the qu~~ii~ describe the palaces in Paradise, and the meals and the /:tiiris awaiting these people in Paradise.83 A Shi'I tradition gives the following vivid description of the Day of Resurrection. "At the Day of Resurrection - says the tradition reported on the authority of Ja'far al-Sadiq - a herald will call from the interior of the Throne: "Where are the Rajabis (people fasting in Rajab) 1" Then will stand up people with faces shining for the gathered (crowds), on their heads will be crowns of kingdom inlaid with sapphires and pearls. On the right side of every man of them will be a thousand angels and on the left side a thousand angels. They will say: "0 servant of God, mayest thou enjoy the grace of God". Then will follow the call from God, the Exalted: "My servants and My maidens, I swear by My majesty and power: I shall honour your residence and I shall bestow upon you gifts in bounty. I shall introduce you into apartments in Paradise under which rivers will flow and you will be for ever in it. How good is the reward of the pious. You volunteered to fast for Me a month which I sanctified and whose observance I bade. My angels, Introduce My servants and maidens into Paradise". Then Ja'far b. Muhammad said: "That concerns also people who fasted a part of Rajab, even one day at the beginning of the month, in its midst or at its end". 84 One of the most discussed topics involving the Rajab fast was fasting during the whole month.8s The opponents of fasting in Rajab based their argument
See above the reward for fasting ten days. AI-Jiliini, I, 198-199; al-Suyutl, al-La'iili, II, 114-115; Ibn I;Iajar, Tabyin al-lajab, pp. 10-12,29-30; comp. Ibn Biibiiyah, pp. 52-57 sup. (continued until the thirtieth of Rajab); Muh. b. Fattiil, 396-400 (continued until the thirtieth of Rajab); and see al-Sahml, pp. 56 inf., 302 info 83 J. Goldziher, Muh. Studien (Halle 1890), II, 160; al-Babrsnr, XIII, 400; al-ZajjiijI, Amiili (Cairo 1935), p. 134. 84 Al-Bahranl, XIII, 401 (and see ibid., pp. 381, 396 about rewards for fasting of the first and the fifteenth of Rajab). 8S See K. Wagtendonk, p. 121.
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"Rajab is the Month of God ... " on the well-known hadith reported on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas: "The Prophet forbade fasting in Rajab".86 Later scholars transmitted this tradition with the addition of the word "whole" (nahii 'an saumi rajabin kullihi).87 Partisans of fasting in Rajab criticized this tradition, emphasizing that two of its transmitters were "weak". The two weak transmitters were Da'ud b. 'Ata'88 and Zayd b. 'Abd al-Hamtd.s? They argued further that the word "nahii" was erroneously inserted into the text, as the tradition referred originally to the actions of the Prophet; it was the transmitter who changed erroneously the word into prohibition twa-innamd l-riwdyatu fihi min fi'Ii I-nabiyyi salld lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallama fa-harrafa l-riiwi l-fi'la ilii l-nahyi). If this version (i.e. nahii) is correct, the interdiction indicates merely a preventive measure (thumma in $abIJafa-huwa mahmidun 'alii I-tanzihi). It has to be interpreted according to the opinion of al-Shafi't. AI-Shari'i stated that he would disapprove of fasting a whole month like the fasting of Ramadan, or fasting on a peculiar day. He was afraid that some ignorant person might imitate such practices considering it obligatory.w This opinion of al-Shafi'I is quoted by al-Subki (d. 771 AH),91 (like by Ibn Hajar), from al-Bayhaqi's (d. 458 AH) Fa(lii'il al-auqdt. Al-Bayhaqi records the opinion of al-Shafi'I with a remarkable phrase: "wa-in fa'ala fa-hasanun", and comments that as it is common knowledge among the Muslims that the only obligatory fast is Ramadan, the idea of reprehensibility (connected with fasting a whole month, in this case Rajab) is accordingly lifted (fa-'rtaja'a bi-dhdlika ma'nd /kariihiyyati). Consequently it can be deduced from the arguments of al-Bayhaqi that the tradition of Ibn Majah merely expresses disapproval of fasting the whole of Rajab if this fast is put on an equal footing with Ramadan as obligatory. As the Muslim community is aware of the fact that the only month of mandatory fasting is Ramadan, there is no reprehensibility in fasting a whole month (in this case Rajab); if the believer fasts this month - it is a good deed. Although al-Subki could not find the additional phrase wa-in faala jabasanun in other sources - he accepts the version recorded by al-Bayhaqi
86 Ibn Miijah, I, 531 (anna I-nabiyya ~allti lldhu 'alayhi wa-sallama nahd 'an saumi rajabin); aI-Shaukiini, Nayl, IV, 210; comp, about the interdiction of fasting of the whole month of Rajab: Ahmad b. l;Ianbal, I, 231, No. 181; al-Turtushi, p. 130; ai-Khatib al-Baghdiidi, II, 227; K. Wagtendonk, p. 121 (and note 4). 87 Ibn Hajar, Tabyin al- 'ajab, p. 33; al-Dhahabl, Miziin al-i'tiddl, II, 104, No. 3015. 88 See on him Ibn l;Iajar, Tahdhib, III, 193, No, 370; al-Dhahabi, Mizdn, II, 12, No. 2631. 89 See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, III, 417, No. 764. 90 Ibn Hajar, Tabyin al- 'ajab, p. 31 inf.-32 sup.; and see al-Shaukani, Nayl, IV, 210, line 8 from bottom. 91 Tabaqdt al-Shdfi'iyya al-kubrii, ed. al-Hilw, al-Tanahl (Cairo 1966), IV, 12-13.
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as sound. As the interdiction of fasting of the whole month of Rajab is not a sound one - it has to be considered, states al-Subki, as mustahabb, desirable (wa-idha lam yakun al-nahyu 'an takmili saumihi $abiban baqiya 'ala asl! l-istihbiib); the utterance of al-Shafi'I indicates that fasting the whole month of Rajab is good (hadha l-nassu lladhi rawiihu l-Bayhaqiyyu 'an alShaji'iyyi fihi daliilatun bayyinatun 'ala anna sauma rajabin bi-kamdlihi hasanuny. This, al-Subkl states, confirms the opinion of 'Izz al-Dln b. 'Abd al-SaHim92 that he who forbids to fast in Rajab is ignorant of the principles of the Law
(man nahii 'an saumi rajabin fa-huwa jdhilun bi-ma'khadhi ahkdmi l-shar'Ii. Al-Shaukanl (d. 1250 AH) discusses the problem of fasting in Rajab in
connection with fasting the whole month of Sha 'ban and concludes that the traditions enjoining fasting during the holy months (al-ashhur al-burum) include the recommendation of fasting of the month in Rajab. There are no traditions stating that fasting in Rajab is reprehensible (makruh).93 Al-Qastallani discusses the contradictory traditions about fasting during the whole month of Sha 'ban.94 The reference to fasting on Sha 'ban is indicated in the hadith reported on the authority of Usama b. Zayd in which the Prophet said: "That (i.e. Sha'ban) is a month neglected by the people, (a month) between Rajab and Ramadan, It is a month in which the deeds are brought before the Lord of the Worlds, and I want therefore that my deeds be brought before Him when I am fasting."95 Al-Qastallani remarks that many people think that fasting in Rajab is preferable to fasting in Sha 'ban, because Rajab is one of the holy months (al-ashhur al-hurumy; but it is not so (i.e. fasting of Rajab is not preferable to the fasting of Sha 'ban). Al-Zurqani supports the opinion of al-Qastallani, quoting the hadith reported on the authority of 'A'isha, that when people fasting Rajab were mentioned to the Prophet, he said: "How (poor are) they (in their reward compared to those fasting in) Sha 'ban."96 Nevertheless al-Qastallanl admits that some of the Shafi'tyya considered fasting of Rajab as more meritorious than fasting of other months. Fasting in Rajab is recommended as Rajab is one of the holy months; the fast of these months is indicated in the tradition recorded by AbU Da'ud. 'Abdallah b.
See below, p. 207. Al-Shaukanl, Nayl, IV, 209-210. 94 Al-Zurqanl, VIII, 124-125. 95 Ibid., VIII, 126; and see al-Shaukanl, Nayl, IV, 210 sup.; al-Haythaml, Majma' alzawa'id, III, 192. 96 Al-Zurqanl, VIII, 126; this tradition is recorded by Ibn Hajar, Tabyfn al- 'ajab, p. 33 with the following story: "A woman entered the home of 'A'isha and mentioned that she fasted Rajab. 'A'isha said: fast Sha'ban, as the merit is in (fasting) Sha'ban." She then quoted the utterance of the Prophet.
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"Raiab
is the Month
of
God ... "
'Umar stated that the Prophet used to fast in Rajab and honoured this month. Although the hadith of Ibn Majah forbidding the fast of the whole month of Rajab is a weak one - the Hanbalis considered it as valid. They concluded on the basis of this tradition, says al-Zurqani, that it was reprehensible to single out the month of Rajab as a month of fasting (yukrahu ifrdduhu bi-l~aumi).97
A significant passage quoted from a book of al-Damlri (d. 808 AH) by 'Ali b. Ahmad al-'Azizi (d. 1070 AH)98 records the favourable opinion of two scholars of the seventh century of the Hijra towards fasting in Rajab. Abu 'Amr b. al-Sala1;t99was asked whether fasting the whole month of Rajab was a sin or whether it was a rewarded practice. He answered that there was no sin in it at all. None of the Muslim scholars, argued Abu 'Amr b. alSalah, considered it as sin. It is true that some scholars of hadith stated that there were no sound hadiths about the merits of fasting Rajab; that does not however imply any sin in fast; traditions about fasting in general and about fasting in the holy months in particular indicate that this fasting (i.e. in Rajab) is meritorious. The tradition of Ibn Dihya claiming that the fire of Hell is kindled every year for the people fasting Rajab is not sound and its transmission is unlawful.100 Tzz al-Dln b. 'Abd al-Salamlv! was asked about the opinion of scholars who denounce the fast of Rajab and its observance and whether fasting the whole month as a vow was lawful. 'Izz al-Dln gave permission to vow fasting the whole month arguing that none of the scholars of Islam included Rajab among the reprehensible periods of fasting (fima yukrahu saumuhuy; on the contrary: it is a pious deed (qurba) as indicated by sound traditions and it is recommended. He who honours Rajab in a different way than the people of the Jahiliyya, the argument says, does not imitate them. Besides, not everything practised by the people of the Jahiliyya is forbidden to follow (in Islam), unless it is interdicted by the Law (wa-laysa kullu md fa'alathu l-jdhiliyyatu manhiyyan 'an muldbasatihi illii idhii nahat al-shari'atu 'anhu wadallat...). Truth should not be abandoned on the ground that people of falsehood practised it, says 'Izz al-Dln. Furthermore, he gives his statement about the ignorant scholar who forbids fasting on Rajab as quoted above from Subki's Tabaqat. Al-Damirl sums up the two fatwds in a poem of ten verses, concluding that
Al-Zurqanl, VIII, 127. Al-Sirii] al-munir, II, 391-392. 99 See on him al-Dhahabl, Tadhkirat a/-l;lUffa?, IV, 1430, No. 1141. 100 See this fatwd in Fatdwd Ibn a/-Sa/ab (Cairo 1348 AH), p. 21. 101 See on him al-Kutubl, Fawat al-wafayat, ed. Muh. Muhyl I-Din 'Abd al-Hamtd (Cairo 1951), I, 594, No. 234.
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fasting the whole month of Rajab is recommended. A vow of fasting in the month is binding (wa-bi-l-nadhri yajib). In the opinion of Ahmad (b. Hanbal) singling out the month for fasting is reprehensible, but the opinion that forbids it should be rejected. The prohibition of fasting was reported by Ibn Majah, but the badith. proved to be weak because of its (weak) isndd. The shaykh 'Izz al-Din stated that he who forbade fasting in any case is heedless. He strongly rejected the opinion of scholars who forbade fasting, and stated that they should not be consulted for fatwii. The transmitters of the Shart'a did not reprehend fasting the whole (month). The recommendation of fasting (in this month) is included in the recommendation of fasting in general and there is no sin upon the fasting (person). Ibn al-Salah stated that the haditb about punishment for fasting in Rajab was not a sound one, and it was not permissible to attribute it to the Prophet. The merits of fasting in general, as stated in (valid) texts, indicate that it is even desirable (mustahabbi in particular - this is how al-Damirl concludes his poem. Ibn 'Asakir (AbUI l-Qasim 'Ali b. al-I;Iasan)102 devoted a special chapter in his Amiili to the merits of Rajab. He composed some verses in which the river Rajab in Paradise is mentioned: a drink from Rajab in Paradise, If you desire it - fast for God in Rajab And pray the prayer of the longing103 and fast Because everyone who exerts himself in (deeds of) obedience will not be disappointed. 104 Orthodox scholars denied any merit to fasting in Rajab, basing their argument on the tradition reported on the authority of Sa'id b. Jubayr.l05 When Sa'Id b. Jubayr was asked about the merits of fasting in Rajab, he said: "I was told by Ibn 'Abbas that the Prophet used to fast (to an extent) that we thought that he would never break his fast, and he used to break his fast (so often) that we thought that he would not (start again to) fast." 106 Al-Qastallani remarks rightly that this tradition indicates that fasting in Rajab is neither forbidden nor recommended (wa-l-zdhiru anna murdda Sa'idin - i.e. Sa'Id b. Jubayr bi-hiidhii l-istidldlu 'alii annahu Iii nahya 'anhu wa-lii nadbafihi, bal lahu hukmu biiqi l-shuhftri).107 The opponents of fasting in Rajab argue that this tradition
See on him C. Brockelmann, GAL, SI, 566. "Saldt al-riighibtna": the ~aliit al-raghii'ib is here, of course, alluded to. 104 AbU Shiima, pp. 55-57. 105 See on him Ibn Khallikan, Wafayiit al- a'yiin, ed. Ahmad Fartd Rifii'i (Cairo n.d.) VI, 127-136. 106 Al-Turtiishl, p. 128; Ibn l;Iajar, Tabyin al-tajab, p. 32. 107 Al-Zurqanl, VIII, 127; and see al- 'Azizi, II, 392, line 23 (the opinion of aI-Nawawi).
102 103
o he who wants
208
"Raiab is the Month of God ... " points clearly to the fact that the Prophet used to fast during different months of the year. It is accordingly evident that the Prophet did not single out any month for fasting, and therefore no special merit can be attached to the fasting of Rajab; the only meritorious month of fasting is Ramadan, There is a version of the tradition of Sa'Id b. Jubayr quoted above, reported on the authority of 'A'isha. "The Prophet used to fast (to an extent) that we thought... etc." This hadith has however a significant addition: "And I did not see the Prophet, states 'A'isha, completing the fast of any month at all except Ramadan, and I did not see him fasting more (in any month - K) than in Sha'ban."108 Two points in this tradition are noteworthy: the one stressing that the Prophet did not complete fasting in any month except Rama<;lan. his implies that it is not permitted to fast a whole month except in RamaT <;lan. he other point emphasizes that he used to fast in Sha 'ban more than in any T other month. One may not be surprised to find a contradictory tradition, reported on the authority of 'A'isha, stating that the Prophet used to fast the whole month of Sha'ban (kii.na yasianu sha'biina kullahu).109 Another tradition, reported on the authority of Abu Hurayra, gives a different version: "The Prophet did not complete the fast of any month besides Ramadan except for Rajab and Sha'ban "(anna rasiila lldhi ~alla lldhu "alayhi wa-sallama lam yutimma sauma shahrin ba'da ramaddna illd rajaba wa-sha'biina).110 Ibn Hajar classifies the tradition as "munkar",l11 because of the transmitter Yusuf b. 'Atiyya,112 who is considered as "very weak".113 It is not surprising, however, that the hadith on which opponents of fasting in Rajab based their argument is also reported on the authority of 'A'isha: "The Prophet did not single out any month of the year for fasting" (inna l-nabiyya sallii lldhu "alayhi wa-sallama mii kana yakhussu shahran min al-sanati bi-saumin ).114 Opponents of fasting in Rajab attempted to prove that the Companions, like the Prophet, disapproved of fasting Rajab, did not attach any sanctity to the month and considered fasting during Rajab as adherence to Jahiliyya observ-
9949), II, 77 ult., No. 711. 108 Muh, Fu'iid 'Abd al-Baql, al-Lu'lu' wa-l-marjdn fimd ttafaqa "alayhi l-shaykhdn (Cairo 1949), II, 22 ult., No. 711; Ibn Haiar, Bulugh al-mariim, ed. Muh, I;Iiimid al-Fiqql (Cairo 1933), p. 137, No. 701. 109 Al-Haythaml, Majma' al-zawii'id (Cairo 1352 AH), III, 192; and see ibid.: kiina yasiimu sha'bana wa-ramaddna yasiluhumd. 110 Al-Haythaml, III, 191 penult.; Ibn Hajar, Tabyln al-tajab, p. 9 info .111 See about the definition of "munkar" Muh, 'Abd aI-I;Iayy al-LuknawI, al-Raf" wa-l-takmil, ed. 'Abd al-Fattah AbU Ghudda (I;Ialab, n.d.), pp. 92-99. 112 See on him al-Dhahabt, Miziin al-i'tidal, IV, 488, No. 9877. 113 Ibn I;Iajar, Tabyin al-' ajab, p, 10, line 1. 114 A1-TurtiishI, p. 128.
209
M.l. Kister ances. 'Umar, says the tradition, used to beat the hands of people fasting in Rajab when they lifted them from (dishes of) food and compelled them to put them into it. He used to say: "Eat because Rajab was merely adored by the people of the Jahiliyya."llS In another version of this tradition, 'Umar used to flog people who fasted the whole month of Rajab.116 Another tradition states that Ibn 'Umar disliked to see people prepare for fasting Rajab. He told them: "Fast (some days) of it (i.e. of the month) and break the fasting; it is merely a month which the people of the Jahiliyya revered" .117 According to these traditions fasting on some days of Rajab, just as fasting some days of other months, is not forbidden; but fasting for the whole month and attaching sanctity to the month itself are not lawful. The adoration of Rajab might endanger the position of Ramadan, This is reflected in a story about Abu Bakr. When he saw his people prepare for fasting Rajab he said: "Do you make (i.e. observe) Rajab like Ramadan 7" (a-ja'altum rajaban ka-ramat/ana).1l8 Ibn 'Abbas insisted that Rajab be not established as an obligatory feast ("id) like Ramadan, Al-Turtushi concludes that these traditions indicate that "the honouring of Rajab by some people is a vestige of the bonds of the Jahiliyya" (dallat hddhihi l-dthiiru 'alii anna lladhi
fi aydi l-niisi min ta'~imihi innamii hiya ghabariitun min baqdyii "uqiidi l-jiihi/iyyati).119 In summary al-Turtushi states that fasting in Rajab is not obligatory, it is not a sunna of the Prophet and is not meritorious; it is reprehensible.120 A special treatise against fasting in and veneration of Rajab, named Adii'u mii wajab min bayiini wad'i l-waddd'Ina fi rajab, was compiled by Ibn Di1;tya,121 From this treatise the following hadith is with all probability quoted: "The Prophet said: 'Hell is kindled from year to year for the people fasting in Rajab'. "122 One of the main arguments of the opponents of the Rajab fast was the tenet
us Al-Shaukant, Nayl, IV, 210 (here the tradition is quoted from Ibn AbI Shayba's al-Musannaf. The remark of Wagtendonk, p. 121, note 3 that "these are late traditions" can hardly be accepted.); al-Turtusht, p. 129; Ibn Hajar, Tabyin al-tajab, p. 32; al-Haythaml, Majma' al-zawii'id, III, 191; Jamal al-Dln al-Qasiml, I#ab al-masdjid min al bida'i wa-I'awa'id (Cairo 1341 AH), pp. 76-77; al-Muttaql ai-Hindi, VIII, 409, No. 2966; AbU Shama, p. 38; al-Manbijl, Kit. al-samii'i wa-l-raqs in Majmu'at al-rasii'il al-kubrd It-Ibn Taymiyya (Cairo 1323 AH), II, 360 inf, 116 Al-Turtusht, p. 129. 117 Ibid., p. 129. 118 Ibid., p. 129; al-Qasimi, p, 77; AbU Shama, p. 38. 119 Al-Turtnsht, p. 129 ult.-130 sup. 120 Ibid., pp. 130-131; Ibn Hajar, Tabyin al- 'ajab, pp. 34-35; al-Qasiml, pp. 77-78; AbU Shama p. 38 (all quoting al-Turtusht). 121 See on him al-Dhahabl Tadhkirat al-buifa? (Hyderabad 1958) IV 1420 No. 1136. 122 Al-'Azizi, II, 391, line 6 from bottom; and see abovep. 207.
210
"Rajab
is the Month of God ... "
that the believer is not entitled to establish days or months of religious practices to which particular merits may be attached; this privilege is exclusively reserved for the Lawgiver (fa-l-/:zii~i/u anna l-mukallafa laysa lahu mansibu l-takhsisi bal dhiilika i/o. l-shari'i).123 As the tradition reported by Sa'Id b. Jubayr (stating that the Prophet used to fast through the whole year) refutes the traditions about fasting in Rajab, as the Companions repremanded this fasting, as the traditions about fasting in Rajab are weak and untrustworthy - the view that the Rajab fast may be included into the category of good deeds has to be rejected. Good deeds necessitate the approval of the Prophet, which the fasting of Rajab did not get. As the traditions about fasting in Rajab are lies, the fast is, of course, unlawful (fa-in qila- a-laysa hddhii huwa isti'mdla khayrin? qila
lahu: isti'miilu khayrin yanbaghi an yakima mashrii'an min al-nabiyyi salld lldhu "alayhi wa-sallama; fa-idhii "alimnd annahu kadhibun kharaja min almashru'iyyati).124
Opponents of Rajab tried to show the weakness or the forgery of the proRajab traditions, revealing the weakness of the isndd. AbU Shama (d. 665 AH), who devoted a good deal of his Bii'ith to the rebuttal of pro-Rajab hadiths, and Ibn Hajar (d. 852 AH) in his Tabyin al-lajab, a treatise with the same aim, both used the same method of scrutinizing isniids. The tradition about the Rajab river in Paradise was rejected by AbU Shama125 on the ground that Musa al-Tawil126 was a liar. The hadith: "Rajab is the month of God, Sha'ban is my month etc." was discarded because the transmitter was al-Naqqash al-Mausilt.t-? a famous liar and forger of hadith. The hadith:
"kana rasiilu lliihi salla lliihu "alayhi wa-sallama idhd dakhala rajabun qdla lldhumma biirik lana Ii rajabin wa-sha'biina ... etc."128 was rejected on the
ground that Ziyad b. Maymun129 was considered as "discarded" (literally: "abandoned", "matriik"). Ma'mun b. Ahmad al-Sulamlrw and Ahmad b. 'Abdallah al-Juwaybari,l3l transmitters of pro-Rajab hadiths, were known as notorious liars; 132Ibn al-Jauzi counts both Ma'mun b. Ahmad and Ahmad
Abu Shama, p. 37. Ibid., p. 38. 125 Ibid., p. 55 penult. 126 See on him al-Dhahabl, Mizdn al-i'tidiil, IV, 209, No. 8888. 127 See on him al-Dhahabl, Miziin al-i'tiddl, III, 520, No. 7404. 128 See Ibn al-Sunnl, 'Amal al-yaum wa-l-layla (Hyderabad 1358 AH), p. 178; al-Suyutt, al-Jiimi' al-saghir, II, 105; ai-Khatib al-Baghdadl, Miir!i/:l auluim, II, 473; al-Jarraht, I, 186, No. 554; 'Ali al-Qari', al-Adab, fol. 65a, inf.; al-Majlisl, Bibtir, XX, 338 (lithogr. edition). 129 See on him al-Dhahabl, Mizdn al-i'tiddl, II, 94, No. 2967. 130 See on him al-Dhahabl, Mizdn al-i'tiddl, III, 429, No. 7036. 131 See on him al-Dhahabl, Mizdn al-i'tiddl, I, 106, No. 421. 132 AbU Shama, p, 55.
