Tighten Thy Grip on Mudar.pdf and Journalof the Economic SocialHistoryof the Orient,Vol. XXIV, Part III O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR... Somesocio-economic religious and aspects an early of .hadith* BY M.J.KISTER To Professor D. Goitein S. a humble tribute. The widely current utterances attributed to the Prophet concerning his eponymous ancestor Mudar and his progeny are usually couched in very favourable terms. Tradition stresses that the angel Jibril himself told the Prophet of his descendance from Mudar 1); the Prophet, recording his pedigree, thus stated explicitly that he was of Mudar 2). Mudar is obviously counted in Muslim tradition among the highly praised ancestors of the Prophet, chosen by God from amongst the whole of mankind and singled out by Him from among the Arabs 3). The very early traditions emphasized that Quraysh preserved and kept the monotheistic tradition of Ismd'il and Ibrahim and that the guardians and champions of this belief were the eponymous ancestors of the Prophet; widely current is the utterance attributed to the Prophet according to which Mudar was a Muslim and it is not lawful to curse him 4). The ancestors of the Prophet are said to have stuck to their * A summary of this paper was read in a meeting of the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities in Jerusalem on December 2, 1975. i) Al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal, Hyderabad 1385/1965, XIII, 51, no. 297; cf. Muhammad Anwar al-Kashmiri al-Diwabandi Fayd al-bari cald 1-bukhbri, Cairo I357/1938, IV, izi21 inf.:... innama kina banz7tamimin min qaumi sah.hib 1-nabiyyili-anna 1-nabiyyakana min mudarawa-ha'ula'i aydan mudariyyfn... z) Al-Wdqidi, Maghdzg, ed. M. Jones, London 1966, p. ioii; al-Shdfici, al-Umm, Cairo (Bfilq) 1321 (reprint), VI, 215. 3) See e.g. al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, 36-38, nos. 225, 233-234. 4) Al-Balddhuri, Ansib al-ashrdf, ed. Muhammad Hamidullah, Cairo I959, I, 3 I; al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, 51, no. 294; and see ib. the version that both Rabica and Mudar embraced Isldm; and see this version: al-Shibli, Maha-sinal-wasa'il ft 0 GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR 243 Arab faith, without converting to Judaism, Zoroastrianismor Christianity5). In line with this notion the Prophet is said to have enjoined to follow (the descendants of-K) Mudar whenever there was a dissension among the believers, as Mudar would always be on the right path and act justly 6). Mudar were indeed granted prophethood and caliphate, Islam gained power and strength through Mudar and great conquests were made after Mudar embraced Islam, says Ibn Sa'id in his Nasbwat al-tarab7). The favourable traditions about Mudar are confronted by a few unpropitious utterances also attributed to the Prophet; these unfavourable sayings refer, however, either to the coarse Bedouin traits of character of Mudar or are cast in the form of prophecies concerning the wicked role of Mudar as an oppressive element in the government of the Muslim Empire which persecutes and harms the believers 8). Of some importance seems to be a peculiar tradition according to which the Prophet invoked God asking Him to afflict Mudar with years of drought like those at the time of Joseph. "O God, tighten Thy grip on Mudar", the Prophet invoked, "Turn barren years upon ma'rifatil-awd'il, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 1530, fol. 54a; and see another version of this tradition: al-Naysdbiri, Ghard'ibal-qur'dn ed. al-furqdn, Ibrahim cAtwa wa-raghd'ib 'Iwad, Cairo 1386/1967, XVIII, 31; and see I. Goldziher, MuslimStudies,ed. S. M. Stern, London 1967, I, 83-84, note 5. cald ed. Thaldthu 5) Cf. rasd'il(al-radd 1-nasdrd), J. Finkel. Cairo1344, P. 15: kdnatal-nasrdniyyatu fdshiyatanwa-'alayhd ...wa-ukhrd wa-hiya fthd ghdal-J.hiz, anna -'caraba wa-lamtafshu libatan,illa mudara, wa-ldmdjdsiyyatun, yahdidyyatun fa-lam taghlib'alayhd thumma wa-lamtacrif mudaru dina1-'arabi, 1-islima. illa fiha1-nasrdninyyatu... 6) Ibn Abi 1-Dunyi, al- Ishrifft mandzilal-ashrdf,Ms. Chester Beatty 4427, fol. 69b; al-Muttaqi1-Hindi,op.cit., XIII, 51, no. 295-296; Goldziher,op.cit., I, 84, note 5. ntaha1-sharafu wa-17) Ms. Tiibingen I, fol. 94: ... ilayba (i.e. al-mudariyya--K) awwalan wa-dkhiran 'iddatu wa-l-khildfati wa-khassaha wa-bihdCazza lldhubi-l-nubuwwati i-isldmu .. lammadakhalatfihiafwdjan. wa-cazumatfutzihuhu Ta'rikhWdsit, 8) See al-Hdkim,al-Mustadrak, Hyderabad 1342, IV, 470; Balhshal, ed. Gurguis 'Awwad, Baghdad 1386/1967, p. 262; al-Tah1wi, Mushkil al-dthdr, min Hyderabad 1333, I, 435-436; Yisuf b. Mnasial-Hanafi,al-Muctasar al-mukhtasar min mushkilal-dthdr, Hyderabad 1362, II, 385; al-Muttaqi1-Hindi, op cit., XIII, 51, no. 298; and see ib., p. 42, no. 259: wa-mudaru cindausfzliadhndbi 1-ibilihaythuyatla'u rabi'ata wa; qarnu 1-shaytan... and see ib., no. 263:... wa-l-jafd'u fihddhayni l-hayyayni ed. Cairos.v. m d r: ... ; Ibn al-Athir,al-Nihdyafigharhb al-hadith, al-Tandhi, mudara... mudaru, fa-qdia: tuqdtilu ... wa-dhakara macaha maddaraha fl1-ndri. khurutja c'aishata lldhu 244 M. J. KISTER them like the famine years of Joseph" 9). There are divergent and even contradictory opinions of hadith scholars, Qur'an commentators and biographers of the Prophet about the circumstances in which the Prophet uttered this invocation. The period during which the Prophet pronounced the invocation is disputed and so are also the prayers in the course of which the invocation was performed, the curses and blessings linked with the invocation, whether the invocation was continuous, whether it was abrogated and consequently whether it is, or is not permissible to use invocations during prayers. A closer examination of these diverse traditions about the Mudar invocation and a scrutiny of some traditions referring to other events of that period may grant us a clue for a better understanding of the Prophet's attitude towards the different tribal groups and towards the various factions in Mecca, to elucidate some of the economic and political decisions which he took during his struggle with the hostile tribal divisions and during negotiations with his enemies. The analysis of these traditions may help us to get a more adequate assessment of the changes which took place in the perception of invocations and supplications during the prayers and to form a better evaluation of the political situation in Mecca and Medina in the decisive period preceding the conquest of Mecca. 9) Ibn Sacid, op.cit.,fol. 94r., inf.; cf. Ibn Farak, Mushkil al-hadith,Hyderabad Hyderabad1332, II, 33; al-Mubarrad, 1362,p. 97; al-Marzfiqi, al-AZmina wa-l-amkina, Beirut al-Kdmil,ed. Muhammad Abia 1-FadlIbrdhim, Cairo; Ibn Sacd, al-Tabaqdt, Sunan,ed. cAbdallahHdshim Yamini, al-Madina 1376/1957, II, 53; al-Diraqutni, al-munawwara,1386/i966, II, 38, no. 7; Mahmid MuhammadKhattSb, al-Manhal al-maurfid abi al-cadhb sharhsunanal-imdmi ddwfd,Cairo 1394, VIII, 80; Aba 1-Layth Cairo 1347, P. 197 inf.; Ibn Majah,Sunan Tanbih al-ghdfilin, al-Samarqandi, Cairo 1349, I, 375; al-Bayhaqi,al-Sunan al-mus.tafd, al-kubrd,Hyderabad 1346, II, 197-198, zoo, 21o; Ibn Shahrdshib,Mandqib dlabitalib,Najaf 376/1956,I, 72 (the Prophetinvoked against Mudar according to the request of Khabbdbb. al-Aratt), I89; Shahriddrb. Shirawayh al-Daylami, Musnad al-firdaus,Ms. Chester Beatty 4139, fol. I36b; al-Thacilibi, Thimdr al-qulzb,ed. MuhammadAbfi 1-FadlIbrdhim, Cairo 1384/1956, p. 49, no. 57. Ibn IHajaral-'Asqalni, al-Arba'una l-mutabcyinatu 1-asinidiwaMs. 1-mutfin, Hebrew Univ. Yahuda Ar. zo, I, fol. i7a-b (the persons against whom the Prophet invoked were: Aba Jahl, cUtba b. Rabia, Shayba b. Rabl'a, alWalid b. 'Utba, cUqbab. abi Mucayt,Umayyab. Khalaf and a manwhose nameis not disclosed). O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR 245 I According to a traditionrecordedby 'Abd al-Razziqon the authority of his teacherMa'marb. Rashid(d. 15o H), the Prophet respondedto a requestby a man of Mudarto pray for them for rain, afterthe man had describedto the Prophet the grave situation of his tribe as a result of a drought;afterthe prayerof the Propheta greatdeal of rainpoured down 10). Two other traditions indicate that the drought had been caused by a previous invocation of the Prophet11). The reason for the Prophet's invocation against Mudar was, according to a tradition, their stubborn refusalto embraceIslam, their disobedience,arrogance and unbelief12). Some Muslim scholarsexplainedthat the Prophet'sinvocation was merely addressedagainst the evil-doers of Mudar, not against the whole of this tribal confederation 13), others however out that the curse afflictednot only the evil-doers of Mudar, pointed since the Prophet and his Companionswere also hit by the famine14). records15) the name of the man of Mudar who asked the Al-HIJakim Prophet to prayfor rain: Ka'b b. Murraal-Bahzi(scil. from the Mudari tribeof Sulaym-K) 16). The extent of the drought by which the Mudar tribes were affected ed. io) 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, Habibu 1-Rahmdnal-Aczami, Beirut 1390/ 1971, III, 90, no. 4908. ii) 'Abd al-Razzdq,op. cit., III, nos. 4907, 4909. 12) See e.g. Ibn Sacid,op. cit., fol. 94 r., inf.: ...wa-qad kdnarasilu llhi (s)yashkf shdud... ild rabbihimin 'isyanihim wa-culuwwihim qla llthumma hatta~ 13) See e.g. Yasuf b. Mvis~ al-Hanafi, op. cit., II, 320: ... wa-shdud wat'ataka 'ali mudara, ay: Cali man lamyu'min minhum...; ib., p. 385: ... wa-minhu qauluhu ... min min wa-shdud wa-huwa wa-kathbrun al-sahiba wa-sallamfiqunfitihi: salla ll/thualayhi mankana minhum khil/fi 1-tariqati mudara, ; wa-l-murtdu: 1-mustaqima... and see Cala al-Tahdwi,Mushkilal-dthjr,I, 436. 14) Ibn Qutayba, Ta'wil mukhtalif al-hadith,Cairo 1326, p. 318: ... wa-qaddact rasil/u lithi (s) alda shdud Cal/ mudara, fa-qjla: Ilkihumma wa.tpataka mudara...fa-njia dhilika 1-jadbu rasila llihi wa-asihbahu wa-bi-ducj)ihiCuqib*b shadda1-muslimina hatta Cald butinihim min al-hijarata alfj'Ci. 15) op. cit., I,328. See on him ed. 16) Al-H.kim Ibn Hajar, al-Isa;ba, 'Ali Muhammadal-Bijdwi, Cairo 1392/ 1972, V, 6iz, no. 1439 (Ka'b b. Murramerely saw the man who asked the Prophet to invoke for rain). 246 M. J. KISTER can be gauged from a report recordedby al-Jdhiz17) and quoted by alBayhaqis18);as a result of the curse rain stopped, trees died, flocks and cattle perished, pastures diminished and people were compelled to eat 'ilhib, a mixfure of blood and hair and hides. Then HJjib b. Zurdra set out to Kisrd, complaining of the hard19) and asking the king to grant his tribe permission to graze their ship flocks in the region of Sawid al-'Iraq;he left his bow as a pledge that his people would not harassthe subjectsof the Persianruler.When the sufferingof Mudar reached its point of culmination,and divine proof the reached its predestined conclusion (balaghat mablaghahd) al-.hqija and rain poured Prophet made a new invocation intercedingfor them down. The reason for the Prophet's invocation against Mudar, as given in this report, was the allegationraisedby Qurayshand the Arab tribes that the Prophet was a liar, causing him harm and the fact that they decided to expend their wealth in order to fight him 20). The two Mudar tribes mentioned in this report are Quraysh and Tamim21). It is evident from the reports that when the Prophet cursed Mudar he cursed the Mudar tribes; when he prayed for rain he asked for rain and fertility for these Mudar tribes (Tamim and Sulaym) on which their flocks were dependentand on which the supplyof their vital needs of grain depended.It is obvious that the supply of grain and meatby the allied tribes for the Meccan Qurashiteswas vital for the very existence of Mecca. The link between the curse of the Prophet and Qurayshis apparentin the comment by al-Batalyisi22) on the nickname sakhina 17) Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3138 (Mukhtarat al-Jthiz) fol. i zb. fuisl ed. Ibrdhim b. Muhammad al-Bayhaqi,al-Mahasinwa-l-masawi, Muhammad I8) Cairo I380/I96I, I, 24-25; and see cAbd al-Jabbdr, Tathbit Abid 1-Fadl ed. Ibr.him, dala'il al-nubuwwa, cAbd al-Karim 'Uthmdn, Beirut 1386/1966, I, 80 inf.-8i sup. 19) See on him: EI2 s.v. HIdjib b. Zurdra. 1-musta20) Ibrdhimb. Muhammadal-Bayhaqi,op. cit., I, 24: ... thumma duc'auhu wa-1anna1-nabiyya lammdlaqya min qurayshin lladhW ta'khira fhi, wa-dhalika la (s) jabu lahuwa-takdhibihim adhihum minshiddati calayhi bi-l-amwdli wa-stic'natihim iyyahu 'arabi bildduhum... dacaan tajdiba al-farid,ed. Ahmad 21) See a slightly differentversion: Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, al-cIqd Amin, Ahmad al-Zayn, al-Abydri,Cairo 1375/ 1956, II, 20-21. Ibr.him ft 22) Ibn al-Sid al-BatalyTsi,al-Iqtiiddb sharh adab al-kuttdb,Beirut 1973 (re- O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR 247 applied to Quraysh: when Qurayshrefused to embraceIslam, though summoned by the Prophet, the Prophet invoked God against them: alldhumma shdud sininaka-siniyifsufa. wat'atakawa-j'alhd'alayhim They sufferedfrom droughtfor seven yearsduringwhich time they nourished on 'ilhiz and on a thin gruel of coarse flour calledsakhina In some 23). the people of Mecca)are mentioned24). cases, indeed, only Quraysh(or The course of events connectedwith the Prophet's curse is the usual one: Quraysh refused to embrace Islam; the Prophet invoked God against them and they were afflicted by hardship and famine; they repentedand were relieved, but lapsed into unbelief and were punished on the Day of Badr. This sequenceof events is indicated in the verse: ..."upon the day when We shall assault most mightily, then we shall take Our vengeance"25). Another version seems to point to the direct and indirectobjectsof the curse:the cursewas directedagainstQuraysh, but the invocation of the Prophet to lift the curse and his prayerfor rain were performed on the request of men from Mudar and for the benefit of their tribes26). Numerous traditionsindicate clearlythat the stubborn refusal of Quraysh to follow the Prophet, the curse of the Prophet, the drought and hunger, the Prophet's prayer for them, God's help and the reversionof Qurayshto unbelief-all these happened before the hbira;Quraysh were punished by God and they suffered defeat on the Day of Badr (AH 2). Some versions of this tradition state that it was Abi Sufy.n who print), p. 46; al-Baghdddi,KhiZinatal-adab,ed. cAbd al-Salm Hdrin, Cairo 1397/ 1977, VI, 527-528 (from al-Iqtidab). 23) Cf. L CA, s.v. s kh n. 24) Cf. Ibn Ndqiydal-Juminft tashbihat al-qur')n, ed. Ahmad al-Matlfb, Khadija Baghddd 1387/1968, p. 347; and see al-Nayssbflri, op. cit., XXX, 188. al-IHadithi, 25) Cf. Muqitil, Tafsir, Ms. Ahmet III, no. 74/2, fol. 84b-85a;al-Bayhaqi,Dala'il ed. al-nubuwwa, 'Abd al-Rahmin Muhammad cUthmdn, Cairo 1389/1969, II, 87 inf.--88 sup.; al-Suyati, al-Khasa'is al-kubrd,ed. MuhammadKhalil Harris, Cairo 1386/1967, I, 369 inf.-370 sup.; al-Qurtubi, Tafsir (= al-Jdmic li-ahkim al-qur'tn) Cairo 1387/1967, XII, I35, XVI, i31; al-Khazin, Tafsir (= Lubib al-ta'wil), Cairo 1381/repr.)V, 33; al-Baghawi, Tafsir(=Macdlim al-tanzil,on margin of al-Khdzin's Cairo I328. VIII. 34. Tafsir), V, 33; Hayydn, Tafsfrul-bahri1-muhit,, Cairo 1314, VI, 28; Ibn Kathir,Tafsir, 26) See e.g. al-Suyati, al-Durr al-manthzfr, Aba. Beirut 1385/1966, VI, 246. 248 M. J. KISTER came to the Prophet and recountedthe plight of Quraysh(scil. asking him to pray for them-K) 27). In some versions of this tradition it is mentioned that certain Qurashites joined Abi Sufyan when he was on his way to the Prophet. Muqdtilrecords the names of the members of the Qurashitedelegation to the Prophet led by Abii Sufydn: 'Utba b. Rabi'a, al-'As b. Wd'il, Mut'im b. 'Adi, Suhaylb. 'Amr and Shayba b. Rabi'a 28). The members of the delegation were indeed the leaders of the Meccan opposition against the Prophet; they were capturedor killed in the battle of Badr. Some traditions explicitly say that the delegation headed by Abii Sufydn came to the Prophet when he was still in Mecca, before he left on his hbjra Medina29). These traditions, to possessing as they do fine narrative structure,belong to the type of miracle-traditions which encompassesa well-known cycle of edifying stories: the Prophet calls to a group of people to embrace the true religion, his call is harshly rejected, God punished them in answer to the Prophet's request, then the Prophet's invocation rescues the unvelievers who, after a short period of repentance, soon revert to unbelief and are severely punished. But though they are vague and imprecise, these traditions seem to contain some historical details which may be elucidatedfrom other versions of this event. It is the Muslim scholars themselves, aware of the incongruity of these traditions, who transmitted diverse reports about the circumstances of the curse of Mudar, some of them more tallying with the historicalevents and more reliable. al-kubra,I, 370; idem, II, 27) Al-HIkim, al-Mustadrak, 394; al-Khasa'is al-Durr al-manthfzr, z8; al-Khdzin, op.cit., V, 34; al-Baghawi, op.cit., V. 34; alVI, al-Suy.ti, II, Bayhaqi Dalj'il al-nubuwwa, 89, 90 inf.; Abi Nu'aym al-Isfahdni, Dala'il alHyderabad 1369/1950, pp. 382-383; al-'Ayni, 'Umdatal-qdir,Cairo 1348, nubuwwa, VII, 27-28, 45-46; and see Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, V, 31 inf.