123 124
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M. I. Kister
b. "Abdallah in the list of "big liars" .133Both are accused of the transmission of the forged hadith, in which the Prophet foretold: "Among my people will be a man called Muhammad b. Idris; he will be more harming for my people than Iblis"; one of them invented the badith.134 By Muhammad b. Idris, the imam al-Shafi'I is meant. It is quite plausible that al-Shafi'I's assessment of the personality of Ma'mun b. Ahmad was concise: Ma'miin ghayru ma'mun.135 The hadith: "He who fasts the twenty seventh day of Rajab, God will write for him a reward of sixty months; it is the first day when the angel Gabriel brought the Prophet the Message" is marked by AbU Khattab (i.e. Ibn Dihya) as a spurious tradition. The tradition that the date of the Isrii' was the twenty seventh day of Rajab is marked as "the essence of lie". 136One of the transmitters of the tradition: "He who fasts three days of Rajab - God will count for him (the reward of) fasting of a month ... etc." was Aban (b. abl 'Ayyash).137 Ibn al-Jauzl rejects the tradition as unsound because of Aban, He quotes negative opinions of scholars about Aban, and records the saying of Shu 'ba138 that he prefers adultery to transmission of the traditions reported by Aban.139 The scholars opposing the fasting of Rajab faced the hostile attitude of the common people who practised fasting and special devotions in some nights of Rajab. They faced the pressure of the rulers as well. A peculiar case of this kind is reported in connection with the activities of Tzz al-Djn b. 'Abd alSalam, whose favourable opinion about Rajab fasting was mentioned above. In the year 637 AH 'Izz al-Dln acted as preacher and imam of the mosque of Damascus; he was a very learned and pious man, strictly following the sunna. Just before the beginning of Rajab, he preached in the mosque on Friday, and stressed that the $aliit al-raghd'ib was a bid'a and that the badtth. enjoining the practice of this prayer was a lie. 'Izz al-Din compiled a treatise in which he expounded his view and warned the people against the practice of this bid'a; he named it "al-tarhib 'an saldti l-raghii'ib". He was however compelled by the common people and the sultan to change his mind and to compile a treatise which contradicted his former treatise. In his second treatise he issued a favourable judgment about the $aliit al-raghii'ib.140 The orthodox permission of the popular Rajab fast in the tenth century of the Hijra is fairly exposed in the treatise of the HanafI scholar "Ali al-Qari'
133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140
Al-Shaukanl, al-Fawd'id, p. 426. Ibid, p. 420; see al-Dhahabl, Miziin, III, 430; al-Suyutl, al-La'iilt, I, 457. Abu Shiima, p. 55, line 5 from bottom. Ibid., p. 56 sup. See on him al-Dhahabl, Miziin I, 10-15, No. 15. See on him al-Dhahabt, Tadhkirat al-/.Iuffiiz, I, 193, No. 187. Ibn al-Jauzl, al-Maur!u'iit, II, 206. And see his assessment of isndds, ibid., pp. 207-28 AbU Shiima, pp. 32-33.
212
"Rajab
is the Month of God ... "
"al- Adab fi rajab". Although he follows strictly the path of orthodox assessment of the hadith concerning fasting Rajab, he nevertheless gives his consent to
fasting Rajab and regards it rewardable. The interdiction of fasting Rajab in the hadith of Ibn Majah - argues 'Ali al-Qari' - has to be considered as an interdiction of its obligatory character, as it was in the period of the Jahiliyya
(wa-ammii md rawiihu Ibn Miijah. annahu 'alayhi l-saliimu nahd 'an siyiimi
rajabin fa-mahmidun 'ala "tiqiidi wujiibihi kama kdna fi l-jahiliyyati).141 Except that (i.e. this reason for the reprehensibility of fasting) none of the scholars said that fasting in Rajab was reprehensible (wa-illii fa-lam yaqui ahadun min al- 'ulamd' bi-kariihati ~aumihi).142 The opinion that every hadith about fasting Rajab and prayers in some nights of Rajab is a forged one deserves to be re-examined. It is true that there are some forged traditions, but traditions about fasting in Rajab are numerous and they, although weak, strengthen each other.143 Scholars agree, argues al-Qari', that it is permissible to perform pious deeds having recourse to "weak" traditions (wa-ajma'a 1- 'ulamd'u bijawiizi l- 'amali bi-l-abddithi l-da'ifati l-wdridati fi farjii'ili l-a'mdli). The interdiction of fasting Rajab by some scholars and considering it a bid'a is therefore not plausible (wa-lii ma'nii li-nahyi...). What is required from the believers is worship and obedience according to their ability. Rajab, as can be deduced from tradition, is a month surpassing other months in merits.144 Radical and uncompromising scholars rejected all the traditions about the virtues of Rajab and the merits of its fast. Ibn Taymiyya states that all the traditions about fasting in Rajab, fasting on the first Friday of Rajab and other merits are lies according to the consensus of the scholars. The best hadith on this subject is, of course, the hadith recorded by Ibn Majah, stating that the Prophet forbade the fast of Rajab.14S
IV Among the distinctive features of Rajab are the special prayers and supplications connected, of course, with the fasting. These special prayers, devotions and supplications were the subject of fervent discussions and were strongly reproved by orthodox scholars. Rajab is a month of repentance, of refraining from sin and of doing pious
'Ali al-Qari', al-Adab, fol. 65b. 'Ali al-Qari', al-Al;uidith al-maudu'a, fol. 61a. 143 Ibid., fol. 61a. 144 Idem, al-A dab, fol. 65b. 145 Al-Manbijl, II, 306; Ibn al-Jauzl, al-Maudii'iit, II, 208 (mii ~aMa ft fadli rajabin wa-ft #yiimihi 'an rasidi lliihi ~allii lldhu 'alayhi wa-sallama shay'un); al-Jarrahl, II, 421.
141 142
213
M.l. Kister deeds. This idea of Rajab is expounded in a tradition attributed to the Prophet. In a speech delivered a week before Rajab, the Prophet stated that the rewards for good deeds in this month were doubled, supplications responded to by God and distress relieved by Him. The Prophet bade the believers to fast the days of Rajab and to keep vigilance in its nights. He who prays during some days of Rajab fifty prayers, reciting in every rak'a passages from the Qur'an - God will grant him rewards for his good deeds as much as the number of his hairs. He who fasts one day - God will reward him with the reward of fasting of a year. He who keeps his tongue (from bad speech)God will tutor him in arguments of his defence when the two angels Munkir and Nakir would come to question him (in his grave). He who would give some alms - God will save his neck from the fire of Hell. He who does good deeds to his people - God will treat him kindly in this world and in his life to come, and will help him against his enemies during his lifetime. He who visits a sick person - God will order the noble of His angels to visit him and greet him. He who prays in a funeral ceremony during this month, is as one who revives a buried girl-child. He who gives food to a believer - God will lodge him on the Day of Resurrection at a table where Ibrahim and Muhammad will be sitting. He who clothes a believer during this month - God will put on him a thousand of the suits of Paradise. He who bestows a favour upon an orphan and strokes his head - God will forgive him as many of his sins as the number of the hairs (scil. on the head of the orphan) upon which his hand passed. God will grant forgiveness to the believer who asks it. He who praises God once - will be counted in God's presence among the people mentioning God many times. He who completes in this month the reading of the Qur'anGod will crown him and his parents with crowns inlaid with pearls and he will be assured not to be inflicted with the horrors of the Day of Resurrection. 146 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr is said to have stated: "He who comforts a believer in his hardship during the month of Rajab, 'the Deaf', the month of God God will grant him a palace in Paradise as big as his gaze can reach. Therefore, urges the tradition, venerate Rajab and God will bestow upon you a thousand graces."147 He who gives alms once in Rajab - says a hadith attributed to the Prophet - God will keep him away from the fire of Hell, at a distance equivalent to that which a crow flies during its lifetime (literally flight of a crow since flying as a chick until its death in decrepitude - a crow lives five hundred years).148 A hadith reported on the authority of Salman al-Farisi records the following utterance of the Prophet:
146 Ibn Hajar, Tabyin, pp. 25-26; al-Shaukanl, al-Fawd'id, p. 439, lines 9-12 (the beginning of the tradition). 147 'Abd al-Qadir ai-JUan!, I, 200. 148 Ibid., I, 200.
214
"Rajab is the Month of God ... " "He who fasts one day of Rajab is (considered) as if he had fasted a thousand years. He who grants alms (once) is (considered) as if he would give alms of a thousand dinars and God will credit him for every good deed with a number of rewards equal to the number of his hairs. God will raise him a thousand steps, erase a thousand of his sins and credit him for every donation of alms with (the reward of) a thousand pilgrimages and of a thousand 'umras and build for him in Paradise a thousand courts and a thousand palaces and a thousand apartments; in every apartment there will be a thousand enclosures, in every enclosure a thousand /:zUris, who are a thousand times more beautiful than the sun.149 According to a Shi'i tradition, an angel called al-Da'I proclaims every night of Rajab from the seventh Heaven on the order of God: "Blessed are those who remember (Me), blessed are the obedient." God the Exalted says: I am the Companion of (the believer) who would sit by Me, I obey him who obeys Me, I forgive (the believer) who asks My forgiveness; the month is Mine, the servant is Mine, the mercy is Mine; he who would call Me - I shall respond to him; he who supplicates Me - I shall give to him, he who will ask my guidance - I shall guide him. I made this month a rope between Me and My servants; he who will hold fast by it will reach Me.1so Al-Shaukani points out as a reprehensible innovation in Rajab and Sha 'ban, that people use to exert themselves in acts of obedience and adhere to religious prescriptions during these months, but neglect these actions during the rest of the year.1S1 Of interest is an Isma'ili exhortation stressing the sanctity of Rajab (called al-asamm, al-fard, al-asabb) and summoning the faithful to practise fasting, repentance and submission to God. The rewards of good deeds in this month are multiplied.tss The main point in the fervent discussion about Rajab devotions is the topic of sald: al-raghd'ib, a prayer performed on the eve of the first Friday of Rajab.1S3 To this saldt al-raghd'ib the Prophet referred in a /:ladith reported on the authority of Anas b. Malik. The Prophet, when asked why the month of Rajab was nicknamed "the. month of God", answered: "It is because it is singled out (makh$u$) with (the quality of) forgiveness. In this month bloodIbid., I, 201. Al-Majlisl, XX, 338 (lithogr. ed.). 151 Al-Fawd'id, p. 440. 152 Al-Majdlis al-mustansiriyya, ed. MuI.).. Kamil Husayn (Cairo, n.d.), p. 112. 153 But saldt al-raghd'ib was formerly called the prayer of the midst of Sha'biin; see Abu Shama, p. 29, line 8 from bottom.
149 150
215
M. J. Kister shed is prevented. God forgave his prophets in this month and rescued his saints (au/iya') from the pains of punishment." The Prophet further counted the rewards of fasting in Rajab and recommended to an old man, who had complained that he would not be able to fast the whole month, that he restrict his fasting to the first day of Rajab, to the middle day of Rajab and to its last day. "Do not be heedless - continued the Prophet - about the eve of the first Friday of Rajab; it is a night called by the angels al-rahgii'ib, "the large (desirable) gifts"." This (is so) because after passing of the first third of this night no angel on Earth or in Heaven remains who does not gather in the Ka'ba or around it. God the Exalted has a look (at them) and says: "My angels, ask Me whatever you want", and they answer: "Our need is that Thou mayest forgive the people fasting Rajab". Then God the Exalted says: "I have done it already". The Prophet enjoined the believers to fast the day of the first Thursday of Rajab and to pray in the first third of this night (i.e. the eve of Friday) twelve rak'as reciting in every rak'a the fali/;la once, the sura "innii anzalndhu fi laylati l-qadri" three times, the sura "qui huwa lldhu ahadun" twelve times; between every rak'a a taslima has to be recited. After this prayer the believer has to recite seventy times "lliihumma salli 'ala l-nabiyyi l-ummiyyi wa-'ala iilihi". Then he has to perform a prostration during which he has to say seventy times "sabiihun, quddiisun, rabbu l-mald'ikati wa-l-riihi", Then he would raise his head and say seventy times "rabbi ghfir wa-rham wa-tajdwaz "ammd ta'lamu, innaka anta t:'azizu l-a'samu", Then he should prostrate a second time repeating the supplication quoted above (in the first sajda). Then he pleads for his needs and his plea will be responded to by God. Every servant of God with no exception - says the tradition - praying this prayer, God will forgive him all his sins even if they were (as much) as the foam of the sea and numbering the number of leaves of the trees, and he will intercede for seven hundred of his people at the Day of Resurrection. At the first day of his stay in his grave, he will be visited by the Reward of this prayer. The Reward will greet him with a bright countenance and tell him: "0 my beloved, rejoice because you were delivered from every woe". He will then ask: "Who are you, as 1have not seen a face finer than yours and 1 have not smelled a smell more fragrant than yours". Then Reward will reply: "0 my beloved, 1 am the Reward of the prayer, which you prayed that night of that and that month; 1came this night to you in order to fulfil the obligation towards you and to cheer you up in your loneliness. When the Horn will be blown, 1 shall be the shade above your head. Rejoice, because you will receive bounty from your Lord."154
154 Ibn l:Iajar, Tabyin, pp. 19-21; AbU Shama, pp. 29-32; 'Abd al-Qadir al-mani, I, 204205; al-Suyutt, al-La'ali, II, 55-56; al-Shaukant, al-Fawa'id, pp. 47 inf.-50; al-Majlisi, XX, 344 (lithogr. ed.); Ibn al-Jauzt, al-Mau4u'at, II, 124--125.
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"Rajab is the Month of God ... " Al-Nawawi classifies the saldt al-raghii'ib as a shameful bid'a (hiya bid'atun qabihatun munkaratun), which has to be abandoned, reprehended and prevented. In his fatwd he points out that although many people observe this prayer and that the hadith about the merits of the prayer was recorded in AbU Talib al-Makkt's Qut al-quliib and in al-Ghazall's Il;zya'155- it is nevertheless a futile bid'a tbid'atun biitilatun).156 Ibn Hajar classifies this hadith as forged. 'Ali b. 'Abdallah b. Jahdam is accused of the forgery of this l;zadith,157Al-Turtusht mentions as the $alat alraghii'ib the prayer of fifteenth Sha'ban158 and Rajab. The prayer of Rajab was introduced for the first time in Jerusalem: it happened after 480 AH,159 AI- "Abdari refutes in a special chapter, 160the opinion that the $alat al-raghd'ib is meritorious or even lawful. He records the fatwd of 'Abd al-Aziz b. 'Abd al-Salam161 strongly condemning this prayer. It is evident that this fatvii is the firstjatwa of 'Izz al-Dln mentioned by AbU Shama. 'Izz al-Din was compelled, as quoted above, to compile a fatwd with a contradictory opinion about this prayer. Beside the detailed refutation of the lawfulness of this prayer in the special chapter - al-'Abdarl stresses the reprehensible features of the performance of the prayer: men and women mix together in the mosque during the $alat al-raghii'ib. If somebody claims that there exists a I;zadith recommending this prayer quoted by al-Ghazall - then the prayer has to be performed by the believer privately (fi khiissati najsihi), not as a common prayer in the mosque. Further it is reprehensible to tum it into a continuous and obligatory sunna (sunna da'ima Iii budda minjrliM). The traditions about "merits of actions" (faqa'il al-a'mdl) have weak isndds - argues al-" Adbart; although Muslim scholars permitted believers to act according to these hadiths, they allowed it on the condition that the practice would not be a continuous one. Thus if the believer acts according to such a tradition even once in his life, he would be considered as obeying the (recommendation of)
155 I/;Iya' (Cairo 1289 AH), I, 182 (al-Ghazall remarks that the people of Jerusalem are eager to perform this prayer). 156 Al-Nawawi, Fatiiwd al-imdm al-Nawawi (al-masii'il al-manthiira), ed. 'Ala l-Dln b. al-'Attar (Cairo 1352 AH), p. 28; aI-'AbdarI, IV, 259. 157 See AbU Shama, pp. 30-31; al-Shaukani, al-Fawii'id, p. 49, n. 1; al-Suyiltl, La'ali II, S6inf.,aI-Dhal;labi,Miziin al-i'tidiil,III,142,No. 5879; Jamal ai-Din al-Qasiml, pp. 105-106; al-Pattanl, pp. 43 ult.-44; 'Ali al-Qari', al-A/;Iiidith al-mauda'a, fol. 61 a. Ibn Jahdam is said to have confessed to the forgery of this tradition before his death; cf. Sibt Ibn al-Jauzl, Mir'at al-zamdn, Ms. Karacelebi 284, fols. 272b-273b. 158 See above, note 153. 159 Al-Turtusht, pp. 121-122; and see ibid., note 4 of the editor, M. Taibi. 160 Al-Mudkhal IV, 248-282. 161 Ibid., pp. 277-282 (he is, however, mentioned as Abii Muhammad b. 'Abd aI-'Aziz 'Abd al-Salam b. Abi Qasim al-Sulami al-Shafi't).
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M. J. Kister tradition - if it is indeed a sound one; if, however, the tradition has an isniid which is dubious and open to dispute (wa-in yakun al-hadithu fi sanadihi mat'anun yaqdahu fihi) - his action (performed according to this !)adfth) would not harm (him) as he performed a good deed (li-annahu fa'ala khayran) and did not turn it into a publicly performed rite (sha'iratun ?
musaylima.pdf THE STRUGGLE AGAINST MUSAYLIMA AND THE CONQUEST OF YAMAMA
M. J. Kister
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem The study of the life of Musaylima, the "false prophet," his relations with the Prophet Muhammad and his efforts to gain Muhammad's approval for his prophetic mission are dealt with extensively in the Islamic sources. We find numerous reports about Musaylima in the Qur'anic commentaries, in the literature of hadith, in the books of adab and in the historiography of Islam. In these sources we find not only material about Musaylima's life and activities; we are also able to gain insight into the the Prophet's attitude toward Musaylima and into his tactics in the struggle against him. Furthermore, we can glean from this material information about Muhammad's efforts to spread Islam in territories adjacent to Medina and to establish Muslim communities in the eastern regions of the Arabian peninsula. It was the Prophet's policy to allow people from the various regions of the peninsula to enter Medina. Thus, the people of Yamama who were exposed to the speeches of Musaylima, could also become acquainted with the teachings of Muhammad and were given the opportunity to study the Qur'an. The missionary efforts of the Prophet and of his companions were often crowned with success: many inhabitants of Yamama embraced Islam, returned to their homeland and engaged in spreading Islam. Furthermore, the Prophet thoughtfully sent emissaries to the small Muslim communities in Yamama in order to teach the new believers the principles of Islam, to strengthen their ties with Medina and to collect the zakat. These communities later helped Abu Bakr to fight the ridda and became part and parcel of the Medina body politic. Simultaneously, the Prophet did not neglect to prepare a military force to defend these communities. Small garrisons were placed on the borders of Yamama in order to defend them in case of an attack. If a considerable part of the population of a region decided to embrace Islam, the Prophet was informed and sent to them an emissary who was competent to guide the local leader in his decisions. The new converts were granted full rights of Muslims. The Jews, the Christians and the Zoroastrians were given the status of dhimmis, in return for paying the jizya. The zakat of the Muslims and the jizya of the dhimmis were sent to the Medina authorities. In contradistinction to the carefully planned spread of Islam in the various regions of the Arabian peninsula, we find Musaylima's prophetic
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vision essentially confined to Yamama. He claimed to have been sent by Allah to the Banu I:Ianifa only and wanted the Prophet Mul;tammad to acquiesce in this. He wanted MulJammad to be the prophet of Mecca and Medina, on a par with him, the prophet of Yamama. He envisaged the peninsula to be divided between the two prophets who co-existed with each other and guided their respective people in Allah's path. Both territories were to be considered God's land and the income from it was to be equally divided between the two prophets. The aim of the Prophet MulJammad was totally different. He strove to extend his authority and his dzn all over the world. According to his conception, there would never exist a religion equal to Islam: there is only one God, one Prophet and one religion. Therefore, whoever pretended to have a share in MulJammad's prophethood must be considered an impostor. No compromise was possible between these two conceptions of prophetic authority.
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Musaylima b. Thumama, or Musaylima b. I:Iablb1, was the "false prophet" who emerged in Yamama during the Prophet MulJammad's activity in the Arabian peninsula. The early historian Hisham b. MulJammad b. al-Sa'ib al-Kaibi (d. 146 A.H./763 A.D.) recorded the genealogical chain of Musaylima as follows: Musaylima al-kadhdhiib b. Thumama b. Kablr b. I:Iabib b. al-I:Iarith b. 'Abd al-I:Iarith.2 Ibn I:IazIp. gives his pedigree as Musaylima b. Thumama b. Kathlr b. I:Iabib and records his kunya as Abu Thumama.3 AI-Zurqani rejects this tradition, stating that Musaylima was the nickname (laqab) of the "false prophet" and that his name was Thumama. Thus, his kunya could not have been Abu Thumama.4 Later sources record different details regarding Musaylima's name: his laqab was Musaylima and his kunya was Abu Thumama and his
1 See the different versions of his name in Mughaltay b. Qilij's al-Zahr al-basim it srrat abfl-qasim, MS. Leiden Or. 370, fol. 335a. Musaylima b. Thumama is recorded in Suhayll's al-Rau4u l-unul; Ibn Isl,Iaq has his name as Musaylima b. l;IabIb. This name appears also in the compilations of al- TabarI, Abu 'Ubayda, Ibn Durayd and others. See both the traditions in Salama b. Muslim al-'AutabI al-~ul,IarI, al-Ansab, vol. 1, p. 157; cf. al-MaqrIzI, Imta'u l-asma', Mal,Imud Mul,Iammad ShakIr, ed. Cairo, 1941, vol. 1, p. 506. 2 Jamharat al-nasab, p. 543. 3 Ibn l;Iazm, Jamharat ansabi l-'arab, p. 310. Ibn al AthIr, al-MuraHa', p. 113: "Abu Thumama was the kunya of Musaylima the liar, who claimed that he was granted prophethood. Abu Thumama is the kunya of the wolf; it is the kunya of the hoopoe (hudhud) as well." 4 AI-Zurqanf, Shar~ 'ala l-mawahibi l-laduniya li-l-Qastallanr, vol. 7, p. 180.