-3z sup.; Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 5912, I, fol. 192b; al-Naysdbfri, op. cit., XXV, 66. 28) Muqitil, op. cit., Ms. 74/II, fol. 146a-b. h~dhacaldanna1-qi?ata 29) Al-cAyni, op. cit., VII, 28, 1.9: ... wa-dalla k/nat qabla Cairon.d., IV, 103, 1.2 (and see ib., p. Ioz) ... al-iljhbyya, 1-hijrati ; al-Jamal,al-Futihadt and see the comments of al-'Ayni, op. cit., VII, 45 : .. . wa-kana qabla1-hijrati majPuhu 1-madinata anna ... wa-lamJyunqal abasufydna qablabadrin(commenting on the qadima refers to the Muslim victory at Badr). interpretationthat al-batsha 1-kubra O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR 249 II Al-Bayhaqi refers to a tradition according to which Aba Sufydn came to the Prophet in Medina asking him to pray for the Qurashites afflicted by famine as a result of the Prophet's curse and remarks with some reservation that he came to him twice: once when the Prophet stayed in Mecca and the other time in Medina30). Al-Jamal. commenting on the interpretations of al-Jaldlaynon S-ra XXIII, states that this verse and the two following ones were revealed to the Prophet in Medinaand that Qurayshwere afflictedby the Prophet's curse when he emigratedto Medina; hence Abi Sufyan came to the Prophet to Medina. Al-Jamal records a version of the talk of Aba Sufydn with the Prophet as reported by al-Bay~dwi: Aba Sufyan reproachesthe Prophet by reminding him of his claim to have been sent as a mercy for the people of the world, while he has killed the fathers (scil. from among Quraysh-K) by the sword and the children by famine31). The tradition affirms the assumption of al-Jamal and indicates clearly that Abi Sufydn set out to Medina to intercede on behalf of his people after a military encounter between the forces of the Prophet and those of Qurayshbrought about the defeat of the Qurashitesand caused a numberof them to be killed; at the same time children in Mecca were dying of hunger caused by some actions of the Prophet which are however not specifiedin the tradition. The clash between the forces of the Prophet and those of Mecca, the results of the militaryand economic actions of the Prophet against Mecca and her tribal allies are fairly reflectedin a commentaryof Sara XVI, 11 2: Ibn 'Abbds, Mujdhidand Qatddaare quoted as stating that the verse refersto the seven years of famineto which the Meccanswere exposed; they also were in fear of the Prophet and his Companions who were attacking their caravans;these events took place when the Prophet uttered his invocation: "O God, tighten Thy grip on Mu30) Al-Bayhaqi,Dala'il, II, 91, 1i. 1-z. 31) Al-Jamal, op. cit., III, 198 inf.-199. 250 M. J. KISTER dar..." 32), More detailed and concrete is the version recorded by al-Tha'labi in his Tafsir: the Qurashites suffered hunger for seven years and the Arab tribes cut off their food-supplies according to the order of the Prophet (... ibtaldhd bi-l-ji'i sab'asininawa-qata'a l-'arabu The Meccan delegation, including bi-amril-nabiyyi). 'anhumu 1-mirata Aba Sufyan, describedthe sufferingsof the people and the unjustified pain of the children; they asked the Prophet to invoke God for them, which the Prophet indeed did. Then the Prophet permitted to carry food to them (i.e. to Mecca), while they (i.e. the people of Mecca-K) were still unbelievers (... fa-da'd lahumrasi~lu Ildhiwa-adhina li-l-ndsi This report is quite wa-hum bi-hamli 33). ilayhim ba'dumushrikin) 1-ta'dmi about the situation in Mecca: a tribal group obedient to the explicit Prophet cut off the food supply of Mecca on the order of the Prophet and the population of Mecca were afflictedby hunger. The Prophet's permission to resume food supplies to Mecca for the unbelievers of Quraysh is forcefully formulated in this account. Similar reports are recorded in the commentaries of al-Rizi 34). al-Baghawi35) and alJdwi 36). Tabari records in his commentary (Sira XVI, 113-115) a slightly divergent tradition referringto the story of the curse and the hunger; he records however an additional comment on the phrase: Ildhu..., according to which the phrase l ...fa-kulf mimmd razaqakumu refers to the provisions which the Prophet sent, out of mercy, for the unbelievers of Mecca when they were afflicted by drought and hunger37). The detail about the dispatching of food to Mecca by the Prophet out of mercy is indicated in the report recorded in the Tafsir of al-Jiyvni:the Prophet sent to them alms for the poor and goods a3). wa-mdlin) The very early comilayhimbi-sadaqatin (... fa-badatha of al-Farrd'(d. 207 AH) describes the hunger suffered by mentary Beirut Al-Tabarsi, Majmacal-bayan, 138o/1961, XIV, 132. 33) Al-Tha'1abi,Ms. Vatican, Ar. 1394, fol. 8a. Cairo I357/1938, XX, 128-130. 34) Al-Rizi, Mafdtibal-ghayb, cit., IV, 98-99; al-Khdzin,op. cit., IV, 98-99. 35) Al-Baghawi, op. Marablabid,Cairo n.d., I, 467. 36) Al-Tabari, (Bulq) XIV, z25-i 37) Al-J.wi, TafsTr 26. 38) Abfi Hayyln, op. cit., VIII, 34. 32) O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR 251I Quraysh,their fear of the raids of the Prophet'stroops and states that the Prophet sent to them food out of mercy, while they remained unbelievers 39). Another account mentions the messenger who carried the Prophet's gifts to Mecca; it was 'Amr b. Umayya al-Damri 40), a wellknown Companion of the Prophet, whom the Prophet happened to entrust with some special missions 41). Al-Qurtubi records explicitly the invocation against Mudar and quotes fragments of the different versions mentioning the plight of Quraysh, their fear as a result of the raids of the forces of the Prophet, the talk of the Meccan delegation with the Prophet, Abi Sufydn's pledge and the order of the Prophet to carryfood to Meccain order to divide it among them 42). The date of the boycott against Mecca is indicatedin the commentaries of the Qur'ln, Sira XXIII, 76: "We alreadyseized them with the chastisement...": the boycott of food supplies was carried out by Thumamab. Uthi~43) who stopped it after some time by an order of theProphet44). Ibn Kathir gives a very concise summaryof the relations between the Prophet and Quraysh:when they refused to convert to Islam and ed. 39) Macdn7 l-qur'dn, Muhammad'Ali al-Najjdr,Cairo 1972, II, 114: ... thumma inna1-nabiyya raqqalahum mushrikfina. (1) fa-hamalailayhimal-ta'amawa-hum 40) Al-Balddhuri, Ansib, Ms. fol. 896a: ... wa-ba'atha rasztluldhi 'amranild mushriki bi-silatinwa-qadaqhatfi hattd akalzf1-rimmata wa-jahad7 qurayshin wa-l-'ilhiza. 41) See e.g. Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba,IV, 602-603, no. 5769; al-Dhahabi, Siyar a'lim al-nubala',ed. Ascad Talas, Cairo i962, III, 40, 1.12; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-ghiba, Cairo 1280, IV, 86. 42) Al-Qurtubi, 43) Al-Tabari, Tafsir (Billq) XVIII, 34-35; al-Qurtubi, op. cit., XII, 143; cf. Cairo I388/1968, p. 211; al-Suyfiti, al-Durr al-manthz7r, al-Wihidi, Asbab al-nulz7l, and see Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., V. 550: ...fa-adayyaqa qurayshin fa-lamyada' V, 13; 'ald Ibn IHajar, habbatan mina l-yamamati; ta't~him al-Isaba,I, 411: ... wa-man'uhu 'an al-mirata... ; and see ib., on the Yamdma: ... wa-kanat ahli makkata. qurayshin r7fa and see F. McGraw Donner, Mecca's Food Supplies and Muhammad'sBoycott, JESHO, XX, 249-266. ed. 'Ali al-Bij wi, Cairo 138o/ 44) Ibn cAbd al-Barr, al-Istzlib fi ma'rifati ... wa-kinat miratuqurayshin I-a.shib, thumma min 196o, I, 215: wa-manfic'uhhum al-yaammati, ... ; according mi kinaya'tihimminmiratihim kharaja fa-habasa'anhum wa-mantif'ihim to this narrative the Qurashites sent a letter to the Prophet asking him to order Thumdmato lift the boycott; the Prophet responded to their request; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-ghaba, 247. I, op. cit., X. 194-195. 252 M. J. KISTER recognize the mission of the Prophet they were afflictedby drought and hunger, according to the Prophet's curse; after the hyirathey sufferedfrom the attacks of the Muslim troops; after their conversion to Islam the situation changed: they became leaders and rulers of the people 45). III The Prophet's invocation against Mudar is in some traditions linked with the qunfzt-invocation during the prayer. The one uttered by the Prophet is said to have contained either blessings (scil. for the oppressed believers-K) or curses (against the unbelieving enemies of the Prophet-K) or blessings and curses coming both together46). These qunfzt-invocations which refer to some historical events may be useful for establishing the date when boycott was imposed and of the time when it was lifted, following the appeasement. 'Abd al-Razzaq records three names of the persecuted believers in Mecca: 'Ayyash b. Abi Rabi'a 47), Salama b. Hisham 48), and al-Walid b. al-Walid b. al-Mughira 49), quoting the formula of the Prophet's 45) Ibn Kathir, Tafsir,IV, 230-231. 46) Al-Mundwi, Fayd al-qadir,sharhal-jjmic al-saghir,Cairo, 1391/1972, V, 96, no. 6554. (On the efficacyof such an invocation see 'Abd al-Razzdq,op. cit., II, 446, no. 4030: A dog passed a group of people praying behind the Prophet; one of the people made an invocation againstthe dog and it immediatelyfell dead on the ground. The Prophet remarked that had this person made an invocation against a whole people, God would have responded to his invocation (and the people would have perished-K). al-Isdba,IV, 750, no. 6127; al-Zurqini, Sharh cald 47) See on him: Ibn IHajar, Cairo I328, VII, 344. al-laduniyya, 1-mawdhib 48) See on him Ibn Sacd, op. cit., IV, 130-131; Ibn cAbd al-Barr,op. cit., p. 643, no. Io32; al-ZurqIni, op. cit., VII, 344; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba,III, I55-156, no. 3405; ed. al-cIqdad-thamin akhbaral-baladal-amzn, Fu'Id Sayyid, Cairo 1384/1965, IV, ft 599-600o,no. 1325; al-Dhahabi, Ta'rikhal-Islim, Cairo i367, I, 379. 49) See on him: Ibn Hajar,al-Isiba,VI, 619, no. 9157; al-Zurqdni,op.cit., VII, 344; al-Wdqidi,Maghazi p. 46 records another account: the Prophet made an invocation b. on behalf of Salamab. Hisham, CAyydsh Rabicaand other unprotectedand oppressed (literally:"weak") believers (scil. in Mecca-K); this happenedwhen the Prophet was on his way to Badr. Al-Wdqidi stresses that another invocation, namely for al-Walid b. al-Walid was uttered by the Prophet later, as al-Walidb. al-Walid was O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR 25 3 invocation for them, which is linked with the invocation against Mudar 50). The date of the escape of these three believers from Mecca and their arrival in Medina is given either "after Uhud" 51) or after the Battle of the Ditch 52). Accordingly the date of the Prophet's invocation may be establishedeitherafterthe year 3H (Uhud) or afterthe year five (the Battle of the Ditch). Some traditions link the story of the Prophet's invocation with the revelation of Sura III, I28:..."no part of the matter is thine, whether He turns towards them again or chastisesthem, for they are evildoers". As the Prophet made an invocation for the believers and uttered a curse against Mudar, God revealed the verse mentioned above:..."no part of the matter is thine..." 53). Other traditions commenton the verse differently: Prophetused to curse certainperthe sons of the mundafiqin duringthe morningprayer;then the versementioned above was revealedand the Prophet was implicitly bidden to cease to curse these persons54). One of the traditions mentions that four persons,whose names are not specified,were cursed by the Prophet55). A tradition traced to Ibn 'Umar gives a list of the three unbelievers b. Hishdm against whom the Prophet invoked: Abif Sufyan, al-.Hirith and Safwanb. Umayya;the verse..."no part of the matteris thine"... captured by the forces of the Prophet at Badr; he was released, embraced Islam and returned to Mecca. There he was put in shackles and imprisoned; cf. al-Dhahabi, no. io. Siyar acljm, I, 228, cAbd al-Razz5q, op. cit., II, 446-447, nos. 4028, 4031-4032; 50) Nor al-Din alHaythami, Majmac al-Zawr'id wa-manbac al-faw'aid, Beirut 1967 (reprint), II, 137 inf.-i-38.; al-Suyiati, al-Durr al-manthzfr,II, 71; Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, ed. 'Abd al-Khdliq Afghini, Hyderabad 1387/1967, II, 316-317; al-Nahhds, al-Ndsikh wa-l-mansikh, Cairo 1357/1938, P. 91; Ibn cAsdkir, Tahdbibta'rikh dimashq,Damascus 1349, VI, 234-235. 5 i) See al-Balddhuri, Ansab, I, 208 penult. 52) See al-Balddhuri, Ansib, I, 20o8, i1. 4-5; and cf., ib., pp. 209-211; al-Dhahabi, Siyar acldm, I, 228, no. io. 53) Al-Tabari, Tafsir, ed. Shdkir, VII, 201, no. 7820 (and see ib., the references of the Editors). 54) Al-Nahhis, op. cit., p. 91 sup.; al-Wdhidi, op. cit., pp. 8o-81; cAbdallah b. al-Mubdrak, Kit. al-jibhd, ed. Nazih Hammdd, Beirut 1391/1971, p. 58, no. 58; Ibn cAsdkir, op. cit., VI, 429. 55) Al-Tabari, Tafsir, ed. Shdkir, VII, 199, no. 7818. 254 M. J. KISTER was revealed in connection with this invocation (and the Prophet ceased to curse them-K) 56). In the list given by 'Abdallah b. althe names of the three persons are different: Safwdn b. Mub.rak Suhayl b. Umayya, 'Amr and al-Hdrithb. Hisham; the name of Abii Sufydnis missing57).Al-Suydti mentions Safwln b. Umayya,al-HTrith b. Hisham, Abii Sufydnand the fourth man against whom the Prophet invoked (at the Day of Uhud) Suhayl b. 'Amr 58). Noteworthy is the additional phrase in al-Suyatti'stradition: God accepted their repentance (fa-tiba 'alayhim kullihim),and, as one may deduce, He forgave them their sins 59). These persons were indeed the leaders of Quraysh; they remainedamong the leading personalitiesof the community after they had embracedIslam and they participatedim some of the decisive events in Islam. The utterance of the Prophet about their repentance being accepted made their conversion easier and enabledthem to keep their high positions in society, their former enmity to the Prophet being forgotten. The traditionsin which the curse of Mudaris linked to the Battle of Uhud are contradicted by a report according to which the Prophet wounded in the battle and stained with blood made an invocation only against those who attacked and wounded him. God, however, did not respond to his invocation and forbade to curse the wicked people60). Peculiar is a tradition which states that the Prophet intended to curse the people who fled from the battle-field at Uhud. He was preventedfrom doing it by the revelationof the verse: ..."no part of the matteris thine"61). The tendencyof this traditionis evident 56) Al-Tabari, Tafsir, ed. Shdkir,VII, no. 7819 (and see the referencesgiven by the Editors); Ibn op. cit., VI, 429; cf. Shahridaral-Daylami, op. cit., Ms 'As.kir, Chester Beatty 4139, fol. 136b, Ii 1-2. IV, al-thamin, 57) cAbdallahb. al-Mubdrak,op. cit., p. 58, no. 57; al-'lIqd al-F.si, 35-36; Ibn 'Asdkir, op. cit., VI, 429. no. 3575. See on him Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba,III, 213 sup., 58) II, 59) Al-Suyati, al-Durr al-manthfdr, 71. nos. 281. 7805-7817; al-Zurqini, 6o) See e.g. al-Tabari, Tafsfr, ed. Shdkir, VII, 194-199, op. cit., VII, 343 ult.--344, 11. 1-3; Ibn IHajar,Fath al-bdri, Cairo 1301 (reprint) VII, 6 1) Al-'Ayni, op. cit., XVII, I55, 1. 14. O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR 255 from the phrase which it contains, according to which one of the people who forsook the Prophet in this battle was 'Uthmanb. 