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name was Hartin. 5 This name is recorded also by al- Khafaji. 6 Another tradition regarding his kunya is given by Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr: his name was Musaylima b. Habib and his kunya was Abu Harun." Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Qurtubi records in his al- TaCrz! fi l-ansiib the name of al-Mahabba, a brother of Musaylima.f . The name Musaylima itself is a diminutive from Maslama and its meaning was in the beginning not necessarily derisive. We find in fact a verse of 'Urnara b. CAqil in which he mentions Maslama al-kadhdhiib saying that the Banu Hanifa would not gain glory until they enrage Mudar (by fighting them]." As to the nickname al-kadhdhiib, the Prophet himself "invoked the (huge -k) amounts of dust on earth to attest that Musaylima was a liar." 10
Al-Diyarbakrt, Tai rikh. al-kh amis , vol. 2, p. 157. Al-Khafaji', Nasimu l-riyiiq. jI sh arhi l-shifii li-l-qiiq.f' Iyiiq., vol. 2, p. 486. 7 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Durar /. ikhtis ar! l-maghiiz. wa-l-siyar, p. 270. 8 Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Qurtubt, al- '['a'ri] [i l-ansiib , p. 114: .,. wa-min banf h anijato: musaylimatu l-k a dh dhiib uia-nkhiiliu l-rnahobbatu bnii Thumiimata bni qaysi bni kathbir (?) bni ~ablbi bni 'abdi I-~iirithi bni tha'labata bni l-diili bni ~anljata. 9 AI-Mubarrad, al-Kiimil , vol. 3, p. 26: wa-qiila 'Umiiratu bnu 'Aqilin: bal ayyuhii l-riikiln: l-miiq.f li-tiyyatihi: balligh ~anljata uia-nshur fihimu l-kh abarii a-kiina maslamatu l-k adh dh abu qiila lakum: Ian tudrikii I-majda ~attii tughq.ibii mudarii. 10' Al-Munawi, Fayq.u l-qadir , vol. 3, p. 20, n. 2648; on Wabar b. Mushir al-Hanaft the transmitter of the ~adfth see, al-Bukharr, al- Ta'rikh al-kabir , vol. 8, p. 183, n. 2649; Ibn al-Athir, Us du l-ghiiba, vol. 5, pp. 82-83; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Ist"iib, vol. 4, p. 1551; al-BustT, Kit ab al-thi qiit , vol , 3, p. 329. He was a companion of Musaylirna and was sent by him to the Prophet; eventually he embraced Islam. This oath, referring to huge quantities of dust or pebbles, was used in contradistinction to an oath referring to a specific number of pebbles. The latter oath was considered a bid' a. This bid' a is recorded in the Musnad of Sa'd b. Abr Waqqa~. The author of this Musnad, Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Dawraqi (d. 246 A. H.), 'Amir Hasan Sabrr, ed. Beirut 1407/1987, p. 150, no. 88. The daughter of Sa'd b. AbT Waqqa~ reports that her father entered the abode of a woman who sat in front of a heap of stone dates or of pebbles. She performed the tasb'~ counting the date stones or the pebbles; then she threw them away. The Prophet advised her to perform the tasbf~ in an easier way: "Glory be to Allah according to what he created in heaven, glory be to Allah according to what he created on earth, and glory be to Allah according to what he created between them (sub~iina Allii]: 'adada mii bayna dhiilika)." See this tradition also in al-HaythamT, Mawiirid a-~am' iin, p. 579 nos. 2330 and 2331. A similar tradition is recorded in Abu Ya'Ia al-Mawsilr, Musnad, vol. 2, p. 66-67, no. 710. Another tradition recorded in al-Hakirn al-Naysaburr, al-Mustadrak, vol, 1, p. 547. See also ibidem, p. 548 for the tradition on the authority of 'A'isha bint Sa'd, traced back to Safiyya bint Huyayy who declared that in front of her there are 4000 stone dates by which she praises God. The Prophet advised her to use a comprehensive formula. The "comprehensive formula" was the answer to the bid' as of the qUHiis who tried to introduce the tasbf~ in which they counted the praises of God uttered by the people in the mosque. The pious leaders of the people in the mosques frowned upon these practices and forbade the people to count God's praises in this way. See also Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Dauraqi, Musnad Sa'd b. Ab, Waqqii§, p. 150, no. 88; Abu Ya'Ia al-Mawsilr, Musnad , vol. 2, pp. 66-67, no. 710; and see the copious references of the editor; AI-HaythamT, Mawiirid al-~am'iin p. 579, nos. 2313
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Musaylima was born in al-Haddar, a place in Yamama. He grew up there and there he started his prophetic activity. When the Banii Hanifa heard about him, they invited him to Hajr, the chief city of the Yamama. When Khalid b. al-Walld conquered Yamama and killed Musaylima, the people of the villages (qurii) of al-Haddar were captured and expelled; in their place Khalid settled people of the al-Harith b. Ka'b of the Sa'd b. Zayd Manat of Tarnlm.l! Musaylima succeeded in gaining the support of many tribal groups in Yamama as well as the confidence of the population in many districts. He made efforts to convince the people to believe in his mission as a prophet who receives revelation directly from "God the Merciful" (al-ra~miin); the revelation is transmitted it to him through the angel Jibril. Musaylima himself came to be known as Rahman al-Yarnama. Muhammad was accused by his enemies in Mecca of learning the basis of.prophecy from a man in Yamama named al-Rahrnan. The Meccans decided to send a delegation to the Jews in Medina to ask them about the truth of Muhammad's prophethood, assuming that the Jews were knowledgeable about such matters, being schooled in the Holy Scriptures. The Jews advised the Meccans to question the Prophet on three issues: Dhu l-Qarnayn, al-rii~ and ashiib al-kahf; in addition they advised them to verify whether he was given the "Seal of Prophethood" (khiitam al-nubuwwa). The Meccans indeed verified the existence of his khiitam al-nubuunua and asked the three additional questions. The Prophet asked Jibrll and the angel answered the question about ashiib al-kahf and Dhii l-Qarnayn; but concerning al-riih, the angel merely said: al-riih min amri rabbi, lii 'ilma II bihi. The Meccans remarked sarcastically "Two sorcerers helped each other" (sii~iriini ta~iiharii), hereby referring to the Torah and to the Furqan (i.e., the Qur'an -k)Y The tradition about the Meccans' inquiry concerning the word alRahman and the position of Rahman al-Yamarna seems to be of some importance. The tradition indicates that the debate about the meaning of al-Hahrnan took place during Muhammad's stay in Mecca. This is the period of discussions between the Meccans and the Prophet and it indicates that Musaylima had already started his prophetic activity at that time. The report according to which the name Rahman al-Yamama was discussed before the hijra finds support in a passage adduced by alTha'alibi in his Thimiir al-quliib fi l-mur!iif uia-l-mansiib, "Musaylima
and no. 2330; Muhammad b. Wa<;l<;lal,al-Qurtubr, Kitab al-bida' II (Arabic text), pp. 160-70, no. 1-44. 11 On the birthplace of Musaylima see Yaqut, Mu'jam aI-buidan, vol. 5, p. 394; Lisii» aI-'Arab, s.v. al-Haddar: Ibn al-Athlr, al-Nihaya if ghanoi I-I}adfth, vol. 5, p. 251. 12 Ibn al-Jauzr, aI- Wafa bi-al}wali l-must ajii, p. 58.
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falsely claimed prophethood while the Prophet was in Mecca before the hijra." 13 When the Prophet came to Medina, he found the people mentioning Musaylima, quoting his sayings and referring to the opinions of Banu Hanifa about him. The Prophet then delivered a speech in which he included Musaylima among the thirty liars who will arise before the coming of the false Messiah (al-dajjiil). Consequently, the Muslims started to revile Musaylima and vilify his narne.l" The name al-Rahman is often mentioned in the Qur'an. It became a subject of a heated discussion between the Muslims and the unbelievers, in connection with the meaning of the word in Qur'an 17:110, where al-Hahrnan is another name of Allah: "Say; Call upon Allah or call upon al-Rahman: by whichever name you call on Him, His are the most beautiful names." Here again the enemies of the Prophet claimed that at a certain stage the Quran enjoined to worship two different deities instead of one God, Whom it had enjoined to worship earlier. Al-Kalbi gives a lengthy explanation ofthe origin of the verse and the quotation of the word al-Hahrnan in the headings of the Suras, In the beginning of Muhammad's revelation, the word al-Rahrnan was rarely used in the Qur'an. But when many Jews embraced Islam and asked the Prophet about the numerous cases in which the word al-Rahman was recorded in the Tauriit , Qur'an 17:110 was revealed.P A far-fetched tradition states that Musaylima adopted the name of Rahman before the
'Abd al-Malik b. Muhammad al- Tha'alibr, Tbimaru l-quliib, p. 146, no. 207. Ibidem., p. 147. 15 Al-Samarqandr, Bahr al-'ulum (= tajsir al-Samarqandl) vol. 2, pp. 192-193; cf. Qur'an 13:30: wa-hum yakJuruna bi-l-rahrniin. qui huwa rabbi: It was 'Abdallah b. Umayya l-Makhzurnr and his friends (see on him Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI, al-Lsiiba , vol. 4, pp. 11-14, no. 4546; Ibn al-Athfr, Us du I-ghaba, vol. 3, pp. 118-119) who stated: "We do not know any Rahman except Musaylima the Liar." qui huwa rabbi: it was the order of God given to Muhammad. See also the comments on Qur'an 17:110, in Usd al-ghaba, vol. 2, pp. 286-87. According to al-Tabarf (on Qur'an 13:30), the order of Allah to state that al-Rahrnan is God was intended to deny the claims of the unbelievers that al-Rahman is not the name of God. In the al-Hudaybiyya agreement, the infidels of Quraysh refused to sign the document in which the expression rasulu llahi as the title of the Prophet appeared, and in which the expression bi-smi llahi I-ra~man al-rahim was used as the document heading. The Prophet gave way and his title was eliminated. He was mentioned merely as "Muhammad b. 'Abdallah" and the preamble of the document was replaced by the Jahih' formula, bi-smika lliihumm a, See al-Tabart, Jiimi' al-bayo.n, vol. 16, pp. 445-46, nos. 20397-98 (on Qur'an 17:110); al- Tha'labr, al-K ash] wa-I-bayan, MS. Ahmad III 76/4, fol. 51a-b. See also al- Tabari, Jiimi' al-bauiin; vol. 15, p. 121, where Ibn 'Abbas reports that the Prophet was once overheard by an infidel when he invoked God, saying: ya ra~man, ya rahirn, The infidel in question notified his coreligionists who accused the Prophet of invoking two deities. Then Allah revealed the verse in which God stated that Allah and al-Rahman are identical. See also al-Naysaburi (Ghara'ibu 1-Qur' an wa-ragha'ibu l-jurqiin , vol. 15, pp. 92-3), according to whom the man who overheard the Prophet invoking yo. lliih, ya ra~man was Abu Jahl. Another reason for revealing the verses identifying Allah with al-Rahman was the claim of the People of the Book that the mention of al-Rahman in the Qur'an was very rare, while he was mentioned in the
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birth of Muhammad's father, 'Abdallah.16 The very early date of this event recorded in the sources can probably be explained by the tradition that Musaylima was a man granted longevity (mu'ammar), killed in the battle of 'Aqraba' in 12 A.H. at the age of 150 (or 140).17 Musaylima's epithet Rahman al-Yamama seems to have been well known in Mecca. Umayya b. Khalaf refrained from addressing 'Abd alRahman b. 'Auf, the famous companion of the Prophet, by his name; he rather adressed him by his Jahili name, 'Abd 'Amr, which was changed by the Prophet to 'Abd al-Hahman. Umayya b. Khalaf called him by his Jahili name in order to avoid calling him 'Abd al-Rahman, which could indicate that he was the servant of Rahman al-Yamama, "the false prophet." 18 The first person to use bismi lliihi l-rahmiini l-rahim was the Prophet. The well known muhoddith Abu 'A'ishaI9 recorded on the authority of his father the changes in the headings of the Qur'anic Suras according to the time in which they were revealed. Quraysh asked to put in the headings of their documents and letters the expression bi-smika lliihumma. The Prophet used this heading as well. Then God revealed to him Surat Hiid in which the phrase bi-smi lliihi majriihii wa-marsiiha (verse 41) appeared. The Prophet then ordered to put the heading bi-smi lliihi at the beginning of each Sura. Later Qur'an 17 was sent down, including the phrase qui: ud'ij lliiha au ud'ij l-rohmiina. The Prophet then ordered to use the heading: bi-smi lliihi l-rahmiini, Then Qur 'an 27 was revealed, with the sentence innahu min sulaymiina wa-innahu bi-smi lliihi al-rahnuini l-rahim (verse 30); the Prophet ordered to use this sentence as a heading. After some time he reconsidered his decision: the bi-smi lliihi in this verse is preceeded with the words: innahu min sulaymiina. "My brother Sulayrnan," said the Prophet, "started the verse with his name, but I shall start with the name of God." He therefore established as a headline in letters and Qur'anic Suras the formula: bi-smi lliihi 1rahmiini l-rahim . So runs the headline in all the Siiras, except Sura 9. The diir al-khiliifa also used this headline in its correspondence.I''
Tauriit frequently; therefore, the verse identifying Allah with Rahman was revealed. The story of the Prophet's invocation, overheard by Abu Jahl, appears also in alWahidt's al- WasiJ, vol. 3, p. 11, vol. 3, p. 133 (commenting on Quran 17:110). 16 Mughultay, al-Zahr al-biisim, MS. Leiden, Or. 370, fol. 141a. 17 See al- Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. 120, al-Suytiti', Ta'rikt: al-khulajii", p. 76. 18 Al- Waqidr, al-Maghiizl, vol. 1,-p. 82 inf. 19 See on him Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalanl, Tahdhfbu I-tahdhfb, vol. 7, p. 45, no. 83. 20 See Ibn Sa'd, al- Tobaqiit al-kubrii , vol. 1, pp. 263-£4; al-Qashan), Ra'» miili I-nadfm, p. 146.
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II
According to a tradition mentioned above, Musaylima started his prophetic mission before the Prophet's hijra to Medina.21 The people of Yarnarna were divided in their attitudes towards Musaylima: some of them respected him while others mocked him. He claimed that he shared the prophetic mission with Muhammad; Jibril descends to Muhammad in the same way as he descends to him. A certain al-Rahhal (or alRajjal}, a faithful supporter of Musaylima, used to confirm the veracity of Musaylima's utterances and helped him to circulate his revelations. In some of his speeches, Musaylima tried to convince his audience that he was as suitable for the prophetic mission as Muhammad, also comparing the qualities of Quraysh with those of the Banu Hanifa and the qualites of Mecca with those of'Yarnama. "What made Quraysh more deserving of prophet hood than you? They are not greater in number than you; your land is wider than theirs. Jibril descends from Heaven to me, like he descends to Muhamrnad.t'V Yamarna seems to have been a prime agricultural area. Its inhabitants boasted of the quality of their dates, which were sold for the highest prices. The people of Yamarna used to say; "We surpass the people of the Earth in East and West by five features: by the beauty of our women (innahunna durriyyiitu l-alwiin), by the high quality of our wheat (named bayq.ii'u l-yamiima), by the sweetness of our dates, by the flavor of our meats (because of the quality of the Yamami pastures) and by the freshness of our water, which cleans the chest of phlegm." 23 The fertile soil of Yamama could supply Mecca with the grain necessary for its population. Skilled workers of Yam am a used to frequent Medina searching for employment. The Prophet praised the skilled artisans of the Banu Hanifa; he employed them in the preparation of clay, when he ordered to build the mosque in Medina and his opinion of the Hanafi artisans was very favorable.f"
Al- Tha'alibt, Tliimiiru I-guliib, p. 146, no. 207. Ibn Hajar al-f.Asqalanl, al-Kii/f I-sha//f takhriji a~adfthi I-kashshii/, p. 56; alTha'alibi, Ttiimiiru l-quliib, pp. 146 inf.-47 sup.; and see al-Naysaburi, Ghorii'ibu I-gur'an, vol. 7, p. 161, commenting on Qur'an 6:93: ... wa-man a.,lamu ... aw qiila: ii~iya ilayya wa-Iam yii~a ilayhi shay': kana musaylima yagiilu: mu~ammadun s allii llahu 'alayhi wa-sallama rasiilu lliihi If banf gurayshin wa-anii rasiilu lliihi If banf ~anifa ... and see al-Wahidr, Asbiib al-nuziil, p. 148; Ibn Shabba, Ta'rfkh al-madfna al-munawwara, vol. 2, pp. 572-74; Ibn Kathtr, Tafsir al-gur'iini I-'a.,fm, vol. 3, p. 65 att.--66; al- Tabarr, Jiimi' al-bayan, vol. 11, pp. 535--6, nos. 63557-59; al-Qurtubr, al-Jomi' li-a~kiimi l-quriiin , vol. 7, p. 39, cf. al-Tabrisr, Majma' al bayiin, vol. 7, p. 132; al-RazT, al- Tafsir al-kobir , vol. 13, pp. 83-84. 23 Ibn al-Faqih , Kitiibu l-buldiin, mukhtas ar , pp. 28-30. 24 See al-Tabaranr, al-Mu'jam al-kabfr, vol. 8, p. 4021, no. 8254 (... tj.a'ii 1~anafiyya wa-I-tfna [a-inn ahu atj.batukum li-l-tini; and ibid., p. 399, no. 8242: ... Talq
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Thus, Yamarna was a region whose economy was based on agriculture. This is reflected in the poetry of Jarir who mocks its inhabitants for being peasants lacking in military prowess. "Shame on the Banu Hanifa," says Jarlr, "Bring the days of battles which cover their faces with blackness (~umam) which cannot be wiped out. On those days they do not take captives, but are led into captivity; and they are killed by their enemies if they do not pay poll-tax (khariij). They are owners of palm trees and palm groves and of sown land; their swords are from wood and they carry shovels. Digging channels for irrigation (dibiir; but there is another explanation of this word: patches of land for sowing -k) and grafting of palm trees are their customary occupations since ancient times."
In the following verse, Jarir denies that any glory pertains
to the Banii Hanifa: when their praiseworthy deeds were counted, the Banu Hanifa became aware that their presumed glory was worth nothing. Referring to the lack of horses in the habitat of the Banii 1:1anifa , Jarir scornfully says: "If you ask where the necks of the horses are, they would not know and would say about their tails: 'These are their necks.' " Jarir emphasizes the ignorance of the Banii Hanifa regarding horses by saying that they would burst into tears rather than saddle a horse even if this could save them from fatal fever. Jarir concludes his vilification recalling the defeat of the army of the Banii Hanifa: "When they saw Khalid (Ibn al- WaiId) annihilate in al-Trd, and the words of their tyrant them (to their enemy) they capitulated humiliation, and stretched (i. e., Musaylima) their forces surrendered
out their hand for peace in
when the Sword of God (i.e., Khalid] was about to exterminate them." lammii ra'at Khiilidan bi- 'l-ire! ahlakahii qatlan wa aslamahii mii qiila tiighZhii diinat wa aitat yadan li- 'l-silm ~iighiratan min bacdi mii kiida sayfu 'lliihi yufn'ihii."
25
'an abihi qiil a: banaytu ma'a rasuli llahi (~al'am) masjida l-madinnti, [a-kiin a yaqulu: makkinu I-yamiimf min a I-tfni min a~sanikum lahu mass an ... ; and see ibid., vol. 8, p. 398, no. 8239 and no. 8238; the Prophet's opinion about 'I'alq; see Ibn Sa'd, alTabaqiit al-kubrii, vol. 5, p. 552: inn a hiidhii I-~anafiyya la-~ii~ibu t-u«. 25 Jarrr, Dfwiin, p. 600.
The Struggle Against Musaylima
9
III
The territory of Yamarna was important not only because of its own value, but also because the Muslims had to pass through it on their way to propagate Islam in the eastern part of the peninsula. The story of Thumama b. Uthal, one of the leaders of the Bami Hanifa, is therefore highly significant. Thumarna had intended to kill an emissary of the Prophet who trespassed upon the border of his region; but was prevented by his uncle from carrying out his plan.26 When the Prophet heard about the thwarting of his messengers by Thurnarna b. Uthal, he invoked God to enable him to take hold of Thumarna, when he had no letter guaranteeing his safety.27 Allah responded to the invocation of the Prophet and when the Prophet seized him he had no letter of security; the Prophet could therefore freely decide his fate. Thumama was imprisoned in the mosque of the Prophet, fastened to one of its pillars. After three days he was released. Thumarna washed in order to purify himself before embracing Islam; he uttered the shahiida and became a Muslim. He explained that he converted to Islam because the Prophet addressed him by his kunya, Abu Umama.28 This was the honorable way of addressing a free man. It is significant to note that the man who had been detained by Thurnama before his journey to Mecca (i.e., before he was caught by the emissaries of the Prophet -k) was al- 'Ala' b. al-Hadrami who was sent by the Prophet to Bahrayn and succeeded to persuade al-Mundhir b. Sawa to convert to Islam.29 It was al-'Ala' b. al-Hadrarni who sent the khariij of al-Bahrayn to the Prophet; the sum mentioned in the sources was 100,000 dirhams.i''' When al-'Ala' b. al-Hadrarni was on his way back to Medina, he was detained by Thumama b. Uthal; he was released only after Thumarna embraced Islam.i'! It was, of course, essential for the Prophet and for the nascent Muslim communities in Bahrayn to obtain a free and secure passage for the emissaries of the Prophet who passed through Yamarna to the adjacent regions. The emissaries of the Prophet tried to create kernels of Muslim communities there. The small communities of converts were instructed by the Prophet's messengers; small military formations were dispatched
26 Ibn Hajar al-f.Asqalanf, al-Lsiiba If tamyfzi i-~a~aba, vol. 3, p. 581, no. 4393, cf. al-Maqrtzr, Imtiiiu i-a.ma', vol. 14, p. 257. 27 AI-MaqrTzT, lrniii' l-asmii'; vol. 14, p. 257; cf. Ibn Sa'd, ai- T'abaqiit al-kubrii, vol. 5, p. 550. 28 AI-MaqrTzT, lrniiiiu l-asmii'; vol. 14, p. 258. Cf. Goldziher, Muslim Studies, vol. I, p. 267. 29 AI-MaqrTzT, Imta'u l-asmii", vol. 14, p. 258,1. 11 from bottom. 30 Al-Zurqani, Sh arl, al-m auiiihib ai-iaduniyya, vol. 4, pp. 300-301. The messenger of al-'Ala' b. al-Hadramr who brought the zakiit and the jizya to Medina was al-'Ala' b. Jariya I-Thaqafi; see on him Ibn Hajar , al-Isiiba, vol. 4, p. 540, no. 5645. 31 AI-MaqrTzT, Imtii's: i-asmii', vol. 14, p. 258, I. 10 from bottom.
10
M. j, Kister
from Medina under the command of one of the ~a~iiba in order to provide security for the Muslims, to extend their activities and to strive for the conversion of additional tribal units. The emissaries of the Prophet assisted the tribes faithful to the Medinan authority to pay their zakiit and to establish the superiority of Islam in relation to their Jewish and Christian neighbors. The result of the Muslim efforts in Bahrayn can serve as an example: al-Mundhir b. Sawa, acting under the guidance of al-'Ala' b. al-Hadrarni, provided for the full application of Islamic law concerning the Jews, the Christians and the Zoroastrians. Significantly, this served as a precedent; the taxation of the Zoroastrians became the established law.32
IV
The conversion of Thumama b. Uthal to Islam initiated a new phase in the struggle against Musaylima's authority in Yamarna. It ensured the growth of a safe Muslim community in Bahrayn, facilitated the formation of a Yamarna garrison controlled by Thumarna b. Uthal, and paved the way for the final battle against Musaylima. When Thumarna b. Uthal was released by the Prophet and converted to Islam, he was advised by him to continue his journey to Mecca in order to perform his "umra. When Thumarna arrived in Mecca, he was offended by a provocative question directed at him by the Meccan unbelievers: "Have you reneged on your religion?" (a-~abauta) (referring to his conversion to Islam -k). As a result, he decided to stop the supply of wheat from Yamama to Mecca and refrain from sending even one grain unless permitted by the Prophet. He carried out his threat and the people of Mecca were afflicted by hunger. The unbelieving Meccans complained to the Prophet that they suffered the pangs of hunger and had to eat a mixture of blood and fine hair ('ilhiz) and dog meat. Moved by their sufferings, the Prophet permitted Thurnama to resume the wheat supplies to Mecca.33 Before he returned to Medina in the year of his last pilgrimage (~ajjat
32 See "al-Mundhir b. Sawa," EI2, s.v , (M. J. Kister); "Madjus ," EI2, S.v. (M. Moronyi). 33 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Istl'ab, vol. 1, pp. 213-16; al-Maqrizr, Imta'u I-asma', vol. 14, pp. 258-59; al-Kala't, al-Iktija, vol. 2, p. 435. Many commentators of the Qur'an record the story of Thumama 's boycott against Mecca while explaining Qur''an 23:76: "We did seize them with punishment, but they humbled not themselves to their Lord." Al-Qurtubr, al-Jiimi' li-a~kami I-qur'an, vol. 12, p. 143, al-Wahidr, Asbabu 1nuztil, 210 infdJ-1; al-Naysaburr, Ghara'ibu l-qur+iir; wa-ragha'ibu l-jurqiin , vol. 18, p. 32; al-Suyuti, al-Durr al-manthilr, vol. 5, p. 13 inf.; al-Shaukanf, Fat~u l-qadir , vol. 3, p. 495; Abu Hayyan al-Gharnatr al-Jayyani, al-Bahru I-mu~ft, vol. 6, p. 415 inf.; al- Tabarr, Jiimi' al-bayan, ed. Bulaq 1328 AH, vol. 18, pp. 34-35. Cf. Fred M. Donner; "Mecca's Food Supplies and Muhammad's Boycott," JESHO 20(1977): 249-66.
The Struggle Against Musaylima
11
al-wadii'), the Prophet appointed Thumarna b. Uthal as "governor of Yamarna.t'P" However, Thumama controlled only one part of the region, while the rest of it was under the sway of Musaylima. In order to strengthen Thumarna in his struggle against Musaylima, the Prophet decided to send Nahar al-Hahhal to Yamama after his return from his last pilgrimage.i" This turned out to be a detrimental decision, because al-Nahar - who had stayed a long time in Medina, had become a student of the Qur'an and studied it with the best scholars in Medina, publicly embraced Islam and had become a faithful Muslim - became a traitor who attested that Musaylimashared prophet hood with Muhammad and, like him, also received divine revelation. He became a close collaborator of Musaylima and even taught him Siiras of the Qur 'an, which he had learned in Medina.i" Nahar 's defection weakened 'I'humarna's position. Consequently, the Prophet decided to dispatch a special messenger to Thumama b. Uthal to discuss with him the struggle against Musaylima and the possibility of killing him. The messenger was Furat b. ijayyan.37 The scanty information which can be derived from Maqrfzi''s Imtii' al-asmii' implies that the Prophet wrote to Thumama b. Uthal advising him to seek help from Qaysi and Tamimi converts to Islam. Thumama marched out with his followers to Washm and placed the auxiliary troops of Tarnirn and Qays at his rearguard. He was helped by al-Zibriqan b. Badr.38 A volunteer who came to assist Thurnarna b. Uthal was
See al-Maqrizf, Imt a=u I-asmii', vol. 14, p. 536, I. 1; raja'a I-nabiyyu ilii I-madfna ~ajjati I-wadii' uia-i iimiluh u 'alii I-yamiima Thumiima b. Uthiil. 35 See al-Maqrtzr, 1mtii'u l-asmii", vol. 14, p. 536, Il. 1-2: ... thumma ba'atha Nahiiran ba'da mii balaghahu khuruju musaylimata mu'laman. 36 See on Rahhai (or Rajjal) b. 'Unfuwa: al-Maqrlzr, 1mtli'u I-asmii', vol. 14, pp. 229-31, 536 (the text is corrupt here); Ibn Hubaysh, al-Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 52; Ibn Kathtr, al-Bidiiya wa-I-nihiiya, vol. 5, p. 51; Ibn Junghul, Ta'rtkh , vol. 2, p. 85a, has the attestation of al-Rahhal that Musaylima shared in the revelation of the Prophet, with the remark of Ibn Junghul about al-Rahhal: wa-kiina hiidhii I-mal'un min akbari man adalla ahla I-yamiima ~attii ittaba'u musaylimata ... See also ibidem, fol. 85a, inf .... [a-lammii kiina zamanu I-ridda ba' athnhu abu bakrin ilii ahli I-yamiima yad'uhum ilii I/iihi ta'iilii wa-yuthabbituhun 'alii l-isliim Ja-rtadda ma'a musaylimata wa-shahida lahu bi-I-nubuwwa. Cf. Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallam, Kitaou I-amwiil, p. 280, no. 691. The deputation of the Banu Hanffa, including alMujja'a b. Murara, al-Rahhal b. 'Unfuwa and Muhakkim b. al- Tufayl (= Muhakkirn al-Yarnama}, embraced Islam. 37 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Lsii' iib , vol. 3, p. 1258, no. 2070 and vol. I, p. 21b, no. 278: .,. wa-ba'atha rasulu lliihi (~al'am) [uriita bna ~ayyiin ilii thumiima bni uihiil JI qitiili musaylima wa-qatlihi. See also Ibn al-Athirs Usd al-ghiiba, vol. 4, p. 175 penult.; Ibn Hajar al-f Asqalanf, al-Tsiiba, vol. 5, pp. 357-58, no. 6969; al-Marzubani, Mu'jam al-shu'arii', p. 317. 38 See on him Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanT, ol-Lsiiba, vol. 2, p. 550, no. 2784. Names of other fighters who joined Thumama do not reveal their tribal affiliation: Qays, Safwan and WakT'.
34
'iima
12
M. J. Kister
'Amr b. Hazn al-Namiri.P? The valuable note recorded in the Isiiba says: "He came to help Thumama b. Uthal in the fight against the people of Yamama after the death of the Prophet." This was the first military action of a Muslim force in Yamama, led by Thumama b. Uthal of the Banu Hanifa, who was aided by his Muslim allies from Tamirn and Qays. The battle took place in the territory of Yamama and ended with a remarkable victory of the Muslims. The Prophet was informed of the victory.I''
v
It is now necessary to study the different stages of the contacts between Musaylima and the Prophet, Musaylima's demands, the Prophet's answers, the Prophet's meetings with tribal leaders, and with converts to Islam. According to reports recorded in early sources, the Prophet used to frequent the markets of Arabia in order to meet the tribal leaders, ask them to renounce their Jahili beliefs, and invite them to embrace Islam. He used to teach them the Islamic tenets and read them various Qur 'anic verses. The leaders of the tribes summoned by the Prophet to convert used to listen to the Prophet, but did not hasten to respond positively. Even if they intended to convert, they had some conditions which had to be fulfilled beforehand. An instructive case is the story of the Prophet's negotiations with the tribe of 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a. The Prophet approached the leader of this tribe, asking him to support his effort to spread Islam and to grant him protection against his adversaries. The leader of the tribe was aware that he could extend the authority of his tribe by granting protection to "the young man of Quraysh (lata Quraysh)." But he asked the Prophet to cede his authority before his death to the head of the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a. The answer of the Prophet was unequivocal. He quoted Qur'an 7:128: "Verily the earth is Allah's. He gives it as heritage to whomsoever He pleases of His servants and the end is for the God-fearing," implying that it is not within Muhammad's power to cede Allah's earth to anyone. The reaction of the tribal leader was formulated in the form of a question: "Are we going to expose our chests (to the spears of the Arabs -k) for your cause, and if Allah grants you victory - the authority would be granted by you to somebody else? We do not need to struggle for your cause." (ta ~ajata lana fi amrika).41 Some twenty years later (i.e., a year before the death of the Prophet -k),
39 Maqrlzf (Imtii'u I-asmii', vol. 14, p. 536, ll. 7-8 from bottom) has 'Amr b. Hazn AnmairT. Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanT, al-Lsiiba ; vol. 4, p. 621, no. 5815 has the correct 'Amr b. Hazn al-Namiri. 40 AI-M~qrTzT, Irniii=u I-asmii', vol. 14, p. 537,1. 4 from bottom. 41 Al-Suhayli, al-Raudu l-unu] , vol. 4, p. 38 inf.-39.
The Struggle Against Musaylima
13
another leader of the c.Amirb. Sa'sa'a, c.Amirb. al-Tufayl, came to the Prophet and stated that he would be prepared to embrace Islam if he would be granted prophet hood after Muhammad's death, given the right to collect the mirbii' (i.e., the fourth part of the spoils -k) and granted the authority to rule the Bedouin population, while the Prophet would be given authority over the sedentary population. One of the believers present said to him "(Even) if you ask the Prophet (only for) an unripe date (sayiiba) of the dates of Medina, the Prophet would refuse your request."42 The leaders of the Banu Hanifa met the Prophet at the beginning of his prophetic mission. The Prophet summoned them to convert to Islam, but their answer was the harshest he received from any Arab tribe.43 The Prophet's opinion of the Banii Hanifa was similarly harsh: "The most detestable tribal group in the opinion of the Prophet are the Banii ~anlfa."44 The Prophet considered Musaylima as one of the three false prophets whom he mentioned by name as those expected to appear before the Day of Judgement (the other two being al-Aswad aI-cAns! and al-Mukhtar). He is also reported to have said: "The worst tribes are the Banii Hanifa, the Banii Umayya and the Thaq!f.,,45 It may be stressed here that Musaylima never denied Muhammad's prophet hood but merely claimed that he was granted a share (ushriktu) in prophethood. Sometimes he announced that the revelation was brought to him directly from Heaven by the angel Jibril. Muslim tradition states that the ridda of Musaylima and of al-Aswad aI-cAns! was different from the ridda of the Arab idolaters who had converted to Islam, but later apostatized and returned to polytheism. Musaylima and al-Aswad aI-cAns! remained believers in one God, but made false claims concerning their prophetic mission.t'' In the exchange of letters between Musaylima and the Prophet, Musaylima addresses the Prophet: rasiilu
42 Ahmad b. 'All al-Qashanf ibn Babah, Ra's miil al-nadfm, p. 147; and see a comprehensive description of this event in Diyarbakris' Ta'n"kh al-khamts , vol. 2, pp. 192-94; Ibn Kathlr, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, vol. 4, pp. 109-16. 43 Al-Suhayli, al-Rau du l-unuj , vol. 4, p. 38: Ka'b b. Malik: inna rasiila lliihi (~) atii banf I}anfjata ff maniizilihim fa-da'iihum ilii /liihi wa-i arad a 'alayhim n ajsahu, fa-lam yakun ah adun min al-'arabi aqbal}a 'alayhi raddan minhum. 44 Al-Bukhart, Ta'rikh , vol. 5, p. no. 1004: abgharju I-al}yii'i ilii I-nabiyyi, ~al'am, banii I}anffa. 45 Al-Hakirn al-Naysaburi, al-Must adrak , vol. 4, pp. 480-81; Ibn Kathir, Shamii'ilu l-rasiil , p , 457. 46 Ibn al-Athtr, al-Nihiiya ff ghanai I-I}adfth, vol. 4, p. 187: ... wa-if I}adfthi 1ridda: wa-kafara man kafara mina I-'arab. a~l}iibu I-ridda kiinii ~infayni: ~infun irtaddii 'ani I-dfni wa-kiinii (ii'ifatayni: il}diihumii a~l}iibu musaylimata wa-I-aswadi I-'ansf lladhfna iimanii bi-nubuwwatihimii uia-l-ukhrii tii'ifatun irtaddii 'ani l-isliimi wa-' iidii ilii mii kiinii. 'alayhi if I-jiihiliyyati, wa-ha'ulii'i ittafaqat al-~al}iibatu 'alii qitiilihim wa-sabyihim ... thumma lam yanqarirj 'a~ru I-~al}iibati I}attii ajma'ii 'alii anna I-murtadda Iii yusbii.
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lliihi, The Prophet addresses Musaylima: musaylima al-kadhdhiib.47 The phrases in the letter of Musaylima which form a clear declaration that the earth (i.e., by which term the territories of Yamama and the Muslim territory with the capital city of Medina are meant -k) forms an entity, half of which was allotted to Quraysh, while the other half was given to the Banii 1:£nifa , "but Quraysh are a people who exceed a their bounds." (fa-inna lana ni~fu l-ordi wa-li-qurayshin ni~fuha walakinnahum ya'tadiina). The Prophet vehemently rejected the idea of dividing the territories in question with Musaylima: by quoting Qur 'an 7:128 again (see above, note 42), he made it clear that any agreement with Musaylima was out of the question. Some sources date the exchange of the letters to a very late period of the life of the Prophet. According to the report of al- Ya'qiibi, Musaylima embraced Islam but changed his attitude and started his prophetic career claiming that he was Muhammad's partner in prophethood. At that time he wrote to the Prophet the letter quoted above and received the Prophet's response. It is evident that this report recorded by al-Ya'qubi and others is unreliable. Also misleading is al- Ya'qtibi's report saying that Musaylima was killed at the age of 150 years.48 A prelude to the Prophet's negotiations with Musaylima was the exchange of letters between the Prophet and Hawdha b. 'All, the leader of the Arab tribes in Yamama. The Prophet's efforts to convince Hawdha to embrace Islam were unsuccessful. The influential and respected leader was appointed by the Persian emperor in order to secure the passage of
47 See al-Khaz.in, Lubiiln: l-ta'wll, vol. 2, p. 53: min musaylimata rasiili ust« ilii mu~ammadin rasiili lloh», The answer of the Prophet: min mu~ammadin rasuli Uahi ilii musaylimata l-kcdh dhiib«, And see al-BaghawI, Ma'alim al-t anzil, on the margin of Lubiibu l-ta'w.l, for the same address and the same answers. The letter of Musaylima in Ibn Kathlr 's al-Sira al-nabawiyya vol. 4, p. 98 sup. reads: min musaylimata rasuli Uahi ila mu~ammadin rasuli /lahi, salamun 'alayna; amma bat du ja-innf qad ushrikiu if l-amri ma'aka, ja-inna lana nis]« l-amri wa-li-qurayshin nida l-amri wa-lakinna qurayshan qaumun ya'taduna. The text recorded in alTha'alibr's Thimiiru l-quliib, p. 148 differs in one phrase: wa-inna lana ni~ja l-argi wa-li-qurayshin nisjah a, See also Ibrahim b. Muhammad al-BayhaqI, al-Ma~asin wa-l-masawf, vol. 1, p. 49; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Zad al-ma'ad, vol. 3, p. 31 inf.; Shihabu I-DIn al-Khafajr, Nasfmu l-riyag, vol. 3, p. 170, vol. 2, p. 486; Ibn Kathtr, Sh anui'llu l-rasiil ; p. 387 inf.; Ibn KathIr, al-Bidaya wa-l-nihaya, vol. 5, p. 51, vol. 6, p. 341; al-Ansari, al-Mi~ba~ al-mugf, vol. 2, pp. 290-92; al-Maqrfzr, Imiiivu l-asma', vol. 1, pp. 508-09 ed. Shakir; al-Maqdisr, Kitab al-bad'i uia-l-ta'rikh , vol. 5, p. 161; 'Llmar b. Shabba al-Numayri, Ta'rikh al-madfna al-nunawwara, vol. 2, p. 572; al-Bayhaqi, Dala'ilu l-nubuunua ; vol. 5, p. 330; al-Raghib al-Isfahant, Mu~agarat al-udabii", vol. 4, p. 431,1. 3 from bottom; al-Saliht, Subulu l-huda uia-l-rashiid , vol. 6, p. 497; Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, fol. 54b inf.-55a sup.; Ibn Sa'd , al-T'abaqat alkubrii , vol. 1, p. 273 (the messenger of the Prophet was 'Arnr b. Vmayya al-Damrt); al-Halabr, Insanu l-'uyun, vol. 3, p. 253 inf.; al-Ya'qubr, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. 120. 48 Al-Ya'qubt, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. 120. It is likely that the letter was written in 9 A. H., according to the report by the early scholar 'Abd Allah b. AbI Zayd alQayrawanl. See his ai-Jami': p. 295.
The Struggle Against Musaylima
15
Persian caravans from Yarnarna to Najran. He was respected by the tribes to such an extent that it was enough to put the name "Hawdha" on the flags of the caravans in order to ensure their safe passage. Our sources indicate that Hawdha possessed the qualities necessary for a tribal leader in the Arabian peninsula: he was described as being the poet of his people, their orator and an awe-inspiring person (anii shiiiiru qaumi wa khaiibuhum wa-l-'arabu iahiibu maqiiml).49 Hawdha was given by the Persian ruler a cap (qalansuwa) worn under the turban (' imiima) as a reward for his faithful service to the Persian sovereign; the cap embedded with jewels was worth 30,000 dirharns.P? Nevertheless, to call him "the king of the Arabs" was an exaggeration. 51 The Prophet sent his emmisary Salit b. 'Amr to Hawdha, who entertained him in a friendly manner and granted him valuable gifts before his departure. Hawdha's answer to the Prophet's letter was kind: he praised the gentle words of the Prophet, and remarked that if the Prophet granted him a part of his authority before his death, he (i.e., Hawdha) would embrace Islam and would come to his aid. The Prophet considered his answer unsatisfactory; he rejected his stipulation of inheriting his authority and invoked God to free him from Hawdha. Hawdha died a short time after the conquest of Mecca by the Prophet.V Al- Waqidi mentions a conversation between Hawdha and a chief (urkiin) from Damascus. The urkiin blamed Hawdha for not answering a letter from the Prophet; the Prophet is mentioned in the Injil and is described in this book as "the prophet of the Arabs." Hawdha's conversion to Islam could have strengthened his position as governor of Yamama.53 Some reports say that the Prophet sent Salit b. 'Amr to Hawdha and to Thumama b. Uthal, "the two heads of Yamarna" (ra'fsii l-yamiima). He sent him on this mission in the year 6 or 7 A.H.54
Ibn Sa'd, al=Tnbaqiit al-kubrii , vol. 1, p. 262. See al-Kalbi, Nasab ma'add, vol. 1, p. 63; idem, Jamharat al-nasab, p. 539; Ibn Durayd, al-Ishtiqiiq, p. 348 sup.; Lisiin al-t arab, s.v. hwdh. 51 See the critical observations of al-Hilli in his al-Maniiqibu 'I-mazyadiyya, pp. 53-5: .. , innamii kiinat kh araziitun lahu ta'ammama 'alayhii [a-mudih a bi-dhiilika 'alii madhhabi l-sh ut arii' /ll-tawassu'i if l-qauli wa-tajawwuzihim if I-mad~i wa-I-~iiati wa-Ihijii'i uia-l-t ashbihi .... See also M. J. Kister, "The Crowns of This Community," JSAI 24(2000): 217-45. 52 Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, 'Uyunu I-athar, vol. 2, pp. 269-70; al-Baladhurr, Futiih u 1buldiin, pp. 118-19. 53 Ibid.; and see about the letter of the Prophet to Hawdha: Ibn Sa'Id al-AndalusT, Nashwat al-Iarab, vol. 2, p. 631; al-MaqrTzT, Imtii'u I-asmii', vol. 1, p. 309. 54 Ibn Hajar al-fAsqalanf, al-Lsiiba, vol. 3, p. 162, no. 3424; al-Mawsilt, al- Wasfla, vol. 4, p. 2, 115; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Istl'iib, vol. 2, p. 645, no. 1040; al-'AwtabT, al-Ansiib, vol. 1, p. 157; and see Muhammad b. 'AIT b. Ahmad bv Hudayda al-Ansarf, al-Mi~bii~ al-mur;Iiyy, vol. 1, p. 214.
49 50
16
M. 1. Kister
According to Watt, Hawdha was apparently a Christian. He began negotiations with Muhammad, but had not become a Muslim by the time of his death in 630 A.D.55 According to a report recorded by Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Mun'im al-Himyari, Hawdha died as a Christian in 8 A.H.56
VI
The Prophet's meetings with Musaylima took place in Medina. One of the earliest meetings took place in a grove of palm trees. According to an early tradition transmitted on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas, Musaylima arrived in Medina with a great military force (qadima fi jayshin 'a~lm) and alighted in a plantation of palm trees belonging to the daughter of al-Harith (nazala fi nakhli ibnati l-~arith).57 When the Prophet heard the news about the arrival of Musaylima with his convoy and his alighting in the "court of the daughter of alHarith" 58 he went out with Thabit b. Qays b. Shammas't? to meet him. It should be stressed that the Prophet went out to meet Musaylima because he was eager to convince him and his people to embrace Islam.P" When Musaylima asked the Prophet to grant him a share in prophethood, the Prophet flatly refused. Musaylima's attempt to thwart the prophetic mission of Muhammad was referred to in a dream seen by Muhammad. Thabit b. Qays b. Shammas was left with Musaylima in order to explain to him the content of the dream and its meaning: the Prophet only remarked that one of the persons whom he saw in the dream was Musaylima. Thabit b. Qays explained to Musaylima that the Prophet saw in his dream two golden bracelets pressing on his arms. Allah revealed to him that the two golden bracelets symbolised the efforts of the two false prophets, al-Aswad al'AnsI and Musaylima, to curb his activities. The Prophet was ordered
See E12, s.v. Hanifa b. Ludjaym (W. Montgomery Watt). Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Mun'im al-HimyarI, Kitab al-rauidi I-mi'tar jf khabari I-aqtar, p. 412. 57 In some sources this text is corrupt and reads nazala /f nakhli abfhi al-Hiiriin», See al-Mu'ammil b. Ihab, Juz", fol. 5a, penult.: ... anna musaylimata qadima /f jayshin 'a,..min ~atta nazala /f nakhli abfhi I-~arithi bi-na~iyati I-mad.nati ... ; and so in the printed edition of Jus' al-Mu'ammil b. Ihab, p. 1251. 3, no. 38. This reading is erroneous: the name of Musaylima's father was not al-Harith; his father had no plantations of palm trees in Medina, nor had Musaylima any plantations there. 58 See Ibn Shabba, Ta'rikh al-madlna al-munawwara, vol. 2, p. 527, notes 4-5. The grove belonged to a woman of the Ansar, See the correction of this error by the editors of al-Sira al-nabawiyya li-bni hisham, vol. 3, p. 251, note 2; Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, ⢠Uyiinu 1-athar, vol. 2, p. 235. 59 See on him al-Maqdisl, al-Lstibsiir , pp. 117-19. 60 See e.g., al-Zurqanr, Shar~ al-mawahib al-Iaduniyya, vol. 4, p. 22 inf.; ... [aaqbala ~alla lliiliu 'alayhi wa-sallam ta'il/an lahu wa-li-qaumihi raja'a islamihim wali-yublighahu ma unzila ilayhi.