'Aff~n. The majority of scholars are said to have been of the opinion that the verse "no part of the matteris thine" was revealedafter the battle of Uhud 62). IV The invocation against Mudar can hardly be related either to the Meccan period, or to the battle of Uhud. In the Meccan period the Prophet and his Companions suffered from the persecutions of the Qurashitesand only in some rarecases were the Qurashitescompelled to act in agreement with their tribal allies63); in the battle of Uhkud the Qurashiteswere those who fought the Muslimforces and wounded the Prophet, while the Mudar alliance is not mentioned as an active factor in the preparations that battle. The invocation of the Prophet for could only be uttered in the period when the tribes of the Mudar federation, the allies of Mecca, acted in cooperation with Quraysh against the Muslim community harasshing,attacking, damaging and killing. Such was the case with the expedition of Bi'r Ma'tina.In some traditions the curse of Mudaris actually reportedto have taken place after the massacreof the Companionsby the tribal groups of Sulaym and 'Amir b. Sa'sa'awhich were allied with Mecca and acted in close cooperationwith the Qurashiteenemies of the Prophet. According to these traditions the curse was linked with the invocation for the three Companions oppressed in Mecca by the unbelievers64). In some of annahanazalat bi-sababi 6z) Al-Zurqini, op. cit., VII, 344, i i. 9-10: ... wa-1-sawab qiSati ubud ... wa-qala "l-lubabi";ttafaqa aktharu 1-culama'i cald nuzflihaft s.hibu qissati hbud. 63) See e.g. Ibn Hazm, Hajjat al-wadai, ed. Mahmfid Haqqi, Beirut 1966, p. 148; Muhibb al-Din al-Tabari, al-Qira li-qdsidi ummi 1-qurd, ed. Mustafi 1-Saqd, Cairo Cairo 1382/1962, III, 198, 1390/1970, P. 547; cAli b. Burhdn al-Din, al-Siraal--halabiyya, 3 from bottom; and see JESHO, I972, p. 64, note 3. I. ed. 64) See e.g. al-Tahdwi, Sharh macidn 1-adthar, Muhammad Zuhri l-Najjdr, Cairo 1388/1966, I, 241-244; al-ZurqIni, op. cit., VII, 344-345; al-W op. cit., p. 81; Ibn Abi Shayba, op. cit., II, 316 inf.-3 7 sup.; al-Daraqutni, Sunan, II, 38, no. 7; .hidi, al-Tabari, Tafsir, VII, zoz, no. 7821 (and see the references of the Editors); cf. Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., II, 53; cf. al-Shafiri, Musnad, Arah I306/i889, p. io8. 256 M. J. KISTER the Prophet's invocations the curse is directed against the wicked tribal groups without any mention of Mudar at all 65). The account of Muqatil links the verse Sara III, I28:.. ."no part of the matter is thine"... with SairaXCIV (a-lam nashra.h). According to this comment both the passages refer to the massacre of Bi'r Ma'una. The story recorded by Muqatil differs in many details from the current reports: there were four hundred Companions known as ahl al-suffawho lived on the alms given to them; they gave the surplus of these alms to other poor persons. They had no relatives in Medina. They went out as a and fought the Banii Sulaym (who were military force (mujayyashin) unbelievers-K). Seventy warriors of this group (i.e. the ahl al-szffa) were killed. The Prophet made an invocation against the evildoers (scil. of Sulaym) praying to God to punish them. But God revealed to him the verse: . . . "no part of the matter is thine" and, since it was obviously predestined that they would embrace Islam, the text of Saira XCIV, i seq. was revealed 66). In some cases the invocation against the wicked tribal groups goes together with a blessing bestowed on Ghifhr and Aslam 67), the two tribal groups which supported the Prophet at a 65) See e.g. 'Abd al-Razzdq,op. cit., II, 446, no 4029; al-Zurqdni,op. cit., II, 78; Burhdn al-Din, op. cit., III, 196-197; Nor al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VI, i25; Cairo I372/1953, II, 390, no. 8; al-Suyiti, al-Durr alal-Shaukdni,Nayl al-au.tAr, manthfr,II, 71; Ibn Sayyid al-Nds, 'Uyfn al-athar,Cairo 1356, II, 47, I. 24; Ibn Abi Shayba,op.cit., II, 31o; Aba Nu'aym al-Isfahdni, Hilyat al-aullya',Cairo 1387/1967, III, 113 inf.; (and see the peculiar invocation against cUsayya: ... sami'tu rasgila bi-ban Cusdayyata, lljhiyaq/lu ft qunf7tihi: ummamildamcalayki fa-innahum yl 'asauIddha al-Khatib al-Baghdddi,Mfidih wa-rasilahu, Hyderabad 1379/ al-jam'wa-l-tafriq, auham i96o, II, 2); cf. al-Majlisi,Bihdral-anwar,Tehran 1386, LX, 232 (the curse here is uttered inter alia against Ricl, Dhakw~n, cAdl, Lihydn, those from among Asad and GhatafSninflicted by elephantiasis,Abei Sufydnb. Harb, Suhayl ["the man with the teeth"; in the text "Shahbal" instead of "Suhayl"], the two sons of Mulayka b. Jizyam, Marwdn[evidently: b. al-IHakam,-K], Haudha andHauna. The traditionis quoted from al-Kafi]). 66) Muqdtil,op. cit., 74/II, fol. 243a-b;and see al-'Ayni, op.cit., XVII, I 5, I. I5; wamin bani sulaymincusayyata wa-qlla inna ashiba 1-suffatikharaj ild qabllatayni arba'ina .... sabdhan fa-qutil2fa-da'c 'calayhim dhakwana I, 67) Al-Tahawi, Sharhma'ini 1-dthdr, 243 sup., 267 sup; Nir al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., II, 138; al-Daylami, Firdaus,Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. io8a; Ibn Abi Shayba, op. cit., II, 317 inf.; al-Wdqidi,op. cit., pp. 349 inf.-3 50. Ibn IHajar,Fath al-birz, VII, 282 sup.; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, II, 199, 206; cAli b. O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR 257 very early period 68). Al-Tahlwi analyses the divergent traditions, emphasizes the contradictory interpretations concerning the period in which the Prophet's utterance was given and surveys its circumstances, but does not reach a decisive conclusion 69). The statement that the invocation against the evildoers who had committed the massacre at Bi'r Ma'dna was the first time that the Prophet uttered a qunft-invocation during prayer 70) is of some importance for establishing the circumstances of this invocation and its date. It is in character with the custom of hadith scholars that they tried to bridge between the various versions of the tradition about the curse of Mudar. Some of them were of the opinion that the period of drought and hunger did not last seven years, but only a year or even less. Thus, for instance, the formula: ... .' alhd 'alayhim sinina was interpretedas referring either to the harshness of ka-sini yrsufa the chastisementor to the period of drought: days, weeks, months or years71). The most reliablereportabout the Prophet'scurse of Mudarappears to be the one stating that the Prophet uttered if after the massacreof Bi'r Ma'ina. The close relations between Quraysh and their Mudar allies can be gauged from a significant passage of the report about this expedition: when the Muslim warrior 'Amr b. Umayya alwas capturedby 'Amir b. al-Tufayl,the man who planned and carried .Damri out the massacreof Bi'r Ma'ina, he was asked about his pedigree. When he stated that he was from Mudar, 'Amir b. al-Tufayl freed him and let him go, saying that he would not like to harm a man from Mudar72). 'Amir's decision was, of course, in line with the ideas Misr, ed. C. Torrey, Leiden-New Haven, 1920-22, 68) Ibn cAbdal-Hakam,Futfrh p. 303 sup.; Ibn Hajar,Fath al-brZ, II, 410, 11. 16-23. I, 69) Al-Tahawi, Mushkilal-dthdr, 236-23870) A1-Zurqani,op. cit., II, 78, I. 17; al-HIkim, op. cit., I, 226 sup. 71) A1-Zurqini, op. cit., VII, 344, II. 2I-22: wat'ataka... Cala [kuffir qurayshin, au ... au al-sin7na al-qyyjm... ; Ibn Hajar, aulddi] jcalhd ay muadara allihumma al-wa.tata min l-mashriqi yauma'idhin mudara Fath al-bari,II, 410, iI. I2-I4: ... wa-ahlu mukhaliffinalahu... Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23297, fol. 46a, al-nasab, 72) See e.g. Ibn al-Kalbi,Jamharat i: ... fa-lamyuflit ahadun bnu camiru 1-tufayli hina qdla lahu ghayruhu khallasabilahu I. 17 258 M. J. KISTER of tribal loyalty according to which he was expected to refrainfrom killing a memberof the Mudarfederationeven though the latter might participatein an expedition of a hostile troop. On the other hand, the individualsand groups who joined the Muslim communitycut their bonds with their tribes, keeping their loyalty and solidarityexclusively for their religious leaders and the community of the faithful. V Abfi SufyIn was one of the prominent leaders of Quraysh, a stubborn opponent of the Prophet during his stay at Mecca and the head of the active struggle against him after he moved to Medina. Abai Sufyanplayed a considerablerole in three decisive encountersbetween Quraysh and the Muslim forces: in the Battle of Badr (anno 2 H), in the Battle of Uhud (anno 3H) and in the Battle of the Ditch (anno 5H). Traditiondoes not mention any meeting during the Prophet'sMedinan period between the Prophetand Abi Sufydnfor negotaitionsexcept the latter's visit to the Prophet as a single delegate of Quraysh a short time before the Prophet set out on his expedition to conquer Mecca (anno 8H). There are, however, a few reports which indicate contacts between the Prophet and Abai Sufydn during a relatively long period before the conquest of Mecca by the Prophet. According to a tradition recorded by Muqatil, the leading hypocrites of Medina, 'Abdallah b. Ubayy 73), 'Abdallah b. Sa'd b. Abi a Sarh74) and Tu'ma b. Ubayriq75) cunninglyarranged meetingbetween the Prophet and the leaders of the unbelievers of Mecca: Abi Sufyan, 'Ikrimab. Abi Jahl and Abii l-A'war al-Sulami76). The Prophetrefused inni min mudar; about the position of the chiefs of the Mudari tribes see Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, V, 488: ... fa-dakhala cuyqynatubnu hisnin al-faztriyyu ald 1-nabiyyi(s) wacindahu'a'ishatufa-dakhala bi-ghqyriidhnin,fa-qila lahu raszilul/lthi: fa-ayna 1-isti'dhdn? fa-q7la: yd rasila lldhi ma sta'dhantu cald rajulin min mudaramundhuadraktu. .. 73) See on him EI2, s.v. cAbd Alldh b. Ubayy b. Salkl (W. Montgomery Watt). 74) See on him EI2, s.v. cAbd Allah b. Sacd (C. H. Becker). 75) See on him Ibn Hajar, al-Isiba, III, 518, no. 4249; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-ghaba, III, 52-53. IV, 641, no. 5855 (cAmr b. Sufydn); Ibn 76) See on him Ibn IHajar, no. 2849; CAbd al-Barr, op. cit., p. 6oo, al-Is.dba, Khalifa b. Tabaqdt, ed. Akram Khayy.t, O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR 259 to accept the requests of the mixed Hypocrite-Qurashi delegation that should acknowledge the power of the idols to grant intercession he (sharf'a,scil. with God for the unbelievers-K). He pacifiedthe enraged 'Umar who was about to kill the membersof the arrogantdelegation and granted them a letter of safe-conduct, enabling them to return safely to their homes 77). This event is said to have been hinted at in Stira XXXIII, 1-3: "O Prophet, fear God and obey not the unbelievers and the hypocrites. God is All-knowing, All-wise. And of follow what is revealedto thee from thy Lord"... (Translation A. J. Arberry). al-Minqari, Waq-at Diyv' al-Din, Baghdid 1387/1967, p. 5I; Nasr b. Muz.him SiffPn,ed. 'Abd al-Saldm Hirfin, Cairo 1382/1962, index (Sufyin b. 'Amr al-Sulami). bint Abai 1-Acwar was a halif of Abf Sufydn. Abfi -A'war's grandmother was Arw. b. cAbdshams. And see on him El2, s.v. Abi 1-Acwar (H. Lammens). Umayya 77) Muqitil, op. cit., Ahmet III, 74/II, fols. 85b-86a; and see a shorter version: al-Wihidi, op. cit., p. 236 with an explicit statement that the event took place after the battle of Uhud; and see al-Baghawi, op. cit., V, 189; al-Khizin, op. cit., V, 18919o; al-Nasafi, Tafsir, Cairo n.d., III, 292. The earliest version recorded by alFarr.', Ma'dni l-Qur'ln II, 334 states that the Prophet forbade to kill the Meccan members of the delegation, as there was a peace-treaty (muwtda'a) between them. Al-Samarqandi gives the report of Muqdtil, but also records the account of Ibn alKalbi, according to which the Meccan delegates alighted in the courts of 'Abdallah b. Ubayy, Mucattib b. Qushayr (see on him Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, VI, 175, no. 8125) and Jadd b. Qays (see on him Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, I, 468, no. i 12). According to this version it was the Prophet himself who intended to (order to-K) kill the arrogant Meccan delegates; but God forbade him to violate the pact (...wa-'aradz7 calayhi ashydaafa-karihaha minhum,fa-hamma bihim rasz7u lluhi (s) an yaqtulzhum (!) ild 1-muddatiwa-la tutic al-kafirina min ahli makkata). Another account says that the Muslims intended to kill the Meccan delegates, but the verses of Sara XXXIII, revealed at that time, prevented them from carrying out of their plan (al-Samarqandi, Tafsir, Ms. Chester Beatty 3668, vol. II, i29a). There is a curious tradition recorded by al-Suy~iti, Lubdb al-nuqzlfi asbabi l-nuZil, Cairo 1374/1954, P. 174: it makes no mention of the delegation, but speaks of the stipulations made by the Prophet's the Jews and the Hypocrites in enemies (also mentioned in other sources-K): Medina threaten to kill the Prophet if he does not abandon his ideas, while the Meccans promise to grant the Prophet half of their property if he retracts. The tradition, traced back to al-Dahhbik, mentions among the persons who summoned the Prophet to relinquish his call al-Walid b. al-Mughira and Shayba b. Rabi'a. The latter was killed in the battle of Badr; consequently the event has to go back, according to this tradition, to the period of the first two years after the hijra. And see this tradition: V, al-Suylti, al-Durr al-manthbir, i8o, II. 25-27. lladhibaynaka wa-baynahum ttaqi 1-'ahda 1-nabiyyu Ilha wa-latanqudi fa-nazala:yj ayyuha 26o M. J. KISTER The reports do not specify the date of the arrival of the Meccan delegation in Medina; the only indication as to its time is the remark that it took place after Uhud. The style of the narrative and the circumstances of the visit, viz. the stratagem by which the Medinan hypocrites got the Prophet's consent to meet the delegation, the demand of the delegation and 'Umar's sharp reaction, all this seems to indicate that the delegation came to Medina after the Battle of the Ditch. The battle itself was a defeatfor the Qurashitesand some of them probably realized that the Meccans would not be able to destroy the Muslim community in Medina and that they should set up a relationshipwith Medina based on the new balance of power. Some of the Qurashite leaders perceived that they were unable to resume their commercial activities without securing their trade routes from the attacks of the Muslim forces, and that it was necessaryto gain a recognition by the Prophetof the pagan deities of the Ka'ba in orderto preservethe authority of Qurayshas keepersof the House and to securean uninterrupted flow of pagan pilgrims to Mecca. The Qurashiteswere exhausted by the heavy war-expendituresand weakened by the lack of loyalty of some allied tribal groups who joined Muhammad. The boycott of Thumdmab. Uthdl, who at the Prophet's order cut off food-supplies from the Yamdmawas causing the population of Mecca serious hardship 78). The situationwas aggravatedby a severe drought in the same year, anno 6H 79). It is precisely the drought often mentioned in the sources. Lack of economic stability seems to have prevailed until anno 8H, when people complained of high prices (of food-K) and asked the Prophet to fix the prices and control them, a requestwhich the Prophet refusedso).In this situationthe Qurashiteswere compelled 78) See e.g. al-Baldhuri, Ans7b, I, 367; al-Zurq5ni, op. cit., II, 144-146; alCairo I283, II, 2-3; cAll b. Burhdnal-Din, op. cit., III, Diyvrbakri,Ta'rikhal-khamis, 197-199. 79) 'Abd al-Malik b. Habib, Ta'rikh, Ms. Bodley, Marsh 288, p. 88: ... wa-f? 1-sanati(i.e. anno 6th H.) ajdaba1-ndsu hddhihi fa-stasqdlahumrasfzlu jadban shadidan bnu Ildhi(s) ft ramaddna...; al-cAyni,op. cit., VII, 34, I. i : ... wa-dhakara hibbdna: sanatasittinminal-hijrati. ft li-l-istisqd' shahriramaaddna (s) kdnakhurtjuhu ild 1-musalla 1-sanati anno 8th(i.e. 80) cAbdal-Malikb. Habib, op. cit., p. 90: ... wa-fthcidhihi O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR 26I to cometo the Prophet askfor somerecognition the idols,their and of aimbeingto tryandsavetheirpositionandauthority amongthe tribes. The Prophet couldnot accept theirrequest. callto his Companions His was to believein the one God and any concession madeto Quraysh wouldmeanthathe waswillingto associate idolswiththeone God.His was decision intransigent, he givenout of a positionof strength; refused to discussthe requests the delegation. couldwiselyforeseethat of He and a moderate moreflexible factionwouldarisein Mecca, whichmight strivefor a peacewiththe Muslim in and community Medina its leader, the Prophet.As a result,Meccamightbe torn by discussionand the would be weakend.It is clearthat the Prophet position of Quraysh triedto win over the leaders this moderate of groupin orderto assert his influencein Mecca and preparefor the conquestof the town. The tradition aboutthe exchange gifts betweenthe Prophetand of is recorded Abai'Ubaydon the authority 'Ikrima: of by Abfi Sufydn The Prophet to Abi Sufydn Mecca'ajwa-dates askedhimto sent in and send in returnas gift hides.Abi' carried the request. out Abli Sufy.n that the exchangeof gifts 'Ubaydanalysesthe traditionconcluding at betweenthe Prophetand the happened the time of the armistice people of Mecca,beforeMeccawas conquered the Prophet A 81). by dateis attached the eventrecorded Abi 'Ubayd:afterthe to precise by The were at thatperiodunbelievers, pact of al-Hudaybiyya. Meccans but this did not preventthe Prophetfrom exchanging gifts with his formerenemy,Abi Sufydn. Abi 'Ubaydis rightin deducing fromthis the incident general thattheProphet law accepted fromunbelievers gifts when they werenot in warwith the Muslims. Anotherversionof this story,also tracedback to 'Ikrima, gives a construction the events, recordssome additional to slightlydifferent Cf. IK) ghald1-sicrujiddan. al-cAyni, op. cit., VII, 36, i. Io from bottom: wa-qdla sanata cashrin qadimawafdusaladmna fa-qila fa-shakauilayhi1-jadba wdqidi:wa-lammd rasz7lu/ (s) bi-yadayhi... ldhi 81) Abfa cUbayd, al-Amwdl, ed. Muhammad al-Fiqi, Cairo 1353, PPBurdur 257-258, no. 631; Ibn Zanjawayh,al-Amwdl,Ms. .H-Imid 183, fol. 96a; Ibn HIajar, al-Isaba, III, 413, no. 4050 (the messenger was 'Amr b. Umayya al-DIamri);on see Berlin 1897 (reprint), p. 229. Beduinenleben, cajwa-dates G. Jacob, Altarabisches 262 M. J. KISTER details and sheds some light on the split within Quraysh as a result of the policy of the Prophet. The Prophet, says the tradition, sent to some goods (ba'athabi-shay'in) Abii Sufyan, and to some of the unbelievers in Mecca. Some of them accepted, some of them Qurashi returned (the things sent by the Prophet-K). Abi Sufydn said: "I shall accept it and shall not send it back". Then he sent to the Prophet weapons and other things which the Prophet accepted. Then the Prophet sent him 'ajwa-datesand Abui Sufyan sent him in return hides82). It is evident that this traditionabout the exchangeof goods between from that of Abai'Ubayd: the Prophetand Abi SufyIn is quite different it was not dates which were sent in exchange for hides for private usage; the weapons sent to the Prophet were obviously intendedfor the use of the Muslim forces and Medinan dates were quite as obviously sent for the unbelieving Qurashites.This conspicous exchange of weapons for food could only have happened when Abfi Sufyan hadlost his hope of Mecca'svictory over the Medinancommunityand it was most probablyprecededby negotiations between the Prophet and Abai Sufydn.A report related on the authority of Abai Hurayraadds more details about the first steps of the appeasementand how the relations between the Prophet and Abfi Sufyan were resumed. The Prophet sent to Quraysh a man with money to be distributedamong them; they were at that time unbelievers,adds the report.AbuiSufydn, with a group of Quraysh,asked the messengerto hand them over the money which Qurayshrefusedto accept.The messengerreturnedto the Prophet asking for instructions.The Prophet's reply was clear: "Why didn't you hand over (the money-K) to those of them who agreed to accept it" 83)? Another tradition, this one too recorded by al-Fakihi, mentions the name of the messengerwho carriedthe money: 'Amr b. al-Faghwi' al-Khuzi'i. The Prophet warned the messengerof 'Amr b. Umayyaal-Damriwho tried, as foretold by the Prophet, to attack'Amr b. al-Faghwd'and rob him of the money. The messenger escaped and 82) Ibn 'Asjkir, Tahdhib Ta'rikh,VI, 395. 83) Al-Fdkihi, op. cit., fol. 397a. O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR 263 succeeded to reach Mecca and to hand over the money to Abfi Sufy n 84). A tradition traced back to 'Abdallah, the son of 'Alqama b. alFaghwd' (the brother of 'Amr b. al-Faghwd') states that it was his father (not his uncle-K) who was dispatched by the Prophet with money to be distributedto the poor among the unbelieversof Quraysh in order to gain their sympathy (scil. for the Prophet and Islam, yata'allafuhum-K). As in the former tradition, 'Amr b. Umayya alDamri joins the messenger and tries to rob him of his money, but 'Alqamasucceedsin escaping. Abfi Sufydn remarks(scil. after receiving of the money-K): "I have not seen anyone more pious (abarr) and more generous towards the kindred (ausal)than this man (i.e. the Prophet). We fight him and try to shed his blood, while he beneficently sends us gifts" 85). AbLi Sufyan's remark about the Prophet reflects in a true manner the attitude of the unbelievers towards the generosity displayedby the Prophet with regardto his opponents. Some utterancesof the nonbeliever Qurashites, expressing admiration for the clemency of the Prophet and his generosity are recorded in the reports about the conquest of Mecca; they are indeed similar to the utterance of Abi Sufydn mentioned above. The report names the social group which refused to accept the money sent by the Prophet and thus objected to collaboration, or even contact, with him: they were the ashraf,the notables, whose attitude of deep devotion to the ancestralrites, and their firm adherenceto the acceptedmould of relationsbetween tribes, based as it was on the loyalty and allegianceto the Ka'ba and its pagan rites, are reflectedin their staunch opposition to any peaceful contact 84) Al-Fdkihi. op. cit., fol. 397a (reported on the authority of the son of the messenger, cAbdallah b. cAmr b. al-Faghwa); but see the version saying that the Prophet sent the gifts after the conquest of Mecca: Ibn Sacd, op. cit., IV, 296; Ibn al-Athir, Jdmic al-uswl, ed. Muhammad al-Kharqa'shi, Sharafal-mus.tafd, III, 0zo; 85) See Ibn Hajar,al-Isaba,IV, 559, no. 5680; al-Dhahabi, Siyaracldim, al-tahdhib, Tahdhib al-Muttaqi1-Hindi, op. cit., IX, 104, no. 943; and cf. Ibn V, 340. no. 58o. .Hajar, XII, IHImid al-Fiqi, Cairo 1374/1955, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3014, fol. 7za. 361, no. 9435; 264 M. J. KISTER with the Muslim body politic headed by the Prophet. They were confronted by a group of Qurayshunder the leadershipof Abi Sufyan who made a shrewd assessment of the situation of Qurayshafter the defeat of the Battle of the Ditch and the exterminationof the Banfi Qurayza. As already pointed out above, he knew that establishing relations and creating economic contacts with Muhammad and his community was unavoidable. He believed that Mecca could no more face the Prophet in war and thereforedid not hesitateto send weapons to the Prophet. As a result, there is a dramaticchange in the attitude of the Prophet towards Abii Sufyan, and it is admirably reflected in the narrativereviewed above: after the bloody events of al-Raji' and Bi'r Ma':inathe Prophet sent 'Amr b. Umayyaal-IDamri ordering him to kill Abi Sufydn86) in retaliationfor Abiu Sufydn'sattempt to kill the Prophet by an assassin. Now, after the Battle of the Ditch, the Prophet strived to gain the co-operation of the leader of Quraysh, Abii Sufydn. The man who accompaniedthe Prophet's messenger to Abui Sufydnwas the very man whom the Prophet had sent two years before to kill him: 'Amr b. Umayya al-.Damri. Other reports about the actions of Abii Sufydn seem to confirm the reports about the contacts between the Prophet and Abi Sufyan during that period. The Prophet married Umm Habiba (Ramla), the daughterof Abfi Sufyin anno 6H, the year of the peace of Hudaybiyya; Abti Sufyan is said, according to some reports, to have given his approval. Other accounts say that the permission to marry her was granted the Prophet by Khalid b. Sa'id b. al-'As or by 'Uthman b. 'Affan87). A tradition recordedby Muslim states that Abai Sufyan put 86) See e.g. al-Diyvrbakri,op. cit., I, 459; al-Zurqdni, op. cit., II, 177-179; al1-FadlIbrdhim, Cairo 1969, II, 542-545. Tabari, Ta'rzkh,ed. AbeT 87) See e.g. the various reports about the marriage:al-Hakim, op. cit., IV, 20-23; Mus'ab al-Zubayri, Nasab Quraysh,ed. Levi-Provengal, Cairo 1953, p. I22; alMaqrizi, Imta• al-asmic, ed. Mahmfd Mahammad Shdkir, Cairo I941, I, 325, 358 al-Bal1dhuri, Ansib, I, inf.-359 sup.; al-Tabari, Ta'rikh, II, 653-654, III, G65; ed. hid, 438-439;Ibn Kathir,al-Siraal-nabawiyya, MustafdcAbdal-W~ Cairo 1385/1966, IV, 273, 275 ult.-276; Ibn Sayyid 'Uy7n al-athar,II, 3o6-3o7;o;YVsinb. al-nisd',ed. Raji' Mahmad alal-rauda al-N.s, tawdrikh Khayrallah,Muhadhdhab al-fayhaft Baghdid 1386/1966, pp. 117-120zo. S.marrP'i, O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR 26J forth three requests in his talk with the Prophet: to let him marry his to appoint his son Mu'awiya daughter, Umm Habiba bint Abi Sufy.n, as a scribe of the Prophet, and that the Prophet should appoint him to fight the unbelievers with the same zeal as he had when fighting the Muslims 88). Orthodox scholars discussed at length the tradition according to which it was Abai Sufyan who gave his daughter in marriage to the Prophet. It is evident that they found it hard to accept the tradition as sound, although it was recorded by Muslim, since according to Muslim law an unbeliever has no authority over the legal acts of any of his family who has converted to Islam. Consequently the unbeliever Abui Sufyan could not either permit or prohibit the marriage of his believing daughter. The scholars had therefore recourse to harmonizing interpretations, attaching to the marriage request a quite different meaning: Aba Sufyan's intention was not to grant permission to the Prophet's marriage with his daughter, but rather, as the setting of the tradition was placed at the conquest of Mecca, when Aba Sufy.n had converted to Islam, the tradition was interpreted as meaning that Aba Sufydn gave confirmation and legitimacy to the marriage 89). One is inclied to assume that during the negotiations between the Prophet and AbT Sufyan, which preceded the exchange of goods between them, some decisions about the position of Aba Sufydn and of his family had been reached, including an agreement concerning the Prophet's marriage with Umm IHabiba.The Prophet indeed appointed Muc'wiya as his scribe and Aba formerly the violent opponent of Islam, Sufy.n, was entrusted with responsible tasks, and put in charge of the collection of taxes in certain districts 90). The co-operation between the Prophet and Abu SufyIn in the period of the Hudaybiyya agreement can be gauged from some traditions saying that Mu'~wiya went out from Mecca in the company of 'Abd al-Rahman b. Abi Bakr and other 88) Ibn Sayyid al-Nds, op. cir., II, 307.; cf. Ibn 'As1kir, op. cit., VI, 399, 404 inf. 89) See e.g. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, JalE'u 1-afham -saldti wa-l-salam cali khayri ft 1-andmed. Tdhd Ytisuf Yasin, Kuwayt-Beirut 1977, pp. 128-135. 90) See e.g. al-Balddhuri, Ansdb al-ashraf, ed. M. Schloessinger, IVA, p. 6 (and see the references supplied by the Editor); Ibn 'Asakir, op. cit., VI, 404 inf.-405 sup. 266 M. J. KISTER Qurashi youths before the conquest of Mecca in order to meet the Prophet and convert to Islam91).There is no mention of Abai Sufydn's nor after activity during the negotiationsover the pactof al-.Hudaybiyya, the pact was signed. The changein his attitudetowardsthe Prophetwas, however, fully reflectedin his censureof the aggressive action of some the allies of the Prophet92). It is Qurashi leaders against Khuz.'a, plausible that no else than Aba Sufyin was the person sent to the Prophet in Medinain order to prevent the Prophet'sexpeditionagainst in the Meccaand to reaffirm pact of al-JHudaybiyya spite of the violation of one of its paragraphsthrough the attack against Khuzd'a. Abfi SufySn could not prevent the expedition against Mecca and its conquest by the Muslims, but he contributed much to the peaceful surrender of the city. He was in reward given a great privilege by the Prophet: to anyone being in his court when the Muslim troops occupy Mecca was to be granted safety. The feelings of anger and contempt at his role in the Muslim conquest of Mecca were clearlyexpressedby his wife Hind bint 'Utba: "Kill this fat greasy bladder of lard!"--she cried when Abi Sufydn announced on behalf of the Prophet safety for those who would enter his court. "What a rotten protector of the people" 93)! The kindness of the Prophet towards Aba Sufyin, the favours granted him, the appointmentof Mu'iwiya as secretaryof the Prophet, and the appointment of Yazid as tax collector94) were important factors in creating a favourableMuslim attitude towards Aba Sufydnand his family.The caliphswho succeededthe Prophetcontinued to employ members of Abu Sufyin's family in high posts. To this crucial period in the relations between Abu Sufyin and the Prophet seems to refer the utterance attributed to the Prophet: "The faith (scil. Islam-K) has been continually aided by Aba Sufyan 91) Al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr, Jamharat nasab quraysh, Ms. Bodley Marsh. 384, fol. i iIa, penult.; al-Fisi, al-'lqd al-thamin, V, 371; Ibn Hajar, al-lsdba, IV, 326, ii. 1-4. 92) See e.g. al-Waqidi, op. cit., pp. 785-788. 93) A. Guillaume, The Life of Muhammad, Oxford 1955 (reprint), p. 548; al-Fisi, Cairo 1956, II, z 6. Shifd'al-gharjm, See e.g. Ibn IHajar,al-Isdba, VI, 658 inf., no. 9271. 94) O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR 267 both before and after his conversion to Islam"95). The affectionand sympathy of the Prophet is exposed in a prediction attributed to the Prophet about the events of the Day of Judgment: Abd Sufyin will expect the Prophet when he will return from the Presence of Allah and friend 96). serve him with a drink from a glass of red sapphiresaying: Drink, my VI The qunz7t-invocation during prayer was the subject of heated discussions among the orthodox scholars. Some of them considered the abrogated the verseof Sira III, 128: ... "no part qunz7t-invocation by of the matter is thine"...; the Prophet used to curse some persons during the morning prayerand this practiceis said to have been abrogated by this verse. Other scholarsarguedthat the verse did not abroit gate the qunz7t-invocation; merely stressed God's exclusive authority to decree on the fate of man97). A divergent tradition says that the Prophet merely intended to curse some wicked personsfrom among the unbelievers; after the revelation of the verse; . .. "no part..." the Prophet invoked God in the style of (the invocations of) one of the prophets (i.e. Jesus-K): "God, forgive my people, because they do not know" (what they do-K) 98). Some scholars tried to detach invocation from prayerby arguing that anything not grounded in the Qur'~n cannot be considered as part of the prayer99); it is not surprising to find some scholars who used to read certain chapters of the Qur' n coupling the reading with supplications(... kdnayaqnutu bi-arba'idydtin... or: kdnayaqnutubi-hdtayni ..) 1-sifratayni. 100). The transition from the quniftas practised by the Prophet after the massacreof the Muslim troop at Bi'r Ma'iina to one which was supplicatoryin its form and content is vividly depicted in a tradition 95) Ibn 'Asdkir,op. cit., VI, 405 ult. 96) Ibn cAsdkir,op. cit., VI, 406 sup. 97) op. cit., p. 91 sup.; al-Qurtubi, op. cit., IV, 2oo. Al-Qurtubi, 98) Al-Nahh.s, op. cit., IV, 199-zoo. 99) Al-Nahhds, op. cit., p. 91. Ioo) See e.g. cAbd al-Razzdq,op. cit., III, 114, no. 4978 and 116, no. 4983. 268 M. J. KISTER traced back to Khilid b. abi 'Imrin 101).While the Prophet was making on the report a clearline betweendu'dand qunfit, commenting Al-Tah.wi that used to practisequniftduringthe morningprayer.He Aba Hurayra argues that this account indicates that Abai Hurayra considered as abrogated the invocation (du'd) against persons whom the Prophet an invocation against Mudar, the angel Jibril descended, bidding him be silent, ordered him to cease to curse Mudar.The angel then taught him another qunift, which contains elements of prayer, praise of God, supplication and expressions of submission to God 102). It is in connection with this change in the meaning of qunift that al-Suyati found himself unable to answer the question whether the Prophet's invocation againstsome people during thirty days followed or preceded the (new-K) qunift formula:all/humma draws hdind... 103). cursed (innamdkdnahzuwa 1-du'd'a 'ald man da'd 'alayhi raslu ladhi sdalld but considered as valid and obliging the quniit lldhu 'alayhi wa-sallam), is linked with it 104); qunuzt thus conceived here as supplicationand this supplication,indeed, remainedvalid. Some scholars stated by analogy with the qunztthat the invocation for a sneezing person during prayer is permissible; the blessing of a sneezer belongs to the type of blessing or curse practised by the Prophet during prayer and is therefore permissible 105)' Certain reports seem to consider qunfitas an invocation against enemies, which the Prophet practised only for a number of days 106),for Tahdhib al-tahdhib,III, i1o, no. 20s. Ioi) See on him Ibn JHajar, 102) Al-Qurtubi, op. cit., IV, 201; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan,II, zio inf.; ... baynd rasfilu Ildhi (s) yadc cal/amudara ja'ahu jibrilu fa-auma'ailayhian uskutfa-sakata, idh bacathaka wa-il lacanan inna fa-qdla muhammadu lldhalam ya yabCathka wa-innama sabbaban ... thumma laka minal-amri wa-lam shay'un laysa rahmatan 'allamahu yab'athka'adhdban, bika wawa-nastaghfiruka wa-nu'minu hadhda-qunflta: allihumma inna nastazcnuka man wa-natruku yakfuruka, alldhumma laka wa-nakhlacu wanakhdar'u iyydkana'budu laka nusalli... 