55 56
The Struggle Against Musaylima
17
to destroy the two bracelets; when he destroyed them, he was no longer under their pressure. Before his death, the Prophet told his daughter Fatima about this dream and its interpretation.P! The next meeting of the Prophet with Musaylima took place in connection with the arrival of the delegation of the Banu Hanifa in Medina. The delegation came with Musaylima, who was veiled, clad in clothes which concealed him and entered the room of the Prophet. This kind of attire indicates the respect in which Musaylima was held: spiritual leaders of a tribe (kahins), soothsayers and "holy persons" 62 were clothed in this fashion. 'All b. Burhan aI-DIn al-Halabi, the author of the Sira ~alabiyya, assumes that Musaylima came to Medina twice to meet the Prophet. When he came for the first time, he was accompanied by a large number of men who came with him to protect him, because he was a "follower" (tabi'), in need of protection. But when he came the second time, he was in a position of leadership (kana matbu'an). His people covered him with clothes as a status symbol (... uia-hiidhii, ay satruhu bi-l-thiuiibi, huuia l-muniisibu li-kaunihi matbu'an).63 The difference between these two meetings is stressed by al- 'Aynl in his' Umdat al-qiiri', 64 Musaylima took care of the luggage of the delegation of the Banii Hanifa and, out of pride and insolence, refused to enter the room in which the Prophet entertained its members. The Prophet acted with magnanimity: he stated that Musaylima, the luggage keeper of the delegation was not the worst of them, and ordered to grant him five ounces of silver, the same gift given to other members of the delegation.P These actions of the
610n this dream, see Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh, vol. 2, p. fol. 54b, sup.; Ibn Shabba, Ta'n"kh al-madfna al-munawwara, vol. 2, pp. 572-3, 575; al-Suyutr, al-Khafa'i~u 1kubra, vol. 2, p. 147; al-Zurqanr, Sharl}u I-mawahibi I-Iaduniyya, vol. 4, pp. 22-3, vol. 7, p. 179 inf.-181; Ibn Kathtr, Shama'ilu l-rasiil, p. 387; Ibn Hisham, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, vol. 4, p. 246; Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalanf, Fatl} al-biiri, vol. 8, p. 72 inf.; alTabart, Jiimi' al-bayan, Shakir, ed., vol. 11, pp. 535~; Abu l-Mahasin, al-Mu'ta~ar, vol, 1, pp. 224-25; al-Diyarbakrf, To'rikb. al-khomis , vol. 2, p. 157; al-Bukharr, $al}fl}, vol. 5, p. 216; Burhan al-Din al-Halabr, al-Stra al-I}alabiyya, vol. 3, p. 253; al- Tha'alibi, Thimiiru l-quliib, pp. 147-148; Ibn l;Iubaysh, Ghazawat, vol. 1, p. 51; Ibn al-Jauzr, al- Wafa bi-al}wali I-mu~tafii, p. 764; Ibn Kathir, al-Sira al-nabawiYlla, vol. 4, p. 93 inf.-95; al-Khazin, Lubabu I-ta'wil, vol. 2, p. 132; al-Baghawf, Ma'alimu I-tanzil, vol. 2, p. 132; al-'Aynf, 'Umdat al-gari', vol. 18, p. 24; Ibn al-Athir alJazarf, Jiimi' al-usiil, vol. 12, p. 375, no. 9480. al-Maqrfzf, Imta'u l-asmii'; vol. 14, pp. 229, 524-5, 532-3; Isma'Il b. Muhammed al-Isfahanr, Kiiiib dala'ili I-nubuwwati, pp. 97-98, no. 93. 62 See, e.g., U. Rubin, "The Shrouded Messenger. On the interpretation of almuzzammil and al-muddaththir," JSAI 16{1993}: 96-107. 63 Al-Halabl, Insiir: al-'uyun, vol. 3, p. 253. 64 Al-'Aynf, 'Umdat al-gari', vol. 18, p. 231. 5 from bottom. 65al-l;IalabT, Insan al-'uyun, vol. 3, p. 252, inf.: al-'Aynf, 'Umdat al-garf', vol. 18, p. 23; cf. Ibn Kathtr , al-Sira al-nabawiyya, vol. 4, p. 99 inf.; al-Diyarbakrr, Ta'rikh. al-khnmis , vol. 2, p. 194;
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Prophet enabled Musaylima to deduce falsely that Muhammad declared that he considered him as his partner in prophet hood ("he is not the worst among you"). According to another version, the Prophet did speak with the "veiled" Musaylima and heard his requests; the Prophet stated that even if he asked only for a splinter of the palm tree branch which he held in his hand, he would refuse his request.P" The delegation of the Banu Hanifa reverted to the faith of Musaylima.P" It may be mentioned that the Prophet used to meet the emissaries of Musaylima who came to Medina in the presence of his Companions. When these emissaries declared both Muhammad and Musaylima prophets sent by God to their respective peoples, the Muslim believers tried to attack them. The Prophet restrained the believers, stating that messengers are to be protected against any act of violence.P" Some commentators of the Qur'an state that this statement of the Prophet is based on Qur'an 9:6: "... and if anyone of the idolaters ask protection of thee, grant him protection so that he may hear the word of Allah; then convey him to his place of security. That is because they are a people who have no knowledge.l'P''
'Uyiinu l-athar, vol. 2, p. 235. Shar~ al-mawahibi I-laduniyya, vol. 4, p. 24, inf.: ... wa-~arra~a bi-~a4rati qaumihi annahu lau sa'alahu I-qit'ata mina l-jarfdi ma a'tahu ... wayu~tamalu an yakiina musaylimatu qadima marratayni, al-iila kana tabi'an wakana ra'sa banI ~anlfata ghayruhu wa-li-hadha aqiima jI ~if:?i ri~alihim wa-marratan matbii'an wa-ffha khiit abah u I-nabiyyu ~alla lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallam. However, alZurqani doubts whether this description of Musaylima's visits to Medina and about his status (al-tabi' and al-matbii') is sound. Wa-hadha ba'fdun jiddan, says alZurqanl: fa-qad qiila huwa, a'nf I-~afi?a, wa-hadha ya'nf ~adftha bni is~aqa ma' a shudhiidhihi 4a'fju I-sanadi li-inqita'ihi; wa-amru musaylimata kana 'inda qaumihi akbara min dhiilika fa-qad kana yuqalu ltihu ra~manu I-yamiima li-'i?ami qadrihi ffhim. fa-man yakiinu maqamuhu 'inda qaumihi akbara min da'wii I-nubuwwati yab'udu kulla I-bu'di an yakiina tabi'an; [a-l-nuilii qauluhu "aw al-qis s atu wii~idatun" Ii-annahu l-aslu. "wa-kiinat iqiimatuhu ff ri~iilihim bi- 'khtiyiirihi anafatan minhu wa'stikbiiran an ya~4ura majlisa I-nabiyyi ~allii lIahu 'alayhi wa-sallama wa-'amalahu 'alayhi l-s aliitu um-l-s aliirrui mu'amalata I-karami 'alii 'iidatihi ff l-isti'liifi, [a-qiila li-qaumihi, laysa bi-sharrikum ay makanan li-kaunihi kiina yaMa?u ri~iilahum waariida isti'lafahu bi-I-i~siini bi-I-qauli (I-madkhiiri) wa-l-fi'li, [iaythu a'tiihu mithla ma alta qaumahu, fa-Iammii lam yufid fl musaylimata tawajjaha bi-nafsihi ilayhi
67 See al-Zurqarn,
68 See, e. g., Ibn al-Athtr, Jami'u I-u~iil, vol. 12, p. 377, no. 4981: when the Prophet read the letter of Musaylima handed to him by his two messengers, he stated, "By God, were it not that the messengers should not be killed, I would strike your necks" (ama wa-llahi lau anna I-rusula Iii tuqtalu la-4arabtu a'niiqakuma). 69 See Ibn Kathtr, Tajsir , vol. 3, pp. 366-7. The Prophet uttered this statement in connection with the emissaries of Quraysh who came to the Prophet to arrange the pact of Hudaybiyya, which Quraysh are said to have violated after a short time. The Prophet uttered this statement again when the messengers of Musaylima arrived in Medina. One of them, Ibn al-Nawwaha, attested in the Prophet's presence that Musaylima was a Messenger of Allah. The Prophet did not punish him, but when
66 Ibn Sayyid al-Nas,
The Struggle Against Musaylima
19
The story about the sectarian group of Ibn al-Nawwaha, the former emissary of Musaylima, who refused to acknowledge the exclusive prophethood of Muhammad and insisted that Musaylima was also a prophet is a test case for the Muslim attitude towards the emissaries of unbelievers. When Ibn al-Nawwaha and Ibn Uthal, the messengers of Musaylima, were asked by the Prophet whether they attest to his prophethood, they asked him in turn whether he attested to the prophet hood of Musaylima. The Prophet released the two messengers of Musaylima because of their immunity.I? 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud asked Ibn al-Nawwaha: "Is there a book added to the Book of God and a messenger after the Messenger of God?" 71 The execution of Ibn al-Nawwaha, while other adherents of Musaylima were pardoned and later accepted into the Muslim community, is explained by al-Jassas as follows: most believers of Musaylima repented and became faithful Muslims, while Ibn al-Nawwaha admitted that he merely feigned belief in order to save his life (... ayna ma kunia tuzhiru mina l-isliimi? qiila: kuntu atiaqikum bihi). Scholars who assume that the repentance of a zindiq has to be rejected, quote the case of Ibn alNawwaha, who kept his unbelief secret and pretended to be a believer, by way of taqiyya. Ibn Nawwaha's execution took place in the presence of some of the Prophet's Companions. 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud informed the Caliph 'Uthman about the capture of Musaylima's followers; the Caliph ordered him to call them to Islam and to pronounce the shahiida, Those who fulfilled the order were to be pardoned; those who remained loyal to
Ibn al-Nawwaha persisted in his disbelief after the death of the Prophet, circulating the tenets of Musaylima's faith, he was caught in Kiifa by Ibn Mas'ud who did not hesitate to decapitate him. Cf. Abu l-Mahasin, al-Mu't as ar mina l-mukhias ar, vol. 1, p. 225 inf.-225 sup.; and see Ibn KathIr, al-Bidiiya wa-I-nihiiya, vol. 5, p. 52; al-BayhaqI, Dalii'ilu I-nubuwwa, vol. 5, p. 332 (see ibid. the remark of 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud: [a-mad at sunnatun anna l-rusula lii-tuqtalu); al-Tabart, Jiimi' al-bayiin vol. 14, pp. 138-40; al-~ali\:lI, Subul al-hudii, vol. 6, p. 497; al-Tabaranr, alMu'jam al-k abir , vol. 9, pp, 218-20, nos. 8956~0: a mosque in which the followers of Musaylirna used to perform their prayers was destroyed in Kufa during 'Abdallah b. Mas'ucl's governorship of the city. The followers of Musaylima praying in this mosque were heard to read verses included in Musaylima's Qur'an: al-tii~iniiti tabnan, al-'iijiniiti 'ajnan, al-khiibiziiti khubean, al-liiqimiiti laqman .... Ibn Mas'nd ordered to decapitate Ibn al-Nawwaha in the market of Kufa. The rest of the congregation of Musaylirna (some seventy persons) were sent to Syria in the hope that they would repent or perish in a plague. In one of the reports, Ibn Mas'ud ordered to throw the head of Ibn Nawwaha into the bosom of his mother (no. 8960); cf. this report in al-Shashr, al-Musnad, vol. 2, p. 181, no. 746; al-Haythamf, Majma' al-zawii'id, vol. 6, pp. 262~2. 70 See al-Shashi, al-Musnad, vol. 2, p. 182, no. 748; and see the report in al- Ta\:lawI, Shar~ ma'iinf l-iitliiir , vol. 3, p. 213; Cf. al-Tahawi, Mushkil al-iithiir , Hyderabad 1333, repr. Beirut, vol , 4, pp. 61-62; al-Bayhaqf, al-Sunan al-kubrii , vol. 8, p. 206. 71 Al-Shashi, al-Musnad, vol. 2, pp, 181-2, no. 747. [The question a-kitiibun ba'da kitiibi lliihi? is often asked in connection with some compendia of ~adfth.l
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the tenets of Musaylima were to be executed.P 'Uthmau's letter is preserved in 'Abdallah b. Wahb's Juz", excerpted from his MuwaHa': "Some of the people accepted the terms and renounced belief in Musaylima, while others persevered in it, and were executed."13 The Prophet adhered to the sunna established by him as an interpretation of Qur'an 9:6. Medina became a center for persons eager to understand the tenets of the new religion and to join the Muslim community. Some of them returned to Yamama, remained there as cryptoMuslims, clandestinely disseminating Islamic beliefs. Among these proselytes were some former adherents of Musaylima sent to Medina in order to deepen their knowledge of the Qur'an. They were then expected to return to Musaylima, informing him about divine revelations and the sunan which the Prophet practiced. Thus Musaylima got trustworthy information about the utterances of the Prophet concerning Musaylima's prophethood and his claims of sharing prophet hood with Muhammad. Muhammad honored his obligation not to harm the messengers of the unbelievers, in spite of the fact that Musaylima ordered to kill some of the Prophet's messengers.I" In some instances, this policy caused him bitter disappointment. Such was the case of al-Rabhal (or al-Rajjal -k) b. 'Unfuwa. He came to Medina as a member of the delegation of the Banu Hanifa. This delegation also included Mujja'a b. Murara, and Muhakkim b. al-Tufayl.I'' Al-Rahhal became a keen student of the Qur'an. After some time, the Prophet saw him in the company of some veteran Companions, Abu Hurayra and Furat b. Hayyan. He said: "A molar tooth of one of you in Hell will be as big as the mountain of Uhud." Abu Hurayra became sad; he was concerned about the identity of the person referred to in this utterance. Later, al-Hahhal disappeared from Medina. When the news about his apostasy and his activity in support of Musaylima and about his attestation that the Prophet granted Musaylima a part (ashrakabu) of prophet hood came to be known, Abu Hurayra sighed with relief. He realized that the tradition referred to alRahhal, Abu Hurayra and Furat b. Hayyan were thus free from the fear
AQkamu I-qur'an, vol. 2, pp. 287-288. b. Wahb, al-MuwaHa', Juz", MS. Chester Beatty 3497, fol, 56b. 74 See e.g., on Habib b. Zayd b. 'A~im: KhalTfa b. Khayya~, Ta'n'kh, p. 63 (the text reads Khabib b. Zayd). See a report recorded by WathTma in his Kitab al-ridda: Habib b. 'Abdallah al-Ansarf was sent by Abu Bah to Musaylima and to the Banu Hantfa summoning them to return to Islam; he read the letter of Abu Bah and admonished them in an eloquent (balfgh) way and was killed by Musaylima. See the report in Ibn Hajar's al-Lsiiba , vol. 2, p. 21, no. 1590, but the author assumes that the report may refer to Habib b. Zayd b. 'A~im, as recorded ibid., p. 19, no. 1586. Cf. alMaqdisT, al-Lstibsor , pp. 81-82, where Habib b. Zayd is mentioned as the messenger killed by Musaylima. 75 Ibn Kathrr, al-Bidaya wa-I-nihaya, vol. 5, p. 51; and see Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, a.tnr s», pp. 551-2; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, vol. 2, pp. 539-40, no. 2763.
73 'Abdallah 72 AI-Ja~~~,
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21
ofhelI.16 Al-Hahhal not only stated that the Prophet granted Musaylima a share in prophethood, but also transmitted to him those parts of the Qur'an which he kept in memory. Musaylima memorized the passages, claimed falsely that they were revealed to him and recited them as a part of his own revelation.?"
VII
During the last years before the Prophet's death, Musaylima made great efforts to establish a socio-religious order, based on the cooperation of the different groups of the people of Yamama with tribes who immigrated to Yamarna and settled there. Musaylima decided to build a haram in which certain settlements of these immigrants were included. They were settled in small rural communities, named "hamlets of the allies" (qurii al-a~iilif). These hamlets were populated by the Banii Usayyid, a small branch of Tamim. Small units of the Banu Usayyid were incorporated in the haram (!a-waqa'a fi dhiilika l-harami qurd l-a~iilz/, afkhiidh min bani usayyid kiinat dtiruhum bi-l-yamiima, [a-sara makiinu diirihim fi l-~arami) .78 The newly established haram of Yamarna cannot be compared with the haram of Mecca. The tribes chosen by Quraysh as keepers and guardians of the Meccan haram were selected in order to choose the best of them for intermarriage with the population of Mecca, the Quraysh. The independent tribal formations (laqii~) did not serve the kings of the Arabian peninsula. The merchants of Mecca who traded in Syria used to conduct transactions with the heads of the tribal leaders on their way, granting them a certain share in their profits. Furthermore, Mecca ceded the right to provide certain services during the ~ajj to the traditional leaders of the tribal divisions. The nobles of Mecca meted out justice to the pilgrims of the city and to merchants who came to Mecca to ply their trade. Theft of gifts brought for the Ka'ba was rare and was severely punished. Injustice and fraud towards pilgrims and merchants were publiclg denounced in Mecca. According to Muslim descriptions, the haram of Musaylima did not fulfill its desired goal of eradicating iniquity and extending help to the weak and the oppressed. "Musaylima tried to gain the sympathy of all his followers, agreed with their views and did not care if someone noticed
76 Shakir al-Fahham, Qit'atun jr akhbiiri l-ridda li-mu'allifin majhul, pp. 149-225, esp. pp. 195-225; p. 197, no. 48 and p. 198 no. 50. See also Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. fol. 85a; and Ibn Hubaysh, Ghazawiit, vol. 1, pp. 52-3, where the verses of Ibn 'Umayr al-Yashkurr about al-Rahhal and Muhakkim b. Tufayl are quoted. Cf. Ibn Sa'd, al-T'abaqiit al-kubrii , vol. 1, pp. 316-17. 77 Ibn Kathrr, al-Bidiiya wa-l-nihiiya, vol. 5, p. 51. 78 Tabarr, Ta'n"kh, vol. 3, p. 288.
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any of his vices.,,79 The Meccans did their best to curb the transgressors, the thiefs and those who cheated pilgrims and merchants; they acted according to the injunctions of the dar al-nadwa elders. In contradistinction, the people of Yamama were helpless in their complaints against the guardians of the haram, the Banu Usayyid, who used to plunder the peasants' crops and then would find refuge in the haram, Sometimes the farmers were warned and tried to apprehend the culprits, but they managed to escape into the horam; where they could remain in safety. The people complained to Musaylima who promised "to get an answer from Heaven" concerning their case. Musaylima indeed received an answer and read it loudly, probably as a verse of his Qur'an: "I swear by the darkness of the night and by the black wolf, the Usayyid did not violate (the sanctity of -k) the harem:" The people complained again and Musaylima again asked for a heavenly ruling. The verdict was read loudly once more by Musaylima: "I swear by the dark night, by the wolf who treads softly the ground, Usayyid did not cut neither fresh nor dry."so The people wronged by the attack of the Usayyid on their palm trees could only remark with bitterness: "The Usayyid did cut the fresh fruit of the palms and broke down the dry fences." Musaylima answered harshly: "Go away and come back, you are not right."s1 A verse of Musaylima's Qur'an, read before the people of Yamama, is indicative of his views: "Go! The Banu Tamim are a pure and independent people (laqa/;l), no affliction should meet them, nor should they be put under taxation; we shall live in their neighborhood, acting with kindness, we shall defend them against every person; at our death their fate (amruhum) will be determined by God."s2 This declaration of Musaylima reflects of his attitude towards the Usayyid, the Tamimi keepers of the Yarnama horam, It also serves as an attempt to establish friendly relations with the tribal groups of Tamirn, who dwelled near Yamama.
VIII
The death of the Prophet in 632 A.D. raised many hopes in the community of Musaylima who now considered himself the sole prophet receiving
79 AI-NuwayrT, Nihayatu I-arab, vol. 19, p. 86: wa-kiina musaylimatu yu~iini' kulla a~adin mimman ittaba'ahu, wa-yutiibi'uhu 'alii ra'yihi wa-lii yubiil, an yaHali'a 1niisu minhu 'alii qabi~in. 80 AI-NuwayrT, Nihiiyat ai-arab, vol. 19, pp. 86-87; al-Baqillant, I'jiizu l-qur'iin, pp, 156-157. 81 AI-NuwayrT, Nihayat ai-arab, vol. 19, p. 87; cf. Tabarr, Ta'n1:h, vol. 3', p. 287. 82 Tabarr, Ta'rikb. vol. 3, pp. 283-284. . .. wa-kana Jlma yaqra'u lahum Jlhim: inna banI tamlmin qawmun tuhrun laqii~un Iii makriiha 'alayhim wa-lii itawatun, nujawiruhum ma ~ay,na bi-i~san, namna'uhum min kulli insan Ja-idha mutnii [aamruhum ilii I-ra~man.
The Struggle Against Musaylima divine revelation. to have said:
23
is reported
In a verse attributed
to him, Musaylima
o you,
take the tambourine of this prophet.
and play, and proclaim the merits and rose up
Passed away the prophet of the Banu Hashim, the prophet of the Banii Ya'rub. khudhi l-duffa, yii hiidhihi, wa-l'abl uia-buththi mahiisina hiidhii l-nabi tawallii nabiyyu bani hiishimin wa-qiima nabiyyu bani ya'rub!.83
Musaylima's adherents increased and his prestige and authority grew.84 The quiet situation in Yamama after the Prophet's death, Musaylima's claim to prophet hood which now became exclusive, his ambitious plan to set up a huge haratti defended by special guards of the laqii~ (which indeed succeeded for a short period) - all this inspired a feeling of selfconfidence and security and generated hopes of long-lasting tranquility and peace. However, Musaylima's confidence was shaken by the information that Abu Bakr was preparing to attack Yamarna and sent a Muslim force under the command of 'Ikrima b. Abi Jahl to support Thurnama b. Uthal, Musaylima's enemy. Another dangerous event, unexpected by Musaylima, was the activity of Sajah bint Aus b. Hiqq b. Usama.85 Sajah was a former soothsayer, who claimed to have received revelation from Heaven as a prophetess of the Banu Yarbii' who were part of Tamirn. She and her family dwelt in Mesopotamia (al-jazlra); her father was a Tarnimi, and her mother belonged to the Christian tribe of Taghlib. Sajah is said to have been well-versed in the tenets of Christianity. Presenting her words as a divine revelation, she addressed her adherents saying: "0 you Godfearing believers, half of the Earth belongs to us. The other half belongs to Quraysh, but Quraysh are transgressors.v'" The reader will recall that Musaylima claimed to have received a revelation containing the idea of dividing territory between Banu Hanifa and Quraysh, but the
83 See Ibn Kathir, al-Bidau« wa-I-nihaya, vol. 6, p. 341 inf. Musaylima claimed that the verses were revealed to him from Heaven. 84 See al-Nuwayri, Nihayat ai-arab, vol. 19, p. 86: ... wa-qubi4a rasulu lliihi (~al'am) wa-I-amru 'ala dhiilika, fa-qawiyat sh aukatu musaylimata wa-'shtadda amruhu wa-kathurat [umiii uhu, 85 So recorded in Ibn al-Kalbr's Jamharat al-nasab, p. 221; al-MaqrizT, Imta'u 1nsma', vol. 14, p. 241: Sajal:J bint al-Harith b. Suwayd b. 'Uqfan: Abu 'Ubayd ul-Qasim b. Sallam , Kitab al-nasab, p. 236: Sajal:J bint Aus. AI-Tha'alibi, Thimiiru /.qu/ub, p. 315, no. 474: Sajah bint 'Uqfan, 86 Abu l-Faraj al-Isfahanr, Kitiib al-aqhiini; vol. 18, pp, 166, ll. 1-2.
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Prophet had firmly rejected any such offer. In his negotiations with Sajah, Musaylima made a similar offer: half of the Earth belongs to the Banii Hanifa; the other half would have belonged to Quraysh, if they had acted justly; now God granted to Sajah that half of the Earth which Quraysh had to return because of their unjust behavior (... [a-qiila musaylimatu lanii ni~fu l-ardi, uia-kiina li-qurayshin ni~fuhii lau 'adalat, wa-qad radda lliihu 'alayki l-nisja lladhZ raddat quraysh.).87 In order to strengthen her position, Sajal; stated that God never bestowed prophecy on Habi'a (i.e., the Banii Hanifa -k), but only on MU9ar88 to which she belonged.P" It is therefore plausible that God granted her revelation and entrusted her with a prophetic mission. Her first step was to ask Malik b. Nuwayra, whom the Prophet nominated as head ('amid) of the Banii Yarbii' (a subsection of Tamim] to establish peaceful relations with her. Malik b. Nuwayra agreed and asked her to refrain from raiding tribal groups of Tamim, Sajah's raids on other tribal groups in the Arabian peninsula continued unabated. On this occasion, Sajah clearly defined her position as a woman (and probably also as a prophetess -k): "I am merely a woman from the Banii Yarbu"; if there will be authority (and possessions -k), it will be your authority and possession (fa-innl innama anii 'mra'atun min bani yarbu' wa-in kiina mulk [a-l-mulku mulkukum).9o Several leaders of Tarnimi tribal sections joined her and assisted her in her plans. The famous leader of Tamim, Qays b. 'A~im, the sagacious Tamiml chief al-Ahnaf b. Qays and the Ghudani fighter Haritha b. Badr"! were her followers; Shabath b. Rib'i92 was her mu'adhdhin. The force of SajaJ:t, strengthened by new supporters, was ordered to attack certain tribal groups linked with Tamimi sections, but was defeated. Following this failure, she decided to march against Yarnama. Her decision was accompanied by the rousing battle cry: 'alaykum bi-I-yamiima, ruifii [ilayhii) rafifa l-hamiima, fa-innahii ghazwatun ~ariima, Iii ialhaqukum ba'dahii maliima" 93
See al-Maqrlzf, Imtii'u I-a&mii', vol. 14, p. 241inf. Abu I-Faraj al-Isfahani, al-Aghiinf, vol. 18, p. 166 ll. 5-6: ... inn a lltih« lam yaj'al hiidhii I-amra jf rabi' ata, innamii ja'alahu Jf mudar . 89 The tribe of Tarnlm to which Sajal:t belonged is part of MUI;\ar. 90 Abu l-Faraj al-Isfahant, al-Aghiinf, vol. 18, p. 166 inf; al-Tabart, Ta'n"kh vol. 3, p. p. 269. 91 See on him Ibn Hajar, al-Lsiiba; vol. 2, p. 161, no. 1939. 92 See on him Ibn Hajar, al-Lsiib«, vol. 3, p. 376, no. 3959. 93 For other versions of the "call of Sajal:t," see Abu l-Faraj al-Isfahanf, Kitiib alAghiinf vol. 18, p. 166: yii ma'shara tamfmin: iq~idil I-yamiima, Ja-4ribii jfhii kulla hiima, ~atta tatruktihii saudii'a ka-I-~amiima. Cf. the faulty text in al-MaqrizI's Imtii'u I-asmii' vol. 14, p. 241 inf. See also Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, fol. 83a,
87 88
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During the speedy advance of her forces in the direction of Yamama, Sajah received the surprising news of Musaylima's offer to give her a share in the "God's Earth" and to recognize her prophethood. On the face of it, the offer was exceedingly generous and it can be understood only if we take Musaylima's military situation at that time into consideration. His situation is well described by Ibn Junghul. When Musaylima heard the news about the march of Sajah's force, he feared for his country because he was busy fighting Thumama b. Uthal whose force was supported by a detachment of Muslim soldiers under the command of 'Ikrima b. Abi Jah!. His garrison was in the territority of Thumarna. The Muslim soldiers commanded by 'Ikrima expected the arrival of the huge force commanded by Khalid b. al-WalId.94 Even in this situation, Musaylima fostered the hope that the united forces of Hanifa and Tamim would jointly be able to "devour" the Arab tribes.95 Having learned about Musaylima's offer, Sajal; hastened to meet him. When she arrived, they entered a tent prepared for them (and probably for a group of their supporters -k). Musaylima delivered a sermon in which he invoked God "to hear (the prayers) of those who obey (Him) and to enable those who strive to attain their (lofty -k) aspirations and ., . May your Lord watch you and bless you and free you from gloom. On the Day of Resurrection, may He save you and resurrect you. We must perform the prayers of the righteous, not of the wretched and not of the wrongdoers, (but of those who) are awake during the nights and fast during the days for the sake of their great God, the God of the clouds and of the rain.,,96 The pact concluded between Musaylima and Saja}:l during their meeting gave Sajah the crops of Yamarna for one year. But she could get only half of the crops immediately; the other part had to be sent to her later by her representatives in Yarnama.P"
n.
10-12. See Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. fol. 83a: ... [a-lammii sami'a bi-sayriha ilayhi khafaha 'ala biliidihi, wa-dhiilika annahu mashghulun bi-qitali thumama b. uthiil, wa-qad sa'adahu 'ikrima b. abi jahl bi-junudi l-muslimlna wa-hum naziluna bi-ba't/i biladihi yanta?iruna qudiima khiilid, See al-Sharfshf, Shar~ maqamat al-Eariri , vol. 4, p. 36, 22-15-16: ... wa-balagha musaylimata kh abaruhii biha wa khafa in huuia shughila biha ghalabahu thumamatu bnu uthiilin wa-shura~bilu 'ala ~ajri l-yamamati idh humii min qibali abi bakrin (rat/iya lliih u 'anhu) [a-arsala ilayha yasta'minuha 'alii nafsihi .... 95 Abu l-Faraj al-Isfahanf, Kitiib al-aghiinf, vol. 18, p. 166: ., .fa-man 'arafa l-lyaqqa tabi' ahu, wa- 'jtama'na [a-akalnii 1-'araba aklan bi-qaumf wa-qaumiki, [a-bo' athat ilayhi: af i alu, 96 Al- Tabarr, Ta'rikh , vol. 3, p. 272; al-NuwayrI, Nihiiyatu I-arab, vol. 19, p. 78; Ibn Kathlr, al-Bidaua uia-l-nihiiua, vol. 6, p. 320; Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, fol. 83a, inf. 97 See, e.g., al-NuwayrI, Nihiiyat ai-arab, vol. 19, p. 80, ll. 8-10.
94
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The solemn speech of Musaylima while concluding the agreement with Sajah is followed by a short saj' passage in which Musaylima praised the virtues of his community, emphasizing that they do not engage in sexual relations, nor do they drink wine. They fast one day and are burdened (with practicing religious duties -k) on the other. "Glory be to God; when resurrection comes, how will you live and how will you go up to the kingdom of Heaven? On every grain of mustard, there will be a witness who knows the secrets of the hearts. Indeed, most people will perish."98 The rigid prescriptions concerning the tenets of the religion of Musaylima seem to have been observed by his supporters. It is thus of some interest that certain pious supporters of Musaylima complained of his opportunism in his relations with the Bedouins who embraced his belief. According to a report recorded in al-Qashani'a Ra:» mal altuulim, the Bedouins haughtily rejected the bending and prostration during prayers.P'' Musaylima, says a report in al-Tabarf's Ta'rikh, used to tempt anyone and to bribe him in order to gain his sympathy (wa-kana musaylimatu yu~ani'u kulla a~adin), not paying any attention to the fact that people may censure this behavior as improper and reproachable. 100 The commentator of Qa~fdat Nasliuiiin b. Sa'fd al-,lfimyarfmentions that Musaylima used to say when leading Bedouins in prayer, "What is the will of Allah by raising your buttocks and by your prostation on your foreheads? Pray standing upright, in a noble posture. Allah is great."
101
Some medieval Muslim scholars attributed the censure of prostration and bending to Tulayha b. Khuwaylid, also considered a false prophet by Muslim tradition. Tulayha is reported to have said: "What is it to God that you make your cheeks dusty and that you spread your buttocks? Pronounce God's name in a modest posture, standing upright. Allah is great." (ma ya!, alu Allah bi-ta'firi khudiidikum wa-fat~i adbarikum? udhkurii Allah a'iffatan qiyaman). AI-Harlinl who records this speech of Tulayha mentions some Qur'anic expressions borrowed by Tulayha in this speech.102 An additional injunction of Musaylima refers to the marital life of his believers: the husband was instructed to have sexual relations with his wife only until a male child was born; once this happened, he was obliged to desist from any sexual activity. Only in the case of the male child's
vol. 3, p. 272 infra. al-'arabu ta'nafu min al-ruku'i wa-tusammfhi al-ta~niya. 100 Tabarr, Ta'rikh, vol. 3, p. 282, in£. 101 Nashwan b. Sa'Id al-Himyarf, Muluk ~imyar wa-aqyiilu I-yaman, wa shar~uhii, Khulii~atu I-~urati I-jiimi'a li-'ajii'ibi akhbiiri I-mulilki I-tabiibi'a, eds., 'All b. Isma'Il al-Mu'ayyad and Isma'Tl b. Ahmad al-Jarafi, Cairo 1378 A. H., p. 176. 102 Al-Harunt, Ithbiit nubuwwati I-nabf, pp, 39-40. And see Shakir al-Fahham, Qit'atun jf akhbiiri I-ridda li-mu'allifin majhul, p. 167, no. 15. See also "Tulayha b. Khuwaylid," EI2, s. v. (Ella Landau- Tasseron).
99 P. 147,1. 17: wa-kiinat 98 Al- Tabarr,
Ta'rikh,
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death, the father was allowed to resume his conjugal activity until the birth of a new male child.103 In contradistinction to the injunctions of the Prophet who forbade celibacy (rahbiiniyya) and ordered the Muslims to lead full marital lives.U'f Musaylima encouraged extreme asceticism. The reports about the behavior of his followers, the ascetic trends in their society, the rigorous injunctions concerning marital life, the stories about people who refrained from drinking wine, the stories about people who fasted frequently - all these accounts seem to be reliable. On the other hand, the obscene verses attributed to Musaylima and enthusiastically received by Sajah, the vulgar anecdotes about Sajah - these seem to have been forged by the enemies of Musaylima and Sajal,t with the intention of slandering them. Some Muslim sources refrained from quoting this material. 105
IX
The idea of Islamic expansion started to mature when the Prophet migrated to Medina. The principle of the superiority ofIslam over any other belief and the superiority ofIslamic authority became cardinal principles of the new faith. The existence of any belief or practice in Islam is said to have been accepted only on condition of the Prophet's approval. The Prophet gradually became the fully acknowledged and revered leader of the nascent Muslim community. The Muslim community grew and the borders of the Muslim state gradually expanded. Mecca and Medina became cities in which only Muslims were allowed to dwell. Idolaters
Al-Tabart, Tarikh , vol. 3, p. 272 ult. See, e. g., al-ZamakhsharI, al-Fii'vq ff gharibi l-hadith , vol. 2, p. 122: ... Iii zimiima wa-lii khiziima wa-lii rahbiiniyyata uia-lii tabaHula uia-lii siyii!}ata ff I-isliimi. See also the b adith. of the Prophet (ibid .), in which he censures the conduct of an unmarried man: ... a-laka 'mra'atun? qiila: Iii. qiila: fa-anta idhan min ikhwiini I-shayiilfn; in kunia min ruhbiini I-na~iirii fa- 'I!}aq bihim, wa-in kunta minnii fa-min sunnatinii I-nikii!}. See al-Munawr, Fay4u l-qadir , vol. 6, p. 302, no. 9320: nahii rasiilu l/iihi [s al=am] 'ani I-ikhti~ii', "The Prophet prohibited the (self-) castration of the believers" in order to free themselves from sexual lust. 105 Al-Maqdisi, Kitiib al-bad' uia-l-t a'rikh , vol. 5, p. 164 (her kunya was Umm Sadir, her husband was Abu Kuhayla, the kiihin of the Yamama; she was a false prophetess). The obscene phrase of Musaylima's Qur'an is recorded and his sexual proposal is quoted. A revelation received by Saja~ (ibid., p. 165) allowed a woman to marry two husbands. This was unheard of in the Jahiliyya, See also the story of Sajah's meeting with Musaylima and the remark of Ibn Hubaysh, Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 57, ll. 1-2: ... fa-qiilat sajii!}: qad ansajt a, fa- 'dhkur. wa-ba'da hiidhii min qawlihi wa-fi'lihii mii a' ra4na 'an dhikrihi. The obscene verses also appear in al-NuwayrT's Nihayat ai-arab, vol. 19, p. 76; al-Sharishi, Sharry maqiimiii al-bartrt, vol. 4, pp. 35-u; Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. fol. 83b; al-Maydani, Majma' al-amthiil, vol. 1, pp. 326-7, no. 1758 (under the heading: azna min saja!}); Hamza al-Isfahani, al-Durra al-jiikhsra , vol. 1, p. 214, no. 290 (under the heading: azna min saja/}) and vol. I, p. 325, no. 515 (under the heading: aghlam min saja!}).
103 104
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(mushrikiin) were forbidden to enter Medina; Jews and Christians were granted the concession to enter the city for three days only in order to sell their merchandise.I'" In Islam there is only one God, one Prophet and one community of believers. This community is chosen by Allah, and only this community may dwell in the holy places of Islam: "Two religious beliefs (dfniini) will not exist in the Arabian peninsula" (or in the l:Iijaz) .107 Islam spread in the peninsula in numerous ways. Delegations of various tribes reached Medina, were influenced by the Prophet and impressed by Muslim tenets and teachings. Some embraced Islam and when they returned to their homes, they enthusiastically transmitted the Call of the Prophet. They established small Muslim communities among their idolatrous neighbors. These small communities had close contacts with the Medinan body-politic and were under the control and guidance of Medina during the last years of the Prophet's life. They were active in spreading Islam and made a substantial contribution to the conquest of the Arabian peninsula. A case of such a community was the nucleus of believers set up in Juwatha in Bahrayn. The community started its activity very early: all the sources relate that the first Friday prayer (after the Friday prayer performed in Medina -k) was the Friday prayer performed in Juwatha.108 This was the first time that a small Muslim community in a foreign territory, besieged by unbelievers who endangered their lives, appealed to the community in Medina, asking for help. Help was sent and the beleaguered Muslims were saved. The military unit sent by Abu Bakr was headed by al-'Ala' b. al-Hadrami, It is noteworthy that when the military unit sent by Abu Bakr reached the borders of Bahrayn, it was joined by a large gathering of people led by Thurnama b. Uthal, appointed by the Prophet to govern a certain region of Yamama, Furthermore, the chiefs (umarii') of this region joined the unit of al-'Ala' and defeated their enerny.I'" The utterance of the Prophet who instructed the Muslims to live close to each other if they dwell in a non-Muslim environment may belong to this early period. "I renounce responsibility (ana bari"un) for any
See 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mu§annaf, vol. 6, pp. 51-2, nos. 9977,9970. 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mus annaj , vol. 6, p. 54, no. 9985 (only Jews and Christians are mentioned); and no. 9990: ... la yajtami'u bi-ar4i l-'arabi dfnani, au qala: bi-ar4i l-~ijazi dfnani. 108 See Abu 'Ubayd al-Bakrt, Mu'jam ma 'sta'jam vol. 2, pp. 401-2; Yaqut, Mu'jam al-buldan, vol. 2, p. 174; al-Hirnyari, al-Rau4u l-mi'tar, p. 181; and see Shakir al-Fahham, Qit'atun ff akhbari l-ridda li-mu'allifin majMI, p. 162, 1. 2 from bottom: lamma qubi4a rastilu Ilahi §alla Ilahu 'alayhi 'rtadda I-nasu 'ani I-islami ilia thalathata rnasiiji d: ahlu I-madfna wa-ahlu makkata, wa-ahlu juwatha. The word masjid is used here to denote the center of a Muslim town. 109 See Ibn Kathrr, al-Bidaya wa-I-nihaya, vol. 6, pp. 327-29.
106 107
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believer who dwells among unbelievers," said the Prophet. When asked about the reason for this, he answered that the believer living among unbelievers is not able to watch the fires of his believing companions." 110 The believers must live close to each other and not mix with their nonMuslim neighbors. The idea of the war against the ridda was extended and contained the obligation of the believers to take up arms against people who refused to pay the taxes (zakiit) prescribed by the Prophet. This was formulated by Abu Bakr who is reported to have said: "If they refused to give me (even) a ewe which they used to give to the Prophet ... , I would fight them because of their refusal" (wa-lliihi lau manaciinz C aniiqan kiinii yu' addiinahii ilii rasiili lliihi sallii lliihu calayhi wa-sallam la-qiitaltuhum calii manCihii). It was especially stressed that the "believers in the prophetic mission of Musaylima, the people of Yarnama," are included in the category of unbelievers (kuffiir) who have to be fought until they repent and embrace Islam.1ll Abu Bakr strove to place the nascent Muslim communities established throughout the peninsula under the sway of the Muslim polity in Medina. Muslim law and Muslim ritual had to be introduced in all these communitites. The Arab idolaters had to be crushed with the help of the Muslim forces of Medina. A letter of Abu Bakr to 'Ikrima b. Abi Jahl may give us an insight into the activities planned by the caliph to protect the communities recently established in the eastern region of the peninsula. When Abu Bakr sent military units (sariiyii) against the tribes who rebelled against the authority of Medina, 'Ikrima b. Abi Jahl and Shurahbil b. Hasana were sent against Musaylima with a military force (fiCaskarin). 'Ikrima acted in haste and started the attacks against the Banii Hanifa, but was defeated and informed Abu Bakr of his defeat. Abu Bakr's answer indicates that the goal of 'Ikrima's mission was to support the nascent Muslim communities in Yamama, Abu Bakr wrote: "Do not return (to Medina), as you will weaken the spirits of the people. I do not want to see you nor do I want you to see me. But go out to Hudhayfa and 'Arfaja and fight the people of 'Uman and Mahra. Then march out with your military force until you meet Muhajir b. Abl Umayya in Yemen and Hadramawt." Abu Bakr also instructed Shurahbil to stay in Yamama until Khalid arrived with his army. "When they will finish the battle with Musaylima,join 'Amr b. al-'A.!? in order to help him to fight Quqa'a.,,1l2 This material indicates that the Prophet showed great concern for the
110 Ibn Hajar al-f Asqalant, al-Kafi al-shii] fi takhriji al}adfthi l-koshsh a], p. 55, sup., no. 457, and see its explanation in al-Zamakhshari, al-Fa'iq, vol. 2, p. 21; cf. Lane, Arabic-English Lexicon, s.v. ra'a. 111 See e.g., al-Qastallanr, Irsh ad ai-sari, vol. 3, pp. 6-7; on the followers of Musaylima see p. 6, ll. 7-8. 112 Al-Maqrizt, lrniiiru l-asma', vol. 14, p. 528.
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M. J. Kister
Muslim communities outside Medina and made sustained efforts to expand the Muslim territory. The sources contain impressive descriptions of the Prophet's efforts to help the newly founded Muslim settlements, his efficient reactions to cases of apostasy in distant districts and his judicious decisions to resolve disputes between Muslims and their adversaries. Exhortation was not always sufficient to achieve the desired expansion. For instance, Sayf b. 'Umar says that the letters of the Prophet to al-Aswad al-'Ansl and Musaylimadid not convince them and the emissary of the Prophet tried in vain to persuade them to embrace Islam. The Prophet decided to write to the ethnic Persians living in Yemen (al-abna') 113 asking them to try to "do away" with al-Aswad al- 'Ansi (an tu~awiliJ. l-aswada) and asked them to engage men from Himyar and Hamadhan to achieve this purpose. He also wrote to Thumama b. Uthal and his followers asking them to try to "do away" with Musaylima. He made a similar request to some men from Tamim and they acted accordingly. "The ways of the muriadda became indeed blocked," says the report .114 Many changes in the formation of tribal units and the conclusion of tribal alliances were connected with the division of the tribal territorial possessions. The case of the partition of the vast territory of Dahna' is instructive 11 5 The report about the partition of Dahna' is transmitted by Sayf b. 'Umar on the authority of al-Harith b. Hassan al- 'Amirl (in some sources: al-Bakri+k}, who came to visit the Prophet in connection with a dispute between his tribe (Bakr -k) and the Banii Tamirn. The dispute was about an event which happened in Bahrayn and in which the chiefs of Bakr raised their objections against al-'Alii' b. al-Hadrami, in whose home the discussion was held. At that time a man from the Banu Tarnim sent to the Prophet a message (khabar), informing him that the tribe of Rabi'a (including Bakr -k) reverted to unbelief (qad kafarat) and prevented (by force -k) the collection of zokiit . The information about this incident and about the khabar reached Rabi'a and they sent al-Harith b. Hassan al-'Amirl (or al-Bakri -k) in order to inform the Prophet that they (i.e., Rabi'a -k) remain obedient to him. On his way to the Prophet, he met in Habadhal l" a poor woman, Qayla bint Makrama al-'Anbariyya (of the tribe of Tamirn -k) and agreed to take her to the Prophet.J!" It was al-Harith b. Hassan al-Bakri who repreSee on them EI2, vol. 1, p. 102, s.v. "Abna"', Section II. (K.V. Zet.tersteen}, Al-Maqrtzr, lrntiiiu l-asma', vol. 14, p. 525. 115 See the description of Dahria' in Yaqut , Mu'jam al-buldan, vol. 2, pp. 493-4. 116 So in Maqrtzr, Imta'u l-asma', vol. 14, p. 312, 1. 3; al-Tabaranf, al-Mu'jam al-kabfr, vol. 3, p. 254, no. 3325, I. 10. 117 See the lengthy description of the journey of Qayla and the story of the protection granted her by al-Harith b. Hassan al-Bakrr, when he journeyed with her from Rabadha to Medina to meet the Prophet in al- Tabarani, al-Mu 'jam al-kabir , vol. 25, pp. 7-12; Ibn Hajar al-f Asqalant, al-Lsiiba , vol. 8, pp. 83-87, no. 11654; Ibn al-Athtr,
113 114
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sented Bakr b. Wa'il (of RabI'a).11s The representative of the Tamirnl tribal groups in Bahrayn who sent the message about the apostasy of Rabi'a (or Bakr -k) reached the Prophet before the arrival of the Bakrl al-Harith b. Hassan, and brought the story of al-'Ala (b. al-Hadrami}; then the Prophet ordered 'Amr b. al-'.A~ to march out and entrusted him with a flag. The Prophet went up to the minbar and urged the believers to join the raid against Habi'a in Bahrayn.l!? He informed the Muslims that al-'Ala (b. al-Hadramt) and al-Mundhir (b. Sawa) reported to him that Rabi'a apostatized (kafamt) and refused to pay the zakiit.120 The Prophet then asked: "Who will volunteer (to march out) with 'Amr b. al_'A.~?"121 At this fateful moment, al-Harith b. Hassan proclaimed loudly the allegiance of Rabi'a to the Prophet; he himself gave the oath of allegiance to Islam and converted,t22 Further, al-Harith b. Hassan asked the Prophet to affirm in a letter that Dahna" belongs to Habi'a and to set up the border line between Habi'a and Tamirn in that district. The Prophet called Bilal and ordered him to bring a piece of parchment and an inkpot (dawiit) .123 But when the scribe started to write the document in which the Prophet intended to affirm the right of Habi'a on the territory of Dahna", Qayla, the poor Tamirni woman, began to shout asserting that the territory between Dahna' and Bahrayn had belonged ill the period of the Jahiliyya to Tamim and on that basis Tamirn converted to Islam. The Prophet immediately changed the letter, affirming that Dahna' belonged to Tamlm.124 The Prophet's decision was significant. The borders of the territory granted to Tarnim in Dahna' enabled them to launch a successful raid against the Bakr b. Wa'i] (i.e., Rabi'a -k). The information about Nibaj, where the battle took place, enables us to assume that the march of the forces led by the leader of Sa'd (Tamim -k), Qays b. 'A.~im was a long and exhausting one. When Qays b. 'A.sim reached Nibaj and Thaytal (two neighboring localities) and watered the riding beasts (khayl), he cut the water bags open and let the water flow out. He then summoned the warriors to fight, saying: "The desert is behind you, death is in front of you." The Tamimi troops fought valiantly and defeated the forces of
ll s d al-ghiiba, vol. 5, pp. 535-36. 118 See about the subdivisions of Bakr b. Wa'il and their mutual relations in Yamarna in "Bakr b. Wa'il," EI2, s.v, (W. Caskel). II 9 The text has sliiil , which is a mistake. 120 The text has wada'at al-sakiit; read correctly mana'at al-zakiit. 121 MaqrTzT, Imtiii u i-asmii', vol. 14, p. 312. 122 Cf. Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanT, al-Isiiba, vol. 8, p. 86, 1. 10. 12:1 The text has idiiwat, which is a mistake. 124 AI-MaqrTzT, Irniii's: I-asmii', vol. 14, p. 313: inna mii bayna l-tiahnii' wa-ib(J~lrayni ii-banI tamlmin II i-jiihihiiiyyati, wa-asiamii 'aiayhii, la-ayna tagfqu, yamu~ammadu, 'alii mu d arika'!
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the Bakr b. Wa'il, the Lahazim.125 Some details about Nibaj deserve to be mentioned: there are two places called Nibaj: the one is Nibaj Ibn 'A.mir (in the neighborhood of Basra); the other is Nibaj near Thaytal, adjacent to al-Bahrayn.P'' The information recorded by Abu 'Ubayd al-Bakn indicates the reasons for Qays b. 'A.!?im's raids: at that time he embraced Islam and it was meritorious for him to march out against the non-Muslim Bakr b. Wa'il. AI-'Ala' b. al-Hadrarni and al-Mundhir b. Sawa stated clearly that Bakr b. Wa'il apostatized. A proper military action of the allies of the Muslim body politic in Medina against Bakr b. Wa'il was badly needed. Qays b. 'A.!?im was successful in his raid against the Bakr b. Wa'il apostates. Qays b. 'A.!?im is highly praised in connection with his raids in Nibaj and Thayta1. But one of the verses mentions a third locality in which Qays b. 'A.!?im excelled in a military raid: it was Juwatha in Bahrayn. Qays b. 'A.!?im attacked Juwatha, which was under the control of the tribe of 'Abd al-Qays, and took considerable booty.127 The Muslim warriors who defeated their enemies and forced them to convert to Islam gained great merit: the Prophet saw these captives led in his dream into Paradise in shackles.P" It is noteworthy that some of these warriors were relatives of inveterate enemies of the Prophet. The two relatives of Abu Jahl - his son 'Ikrima and his brother al-Harith b. Hisham - are cases in point. 'Ikrima became a devout Muslim and was killed during the wars of conquest. 129
125 AI-BakrT, Mu'jam ma 'sta'jam, vol. 1, pp. 351-52; and see the verse of Qurra b. Qays b. 'A~im: "I am the son of the man who cut the water bags when he saw the troops of the Lahazim ready to fight (ana 'bnu /ladhi' shaqqa I-mazada wa-qad ra'a / bi-thaytala a~ya' a '/lahazimi ~u44arii)." 126 AI-BakrT, Mu'jam ma 'sta'jam, vol. 4, p. 1292, I. 2: wa-I-nibaj nibiijanf: nibaj thaytal wa-nibaj 'bni 'amirin bi-I-ba~ra. wa-qala I-a~ma'f: al-nibiij wa-thaytal ma'ani Ii-banI sa'di bni zaydi manatin, mimma yalf I-ba~rayni. Yaqut provides additional details about the two Nibajs: the one is on the way of Basra and is called" Nibaj banf 'A mir" and faces Fayd; the other Niba] is the Nibaj of the Bani Sa'd. Another definition says that the Nibaj between Mecca and Basra belongs to the Banu Kurayz, the other Nibaj is located between Basra and Yarnama. See Yaqut , Mu'jam al-buldan, vol. 5, pp. 255-56. 127 â¢â¢. wa-aghiira qaysu bnu 'ii~im bi-banf sa'din 'alii 'abdi I-qays bi-juwatha Ja-a~abu ma aradu [imii yaz'umu banu minqar. [a-qiila sawwiir b. ~ayyiin: wa-ma laka min ayyami ~idqin ta'udduha: ka-yaumi juwathii wa-I-nibaji wa-thaytala. See al-Baladhurt's Ansab al-ashriiJ, part 7, vol. 1, RamzT Ba'labakkT, ed., p. 45 (Beirut, 1417/1997). 128 See Lisiin al-'Arab, s.v., s-l-s-l: 'ajiba rabbuna min qaumin yuqiidilna ilii I-jannati if-I-salasil; and see al-Munawi, Fay4u I-qadfr, vol. 4, p. 302, no. 5383. 129 Ibn Hajar al-f Asqa.lan]', ol-Lsaba , vol. 4, pp. 538-9, no. 5642; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isti'ab, vol. 3, p. 1082, no. 1838. See also the tradition about the march of 'Ikrima b. AbT Jahl with 500 fighters against the Prophet in order to prevent him from the entrance to Mecca; his attacks were thrice thwarted by a force of Khalid b. al- WalTd who orotected the Prophet and his Companions. See Ibn Kathlr, Tajsiru I-qur' ani
The Struggle Against Musaylima Al-Harith b. Hisham also embraced Islam, took part Yamarna and died in the plague of'Amwas.130
III
33
the battle of
x
The struggle against Musaylima was an important part of the ridda wars. Abu Bakr was aware of the strength of Musaylima's forces. He understood that sending small units of Muslims against the well organized force of Musaylima was doomed to fail. Yamama had to be conquered in order to pave the way for the establishment of additional Islamic communities in the area of Bahrayn, 'Uman, and in Yamarna itself. A strong army was necessary for the conquest of Yamama. Khalid b. al-Walid, the famous hero nicknamed "the sword of Islam" (say! al-isliim), was chosen to lead the expedition. He was at that time the head of a military force sent against various tribal formations who decided to remain faithful to Islam, but refused to pay zakiit. The rebellious tribes who refused to pay zakiit were branded apostates (ahl al-ridda). They were ruthlessly subdued: some were captured, some were executed; some hastened to pay the zakiii , repented and were forgiven. Having completed the suppression of some big tribal formations who participated in the ridda, Khalid b. al-Walid was ready to embark on another important mission. Leading a huge army, he set out in the direction of Yarnarna, Abu Bakr wrote Khalid a letter in which he stressed the stalwart strength of the forces of the Banii Hanifa: "You have never met a people (qaum) like the Banii Hanifa: they will fight against you all together" (kulluhum 'alayka).l3l Abu Bakr also advised Khalid how to delegate authority to the tribal leaders and section commanders and how to solicit the opinion of the Muhajirun and the Ansar taking part in the expedition. The last part of the letter is of special interest: Abu Bakr recommends to prepare scrupulously the details of the first clash with the enemy: "A spear against a spear, an arrow against an arrow, a sword against a sword. And when you reach the phase of the battle in which the fight is of swords against swords, you reach the time when mothers become bereft of their sons. And if Allah grants you the victory," continues Abu Bakr, "and you get hold of the enemy warriors, beware of being merciful towards them: give the coup de grace to their wounded, pursue their retreating fighters, kill their captive warriors by the sword, frighten them by killing and burn them by fire. Beware of
1-'a?lm, at that 130 See p.69. 131 Ibn vol. 6, p. 344. Ibn KathTr objects the veracity of this tradition, arguing that time Khalid b. al- Waljd was an unbeliever. Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanT, al-Tsiiba, vol. 1, pp. 605..,'!, no. 1506; WaqidT, Ridda, Hubaysh, Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 59 inf.