1-Din cAbd ed. 10o3)Al-Suyati, al- HawZ li-l-fataw7, MuhammadMuhyl Cairo 1959, I, 532 sup. al-.Hamid, 1-dthdr, 248. I, 104) A1-Tahdwi,Sharhma'anz ed. G. Vitestam, 105) Aba cAsim al-cAbbddi. Tabaqdtal-fuqahd'al-shdficiyya, Leiden 1964, P. 43. o06) 'Abd al-Razzaq,op. cit., III, 105, no. 4945. O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR 269 twenty days107), directedagainst the rebelling tribes and which he later ceased to practise.108) Consequentlytraditions of this kind emphasize that the Caliphs who succeeded the Prophet did not utter the qunit in their prayers109). But certaintraditionsin conflict with the former until he died 110); ones said that the Prophetcontinuedto practisequnift accounts should be interpretedas using qunfitin the sense of these supplications, and not as invocations directed agaisnt specific people or as blessings addressedto specific individuals.A peculiarreason for the prohibition of qunftas practisedby the Prophet in the first period, when it was used to curse or bless individuals or groups is indicated in certain reports: it was considered odious to specify persons or as groups in qunift done initially by the Prophet"'). Another reason mentionedwhy the invocation in favour of the oppressedbelieverswas discontinued was the fact that the oppressed believers manage to escape and reach Medina. During fifteen days (i.e. from the I 5th of Ramaddnuntil the Yaum al-Fitr) the Prophet made invocations for them 112); after their arrivalin Medinathere was no more reasonto do which this 113). Another interpretationsays that the qunz7t-invocation I, 107) Al-Tahiwi, Sharbmacani, 244, 1.18, 247, 1.3 from bottom. io8) Al-Tahdwi, Sharh macini, I, 244-245, 248; and see al-Dhahabi, MiZdnalictiddl,ed. 'Ali Muhammadal-Bijawi,Cairo 1382/1963,II, 653, no. 5196 (the tradition is cald rasfzlu (s) thaldthina yadc'z l-nasisammdhum markedas a laylatan qanata Ilahi innamd mandkir tradition). o09) See e.g. cAbd al-Razziq, op. cit., III, Ioy-Io6, nos. 4946-4952; al-Tah1wi Sharhmacini,I, 246. I, Siio)See e.g. al-Tahdwi, SharhmacdnZ, 243, 11. 15-17; al-Qurtubi, op. cit., IV, zo2, II. 14-15. op. I I I) See e.g. cAbdal--Razzdq, cit., II, 447 no. 4032, 454, no. 4058; al-Shaukini, op.cit., VIII, 82, II. 20-22; Ibn Abi Nayl II, 389, 1.9; MahmiidMuhammad (Aba ft 1-rajuli 1-duad Khatt.b, Shayba, op. cit., II, 317, 1.7; and see ib., 441-442: ft tasmiyati l-Dardi' performed invocations for seventy of his brethren while prostrating in prayer; cAli used to name the persons for whom he invoked after the prayer; alSha'bi and al-Hasanwere of the opinion that the invocation is left to the discretionof the believer in his prayer). See Ibn Abi Shayba, op.cit., II, 30s-306; wa-l-bidac, al-Hawadith I12) ed. M. Talbi, Tunis 1959, p. 56, i1. 4-6. al-Turt.ashi, See Sharbal-macani, 242, 1.3; MahmMd Muhammad I, II3) cit., VIII, 82, 11. 14-15; cf. cAbd al-Razzdq,op. cit., III, 121, no. 4996; and see op. Khatt.b al-Tah.wi, 270 M. J. KISTER contained both curses and blessings became redundantwhen the oppressed believers managed to come to Medina while the unbelievers repented and embraced Islam 14). The opinion that qziniftwas abro- gated in all the prayers of the day though retained in the morning prayer led to an unrestrainedattack on al-Shdfi'i, who championed it 11n). Some scholars considered quniftin the morning prayer a bid'a 116) and we have lively discussions of the problem whether qunfit to be was practised after performing the prescribed rak'as or before 11'), and whether the invocation was practised before and after the rak'as 18). Accordingto some traditionsthe believersused to practisequnfit during the night-prayer of the 15th of RamadIn 119). Some scholars recommend the quniit during the whole year 120). Orthodox scholarstried to bridge between the two conflicting sets of traditions, the one reporting that the Prophet was followed by until the day of their the Guided Caliphs,who used to practise qzunft death, and the other, denying this practise to both the Prophet and the Guided Caliphs. The harmonizing interpretation said that the Prophet and the Guided Caliphs continued to practise the kind of qunatwhich was a personal prayer in which they asked God for guidance and grace "2). Several invocations traced back to the Prophet, Ubayy b. Ka'b, 'Umar and al-IHasan are moulded in this style 122). The early formulae of quniftwere revived again during the bloody in op. al-Turtashi, cit.,p. 56, i1. 7-10 andp.57, I1. 8-15 (aboutthe qunz7t the second halfof Ramaddn). Nayl, II, 387: 114) See e.g. al-Zurqini,op.cit., VII, 345, II.g -20; al-Shaukdni, man min wa-khalusz7 al-asriwa-aslama lamma tarakahu ... thumma qadima da'c lahum man wa-ja:lc dacacalayhim ti'ibina... op. 115) Al-'Ayni, op. cit., VII, zz; cf. al-Turtashi, cit., p. 57, I1.2-3; and see op. al-ShIfi'i, cit.,VII, 235, 285. I I6) Al-cAyni, cit., VII, 22, 1.3.frombottom,23 ult.; cf. Abza op. Yasuf,Ikhtildf Cairo1357, P. I1I ult. Abi wa-Bni Layld,ed. Aba l-Waf ' 1-Afghani, AbI HIanifa macan,I, 248; Abfi Nucaym,op. cit., IX, 19, 21. i17) Al-Tahawi, Sharh op. i18) See e.g. Aba Nucaym, cit.,IX, 33. op. S19)See al-Turtiishi, cit.,p. 56 ult. op. cit., p. 57. op. 120) See cAbdal-Razzdq, cit., III, I21, II. 2-3; al-Turtashi, II. I-2. op. z121) Seee.g. al-Shaukani, cit.,II, 387, 11. 15-20. O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR 271 struggle between 'All and Mu'dwiya.The two early scholars, 'Alqama and al-Aswad123) stated that the Prophet used to practise qunft only when he fought, and then he did so in all his prayers; Aba Bakr, 'Umar and 'Uthmdn did not practise quniftuntil their death; 'Ali started to practise invocation only when he fought Mu'iwiya and then he did so in all the prayers.The samething was done by Mu'iwiya and they cursed each other (scil. in every prayer-K) 124). Ali's adherents probably disapproved of his invocation against Mu'cwiya, considering it perhaps as bid'a; 'Ali, trying to justify it, explains his qunift as being merely an invocation for God's help against the as enemy 125). cAli, says a report,did not practisequnift long as he stayed in the Arab peninsula; he started to practise it when he moved to 'Irdq 126). 'Ali is said to have invokedagainstMu'dwiyacursing him of for forty days; he did it in imitation of the qunut the Prophet127). of Anotheraccount,recordedon the authority AbgiMikhnaf, speci- fies the names of the persons against whom 'Ali invoked: Mu'dwiya, b. Maslama,'Abd 'Amr (b. al-'As), Aba l-A'war al-Sulami, b. 'Uqba; Mu'dwiya b. .Habib al-Rahmdn Khdlid(b. al-Walid) and al-Walid retaliated cursing in his qunft 'Ali, JHasan, HIusayn,Ibn 'Abbds and al-Ashtar 28). The question whether it is permissible to curse the 122) See e.g. cAbd al-Razzdq,op. cit., III, io8, no. 4957, 110, no. 4968-4969, 114, no. 4978, 1i6, nos. 4982-4983. Tahdhib al-tahdhib, VII, 276, no. 484, I, 342, no. 625I. 123) See on them Ibn IHajar, 124) cAbd al-Razziq, op. cit., III, o107,n . 4953; Muhmad Muhammad Khatt.b, 4-8; Abd Yisuf, Kitab al-dthar,ed. Abi 1l-Wafi,Cairo 1355, op. cit., VIII, 85, •1. p. 71, no. 352; idem, Ikhtilif, pp. iii inf-ii2, I.i. Ibn Abi Shayba,op. cit., II, 310, i1, 6-8. IzS) 126) Al-Shaukdni,op. cit., II, 385; Ibn Abi Shayba, op. cit., II, 311. I27) Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rlkh,Ms. ZShiriyya,IX, fol. I28a (for the invocation during fourty days cf. Ab-aYrisuf, Ikhtilif, p. ii 2, note i, 1.7). annacallyyan abz7 Ibn S128) Junghul, op. cit., II, fol. 185b: ... wa-dhakara mikhnafin camrun kanayalcanu qunfitihi waft wa-camran ma lammabalaghahu facala muc'wiyata bna khalidinwa-1bna maslamata acwara1-sulamiyya wa-~abda wa-habiba aba I-rahmani dhblikamucdwiyata walidabna cuqbata, yalcanu ft qunztihi fa-lammabalagha kanaaycan and see another Shici quntit:alwa-bna'abbisin wa-l-ashtara; wa-husaynan caliyyan Majlisi, op. cit., XXII, I28, no. ioi; and see e.g. the formula of Muc'wiya's invocation against cAli: Muhammad b. cAqil al-cAlawi 1-Husayni, al-Nasda'i al-kdfiya li-manyatawalla mucawiya, Najaf 1386/1966, pp. 86 inf.-87, 95-97. 272 M. J. KISTER Companions of the Prophet became subject of extensive discussions in Shi'i compilations129). In the second half of the second century there were still heated discussions as to whether the qunfzt-invocation is permitted during prayer, in which part of the prayer it may be uttered and during which of the prayers the invocation may be performed 130). In some circles the qunzit was even considered as a kind of a voluntary private invocation and a scholar could remark that he disliked quniftas an established formula of invocation 131). The legitimacy of the qunint a private invoas cation during the formal prayer is seen in a tradition reported on the authority of 'A'isha. The Prophet, making an invocation in the morning prayer before performing of the rak'a, said: "I merely invoke in front of you in order that you invoke (your) God and ask Him to grant you your needs" 132). The quniftin fact changed during the following centuries to become a supplication during calamities and disasters and a private invocation of the believer in which he implored God to fulfil his wishes and to give success to himself and his kindred. The scrutiny of the traditions about the invocation against Mudar has helped us to lineate the changes which the perception of this invocation underwent in the Muslim community against the background of the Prophet's struggle with the unbelievers of Quraysh and of the later discussions between the factions of the nascent Muslim Empire at the time of 'Ali and Mu'awiya. In later centuries it turned into a private supplication for guidance and success. The scrutiny of this material gives us a clue for a better assessment I29) Cf. e.g. Sadr al-Din cAli Khan -al-Shirdzi, al-Darajat al-rafica ft tabaqit al-shica, Najaf 1381/1962, pp. ii-o20. 130) See e.g. cAbd al-Razzdq, op. cit., II, 448-449, nos. 4033-4035, 4039-4041 131) Aba Yasuf, al-Athdr, p. 70, no. 348: akrahu an ajcala fi l-qunz7tidu'a'an ma climan. hishami bni curwata,Ms. Zihiriyya, 13z) Hish~m b. 'Urwa,Juf' fihi min majmf'a 61, fol. 188a: ... innamd aqnutu bikum li-tadcz' rabbakum wa-tas'alhzuihacaw.lihadithi wa'ijakum. O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR 273 of the economic pressure carried out on the Prophet's order against the unbelievers of Mecca by cutting off their food supplies from the Ydmamaandby the raidson the Mudartribalgroups allied with Mecca. Under this pressure Aba Sufydn, convinced that Mecca could not stand against the growing forces of the Prophet, decided to enterinto peaceful co-operationwith the Prophet and to initiate a commercial exchange of goods. Abui Sufyan's change of attitude towards the Prophet explainswhy he acceptedthe money sent by the Prophet, why he refrainedfrom aiding the Qurashiattackagainst Khuzd'a(the allies of the Prophet),why he consentedto the marriageof his daughterto the Prophet and why he went out to Medinato intercedewith the Prophet on behalf of Quraysh.Only in the light of these events does one get an insight into the privileges and concessions granted him and his family by the Prophet: safety for all who entered his court on the day of the conquestof Mecca,the missionsandofficeswith which he was entrusted by the Prophet and the appointment of Mu'dwiya as the secretary of the Prophet.It is significantthat the Muslimcommunityacceptedthe decisions of the Prophet without reservationand Abii Sufydnregained his leading position in the Muslim society. His sons were appointedby Abi Bakr, 'Umar and 'Uthman and hold high positions in the Muslim state. Mu'dwiya,the son of the leaderof the Mudaralliance,became the founder of the Umayyaddynastywhich held sway over the Muslim Empire for a very long time. 18 

The Market of the Prophet.pdf THE MARKET OF THE PROPHET BY M. J. KISTER The reasons given by the Arabic sources for the assassinationof Ka'b b. al-Ashrafare that he stirredup the Meccansto fight the Prophet and to avenge their defeat at Badr, that he composed anti-Muslim verses defamingMuslim women or that he plotted with a group of Jews to kill the Prophet'). These reasons are also accepted or quoted in the works of scholars, analysing the attitude of the Prophet towards Ka'b b. al-Ashraf2). 1936); al-Shaybdni: Kitab al-Siyar al-Kabfr I, 270-77 (ed. Saldh al-Din al-Munajjid, Cairo 1957); al-Wdqidi: al-Maghdbz, 184-90 (ed. von Kremer, Calcutta 1856); Ibn Sa'd: TabaqjitII, 31-34 (ed. Beirut 1957); Muh. b. Habib: Asmd' al-mughtilin (Nawddir Cairo i) Ibn Hishim: al-Sira III, 54-61, 20o6-2io (ed. al-SaqP'-Abydri-Shalabi, Ansib al-AshrdifI, VI, 144-46, ed. cAbdal-Salim Hdrfn); al-Balddhuri: al-makh.ttatdt 284, 374 (ed. Muh. Hamidulldh, Cairo 1959); al-Bukhari: Sahib V, 15--16 (ed. Cairo, Muh 'Ali Subayh, n.d.); Muslim: SahibV, 184-85 (ed. Cairo 1334 AH); al-Tabari: al-SunanII, 336-38 (Sharh Sunan Abi Da'Td, Cairo 1933); al-Bayhaqi:al-Sunan alKubrdIX, 81 (ed. Hyderabad 1356 AH); al-Maqdisi: al-Bad' wa-l-Ta'rikhIV, 197 (ed. Huart, Paris 1907); Ibn Kathir: al-Bidjya IV, 5-9 (ed. Cairo 1932); Aba Hayydn: III, 135 (ed. Cairo 1328 AH.); al-Maqrizi: Imtdaal-Asmdc Tafsfr al-bahr al-muhi.t Muh. ShIkir, Cairo 1941); Al-Suhayli: al-Raudal-UnufII, I, io8-10o (ed. MahbmTd Cairo 1914); al-Suyfti: al-Durr al-Manthzr II, 107 (reprint Teheran 1377 I23- 25 (ed. Ta'rdkh II, 177-80 (ed. Cairo 1939); Aghini XIX, I06-I17; al-Khattibi: Ma'dlim n.d.); Ibn Sayyid al-Nds: cUytin al-Athar I, 298-301 (ed. Cairo 1356 AH); Ibn Hajar al-Haythami: Majmacal-zawd'idVI, 195-96 (ed. Cairo 1353 AH); cAli b. Burhdn AH); Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya:Badiai'ial-Fawd'id,III, z20o (Cairo, MuniriyyaPrint, al-Din al-Halabi: Insdnal-'uytn III, 181 (ed. Cairo 1354 AH); Dahlin: al-Sira (on margin of Insdn al-'uyfn II, 13-20); al-Tabarsi: I'ldm al-ward, 56 (ed. 1312 AH); al- (ed. 13o2 AH); al-Zurqdni: Sharh al-Mawdhib II, 8-14 (ed. Cairo 1325 AH). 2) L. Caetani: Annali I, 534-37 (ed. Milano 1905); H. Grimme: MohammedI, 94 (ed. Miinster i. W. 1892); A. J. Wensinck: Mohammeden deJodente Medina, 152-5 5 (ed. Leiden 1908); R. Leszynsky: Die Judenin Arabien zur Zeit Mohammeds, 66-69 (ed. Berlin 191o); F. Buhl: EIl, s.v. Kacb b. al-Ashraf; F. Buhl: Das LebenMuhammeds, (transl. H. H. Schaeder, Heidelberg 1955, second ed.); H. Z. Hirschberg: 250-51 215 (ed. Jerusalem 1955); M. Gaudefroy-Demombynes: Majlisi: Bibhdr al-AnwdrIX, 74; XX, 10-11 (ed. Teheran 1376-85 AH); al-Samhadi: I, Wafd'al-WafdI, 199 (ed. Cairo 1326 AH); al-Diyvrbakri:Ta'rikhal-Khamis 464-66 Yisra'elba-'Arav, 143 (ed. Tel-Aviv 1943); S. D. Goitein: Ha-Islim shel Mubammad, Mahomet, I35 (ed. Paris THE MARKET OF THE PROPHET 273 the enmitybetweenKa'bb. al-Ashraf the Prophet shedssome and and light on the economicactivitiesof the Prophetand the Muslimcomin The eventrecorded this passage the authority on munityin Medina. of Ibn Shabba runs as follows: 2) Ibn Shabba-S~ilihKaysin 8): "TheProphet b. pitcheda tent in the and BaqT' al-Zubayr said: This is your market.Then Ka'b b. al-Ashraf came up, entered inside and cut its ropes. The Prophet then said: Indeed, I shall move it into a place which will be more grievous for him than this place. And he moved into the place of the "Marketof Medina" (scil. the place which was later the Marketof Medina -K). Then he said: This is your market.Do not set up sections in it and do not impose taxes for it". The problem that faces us is why did Ka'b b. al-Ashrafcut the ropes of the tent of the Prophet. Some conclusion can be drawn from another fragmentof this tradition4) of 'Umar b. Shabba,stating that al-Zubayr askedthe Prophetto granthim al-Baqi'afterthe assassination Ka'b 5). of Watt: Muhammed Medina, index (ed. Oxford I956); M. Rodinson: Mahomet, at 173 (ed. Paris I961). 2) 1957); M. Hamidullah: Le Prophetedel'Islam, index (ed. Paris 1959); W. Montgomery A passage Samhfidi's another in reveals of aspect Wafd'al-Wafdt1) J) I 540. See abouthim: Ydqfit:MuJamal-Udabj'XVI, 6o-62 (ed. Cairo 1938); alTa'rikhBaghdad 20o8-2xo(ed. Cairo 1931); Ibn Hajar: Khatib al-Baghdddi: XI, al-Tahdhib 460 (ed. Hyderabad Tahdhib VII, 1326AH); SalehAhmedal-Ali:Studies in theTopography I.C. alAhmad al-'Ali:al-Mu'allafit ofMedina, 1961,pp. 66-67; 'an .Slih carabiyya al-Madinawa-lijidZ, Majallat al-Majma' al-'llm7 al-'cIriq!, 1964, pp. al-ictiddlII, 299, No. 3823 (ed. al-Bijiwi, 3) See about him: al-Dhahabi: MIZin Cairo 1963); idem: Tadhkirat I, al-huffdz 148, No. 142 (ed. Hyderabad1958); Ibn IHajar: Kitabal-'llal I, IV, Tahdhib al-Tahdhib 399-400; Ahmadb. IHanbal: 359 Ankara1963);and see E. L. Petersen:'Alt andMu'ciwya (ed. Kogyigit-Cerrahoglu, in EarlyArabic index(ed. Copenhagen Tradition, 1964). 