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disobeying my orders. Peace be upon you." 132 Muslim tradition ascribed considerable importance to the campaign against Musaylima. This can be gauged from the fact that some early traditionists and commentators considered Qur'an 48:16 ("Say to the Bedouins who were left behind: 'You shall be called against a people possessed of great might, to fight them, or they surrender."') a reference to this campain.133 Bakr b. NaHa4, a poet who descended from the defeated Banu I:Ianlfa,134 wrote in the ninth century A. D. verses praising the bravery of his tribe, which was - according to his understanding - mentioned in the Qur 'an: And we were described in the revealed Book, unlike any (other) tribe, as possessing great courage.P" uia-noluiu wu~ifnii duna kulli qabilaiin bi-shiddati ba'sin fi l-kitiibi l-munazzali
XI
During the years of the Prophet's activity in the Arabian peninsula and his contacts with the Arab tribes, he was often asked by the tribal leaders about the ownership of land. The Prophet's policy on this issue is relevant to the ways in which the Muslims expanded their land holdings throughout the Arabian peninsula, including Yamama, When asked about these matters, the Prophet used to quote Qur'an 7:127: "Verily the Earth is Allah's; He gives it as a heritage to whomsoever He pleases of His servants and the end is for the God-fearing." Indeed, when the Prophet arrived in Medina after the hijra, he was given every patch of uncultivated land, not irrigated by water; it was placed under his exclusive authority.136 The injunctions of the Prophet concerning the uncultivated land became obligatory and continued to be in force during the time of the righteous Caliphs, and even later. There was only one
132 Ibn Hubaysh, Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 59 inf-60; and see the letter of Abu Bakr to Khalid b. al- WalTd in al- Waqidt's /( itiib al-ridda, pp. 62-3, no. 86. 133 Al- Wal)idT, al- Wasf! fl tafslri l-qur'iin, vol. 4, p. 138. However, one must keep in mind that other commentators considered this verse as a reference to other military expeditions, such as those against Persia, Byzantium, the Hawasin, the ThaqTf, and the Ghatafan , These views are beyond the scope of this study. 134 See on him Brockelmann, GAS, vol. 2, p. 628 inf. 135 AI-I:lu~rTal-Qayrawanr, Zahr al-iidiib, vol. 2, p. 966. 136 See Humayd b. Zanjawayhi, /(itiibu l-amwiil, vol. 2, p. 629, no. 1035: ... ' ani l-kalb; 'ani bni ~iililfin, 'ani bni 'abbiisin anna rasiila lliihi, ~allii lliih u 'alayhi wasal/ama, lammii qadima I-madfna ja'alii lahu kulla ar¢in Iii yablughuhii l-mii'u ya§na'u bihii mii shii'a. See also ibid., note 4, and Abu 'Ubayd, /(itiib al-amwiil,
non __ aa"l
The Struggle Against Musaylima
35
stipulation concerning grants of land given by the Prophet (iqtii'): the obligation to ameliorate the plot by digging a well or irrigating it by means of a canal. If the development of the uncultivated plot could not be performed in due time (i.e., three years -k), the plot had to be sold to a Muslim, who would be granted the permission of the Muslim authority to purchase the plot; without such permission the purchase had to be considered null and void. A patch of uncultivated land granted by the Prophet was sold in the time of 'Umar for a sum of 8000 dinars, because the grantees were not able to perform their duty to improve the land. The sum received by the people who sold the plot was deposited with 'All b. AbI T'alib. They were surprised that the sum returned to them was less than that which they deposited. 'All b. AbI Talib's answer was that he had paid the zakiit on the deposit.137 According to the Muslim tradition, it was the Prophet himself who granted plots of uncultivated land in Medina to Abu Bakr and 'Umar. A plot of land was granted by the Prophet to some Bedouins of Muzayna and Juhayna (as iqW), but they did not improve it; a group of other people took hold of the plot and succeeded to ameliorate it. The Bedouins from whom the plot was taken came to 'Umar b. al-Khattab and complained that they had been driven out of the territory granted to them. 'Umar refused to return them to the land, arguing that the qaWa was granted to them under certain conditions: "Whoever got land and failed to ameliorate it during three years, while others improved that soil, the people who neglected to improve the soil do not deserve to own it." 138 The land put at the Prophet's disposal is defined in the ~adzth in the following way: "The ancient land from the time of 'Ad139 belongs to Allah and to His prophet, then (it will pass -k) to you." ('iidiyyu l-ardi li-lliihi uia-rasiilihi, thumma hiya lakum) .140 When asked about the meaning of "Then it will belong to you," the Prophet answered: "You will assign it (i.e., the land -k) to the people." A similar version reads: "The uncultivated land belongs to Allah and to His messenger, and then, from me to you, 0 Muslims" (mawatiinu l-ardi li-lliihi warasiilihi, thumma hiya lakum minnii ayyuhii l-muslimiin) .141 Thus, the ownership of an iqiii' bequeathed by the Prophet to his community requires the approval of the imiim or the ruling authority (sultiin).
Abu Yusuf', K itiib u l-khariij, p. 61 inf. Abu Yusuf, K itiibu l-khariij, p. 61. 139 See on 'Ad: E[2, vol. 1, p. 169 (F. Buhl); and see the exhaustive explanation of 'adiyy in connection with iqtii: in Abu Ubayd's al-Amwiil, p. 278, no. 690; see also the explanation of the saying of 'Umar: lanii riqiibu l-ardi, 140 Abu 'Ubayd, Kiiiib u l-amuuil , p. 272, no. 674; Yahya b. Adam, Kit abu l-kh ariij , p. 85, no. 269; p. 88, no. 277. 141 See this version recorded by the editor of the Kitiibu l-amwiil of Abu 'Ubayd, p. 272, on the margin, no. 2.
137 1.18
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M. J. Kister
Every effort carried out by a Muslim on a plot of uncultivated land, like a well dug in a qaii' a, or a tree planted there, has to be considered null and void if not approved by the ruling authority (sultan). This is binding because Allah is said to have bestowed upon the Prophet all uncultivated land. Therefore, the qaWa has to be improved by irrigation and construction. The imam may assign it to a Muslim for this purpose, even without the consent of the former owner who failed to perform this duty. It is, thus, the prevalent view of the Muslim tradition that all uncultivated land was granted to the Prophet by Allah; only the imams, the just and righteous people forming the Islamic authority, are allowed to approve the building up of a qaWa. They are granted the Prophet's privilege to allot the uncultivated land to the Muslims.l V It is possible that the Prophet himself formulated his opinion concering the division of the mawat land. In a ~adfth which seems to reflect this early period, the Prophet defined his mission modestly: "I am merely bringing the news of Allah's revelation, but Allah is guiding onto the right path; I am merely dividing (among you -k), but Allah grants (what He pleases to grant -k)" (innama ana muballighun uia-lliilu: yahdf, uia-innamii ana qiisiinun uia-Iliihu yu'tf) .143 The last action of the Prophet in the field of division of land (or granting of land -k) was the bestowal of land on some noble people of Yarnama who came to the Prophet announcing their desire to embrace Islam. The Prophet bestowed on this delegation some plots of uncultivated land after they embraced Islam (ja-aqta'ahum min mawilt ar~ihim ba'da an aslamu). The document of the iqta' was written on the name of Mujja'a b. Murara.144 According to a report recorded by al-Baladhuri, the delegation came after the Prophet sent a letter to the people of Yamama (and to Hawdha) and asked them to embrace Islam (in 6 A.H.). It was Mujja'a who asked the Prophet to grant him mawatland in Yamarna and the Prophet granted his request.l '! A shrewd remark of Abu 'Ubayd in which he outlined the difference between the iqta' granted to Furat b. Hayyan al- 'Ijll146 and the land granted to Mujja'a deserves to be mentioned. In contradistinction to the same grants of land in territories not yet conquered by Is142 See the advice of Abu Yusuf in his /(itiibu l-kh arii] pp. 63-{)4 defining the prerogatives of the imiims in this matter. 143 Al-Munawi, Fay4u l-o adir , vol. 2, p. 571, no. 2582. 144 Abu 'Ubayd , i(itiibu I-amwiil, pp, 279-81, nos. 691-92. Hurnayd b. Zanjawayhi , i(itiibu 'I-amwiil, vol. 2, p. 629, no. 1034. 145 See al-Baladhurr, Futiiii u l-buldiin , pp. 118inf-119: ... fa-aqta'ahu (i.e., Mujja'a -k) arden mawiitan sa'alahu iyyiihii; and cf. Humayd h. Zanjawayhi, /(itiibu I-amwiil, vol. 2, p. 629, 1. 3. 146 On Furat h. Hayyan al-'IjlT; see Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI, ol-Lsiibo , vol. 5, pp. 357-8, no. 6969.
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37
lam, the grants of land in Yarnarna were given when a small Muslim community had already been in existence there. When the members of the Yamama delegation decided to embrace Islam, the Prophet granted them the mawat-Iand of Yamarna.l+" It is evident that by this grant the Prophet indicated that Yamarna was put under the sway of Islam, although the number of Yamamis who embraced Islam was very small. The guiding principle applied in Yarnama was that the conversion to Islam of even a small group under its leader was binding on the whole population of the district. The Muslim settlements in the different regions acted according to the instructions of the Medinan body politic. What the Medinan center demanded was the right of passage through the different regions in order to gain direct contact with the isolated Muslim communities. These small communities were decisive in the establishment of Muslim authority over the whole population; hence, the direct contacts of the Medinan center with these settlements became the conquest of the whole province in which these tiny Muslim communities existed. The conquest of Yamama by Islam was in fact the key to the conquest of the adjacent territories in the Arabian peninsula.
XII
The few passages of Musaylima's "Qur 'an," recorded in adab literature, in some Quranic commentaries, in historical compendia and in biographies of the Prophet, were harshly criticized by Muslim scholars. AIJahia's opinion on these saj' passages is negative: he maintains that Musaylima lacked the gifts of a poet, an orator, a soothsayer (kiihin) or a geneaologist.l t'' AI-Jal,1i~ gives some details about the beginnings of Musaylima's career as the "false prophet" of Yamama, He used to frequent the markets in Arab and Persian territories; he visited the markets of Ubulla, Baqqa, al-Anbar and al-Hira. He learned in these places the tricks of the sorcerers and of the idol temples guardians. He indeed succeeded to insert an egg steeped in acid into a glass bottle with a very narrow opening, claiming this was the miracle which he carried out with the help of Allah. A similar trick was carried out by Musaylima before all audience in which a Bedouin chief and his family were present; the chief was al-Mujja'a (b. Murara -k) al-Hanafi. Musaylima showed those present his miracle: the pigeons with their wings cut off (al-~amiimu 1-1I!aqiis'i~)were able to fly in a dark night. Like in the former case, he
117 See Abu 'Ubayd, al-Amwal, pp. 280-81: wa-amma iq!a'uhu [uriita bna ~ayyanin l'I.Jliyya arden bi-I-yamama Ja-ghayru hadha; uia-dhiilika anna I-yamamata qad kana 1,,/111 islamun 'ala 'ahdi l-nabiyyi s allii lliih u 'alayhi wa-sallam .... p. 281: .,. qiila abii '"/,,,yd: [a-k adhiilika iq!a'uhu [uriiia bna ~ayyiinin; wa-hii'ulii'i ashriiJu l-yamiima, [u II'1!a'ahum mawiita ardihim yata'allaJuhum bi-dhiilika. 14K AI-Jal,1i,? (d. 255 A. H.), al-Bayan wa-l-tabyfn, vol. 1, p. 359.
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claimed that he was helped by Allah and forbade on that occasion to keep the pigeons at home by cutting their wings. Mujja'a was fascinated by the two miracles and embraced the faith of Musaylima.l'i'' Al-Jahiz stressed the blind belief of the Bedouins in miracles and their ignorance of the frauds and impostures of jugglers and sorcerers. Muslim scholars, examining the utterances of Musaylima and analyzing the verses of his "Quran," stated that their composition is odd and ludicrous, formulated in poor saj'. The short utterance of Abu Bakr concerning passages of Musaylima's "Qur'an" was often quoted and widely circulated. Abu Bakr said it when the people of the Banii Hanifa came to Medina after the defeat of 'Aqraba' and the killing of Musaylima; they used to quote some of his revelations and his injunctions. Their assessment of the material was: "These utterances are devoid of any virtuous idea" (inna hiidhi: l-kaliima lam yakun min illin).150 Muslim scholars emphasize the differences between the queer utterances of Musaylima, composed in odd sa)', and the clear utterances of Allah revealed in the Qur 'an. The scholars stress that Musaylima borrowed a great deal of his utterances from the Qur'an, using some expressions for quite different situations. In the words of Ibn Kathir: "People of insight will find the deep difference between the feeble words of Musaylima, between his unworthy deeds, between his "Qur'an" - with which he will remain in the fire of Hell until the Day of (his) Distress and Shame - and between the Revelation of Allah;" "there is a great difference between the words of Allah - may He be exalted: Allah, there is no god except Allah, the Living, the Everlasting, slumber seizes Him not, nor sleep" and the "revelation" of Musaylima, may God disfigure him and curse him: "0 frog, the daughter of two frogs, croak as you may croak, you will not turn the water turbid, nor will you bar the drinking person (from drinking)." 151 Ibn Kathir continues to quote "the feeble verses from Musaylima's "Qur'an," accompanying every sentence with
149 AI-Jal:Ii~, Kiuiou l-~ayawiin, vol. 4, pp. 369-71; and see the mention of these miracles in the Kit aou l-~ayawiin vol. 6, p. 206. 150 In some sources, ill is rendered by alliih: if this is correct, the meaning would be: "These utterances are not from Allah." See al-Baqillanl, I'jiizu l-Qur'iin, p. 158: lam yakhruj 'an illin, ay 'an rububiyyatin, wa-man kiina lahu 'aqlun lam yushtabah 'alayhi sakhfu hiidhii l-k aliim, See the explanation of ill in 'Ikrima's readings in the phrase wa-lii yarqubiina jI mu'minin i/lan; it is derived from II, i.e., allah, which appears in the names of the angels: Jibril and MTkarl. In Tha'alibr's al-Kash] wal-bautin , vol. 3, p. 76/2, fol. 133a inf.-133b ill is rendered by al-mithiiq, al-'ahd, ol-hil], See also the quotation of Abu Bakr's saying in al- Tha'alibT, Tbimaru l-ouliib ; p. 174 inf; Lisiin al-'arab, s.v. all; Ibn Kathtr, Tajsir , vol. 3, p. 368,491; Mujahid, Tafsfr, vol. 1, p. 273, note 3; al-Tabart, .l iimi" al-bayan, vol. 14, pp. 145-50, (on Qur 'an 9:8). III is rendered by alliih (compared with jibrll, mfkii'lI, isriifll), by ties of relationship. According to the interpretation of the Basrans, ill is identical to 'ahd, mithiu; or yamIn. 151 Ibn Kath'ir , Tajsir , vol. 3, p. 490.
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39
a curse on Musaylima. Such was the utterance of Musaylima about the pregnant woman who brought forth a living being between the navel and the bowels." 152 Another utterance of Musaylima, scornfully assessed by Ibn Kathir , reads: "The Elephant, what is the elephant? And who shall tell you what is the elephant? He has a poor tail and a long trunk and is a trifling part of the creations of God." 153 Ibn Kathir classifies the utterances of Musaylima as utterances of nonsense and dotage (min al-khuriifiit wa-l-hadhayiiniit) which even youngsters abstain from telling except in the way of scoffing and sneering.154 A new and interesting approach concerning the "Qur'an" of Musaylima is found in the book of the Zaydi imiim al-Hariini, Ithbiii nubuwwati l-nabiyyi. Al-Hariini states that no composition opposing Islam was prevented from circulation in the Muslim community. Yazld b. Mu'awiya could freely circulate his verses in which he threatened that he would take revenge on the prophet Ahmad (i.e., Muhammad) because of his deeds; he expressed this threat when the head of Husayn b. 'An was brought to him.155 The verses of al- Wand b. Yazid b. 'Abd ai-Malik b. Marwan who spoke insolently about the threats of Allah against opressors (jabbiiriin) and tore the Quran to pieces in answer to these threats, says addressing the Qur 'an: "When you come to your Lord on the Day of Resurrection, tell Him: '0 my God, al-Walid tore me (to pieces)." 156 Al-Haruni insists that no "Quran" had been produced which could rival the Quran sent down to the Prophet Muhammad. "We needed not to publish the nonsensical and feeble passages of Musaylima in this book," says al-Haruni. "'We recorded these passages merely to make the astonished man wonder and to convince him that had there been a book really competing with the Qur'an, it would have been transmitted (lau kiinat li-l-qur'iini mu'iirodatur: fi l-haqiqati la-nuqilat)." Al-Haruni continues his argument concerning the impossibility that Musaylima could have intended to imitate (yu'iirilju) the Qur'an. "Though Musaylima was a liar and an insolent person, he was an Arab and (even) his ignorance would not have caused him to claim that he imitated the Qur'an.
152Ibn Kathrr , Tajsir , vol. 3, p. 491; and see al-Haruni, Ithbiit nubuwwati l-nabiyyi p. 39; R. Serjeant, Early Arabic Prose (chapter 3) in The Cambridge History oj Arabic Literature to the End oj Umayyad Period, edited by A.F.L. Beeston et alii, Cambridge 1983, pp. 114 ff., 128 sup. 153The translation is by R. A. Nicholson, A Literary History oj the Arabs, Cambridge 1956, p. 183. 154Ibn Kat hlr , Tajsfr vol. 3, p. 491; and see there the story of Abu Bakr who asked the Muslims (from Yamarna -k) to tell him the utterances of Musaylima. They were unwilling, but later agreed and reported his utterances. Abu Bakr then asked: "How did he confuse you and led your minds astray: by God, that (i.e., the utterance of Musaylima -k) did not come out from a righteous source." 155 Al-Harunr, lthbiit , p. 36; and see ibid. the verses of Yastd b. Mu'awiya. 156 Al-Har-unr, lthbiit , p. 36 inf.
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Had he acted in this way, he would have been shamed among his people (lau fa'ala dluilika kana yafta4i~u bayna qaumihi). Musaylima did not claim that he imitated the Qur'an; he merely stated that the passages which he uttered (innama kana yiiriduha) were sent to him from Heaven. However, not everything which is said to have been sent by Allah is an imitation of the Qur 'an. This is so because we do not say that the inimitability (i'jaz) of the Qur'an is caused only by the fact it was sent down from Heaven. We say that for the i'jaz of a revealed book additional attributes are needed. Nobody doubts that the Torah, the Gospels and the Psalms were sent down by Allah, but no inimitability had been established for these three books.P" In fact, nobody can imitate the Qur 'an. But poets, writers and scholars did embellish their writings with some of its words or phrases. A verse adorned with such a word turns into a brilliant spot in the poem. That is a special feature of the Qur'an and an indication that the words of the Qur'an differ from human speech.158 Musaylima was aware of the role of Qur'anic words embedded in a speech or in a saj' passage uttered by a religious leader. Al-Haruni's observations concerning the ways of quoting Qur'anic words in passages included in Musaylima's "Qur'an" deserve to be mentioned. Musaylima quotes some words from the Qur'an in which the Prophet referred to certain phenomena or to some occurences and uses them for a different context. Thus, the phrase: a-lam tara kayfa fa'ala rabbuka bi-a~~abi l-fil ("Has thou not seen how thy Lord dealt with the people of the elephant?") of Qur 'an 105 - was placed in Musaylima's Siirat al-hubl«: a-lam tara kayfa fa'ala rabbuka bi-l-hublii, "Hast thou not seen how thy Lord dealt with the pregnant woman." Another Qur 'anic phrase used by Musaylima was: la-qad manna lliihu 'ala l-mu'minina (Qur'an 3:164). This was put in the passage about the pregnant woman: la-qad manna lliihu 'ala l_~ubla.159 Al-Haruni states with satisfaction that due to Qur'anic expressions embedded in Musaylima's passages, these became an ornament covered with gems. It is quite plausible that the Qur'anic phrases were included in Musaylima's saj' utterances. This seems to have been the reason why some people were impressed by Musaylima's "Qur'an" and embraced his faith. The governor of 'Iraq succeeded, however, to convince some of these people to embrace Islam.160 The Qur'an was keenly studied by the emissaries of Musaylimain Medina who returned to Yamama; Musaylima learned it by heart and quoted it in his speeches as if they were part of his "Quran."
157 158
AI-HarunI, Ithbiit ; pp. 38-9. AI-HarunI, Ithbiit, p. 39 inf. 159 Al-Harunr, Ithbiit , p. 39. 160 Al-Tha'alibr, Thimiiru l-ouliib , p. 147.