4) Samhfdi, op. cit., II, 265. 5) About the topography of Baqi' al-Zubayrsee S. A. al-Ali: Studies, 79; about p. grants of the Prophet to al-Zubayr see: Abf 'Ubayd: al-Amwdl p. 272 - No. 675; p. 279 - No. 691 (ed. CairoI353 AH); Abfi Yisuf: Kit. al-Kharij,p. 6 (ed. Cairo 611. 131-134. 524 - No. 4022(ed. Hyderabad 1); Ibn 1382 AH); al-Hindi: 195 Kanzal-'ummalIII, Kitdb MS. f. 99b-0ooa; al-Shaybdni: al-S?yar Kit. al-Kabir al-Amwil, Zanjawayh: II, 274 M. J. KISTER This Baqi' became-of course later-known as Baqi' al-Zubayr. is It obvious that Ka'b tried to prevent the Prophet from establishing the marketon his land. This was the cause of the clash between the Prophet and Ka'b. Other traditions supply more details about the event of the establishment of the market, although the clash between the Prophet and Ka'b is not mentioned. Ibn Zubila ') reportson the authorityof Yazid b. 'Ubayd Allah b. Qusayt2) that the market (scil. of Medina) was in (the quarter of ) the Banti Qaynuqd' until it was moved afterwards (into anotherplace) 3). A corroborativetraditionreportedby 'Umar b. b. Yasir 4) states that the Prophet Shabba on the authority of 'At.' decided to establisha marketfor Medina.He came to the marketof the Banti Qaynuqd', then he went to (the place later known as -K) the marketof Medina. He stampedits ground with his foot and said: This is your market;let it not be narrowed and (fa-ldyudayyaq) let no tax of be quotedon the authority Ibn (kharay) takenon it 5). A tradition Asid reportsthat the placeof the marketof Medinawas proposedto the Prophet by a man (scil. one of the adherentsof the Prophet); the visitedthe place,stamped groundwithhis foot anduttered the Prophet his sayingthatit mightnot be diminished mighta tax be imposed nor on it 6). A slightly differenttraditionis recordedby Ibn Mdjah on the 7) of Abfi Usayd8). The Prophetwent to the marketof the authority i) See about him Ibn Hajar: TahdhibIX, 24 115-17; Tahdhib XI, 342 (his name is Yazid b. cAbd Allah 2) See about him Ibn IHajar: (not cUbayd Allih) b. Qusayt); al-Dhahabi: Mi•zn IV, 430; al-Suyiiti: Is'df alal-hawdlik p. Muwaf.ta' mubafta' bi-ridl al-Muwal.ta', 42 (printedwith Tanwir sharhCald Cairo n.d.). Milik, 3) al-Samhodi, op. cit., I, 539 inf. I, 4) See about him: al-Dhahabi: Tadkbkira 90 (No. 80); idem: MkrznIII, 77 (No. Tabdhib VII, 217-18 (No. 399). 5654); Ibn 6) al-Samhkidi, op. cit., I, 540. .Hajar: 5) al-Samhidi, op. cit., I, 539. II, 7) Sunanal-Murftafd z8 (ed. Cairo 1349 AH). 8) His name was Milik b. Rabicaal-Sg'idi; see about him: al-Nibulusi: Dhakhd'ir IV, al-mawdritb 91 - No. 616o (ed. Cairo 1934); Ibn Hajar:Irsdba 23 - No. 7622; III, Ibn Sacd:Tabaqdt 557-58 (ed. Beirut 1957). III, 514. No. 7380; S.A.: al.Ali Studies p. 66-67; idem: Mu'allafat, pp. 127-29. III, n.d.); al-Dhahabi: MiZin al-ictiddl penult. (ed. Cairo, al-Maktabaal-Tijdriyya, al-Suyftri: al-La'Vi al-masnica I, THE MARKET OF THE PROPHET 275 for Nabitlookedat it andsaid:Thisis not a market you. Thenhe went to a market to another lookedat it andsaid:Thisis not a (i.e. market), marketfor you. Then he returned this market,circumambulated to it and said: This is your market; it not be diminished, let no and let tax be levied on it 1). The place chosen by the Prophetwas in the quarterof the Banti at The Sd'idaand servedas a cemetery. BanilSi'ida objected first but gave theirconsentlater2). It was an open spaceand a ridercouldput his saddlein the market, roundthe market everydirectionand in go see his saddle Attemptsto erect some buildingsor to pitch tents 3). in the marketwere preventedby the Prophetand later by 'Umar b. al-Khattb4). It was Mu'"wiyawho for the first time built two houses in the market:The Ddr al-Qatirdn Ddr al-Nuqsdn and and 5) levied taxes. Hishim built a big buildingwhich includedthe whole market;on the ground floor were shops, on the upper floor were rooms for letting. This buildingwas demolishedby the people of Medinawhen the news of the deathof Hishim reached them6). The reasonfor this mutinous actionseemsto be thatthe peopleconsidered the buildingof the house in the marketand the levying of taxes by the governorof the Caliph unlawful as innovations. In factthepious'Umar 'Abdal-'Aziz reported haveforbidden b. is to to levy any fee (kird')in the market the groundsthat "the market on is a charitableendowment"(al-sfiq 7). sadaqa) The meaningof this utterance 'Umarb. 'Abd al-'Azizis elucidated a reportof Ibn of by Zubdlaand Ibn Shabba, of told on the authority Muhammad 'Abd b. the I) The text hasfa-ldyuntaqasanna; commentatorreads and explainsfa-ldyuntawhich seems to be an error. qaaIanna, 2) al-Samhidi, op. cit., I, 540. 3) ib., I 541. 4) ib. I, 540 inf. - 541 sup.; al-Hindi: KanZ 488 al-'ummmalV, . and n 5) al-Samhfidi: op. cit., I. 54i; Dir al-Qa.tirdn Dir al-Nuqfs appear to be pejorative nicknamescoined by the people who objected to the principle of building the houses and levying taxes. 6) Saleh Ahmed al-Ali: Studies,p. 86-87. 7) Reported by Ibn Zubila on the authority of Khtlid b. Ilyis al-'Adawi as recorded by al-Samhidi, op. cit., I, 540; about Khilid b. IlyIs see Ibn Tahdhib III, 80oand Dhahabi: MiZn I, 6z27 .Hajar: (No. 2408). 276 KISTER, THE MARKET OF THE PROPHET Allih b. IHasan stating that the Prophet granted the Muslims their 1) markets as charitable endowment (tasaddaqa 'l-muslimina bi-aswd'ald 2). qihim) The letter of 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz abolishedapparentlythe levying of taxes imposed on the marketby Mu'rwiya. The scanty reports about the market established by the Prophet in Medinaseem to be trustworthy.They are recordedby 'Umar b. Shabba and Ibn Zub~la,both competent authoritieson the history of Medina. These reports were omitted in other sources because the event of the marketwas not enough importantin shaping the image of the Prophet and the early community by later authors as the market itself did not survive and did not serve as place of devotion. The establishmentof the market by the Prophet a short time after his arrivalin Medina3) seems to be of some importance.There is no indicationof the intention of the Prophet; but the principleto establish a new market without taxes may imply that the Prophet intended to adopt the practiceof the marketat Ukdz where taxes were not levied. The later interpretationof this event was the idea of al-suiq sddaqa. The clash with Ka'b b. al-Ashraf4) seems to indicate that Ka'b considered the establishmentof the new marketas competition to the The us supplies existingone of the BanLd Qaynuqd'. storyof the market with an additional aspectof the contentionbetweenthe Prophetand the Jews in Medina. index (ed. A. al-Isfahdni: i) See about him: Abfi '1-Faraj Maqdtil al-Tilibiyyin, III, IX, Saqr,Cairo 1949); Ibn Hajar:Tahdhib 252; al-Dhahabi: M~Zan 591 (No. 7736). ka2) al-Samhfidi,op. cit., I, 540; comp. the utterance of 'Ali: S7qu 'l-muslimina - alman musalla'1-musallina, sabaqaild shay'in yaumahu fa-huwalahu Hindi: KanZ .hatta~yadacabu al-'ummdl 488, No. 2688; and see al-Kulini:al-KafiII, 662 (ed. V, Teheran1381AH). of See 3) The datecanbe fixedby the dateof the assassination Ka'bb. al-Ashraf. BSOAS,1957 p. 248, 262. of Jones:TheChronologytheMaghbrZi, Mdlikb. al-Sayf;see 'Ali b. 4) Kacbwas electedas chief of the Jews, replacing Burhdnal-Din al-HIalabi: II, i I6. Insanal-'uyfin 

Shura of Umar ibn al-Khattab.pdf NOTES ON AN ACCOUNT OF THE SHURA APPOINTED BY 'UMAR B. AL-KHATTAB By M. J. KISTER. Document no. 6 in Professor Nabia Abbott's Studies in Arabic Papyri,'1 dealing with the assassination of 'Umax and the appointment of the Shura (i.e. the council destined to settle the succession to the caliphate), is an important piece of early Islamic historiography. The papyrus has been admirably edited by Professor Abbott, who proves that it is a leaf from Ibn Ishaq's Ta'rtkb alKbulafd'. She has also added a translation and a valuable commentary and discusses in full the document's date, provenance, and significance. It seems, however, that a few passages were not correctly read, and since their accurate interpretation is of relevance for the understanding and evaluation of the historical events related in the text, they deserve to be examined in detail. Downloaded from jss.oxfordjournals.org at Hebrew University of Jerusalem on September 20, 2010 A sentence from the speech addressed, according to Ibn Ishaq, by the dying 'Umar t o ' Amr b. al-' As and remonstrating with him for trying to enter the Shura (second half of verso, line i ; p. 81, transl. p. 82) is read and translated by Abbott as follows: L V>J.» jJJ» lt_J- ~ » L, JJJU^ CMA> "and had you not coveted it for A Mu'awiyah it would not have been coveted by anyone who was set free [after the victory of Mecca]". She comments:2 So far no direct early parallel text has come to light in support of thia teamwork between 'Amr b. al-'As. and Mu'awiyah b. Abl Sufyan in reference to the caliphate at this early date. But confirmation of 'Umar's concern about Mu'awiyah's ambitions as well as about those of 'Abdallah b. Abl Rabfah are reflected in Ifdbab, n, 74 j in a passage that gives no indication of its earlier sources. Mu'awiyah's caliphal ambitions, according to Mu'awiyah himself, are said to date back to a conversation between him and Muhammad, whom he quotes as saying: "Should you be in command, fear God and render justice" using, it should be noted, some of the very terms that TJmar used in addressing 'All and TJthmin. Cf. 'Iqd, n, 229; Navawi, p. 565; Ifdbab, m, 887. 1 1 VoL 1, Historical Texts (Chicago, 1957). P. 85, verso 1 1-2. L 320 . THE SHURA APPOINTED BY 'UMAR B. AL-KHATTAB For the crucial word read by Abbott fami'ta Dietrich proposes in his corrections satia'ta;1 this would not affect Professor Abbott's proposition about the "team-work between 'Amr b. al-'As and Mu'awiyah". The correct reading is, however, sana'tu: what I did for Mu'awiyah, not one of the tulaqd'2 would have coveted it [i.e. the caliphate]." The passage recto 1. 17 to verso 1. 2 consists of two statements by "Umax. The first is a pronouncement that he would not have as Caliph anyone who had carried arms against the Prophet. This statement has its parallel in al-Baladhuri's Ansdb, v, 17 (as quoted by Abbott) and in Ansdb, MS. 860 £; in both cases it is reported on the authority of al-Waqidl.3 The second statement, with which we are now dealing, is elucidated by al-Baladhuri in a significant report in Ansdb, MS. 86o£: AJJI JU* ^ J jjli. \J jJ. t, JJJU^ c**+ U Vjij; which means: "were it not for Downloaded from jss.oxfordjournals.org at Hebrew University of Jerusalem on September 20, 2010 ^dkJI ^ JUJ & j - i T frt. tfOil^JI Muh. b. Sa'd>al W5qidi'>KathIr b. Zaid*>al MufiaUb b. 'Abdallah.* 'Umar said: "This affair [i.e. the Caliphate] is notfitfor the fulaqd' nor the sons of the ptlaqd'. Had I foreseen [the course of] my affair as I do now that I see the consequences of it, Yazld b. Abl Sufyfin and Mu'awiyah b. Abl Sufyan would not have coveted to be appointed as governors of Syria." According to this tradition TJmar on his death-bed regrets that he appointed Mu'awiyah as governor of Syria: and that is exactly the idea expressed in our text in verso 1. 1. On the point of death hejsees the consequences of appointing to high posts pdaqa' of thi type of Mu'awiyah and 'Abdallah b. Abl RabVah: they are dangerous for orthodox Islam; they have grown so Der Islam (1959), p. 205. UA. s.v. flq gives two opinions about the mining of the word; cf. also Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, d-httiqi', p. 50. 1 I could not find die undd "traced back again to 'Amr b. Maimun" (Abbott, op. tit. p. 8j, L 1) in the work of al-BaladhurL 4 See Tabdtib al-Tabdtib, vra, 414; he was the transmitter of al-Muftalib b. 'Abdallah b. al-Hantab. ! 1 See IfSbab, no. 4627 (s.v. 'Abdallah b. al-Hantab) and no. 8021 (s.v. alMuftalib b. al-Hantab); and see UA. s.v. frnfb; Tabdtib, x, 178; DH&1 alq, p. 92, ed. al-SawL 1 1 321 THE SHURA APPOINTED BY 'UMAR B. AL-KHATTAB powerful that in the event of disagreement among the men of the Shura they are in a position to intervene and even seize power. The passage qtioted by Abbott in her comment on verso 1-2 (mentioned above) and in her comment on verso 3-4 (p. 85), from the Isabab, n, 745 (the biographical notice of 'AbdaJlah b. Abl Rabfah; in ed. Cairo 1907—vol. rv, 64 inf., no. 4662) also contains a warning by IJmar. The passage in question reads: fl£J1 And it is said that TJmar told the men of the ShurS: "Do.not disagree among yourselves, for if you disagree Mu'iwiyah will enter upon you from Syria, and 'Abdallah b. Abl Rabfah from the Yemen. They will not respect the fact that you were the first to accept Islam"..., etc Abbott remarks (comments on verso 1-2, 3-4) that the source of this report is not specified. Fortunately, however, it can be discovered. Ibn 'Asakir quotes this very report in the article "Mu'awiyah", 1 f. 125 a,under the following isndd: Ibn Sa'd>Muh. b. IJmar (Le. al-WaqidI)>Kathlr b. Zaid>'Abdallah b. al-Hantab> IJmar. This is exactly the same isndd as given by al-Baladhuri for 'Umar's warning quoted above (p. 3 21) from the Ansdb, MS. 860 b. Another such warning is included in the report of Sufyan b. IJyayna2 told on the authority of Abu Harun (Le. Mas'ud b. alHakam -al-MadanI).3 Here 'Umar warns the men of the Shura not to disagree among themselves lest Mu'awiyah seize power [i.e. the Caliphate] for himself (yastabiddubd dunaJb/m).* Downloaded from jss.oxfordjournals.org at Hebrew University of Jerusalem on September 20, 2010 In a remarkable tradition told on the authority of Hablb b. Abl Thabit (see below, p. 326, n. 1) 'AH is said to have stated that he accepted the Caliphate only for fear that a billy-goat from among the Banu Umayya might leap at it and play with the book of Allah.5 All these reports are clearly anti-Umayyad. The same tendency is clearly reflected in a peculiar conversation between al-Aswadt. Yazld6 and 'A'isha. He asked 'A'isha: "Do you not wonder how a rnan from among the pdaq&'~ass. contend for the Caliphate against the Companions of the Prophet?" 'A'isha answered: " Why do you wonder at it? It is the power (sultan) of Allah, He 1 This article was copied for die late Dr Schloessinger from die Damascus MS. * See al-Khatlb's TSrIkbBag/)ddd, tx, 174. » See TabtUab aJ-Tabdtib, x, 116. * Ibn 'Asikir, op. fit. € 114b. 6 s, ^i-BaUdhnd, Aniab, MS. 1584. IfSbab, 1, 108. 322 THE SHURA APPOINTED BY 'UMAR B. AL-KHATTAB grants it to the pious and the wicked; Fir'aun ruled Egypt for 400 years."1 Abbot remarks that "Mu'awiyah's caliphal amb'itions, according to Mu'awiyah himself, are said to date back to a conversation between him and Muhammad" (see above, p. 320). This tradition cannot serve, however, to establish the date at which Mu'awiyah actually began planning to win the Caliphate, since traditions about the Prophet foretelling the rule of Mu'awiyah, exhortations of the Prophet on behalf of Mu'awiyah, and the enumeration of his virtues by the Prophet, are fabrications of Umayyad propaganda. Traditions of this kind are found in al-BalldhurTs Ansdb1 and in Ibn 'Asakir's Tctrikh.3 There is a curious tradition, breathing the spirit of the Jahiliyya, in which the Prophet is said to have given Mu'awiyah an arrow with which he would meet him in Paradise.* Another specimen of transparent Umayyad fabrication is given in al-Baladhurfs Ansdb, MS. 374<*, on the authority of Abu Hurayra: Gabriel told the Prophet: "God entrusted the revelation to me, to you and to Mu'awiyah."* In conclusion it may be said that, if correctly interpreted, the papyrus contains no evidence of collaboration between Mu'awiyah and 'Amr b. al-'As. The passage discussed stresses the background of the pdaqcT and purports to prove that TJmar considered their regime as a menace to Islam; it shows, as has already been pointed out by Sir Hamilton Gibb in bis review of Abbott's book,6 an anti-Umayyad tendency.7 Ibn 'Asikir, op. eit. f. 1300; the tradition about the fubufd' mentioned by Abbott, op. eit. p. 85, L 23, is told by Ibn Abzi (sit, not Ibn Aim)—nee Tabdtib al-Tabdtib, vi, 132 note 2 inf.; some anti-Umayyad traditions are recorded in al-Suyutfs aJ-Dttrr al-mMtbSr, rv, 191. 1 See Levi della Vida-Pinto: HCaBffo Mu'dwiyab, 1, nos. 319, 322, 321, 323 and 316 n.; and see Pellat: "Le cnlte de Mu'awiyah au Hie siede", Studia Islamiea, vi, 5 3-66 (esp. pp. 56-7). 1 Op. eit. chapter "Mu'awiyah". 4 Ibn 'Asikir, op. eit. p. 118; and see Fracnkel, "Das Schutzrecht der Araber", Or. Stud. NSldeke, 1, 294. 5 6 Levi della Vida-Pinto, op. eit. no. 320. J.N.ES. xvn, 222-4. 7 It may be pointed out that 'Abdallah b. Abl Rabfah was governor, not of Najd (p. 8 j , L 20), but of Janad in Yemen; c£ Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isfl'db, no. 1515; al-Baladhud, Ansib, MS. 8040. Verso L 4: read djxi^^i instead of djjj^-i. Verso L 5 is readout UU 1 3 » and translated: "They asked: 'What ^1 is it you wish [to say]'"; Dietrich tookfa-amma to be a slip of the scribe and proposed fa-mi (Dtr Islam, 1959, p. 205). The correct reading is, however, £*,:.*. U J i \ji\i : "They said: 'Say what you wish [to say]'." 1 Downloaded from jss.oxfordjournals.org at Hebrew University of Jerusalem on September 20, 2010 THE SHURA APPOINTED BY 'UMAR B. AL-KHATTAB II Professor Abbott transcribes verso II. I O - I I , a passage of 'Uthm5n's speech in which he defends himself from al-Miqdad's attacks, as follows: This is translated: "So the Messenger of God—may God bless him and give him peace—took the oath for me by grasping his (own) left hand (furthermore) the Messenger of God specified bounty to come to me." Dietrich accepts this reading, adding only J before *JJI JJ-J in 1. u . 1 The correct reading of the passage is, however, as follows: " So the Messenger of Allah—may Allah bless him and give him peace—took the oath for me by grasping his [own] left hand, and the left hand of the Messenger of Allah is better [than]2 my right hand." This indeed is the expression which occurs in 'Uthmin's answer to 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Auf as reported by al-Zurqanl in his Sbarfr al-Mao/dbib1 Downloaded from jss.oxfordjournals.org at Hebrew University of Jerusalem on September 20, 2010 Commenting on this passage containing al-Miqdad's attack on 'Uthman, Abbott remarks that "the direct attack of al-Miqdad on IJthman and the bitter's speech in defence of himself are nowhere reported in this setting, though the substance of the passage is frequently met with in the sources in various other settings and versions ". 4 Abbott suggests that the passage may be traced to the lost work of 'Awana on the Umayyad dynasty, and repeats that "Miqdad is nowhere else in the sources associated directly with the passage. Neither does the passage itself appear in any of the sources in connexion with 'Uthman at the time of the elective council".5 These remarks are correct as far as Sunn! sources are concerned. This account, however, seems to be of ShTite character, and is in fact found in the Amdti of al-Shaykh al-Mufld (died 413 A.H.) 6 1 (1959), p. 205. min was dropped; other such omissions are discussed by Abbott, p. 83 inf. ' VoL n, 208; for various other versions see: Ibn Katbir, Tafdr, iv, 186; also al-Suyuft Ta'rikb ai-Kbulafd, p. 152. • Op. fit. p. 86 (comments on verso 7-1 j). * Ibid. p. 96. « Ed-Najaf 1367A.H., p. 66. 3*4 THE SHURA APPOINTED BY 'UMAR B. AL-KHATTAB and copied in the Bihar aJ-Anwar.1 The report in the AmaG reads as follows: J l i i *JJI JL-^—J ^JL53I jj_J$ll ^ 1 ^J! JUJ . ij,u .^ ^ ilJOJI . 1 * tfj^DJ JIJJI p i l > * jj U ; tfx* J) ou UJ Downloaded from jss.oxfordjournals.org at Hebrew University of Jerusalem on September 20, 2010 I •** J i - * » = . . .Habib b. Abl Thibit said: When the people assembled in the court to attend the ShurS, al-Miqdad b. al-Aswad al-Kindl raiti^ and said: "Take me in, for I have some advice to give for the sake of God and your own good!" They refused. Then he said: "Let me put my head [in the door] and listen to me." They refused. Then he said: " Since you have refused I recommend [at least that you] do not swear allegiance to a man who was not present at Badr, did not swear the Ridwin oath of allegiance, who was put to flight at the battle of Uhud and at the battle when the two arming met." Whereupon IJthman said: "Should I become ruler [Le. caliph] I will return you to your first master."1 When death came upon al-MiqdSd he said: "Triform TJthmin that I am going to be returned to my first and last Master." When TJthman was informed of his death he ram*^ stood at his grave and said: "God grant you His mercy, you were [sciL excellent], you were [excellent]"—extolling him thus. Al-Zubayr recited to him [TJthman]: I know that you will bewail me after my death But in my lifetime you did not provide me with provision. VoL vm, 352. The verse is attributed to 'Abld b. al-Abras (see Divan, ed. Husayn Na$sit, p. 48). J He was a poJlfof the Band Zuhta; see Ifdbob, no. 8179. 1 1 3*5 THE SHURA APPOINTED BY 'UMAR B. AL-KHATTAB 'Uthmin then said: " O Zubayr, do you think that I would want such a. Companion of Muhammad—may Allah bless him and give him peace— to die while wrodi with me?" The setting in the Am&K of al-Mufld and the role played by alMiqdad are the same as in the papyrus text of Ibn Ishaq; in the account of the Amali, however, 'Uthman resorts to threats instead of defending himsf.lfThere is no doubt that the account in Ibn Ishlq's work is of ShTite character. It is enough to note that one of the transmitters of the account, TJbayd Allah b. Musa al-'Abs! was a notorious inventor of ShTite traditions.1 Gibb rightly classifies Ibn Ishaq's account as Shfite Dicbtmg.2 It may be mentioned that alJahi? denies the authenticity of all the traditions transmitted on the authority of al-Miqdad which support the rights of 'All to the caliphate or deny those of Abu Bakr. Al-Jahi? stresses that alMiqdad bore a grudge against 'All because 'AH tried to prevent the marriage of al-Miqdad with al-Duba'ah bint al-Zubayr b. 'Abd al-Muttalib.3 All in all it is difficult to share Abbott's opinion that the account in the papyrus "gives no inkling of partiality for either of these two major candidates and hence calls into question the accusation that Ibn Ishaq favoured the Shi'ite religio-political party". 4 On the contrary, the text preserved in the papyrus clearly shows bis ShTite inclinations.5 See TabdUb al-Tabdtib, v n , 50-3. J.N.RS. x v n , 2*4. J Al-'Utbm&ujya (ed. 'Abd al-Sal4m Hlrttn), pp. 180-1. 4 Op. fit. p. 97. 5 In 1L 11-12 of the verso the correct reading is neither t&kinaUm nor s&kitatan as suggested by Abbott, nor tHsdkintdm as suggested by Dietrich, but sbdkiyatm; in fact the other sources have maridattn, or vql'atm (in al-B&ihaql, al-Swum al-Kxbrd, vi, 293), which are synonyms of sbdktyattm. 1 1 Downloaded from jss.oxfordjournals.org at Hebrew University of Jerusalem on September 20, 2010 326 

Review of Kitab al-Hawadith.pdf REVIEWS detailed examination in a lengthy article 'which, it is hoped, will appear in the near future elsewhere. In the opinion of the present writer the examples of variant readings from Neofiti i given by the author do not in any way prove a pre-Masoretic origin of the text of that manuscript; but it may well be that an early dating can be claimed on other grounds. Afinalview on this very important problem cannot be reached until the whole text is made available to the scholarly world at large in the edition, so eagerly awaited, by A. D. Macho himself. The volume under review has no indexes. There are a number of misprints; for example, some of the figures in the table of contents are wrong. There are some linguistic errors in the articles by A. D. Macho, S. Segert and I. EngnelL p. WERNBERG-MOLLER ABU BAKR MUHAMMAD B. AL-WAIJD AL-TURTUSHI, Kitab al-Hawdditb Downloaded from jss.oxfordjournals.org at Hebrew University of Jerusalem on September 20, 2010 va"l-Bida', ed. Muhammad al-Talibl. 19j 9. Pp. 227. (Al-Matba'a alRasmiyya li'1-Djumhuriyya al-Tunisiyya.) This scholarly edition of the work by the famous Spanish theologian al-Turtushi (d. A.H. 520/A.D. 1126) is a contribution of considerable importance for the study of bid'a "innovation", one of the most important problems of Islam. The book reflects faithfully the struggle of the Orthodox 'ulamd' against bid'a. Al-Turtushl quotes the Kur'an, brings evidence from the Hadlth for the refutation of innovations and cites for this purpose the opinions of scholars of Muslim law and jurisprudence. This collection of traditions about innovations which originated in Islam in the course of time is a valuable source for Muslim social life and the penetration of foreign influences.1 Al-Turtushi includes in his book innovations of past centuries and innovations introduced in his time as well; in this review only a few points of his comprehensive work can be discussed. In the traditions about the adornment of mosques we can trace the opinions of early orthodox scholars. A characteristic tradition is told about Ibn Mas'ud2 one of the first companions of the Prophets Ibn Mas'ud held important administrative posts in the period of TJmar, and was celebrated for his moral integrity; he fought corruption, and was a champion of the traditional way of life, conforming with the surma of the Prophet.4 Passing by the adorned mosques of Kufa Ibn Mas'ud remarked "The person who built it spent the money of Allah in His disobedience". This negative opinion about the adornment of mosques was accepted by Muslim scholars: Malik b. See the passage by the editor, Introduction, p. 10 and cf. the statements of the translators of the Vorksungen of Goldziher into Arabic about the bid'a, giving the view of contemporary Muslim scholars on this subject, p. 226. 2 al-Turtushi, p. 95. » Ibn Hadjar, Tabdbib al-Tabdtnb, vi, 27-8. • See al-Baladhurl, AnsSb al-Asbrif, ff. 915 £-919*; al-Kak% al-Iktifa, 1, 376; al-Tirmidhl, xm, 213-1^, Maita&b Ibn Mas'ud; the article 'Ibn Mas'ud' in the EJ. 137 1 REVIEWS Anas (d. A.H. 179) opposed the adornment of mosques; he based his view on the fact that adornments distracted the believer from concentration in prayer.1 It is of interest to know that the pious 'Umar II (717-20) intended to remove the embellishments from the mosques of al-Madina and Damascus.2 Other statements in connexion with the adornment of mosques are of interest: the adornment of mosques heralds the decline of the people and corruption.3 Ibn 'Abbas predicted that the Muslims would in course of time adorn their mosques like the Jews and Christians.4 In a later work, the Tadbkira of al-Kurtubl,' the embellishment of mosques is mentioned as one of the symptoms of the period preceding the Day of Judgement (also1*). The practice of the Jews in adorning their synagogues is illustrated by a tradition of Wahb b. Munabbih: God revealed to Isaiah: "Tell the Ban! Isra'u, they are asking my favour through slaughter of sheep; butfleshwill not reach me, nor its eater; they are requested to seek my favour through piety and abstaining from killing the souls which I forbade to kill; they raise buildings and adorn the temples {masadjid), but what need is there to raise buildings in which I do not dwell and to adorn temples into which I do not come? I commanded only to build them in order to be remembered in them and praised."6 There were, however, different opinions in Muslim society about this subject This is evident from the chapter dealing with this problem in the Bustdn al-'Arifin of al-Samarkandl.7 A group of scholars was of the opinion that embellishment increased the honour of the mosque, and based t^^ir opinion on the Kur'an (xxiv. 36). This group mentioned the beautiful mosques built by the Caliphs and recalled the building of the Temple by Solomon. One of the champions of this view was Abu Hanifa. A remarkable tradition reports that the Prophet ordered his mosque to be built like the booth of Moses.8. This tradition seems to belong to an early layer of traditions omitted in later collections of Hadlth, and deserves special attention. The opponents of the adornment of mosques quoted a tradition of the Prophet recommending the whitewashing of mosques (bayjidu masadjid Allah).9 Of interest as well is another tradition of the Prophet forbidding embellishment of mosques with dentils.10 To the same stratum of old traditions seem to belong the traditions about 1 al-Turtushi, op. at. pp. 96, 97. * Ibid. 3 Ibid. p. 95. * Ibid. * As quoted in the Mukbtasar of al-Sha'ranl, p. 134. 6 al-Turtushi, p. 98. 7 Died A.D. 983—this book printed on the margin of TanbJb al-Gbdfilin of the same author, p. 127. 8 al-Turtushi, p. 94. • Bustdn al-'Arifin, p. 128; and cf. al-Turtushi, p. 95. 10 Button, p. 128; about two houses built with dentils see: al-Mas'udi, Mjtrudj, n, 222, 223—the houses of Sa'd b. Abl Wakkas and al-Mikdad b. al-Aswad. An explanation of the tradition is given in al-Madja\ataJ-Nabaa^ya of al-Sharif al-Radiyy, p. 82, no. 66. 138 Downloaded from jss.oxfordjournals.org at Hebrew University of Jerusalem on September 20, 2010 REVIEWS the mibrab. Al-Dahhak b. Muzahim (see Tabdbtb al-Tabdbib, rv, 45 j) called the mibrab "the first sign of polytheism [shirk] of the people of prayer".1 Some of the pious men refrained from entering the mibrab for prayer.2 A peculiar detail which stresses the puritanical approach of Muslim scholars is their opposition to the decoration of the walls of mosques with inscriptions from the Kur'an; that was the opinion of Malik.3 It may be noted that he maintained his view in a period when the writing of sentences from the Kur'an on the walls of mosques was already one of the main features in their decoration. All these traditions about the embellishment of mosques seem to reflect faithfully the views of die early Muslim scholars. The retention of these views in a later period shows the conservatism of the orthodox 'ular%a; they persisted in their opposition to adornment at a time when splendid mosques, with mibrabs and rich ornamentation, were already built in all the centres of the Muslim Empire. Of importance are the few traditions quoted by al-Turtushl about relations between scholars and rulers. Here the early attitude of Islam is evident: relations with rulers endanger the moral integrity and independence of the scholar.4 The fierce controversy with the Shu'ubiyya is reflected in two traditions of Sufyan al-Thauri and of Malik b. Anas.5 Sufyan is reported to have said: "Knowledge was with Arabs and noble men; when knowledge passed from them to these people—i.e. Nabateans and men of lower classes—religion changed." His face changed when he saw Nabateans recording religious knowledge. Malik considered it reprehensible to talk in foreign languages in the mosque. 6 Of quite different origin was the innovation of fasting during Radjab and of the introduction of various prayers for the nights of Radjab. The tradition of Radjab is a pre-Islamic one and the chapter included in the book of alTurtushl stresses the fact that the fast during this month was observed in the Djahiliyya. It is interesting to find that already in the first days of Islam Radjab created a problem: TJmar used to flog the "radjabiyyin", who fasted during this month. Abu Bakr in astonishment asks people who made preparations to fast during the month of Radjab: "Are you going to make Radjab like Ramadan?" 'Umar used to oblige people to take their meals in Radjab, stressing that Radjab was a sacred month of fasting in the Djahiliyya.7 The sanctity of Radjab in the times of the Djahiliyya is further 1 ' al-Turtushl, p. 94. Ibid. 1 Ibid. p. 97., • Ibid. pp. 72, 7 j ; and cf. the article of S. D . Goitein "The attitude towards Government in Islam", Tarbi^, xrx, 157 in Hebrew. s al-Turtushl, pp. 72, 104; and see al-Djahiz, al-Bayan, 1, 284 about the explanation of the Kur'an in Persian in the mosque; and cf. 'Uyun al-Akbbdr, nr, 91; and 'Abd al-Salam Harun, Navddir al-Makhtutdt, m , the introduction of the editor. 6 Cf. Sira Halabiyya, 1, 21. A man knowing Arabic is not allowed to speak Persian; this causes mischief. 7 al-Turfushl, p. 129. Downloaded from jss.oxfordjournals.org at Hebrew University of Jerusalem on September 20, 2010 REVIEWS stressed in the words of Ibn tJmar and explained in the commentary of the author.1 Orthodoxy was apparently unsuccessful in combating this Djahiliyya custom. It was as late as A.H. 480 that a new prayer was introduced for the Radjab festivities.2 A special treatise about the virtues of Radjab, MS. Bodley, Thurst 9, is an additional proof of this trend; it contains, of course, many traditions attributed to the Prophet about the sanctity of Radjab. It is curious to find that Radjab was in the same way respected in Fatimid circles.3 A comprehensive chapter is devoted to innovations in prayers (pp. 43-60) and to the behaviour of the believers in mosques (pp. 103-14). Various activities in the mosque are discussed: eating, drinking, teaching, sleeping, commercial activities, begging, paring of nails, etc.