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Musaylima
41
A glance at the descriptions of the sunrise, the morning, the evening and the night in the passages of M usaylima's "Qur'an" may lead us to some conclusions regarding the influence of the Qur'an on the ideas of Musaylima and on his political views. We read in Qur'an 9:1-2: "By the night when it covers up! And by the day when it brightens up ... " In Qur 'an 9:1-4, we read: "By the sun and its growing brightness. And by the moon when it follows it (the sun). And by the day when it reveals its glory. And by the night when it draws a veil over it ... ;, Qur'an 89:1-4 reads: "By the Dawn, And the Ten Nights, And the Even and the Odd, And the Night when it moves on (to its end.) ... ;, Impressive is the description of sunrise in Quran, 78:14-15: "And We appointed a blazing lamp, and have sent down out of the rain clouds water cascading that we may bring forth thereby grain and plants and gardens luxuriant." These quotations from the Qur'an are comparable to some fragments of Musaylima. It is evident that in the descriptions of the dark night covering the light of the day, Musaylima's text bears similarity to the Quran. In spite of the climate of Mecca in which the Prophet dwelt, in spite of the barren soil of that city, the Prophet recorded in his revelation the graces granted the believers. We read in Qur'an 6:99-100: "And it is He who sends down water from the cloud; and we bring forth therewith every kind of growth; then we bring forth with that green foliage wherefrom we produce clustered grain. And from the date palm, out of its sheath (come forth) bunches hanging low. And we produce therewith gardens of grapes and olive and the pomegranate - similar and dissimilar. Look of the fruit thereof when it bears fruit and the ripening thereof. Surely in this are signs for a people who believe." A short passage of Musaylima's "Qur'an" mentioning Allah's graces reads: "Remember the grace of Allah and thank Him, as He turned for you the sun into a shining lamp and turned the rain falling very thick (thajjaj); He brought forth for you the ram and the ewe and granted you silver and glass, gold and silk clothes (dzbiij). And it is from His grace that he brought out from the earth pomegranates, grapes, royal basilicum (myf}an), and bitter plants (zu'wan).161 The two descriptions of God's grace have the same tendency: to enumerate the bounty of the fruits, grapes, olive trees and palms granted by Allah. It is evident that the short passage discloses the intention of Musaylima to show the superiority of Yarnama over other areas; especially Mecca and Medina. The mention of the silver and gold of Yarnama refers to an important detail regarding the riches of Yarnarna: there were indeed several mines of silver and gold.162 Al-Tabarl163 and
161 162 163
Al-Tha'alibi, Tlumiiru l-quliib, p. 147. Al-Harnadani, [(itiib al-Jauharatayn, index (s.v. Yarnarna]. Al-Tabarr, Ta'rtkh , vol. 3, p. 284.
42
M. J.
f{ ister
al-BaqillanI164 record an additional passage containing the virtues of Yarnama: it is an injunction to defend the land of Yamama, to oppose its opressors and to help the humble and the poor. Al-Haruni follows this passage with sharp criticism: "These passages of Musaylima are too feeble-minded and poor to deserve inclusion in this book." 165 Musaylima's verse and speeches bear substantial similarity with the Qur 'an.
XIII
Serious rivalry ensued between the Prophet and Musaylima concerning one ofthe "proofs of prophet hood," (dalii'ilu l-nubuwwa): the miraculous healing of the sick. Well known is the miracle when the Prophet healed 'AlI of an inflammation of the eye. The Prophet sent a messenger to 'AlI asking him to come to his court and head a raid against the enemy. When 'AlI appeared with inflamed eyes, the Prophet spat into his eyes and blessed him. He gave him a banner; 'AlI went out with the troops and was victorious in the raid.166 Many reports concerning cases in which the Prophet cured madness, toothache, bellyache, dumbness, or forgetfulness are recorded in the Sire: as could be expected, the sources present the treatment of the Prophet as successful, while the treatment of Musaylima is always shown to be harmful. When the Prophet arrived in Medina, the people suffered from a plague of fever. The Prophet invoked God and the epidemic fever was removed from Medina to al-JuJ:!fa.167 A special treatment was given by the Prophet to a madman who was brought to the Prophet. The Prophet rubbed his back and invoked God to cure him. The madman recovered immediately and returned sane to his tribe.168 Another treatment was used by the Prophet on a boy from the tribe of Khath'am. When the Prophet was on a journey with one of his Companions, he met a Khathami woman sitting with a boy. She addressed the Prophet imploring him to help her in her distress: the boy was plagued everyday by many fits of madness. The Prophet then asked to pass him the child. He spat into the child's mouth three times. He said: "In the name of Allah, I am the servant of Allah, go away, 0 enemy of Allah!" Then the Prophet passed the child to his mother and asked her to meet him after a year in the same place. When the Prophet met the woman after a year, he asked her about the activity of Satan (al-khabzth). She told
AI-Baqillanf, l'jiizu I-Qur'iin, p. 157. Al-Haruni, Iihbiit ; p. 38. 166 Al-Dauraqr, Musnad Sa'd b. Abf Waqqii~, p. 51, no. 19; al-Maqrfzr, asmii', vol. 11, pp. 284-5; 167 Al-Maqrizr, Imtii'u I-asmii', vol. 11, pp. 295-303; 168 Al-Halabr, [nsiin al-'uyiin, vol. 3, p. 252.
164 165
lmtiii u 1-
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43
him that the Satan stopped his activity and they had not yet heard from him. The woman offered the Prophet three sheep. But the Prophet took only one sheep and returned the other two.t69 Another case was reported about 'Abd al-Rahman b. Zayd b. alKhatt ab. Abu Lubaba b. 'Abd al-Mundhir, the grandfather of the child from the mother's side brought the child to the Prophet; the child was born unusually small. The Prophet affirmed that he had not seen a child smaller than 'Abd al-Rahrnan b. Zayd. He took the child and performed the treatment of tahnik: he rubbed his palate with the pulp of a date, he stroked the head of the child with his hand and blessed him. After this treatment the child grew up and became a very tall person and a perfect man. 170 Another case of treating a Khath'ami child brought by his mother to the Prophet is recorded in al-Nuwayrr's Nihiiyat ol-arab fi [uniini l-adab. The mother complained that the child does not speak and asked for help. The Prophet ordered to bring him water; he gargled his throat with the water, he washed his hands with it and gave the water to the woman. He ordered her to give the water to the child to drink and to rub it into his body. The child was healed and grew up superior in intelligence. 171 It is not surprising that in contradistinction to the miraculous successes of the healing of Muhammad, the Muslim sources record the fatal results of Musaylima's treatments. Musaylima tried to imitate the Prophet in his miraculous healing. When he heard that the Prophet used to perform the tohnik , spreading pulp of dates on his finger and rubbing it on a child's palate, he did the same, but the boy in question became mute.172 He heard that the Prophet used to stroke children on their heads; he used the same method, stroked the head of a boy brought to him, but the boy became bald.173 When Musaylima heard that the Prophet used to spit into a well and turned its salty water sweet, he tried to imitate him and spat into a well blessing the water, but its sweet water turned salty.174 A case of Musaylima's invocation which caused a tragedy is reported by Ibn Hubaysh, A man came to Musaylima and told him about the sorrow of his family: "I am a wealthy man, but no child born to me lived more than two years, except a boy who is with us; he is more than ten years old. Yesterday," continued the father, "a
Imtii'u. l-asrnii", vol. 11, pp. 320-21. AI-MaqrIzI, Imtiii u l-asmii", 312. 171 Al-Nuwayrr, Nihiiyat al-arab, vol. 18, p. 331; and cf. al-Maqrfzr, Imtii=u l-asmii", vol. 11, p. 319. 172 Ibn AbI Dunya, al-Ishriif , p. 329. 173 Ibn AbI Dunya, al-Lshrii] , p. 329; 'All al-QarI, Sh arb: al-Shifii, on the margin of Nasfm al-riyiir/. of al-Khafaji, vol. 2, p. 486, 1. 3 from bottom): see also Ibn Hubaysh, Kitiib al-qh aeauuit , vol. 1, p. 55 inf., (with an addition: every child born to him was born bald). 174 Ibn Hubaysh , Kitiib al-ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 56.
170
169 Al-Maqrizr,
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M. J. Kister
child was born to me, and I beg you to bless him and to invoke Allah to prolong his life." Musaylima promised to do it, so that the newborn child would be granted forty years of life. The man returned to his house delighted, but found his elder son dead, after he fell into a well and drowned. The newborn child was lying down suffering the pangs of death; both children died in the evening. The mother of the children said sadly: "Abu Thumama has not been granted the position by Allah like that which was given to Muharnmad.l "
XIV
After the death of the Prophet and the election of Abu Bakr, the main goal of the body-politic in Medina was to quell the vigorous opposition of the Arab tribes against the injunction to pay zakiit from their herds. Abu Bakr began to prepare his army against the rebellious Bedouin tribes (including the Banu Hanifa]. According to the tradition recorded in Ibn Hubaysh's Ghazawiit as transmitted from Ibn Ishaq's slm, Abu Bakr planned to send an army against Yamarna and summoned Zayd b. alKhattab to appoint him the commander of the army. Zayd b. al-Khattab refused the offer because of his resolve to become a matyr (shahld) - an aspiration upon which the head of an expedition is not allowed to act. Then Abu Bakr wanted to appoint Abu Hudhayfa b. 'Utba b. Rabi'a (the brother of Hind bint 'Utba, the wife of Abu Sufyan] as commander of the force, but Abu Hudhayfa refused on the same grounds as Zayd.176 Afterwards, Abu Bakr summoned Khalid b. al-Walld [al-Makhzurni] and ordered him to march out with the Muslim force against the Bedouin tribes in order to subdue them. Khalid b. al-Walid marched out against the Asad, Ghatafan, Tayy and Hawazin; using merciless methods of punishment, he succeeded to defeat them totally. After this victory in Buzakha, Khalid decided to turn in the direction of al-Bitah, pursuing the famous Tarnlmi leader Malik b. Nuwayra. But the Ansar, who took part in the march, refused to follow Khalid's orders, arguing that they were waiting for a special letter from Abu Bakr and his clear orders concerning the continuation of their march, as they had been promised by him; Khalid's answer was that he had received a different command from Abu Bakr and he had to continue the march. As Khalid was the amlr, there was no need to wait for the orders of the Caliph because everything had to be decided by him. "But I am not going to act against
175 'All al-Qart, Shar~ al-shifit (on the margin of Nasfm al-riyiig from bottom: kiin ai iiyiituhu mankiisatan: [a-inn ahu kamii yuqiilu min sa'aliihu dhiilika t abarruk an, [a-moluh a mii'uhii. See also Ibn Nashwat al-t arab , vol. 2, p. 630 (with some variants). 176 Ibn Hubaysh , al-Ghazawiit vol. 1, p. 63: ... inna I-amlra shahiida.
vol. 2, p. 486,1. 3 tafila If bi'ri qauSa'td al-Andalusr, Iii yaqdiru 'alii 1-
The Struggle Against Musaylima
45
you by force," concluded Khalid, and set out with the Muhajirun, The Ansar were perplexed and started to discuss the situation stating: "If the people (headed by Khalid -k) gain booty (khayr), we shall be deprived of it; if a disaster afflicts them, the people will shun us." So the Ansar decided to join Khalid. They sent a messenger to him and asked to be permitted to join the army. Khalid magnanimously agreed.177 Modern historians of Islam have not paid enough attention to the opposition of the Ansar and their withdrawal from the army of Khalid at a decisive stage. Khalid intended to attack a strong section of Tarnim, who claimed that they embraced Islam and were only accused that they refused to pay the zakiit imposed by Abu Bakr. The withdrawal of the Ansar seems to indicate that there was a real split in the Muslim army in connection with the unfaithfulness of the Bedouins. After the victory of Khalid b. al-Walid in Buzakha, some of the Bedouins came to Abu Bakr asking to grant them letters of safety and to enable them to convert to Islam. Abu Bakr refused and advised them to join the army of Khalid; those about whom Khalid would report that they had stayed with him (in his army -k) in Yamama would be granted safety. That was Abu Bakr's decision and the Bedouins were asked not to bother him anymore. An instructive report of al- Waqidi (quoted on the authority of Abu 'Abdallah b. Abi l-Jahm) says that the Bedouins who joined Khalid b. al-Walid caused the defeat of the Muslim force on the Day of Yam am a three times and were a disaster for the Muslims. As a result of this, the Ansar demanded to wage battle alone.178 During the campaign against the Bedouin tribal formations Khalid disarmed the Bedouin troops and handed over their weapons to the Muslim units. The weapons were registered and returned after the battles; Khalid handed over the returned weapons to Abu Bakr .179 In contradistinction to the sharp criticism of the actions of the Bedouins during the battles, the reports of the Muslim sources abound in impressive descriptions of the heroic deeds of the Companions for the cause of Islam in obedience to the Prophet's orders. The veterans of the sahiiba were admired for their resolve; 'Umar b. al-Khattab was highly praised because he killed every unbeliever captured in the battle. Among those killed was al-'A~ b. Hisham, his uncle on his mother's side (al-khiil). It was 'Urnar b. al-Khattab who suggested killing the captured non-Muslims, or to extradite them to their relatives in order that they
AI-TabarI, tv-o«, vol. 3, pp. 276-77. Ibn Hubaysh, al- Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 59; cf. 'Abd al-Jabbar, Tathbit dalii'ili 1nubuwwati, vol. 2, p. 587: ... [a-qiilu: qad 'awwadanii I-a'riibu l-firiir, mii hii-kadhii kunnii nuqiitilu mae a l-nabiyy; s alla lliiliu 'alayhi wa-sallam. uia-qiilii li-khiilidi bni l-uialidi, wa-huwa amfruhum: "akhli~nii bi-'aduwwinii," [a-okhlas ahum, 179 Ibn Hubaysh , al-Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 46.
177 178
46
kill them .180
M. J. Kister
It is noteworthy that the religious fervour pervading the faithful Muslims caused them to engage in duels even with their unbelieving fathers in order to kill them. Such was the case of Abu Hudhayfa b. 'Utba b. Rabi'a who was prevented by the Prophet from fighting his father with the intention of killing him. The sarcastic poetry of his sister Hind bint 'Utba b. Habi'a, the mother of Mu'awiya, did not convince her brother to change his decision. She reminded him that the father was kind to him, brought him up until he became a young man and granted him a proper education, blaming him as a squinting, inauspicious and faithless person.I''! However, Abu Hudhayfa was convinced by the Prophet to refrain from killing his father: "Leave him," said the Prophet, "and let somebody else kill him." And, indeed, Abu Hudhayfa's father, his uncles, his brother, his nephew (ibn akhZhi) and other relatives were killed by the Muslims. Abu Hudhayfa was glad and thanked Allah for these fatal events in his family.182 The situation in Abu Bakr's family was not less complicated. One day Abu Bakr heard his father, AbU Quh afa , reviling the Prophet. Abu Bakr violently slapped his father so that he fell upon his face. He told the Prophet about the event; the Prophet asked him not to do it again. Abu Bakr nevertheless said: "Had I had a sword at hand, I would have killed him." 183 Additionally, Abu Bakr summoned one of his non-Muslim sons to a duel on the day of Badr .184 The first clash between the force of Khalid b. al-Walid and the warriors of Musaylima ended with a defeat of the force of Khalid. In the following two clashes the force of Musaylima was also victorious. The Muslim fighters felt that they were threatened by strong warriors with superior arms and swords.185 The forces led by Khalid b. al-Walid against the rebellious tribes and later against the Banu Hanifa are reported in some sources to be enormous. These reports seem to be exaggerated. A concise tradition transmitted by Rafi' b. Khadij, a warrior in Khalid's force,186 gives us some details about the number of warriors: "We went out of Medina about
180 'Abd al-Jabbar, Taihbit dalii'ili l-nubuwwa, vol. 2, p. 584, inf.; for 'Umar's advice on this, see al-Khaz in , Lubiib al-ta'wil, vol. 3, p. 41. 181 See Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Lstit iii», p.1631, no. 2914; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr remarks with sharp criticism: "He was the best man in his belief, but she was - writing these two lines of poetry - the worst person in belief." See also Ibn Sa'd, al- Tabaqiit al-kubrii, vol. 3, pp. 84-5. 182 'Abd al-Jabbar, Tathbit dalii'ili l-nubuwwa, vol. 2, p. 585. 183 Al-Mawardi, Tajsir (al-Nukat wa-I-'uyiin), vol. 4, p. 205. 184 Al-Khaz in , Lubiib al-i a'suil, vol. 7, p. 46. 185 See Tabarl , Ta'rikh , vol. 3, p. 289; about the hinduwiiniyya swords, see Friedrich Wilhelm Schwarzlose, Die WafJen der alten Amber (Leipzig, 1886), pp. 127-8. 186 See Ibn Hubaysh , Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 72.
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4000 men, the people from the Ansar were about 400-500 men," and "the Banu Hanifa counted about the same number (4000 men)." 187 Ibn
Khadij continues his report saying that the Muslim force was defeated three times because of the Bedouins in their lines, who used to flee at every enemy attack, drawing with them people of conviction and sincerity (Ja-yastakhiffii ahla l-basii'iri wa-l-niyyiiti). Then Thabit b. Qays called Khalid to give the Ansar and Muhajiriin the exclusive prerogative to act against the enemy (akhli~nii li-'aduwwinii). Khalid consented: "It is up to you (dhiilika ilayka)," was his answer. Thabit b. Qays took the banner, cried "yii la-l-onsiiri" and gathered his men. Then Khalid cried: "yii-la-l-muhiijirzn!" and the Muhajinin came and surrounded him. The Bedouins were stationed far behind the fighters.188 After the failure of the Muslim force to achieve victory in three assaults against the Banii Hanifa, the Muslims decided to march out against them a fourth time. The Muslim force marched vigorously and put a part of the Banii Hanifa to flight. In this attack, the Muslims succeeded in killing one of the commanders of the Hanafi force; it was 'Abd al-Rahrnan b. AbI Bakr who killed him. Shocked by the killing of their commander, the Barril Hanifa retreated to a large garden which came to be known as the Garden of Death. It was a place with a high wall closed by a gate. The Banu Hanifa who retreated to this place considered it suitable for their last stand. The pursuing Muslim force reached the closed gate of the Garden, but did not fight the Banii Hanifa. In their peculiar situation, al-Bara'a b. Malik, the hero of the attacking force, decided to perform a dangerous mission: he asked a group of Muslim fighters to throw him from above the fence into the Garden where the fighters of the Banu Hanifa had the upper hand in the struggle. The Muslim fighters threw al-Bara'a b. Malik over the wall into the Garden and he succeeded to open the gate. The Muslim warriors poured through the open gate into the Garden and began to kill their enemies. Nearly everyone who was in the Garden was killed or wounded. Musaylima was killed along with many of his followers. Many famous Muslims vied with each other claiming that they participated, together with a black slave named Wahshi, in Musaylima's death. The Banii 'A.mir claimed that Khidash b. Bashir together with Wahshi killed Musaylima. After the killing of Musaylima, a woman looked from the window of her house in the Garden and saw Musaylima lying on the ground and shouted: "Alas, let us grieve for the commander of the faithful! He was killed by a black slave," (wii-amzm l-mu'minin, qaialahu al-'abd al-aswal/)! 189
187 188 189
See Ibn Hubaysh , Gh azauuit ; vol. 1, p. 72 and seq. See Ibn Hajar , al-Lsiiba , vol. 3, p. 16 no. 3054. See Baladhurr, Fuiiil; al-buldiin , p. 121 where Wahshr
says that he killed both
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M. 1. Kister
This exclamation reflects the feelings of Musaylima's supporters: they considered him as the head of their religious community while alive.190 Many Muslims were introduced into the fictitious lists of men who were credited with killing Musaylima. The most surprising tradition is that Muawiya claimed to have killed Musaylima, although we have no evidence that he participated in the battle at all.191 Baladhuri mentions a report according to which Musaylima was killed by 'Abdallah b. Zayd b. 'A~im of the Banii Najjar of the Ansari clanJ92 Some other people are also mentioned as taking part in the killing of MusaylimaJ93 After the end of the bloody battle of al-fAqraba", Khalid b. Wand sent al-Mujja'a b. al-Murara to evaluate the situation of the Banii Hanifa in their nearby town and to assess their feelings and plans after their defeat. Mujja'a returned to Khalid and informed him that their dwellings were full of warriors and that they were ready to renew the war against the Muslims. Mujja'a advised the Banu Hanifa to clad the women and the youths in military clothing and to appear in this manner in the windows of their dwelings. Mujja'a spoke about the weariness of the Muslim warriors and suggested to agree to a ceasefire. Khalid agreed, although Abu Bakr ordered him to be harsh towards the Banu Hanifa, to kill the wounded, to apprehend those who were in retreat, and to kill the prisoners.v'" The fatigue of the Muslim army forced Khalid to be more considerate towards the Banu Hanifa, The treaty stated that the Banu Hanifa would convert to Islam and surrender their gold or silver, their weapons and coats of mail. Abu Bakr was enraged by this; nevertheless he decided to ratify the treaty. However, he did not forgive Khalid his concessions. He publicly expressed his fears that the Banu Hanifa would remain faithful in their belief to Musaylima until the Day of Resurrection. 195
"the best man," meaning Harnza (the Prophet's uncle) and "the worst man," meaning Musaylima. 190 Al-Dhahabi, Siyar a'Liim al-nubalii', vol. 1, p. 132; al-Zurqani, Shar~ al-mawahib al-laduniyya, vol. 4, p. 24 sup. 191 See al-Baladhurr, Futiil; al-buldiin , p. 121. 192 See Ibn Qudarna al-Maqdis'i, al-Lstibeiir . pp. 81-2; al-DhahabI: Siyiir a'liim alnubulii', vol. 1, p. 132. 193 The names mentioned are Abu Dujana, Wal]shI and 'Abdallah b. Zayd. See alDhahabi, Siyar a'Liirri al-nubalii", vol. 1, p. 130,132, vol. 2, p. 204,271; Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'iiri!, p. 371. Many others who claimed to have taken part in the killing are mentioned in compendia of Srra and Hadit h. 194 The Muslims' hatred towards the people of the ridda is reflected in the extremely cruel treatment of the prisoners of war in the battle against Sulaym. Khalid b. alWalrd gathered a group of captives in enclosures and burned them. See Dhahabi, Siyar a'liim al-riubalii", vol. 1, p. 268. After the battle against the ridda of 'Uman, Asad and Ghatafan , the Muslims burned the bodies of their fallen enemies. See 'Abd al-Jabbar, Taihbt: dalii'il al-nubuwwa, vol. 2, pp. 588 ult.-589 11. 1-2. 195 Ibn Hubaysh , Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 96.
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***
The conquest of Yarnama was one of the most important events in the history of early Islam. Though the defeat of the Banii Hanifa took place during the reign of Abu Bakr, the negotiations with Bedouins who eventually became allied with Islam had been successfully completed while the Prophet was still alive. Before his death, he is said to have sent letters to the tribal leaders who embraced Islam and demanded that they act against Musaylima, in support of the secessionist leaders of Yarnama, These secessionists were Musaylima's opponents, backed by the body politic of Medina. The conquest of Yarnama paved the way for Muslim expansion into other regions of the Arabian peninsula. It also revealed some serious problems plaguing the nascent Muslim state. For the first time, some of the Ansari' warriors refused to obey their commander Khalid b. alWalId and agreed to return to the army only after they became convinced that this course of action would safeguard their interests. Furthermore, the conflict with the Bedouin tribes became evident and was publicly expressed. The idea that only the Ansar and the Muhajirfin should fight the enemy matured in an atmosphere of intense mistrust toward the Bedouins. In contradistinction to the attitude of the Bedouins whose sole aim was to get a share of the booty without endangering their lives, the Muslim tradition extols the bravery and enthusiasm of the Muhajinin and the Ansar who were more than willing to enlist in the fighting force under Khalid's comrnand.U" They are described as being ready to sacrifice their lives for the sake of Islam. In the bloody battles of the ridda, the idea of martyrdom for the sake of Islam (shahiida) came into being. The martyrs were promised eternal bliss in Paradise and the idea of martyrdom became at least as important as the military victory itself. This can be exemplified by a conversation between 'Urnar b. al-Khattab and his son 'Abd Allah who survived a battle in which his brother Zayd b. al-Khattab was killed. 'Umar said to his surviving son: "You have returned home safe and sound while your brother is dead. Why were you not slain before him? I wish I had not seen your face!" 'Abd Allah replied: "Father, Zayd asked for martyrdom and God granted his wish. I strove for the same, but it was not given to me." 197 The Muslim sources extol those who were killed in battle. The tradition recounting the heroic deeds of the Muslims formed an essential part of the history of the [utiil; and the maghiizf literature.
196 197
'Abd al-Jabbar, Tathbit dalii'ili l-nubuwwa See Tabar), Ta'rikh , vol. 3, p. 292.
vol. 2, p. 584-589.
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M. J. Kister
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