* In all the traditions the idea is stressed that the mosque is a place of worship and that the believer has to refrain from worldly activities there. With the social life in the mosque the problem of the fassds is closely connected. They were accused of inventing traditions about the Prophet and corrupting religion.' Al-Turtushl devotes a special chapter to the problem of thefcuss&f(pp. 99-103). Thefirstfoissis said to have been in the mosque of the Prophet; he was a mundfi^fi The opinion of orthodox circles is reflected in the saying of Abu Idris al-Khaulanl: "I prefer to see in the corner of the mosque a blaze offirethan to see there a ^ass."^ The information that thefirstiffsds appeared in thetimeof the struggle between 'All and Mu'awiya8 is of peculiar importance: it emphasizes the role of thefyusasin the political struggle of the community. It was Ka'b who acted as &pss for Mu'awiya,8 and it was TJbayd b. 'Umayr al-Lathi, thefirstfyissappointed by 'Umar,» who was reproached by the Syrian troops during the campaign of al-Husayn b. Numayr in the following manner: "Do not speak ill about the Caliph of die Prophet, because he is more respectable than the mosque in Mekka."10 The al-Turtushl, p. 130. About the sanctity of Radjab in the Djahiliyya see the article of M. Plessner in E.I. "Radjab"; Buhl, Das Leben Mubammeds, p. 88; Wellhausen, Reste, p. 93; al-Mufaddaliyydt (Lyall), p. 229; Nibdyat al-Arab, xv, 68; al-Asyiitl, al-Kan% al-Madfun, p. 74; Wellhausen, Skrf^en, 1 [Lieder der Husailiten], p. 53. * al-Turtushl, p. 122. 3 al-Madjdlis al-Mustansiriyya, ed. Muh. Kamil Husayn, p. 112. • Cf. the chapter: Munkardt al-Masddjid in Ibyd 'U/um al-Dln, 11, 294. s Cf. Goldziher, Mui. Studien, n, 161, and Mez, Die'Renaissance,Ax. transL, 11,87. 1 Downloaded from jss.oxfordjournals.org at Hebrew University of Jerusalem on September 20, 2010 al-Turtushl, p. 100; cf. about the first fyiss in Basra, al-Aswad b. Sari*, Ibn Sa'd's Tabakgt, vn, i, 28; and see Ansab al-Asbraf, MS. f. 1030*. 7 al-Turt&shl, p. 99; it may however be remarked that this Abu Idds himself, one of the leading men of tradition, whose traditions were reported by authorities like al-Zuhrl, Makhul, Shahr b. Haushab and others, was appointed by 'Abd al-Malik as judge and was a &pss of the people of Syna.(aJ-Isdba,v, 57; Tabdblb al-Tabdblb, v, 85). He died in A.H. 80. 8 al-Turtusbl, p. 100 and Djami' b. Wabb, ed. J. David-Weill, p. JIO. Io « Goldziher, Mub. Studien, n, 162. al-Baladhud, Ansab, vrb, 52. 140 6 REVIEWS anecdote about al-A'mash, who attended a lecture of a feus and was compelled to deny traditions told on his authority also recurs in our text.1 Another important problem is the use of public baths by Muslim women in the company of women of the Ahl al-Dhimma; the problem discussed is whether it is lawful for them to enter without a waist-wrapper (r^ar).2 This problem is discussed in a special treatise by Ibn a l - i m i d : Addb Dukhul alHammam* and forms a part of the general problem of relations between Muslims and the Ahl al-Dhimma.* The impact of Christian influence on the Muslim population in Spain is fairly attested: they observe the Christian New Year (i&amat Yarfr), and the Christian Easter (KhamJs Abril).* The details given by the author about the innovations introduced in his own tunes are of peculiar importance. In A.H. 448 a man from Tarabulus called Ibn Abi Hamra prayed in the mosque of al-Aksa the prayer of mid Sha'ban and was joined during his prayer by the people of the mosque. Since then this prayer spread among the masses and it was considered a prayer belonging to the smnafi The author himself attended the prayer of the Day of al-'Arafa in Jerusalem. People from Jerusalem and neighbouring villages stood in prayer facing Mekka, raising their voices in the du'd, just as if they were attending the wukytf of al-'Arafa.7 The common opinion was that the standing of four wul$fifs in Jerusalem was equivalent to the pilgnmmage to Mekka.8 The prayer, of Radjab, as already mentioned, was introduced in Jerusalem in A.H. 480. Raising of hands and loud prayer were peculiar features of this worship.? The book of al-Turtushl is comprehensive and contains a mass of information about burial, mourning, the attendance of women at prayers, the reading of the Kur'an and various items of personal and communal life. It was a useful vademecum for the believer who wanted to refrain from harmful innovation. The book is based on the tradition of Surma scholars and is well documented. The editing of al-Talibl is admirable. In his Introduction the editor discusses works on bid'a (pp. 5-6), opinions of scholars about the author, the contents of the book and its importance (pp. 7-12). A short biography of the author is supplied (pp. 3-4). The editor s criticism of scholars too eager in their 1 Cf. the stories in Mub. Studien, n, 160; al-Turtushl, p. IOZ. 3 Ibid. p. 142. MS. owned by me, f. 24. • See E. Strauss, "The social isolation of Ahl al Dhimma", HirscbJer Mem. Book (1949). 5 See the important notes of the editor about the observance of this feast in Muslim communities in contemporary times, p. 140; the problem of buying cheese from Christians seems to have disquieted the author and he devoted a special treatise to the problem: Tabrim djubn aJ-RJim, see p. 4 of the Introduction of the editor. 6 al-Turtushl, p. 121. 1 About the standing in 'Arafa see v. Grunebaum, Mub. Festivals, p. 32. 8 al-Turtushl, pp. 116-17. » Cf. al-Turtushl, p. 100; and a tradition of Wahb b. Munabbih in MS. Bodley, Thurst. 9 about prayer with raising of the hands. 2 Downloaded from jss.oxfordjournals.org at Hebrew University of Jerusalem on September 20, 2010 141 REVIEWS pursuit of bid'a seems to be too severe (pp. 11-12). The different readings of the manuscripts are recorded and a very useful appendix on the tradMonists mentioned in die book is added (pp. 170-214). Dr TalibI deserves our gratitude for his excellent work. Errors are few; some of them may be mentioned: p. 71, L 12 read "fima"; p. 64,1.5 read"haddu";p. 3,1.18 read"istautana";p. 108,L 1 read"nudar". M. J. KISTER A. J. ARBERRY, Oriental Essays: Portraits of Seven Scholars, i960. Pp. 261. (Allen and Unwin, London. Price: 28/.) In this attractively written and presented book, Professor Arberry gives us a series of short biographical sketches of scholars who have been eminent principally in the Islamicfield:Simon Ockley, Sir William Jones, E. W. Lane, E. H. Palmer, E. G. Browne, R. A. Nicholson and the author himself. Although nothing in the title or introduction hints at a principle of selection, it can be seen by a glance at this list that it has a heavy Cambridge bias; Jones is the only Oxford name included, and all the others (except for Lane, who owed allegiance to no university) are Cambridge alumni. An Oxonian may permit himself a tinge of regret that place in this gallery could not be found for men like Pococke, White and NicolL The professional orientalist, already familiar with these names, will yet find much to interest and fascinate him in the details given of the careers of these men, and in the copious extracts from their writings. To readers who are not orientalists, these pages give a most revealing and valuable insight into the motives and outlooks of those who have devoted their lives to this too often materially unrewarding cause. And the book closes with an eloquent plea for oriental studies which deserves to be widely and attentively read. A. F. L. BEESTON Atlas of the Arab World and the Middle East, with Introduction by C F. BECKINGHAM. i960. Pp. iv+68, incl. 40 pp. of maps, 42 photographs, index, plan, and 2 end-papers. (Macmillan, London. Price: 35/.) In this work the Middle East is divided into sub-regions, largely based on political frontiers, and in each instance there are maps to illustrate not only topography, but also climatology, natural vegetation, and industrial and rural economy. In addition, there are smaller-scale maps which deal with the ethnology and physical and historical geography of the area as a whole, and some special town plans on a much larger scale. The technical finish of the atlas is of high quality, and, except that the red trace of the railways sometimes dashes with that of the frontiers, the system of colouring is used effectively. The maps, however, are of uneven value. Sometimes, as with the end-paper map of medieval industries, they attempt too much and become confused. In other cases, the cartography fails to show what is really significant; on page 28, for instance, the overwhelming importance in Iraq of the date-groves of the Shatt-el-Arab is quite obscured, and on page 3 3 the pattern of the Arabian oases and their relation to the topography are nowhere evident dose examination of the maps, moreover, reveals so many discrepancies and mistakes that faith in the value of the book as a work of reference is seriously weakened. To take a few examples, the railway to Tatvan is absent 142 Downloaded from jss.oxfordjournals.org at Hebrew University of Jerusalem on September 20, 2010 

Kister & Plessner on Caskel.pdf NOTES ON CASKEL'S GAMHARAT AN-NASAB by M. J. Kisterand M. Plessner Jerusalem Martin Plessner, der am 27. November 1973 kurz vor Vollendung seines 73. Lebensjahres in Jerusalem gestorben ist, iibernahm ,,auf dringendenWunsch" des am 28. Januar 1970 verstorbenenWerner Caskel die Besprechung seines letztenWerkes: WERNER CASKEL, Gamharatan-nasab, Das genealogische Werk des Hifdm ibn Muhamnad al-Kalbf. Band I: Einleitung von Werner Caskel; die Tafeln von Gert Strenziok. Band II: Erlauterungenzu den Tafeln von Werner Caskel; Das Register,begonnen von Gert Strenziok,vollendet von WernerCaskel. - Leiden, II: E. J. Brill 1966. I: xvi, 132 S., 334 Taf., 2 S. Nachtrage und Berichtigungen; und zwar ,,nach langem Strauben" - denn er sah sich zu einer Rezension ,,dieses monumentalenWerkes" in ,,keinerWeise qualifiziert"- und nachdem hatte" (aus einem Brief an die er ,,sichder Beteiligungvon M. J. Kister versichert Redaktion). Zunachst folgen hier (bis S. 50, i8) Plessner's Bemerkungen: der Die Wissenschaftvon der Genealogie,d.h. der Verwandtschaftsverhaltnisse alten Araber, ist von Hisam ibn Muhammad al-Kalbi begriindetworden. So sagt wenigstensI.acci Xalifa, Nr. 1345 s.v. cilmal-ansab, der auf die Vorarbeitenvon Hisam's Vater, Muhammad ibn as-Sa'ib, nicht eingegangenist, weil diese nicht zu einer vollendeten literarischenForm gediehen sind. (In den Enzyklopadien wird die Wissenschaftverschiedentlich erwahnt, z.B. in den persischenNafa'is fi al-funun 'ard'is al-cuyin des Muhammad b. Mahmid al-Amuli [ca. 740/I340], Lith. Teheran I309, I, 245-49; trotzdem fehlt sie bei Taskopriizade, was Hacci Xalifa zu einer kritischenBemerkungveranlasst hat.) Ausser der Camhara fiihrt er an dieser Stelle vier weitere Werke Ibn al-Kalbi's an, al-Mnzl (von Fliigel Munzil vokalisiert),al-Wacfz,al-Farid und al-Muliki (zweifellosist diese Lesart der Istanbuler Edition von I943 die richtige;Fliigel schreibtMulik). Von diesen erscheinenaber nur al-Farfdund al-Waciz an ihrerStelle im Alphabet (9049 bzw. 14184); von den beiden anderen hatte der Bibliograph also wohl nur indirekt Kenntnis. Yaqit, Irstd, ed. Margoliouth, VII, 253 setzt al-Mnzl mit k. an-Nasab die al-kabir (s. zu diesem Titel Caskel's Einleitung) gleich und fiihrt anderen drei Titel (statt al-Waciz schreibter al-Mucaz) am Ende der von ihm iibernommenen Liste des Fihrist auf. (Caskel I, 79 Anm. 4 nennt nur zwei, Farzd und Muliki, und m6chte sie als Prunktitelbezweifeln; man vergleichefiberdiese Frage die nachfolgenden AusfihrungenKister's; Yaqfit nenntunterIbn al-Kalbi's GewahrsmannernIbn Sacd katib al-Waqidi, wahrenddas Verhaltnisdoch umgekehrt war, Ibn al-Kalbi hat sein Werk, wie gesagt, auf der Grundlage eines von seinem Vater begonnenen Ansab-Buches verfasst. Laut Caskel's ansprechender Vermutung (I, 75) hat der Vater bis in die Zeit des Chalifenal-Mansiir gearbeitet, woraus sich erklart,dass die meisten ,,Zeitgenossen",also die auf den Tafeln zu unterststehenden Personen, in die Zeit dieses Chalifenfallen. Der Sohn, der ca. 204/819starb,fiigtedann weitereNamen bis in die Zeit al-Ma'mun's hinzu, soweit sie ihm zuganglichwaren. Auch Ibn al-Kalbi hat das Werk nichtselbst publiziert; wir lesen es nur teilweise in der riwdya des Muhammad Ibn Habib (I, 122). vgl. Caskel, I, 114 f.) 614 S., 2 S. Nachtrage und Berichtigungen, 4? Notes on Caskel's Gamharat an-nasab 49 ist Das Werk Ibn al-Kalbl's zu kommentieren die Aufgabe, die sich Caskel gestellthatte. Zu einer Edition reichtedas Material nicht aus. Deshalb findenwir in Caskel's Werk keinen arabischen Text, sonderngenealogischeTabellen und ein Register, wie wir sie -man muss jetzt sagen: en miniature seit I20 Jahren Hand besitzen. Wahrend jedoch Wustenfeldnur die arabischen von Wiistenfeld's Stamme und Familien erfassenwollte und daher mit ca. 50 Tafeln auskam, enthalten Caskel's Tafeln alle Namen, incl. der Personennamen;die einzigeBedingung ist, dass sie als in Ibn al-Kalbi's Werk stehend nachgewiesenwerdenkonnten.Es sind also in den neuen 334 Tafeln ca. 35000 Namen enthalten,unterdenen die der Zeitgenossen Ibn al-Kalbi's noch bei weitem nicht alle damals lebenden echten Araber innerhalbder erfasstenGebiete darstellen.Aber auch die vorigenGeneravoll erfasst;z.B. horendie Aliden (Tafel 5) in der Generation tionensind keineswegs nach 'A1I auf. Die Umaiyaden gehen bis zur Generationder Sohne 'Abd al-Malik's (Tafel io), wahrend auf derselben Tafel Vettern verschiedenenGrades noch I-2 Generationenweiterverzeichnetsind. Die Abbasiden erscheineniiberhauptnicht, AbfiYfisufgenanntist (Tafel 223). wahrendz.B. der beriihmte Die sowohl auf Caskel's wie auf Wiistenfeld'sTafeln stehenden Stammbaume Das ist natiirlich;denn Wiistenfeldhat stimmennicht in allen Gliedernuiberein. im eine Vielfalt von Quellen benutzt, die entgegenseiner Versicherung Vorwort zum Registerunm6glichin allem iibereinstimmen konnten,da sie sich auf verwerdenkonnten. schiedeneZeiten bezogen und nichtalle auf ihreIntegritatgepriift Caskel dagegen hat eine einzige konkreteQuelle benutzt, deren Rekonstruktion eben der Inhalt seines Buches ist. In seinem Register,zu dem bei jedem Namen und spatere Benutzer der aamhara, Abschriften die Quellen, d.h. Handschriften, werden, stehen iiberall zuerst die Stellen, an denen er in den Handangegeben und ihrenDerivaten vorkommt.Der Versuchung,Ibn al-Kalbl's Material schriften zu erganzen, d.h. Namen aufzunehmen,die zwar bekannt, aber eben nicht in dieser Quelle nachweisbarsind, hat er konsequentwiderstanden. ist Von Caskel's Mitarbeitern einer, G. Strenziok,so weitgehendan der Arbeit erscheint.Seine DissertationDie Genealogien beteiligt,dass er auf den Titelblattern Teil der Tafeln zuder Nordarabernach Ibn al-Kalbi liegt dem entsprechenden grunde, fur die er denn auch als Verfasser erscheint. Strenziok hat auch das in Register begonnen, d.h. nicht nur die Stammeskartothek eine alphabetische sondernauch die historischen Bemerkungenzu den historischoder umgewandelt, sonstwie bedeutenden Personen zu schreiben angefangen. Aber der Plan des Ganzen, die beiden grossenEinleitungenund der weitaus gr6ssteTeil des Registers sind Caskel's Werk. die Es ist nichtleicht,die Summe von Gelehrsamkeit, in diesem Registersteckt, und die Urteile fiberderen zu ermessen.Allein die Datierungenvon Dichterversen Echtheitspiegelndas LebenswerkeinesMannes,dessen ganze Kraftdem arabischen Altertumgewidmetwar. Aber das ist nur ein kleinerTeil der in diesen Artikeln verarbeitetenMaterialien. Die historischenBemerkungenzu vielen Namen auf Registersgehen in die Tausende jeder Seite des fiber500 Quartseitenumfassenden und bilden eine unerschdpfliche Quelle der Belehrung.In ihnenist auch wenigstens ein Teil des nicht rein genealogischenTextes Ibn al-Kalbi's gerettetworden. Zu den Artikeln des Registers kommen noch die historischenKonsequenzen allgemeinerArt,die sich Caskel bei der Ausarbeitungdes Buches ergebenhaben und die in den Prolegomenades i. und den Erliuterungenzu den Tafeln des 2. Bandes niedergelegtsind. Am bedeutsamsten ist wohl die endgiiltige Bestatigung der schon von Goldziher, Muh. St. I, 91 ausgesprochenenZweifel an der Altertiimlichkeit des nord-siidarabischen Gegensatzes, der laut Caskel (I, 69) ,,erst seit deutlichgeworden(ist) und ... nie die Starke erreicht (hat), die ihm spatere 63/683 verliehenhaben." Geschichtschreiber Die ungeheureVielfaltvon Eigennamen,die die alten Araber gekanntund ihren ORIENS 25-26 4 50 M. J. Kisterand M. Plessner Kindern gegeben haben, trittin diesem Registererst recht in Erscheinung.Dass unter den seltenerenzahlreiche sind, die erst hier in richtigerForm erscheinen, wahrend sie in den bisher bekanntenTexten falsch punktiertwaren (z.B. Yarfa, bei WiistenfeldBarqa genannt und unter dieser Form leider nicht im Register erscheinend,sondern nur im Apparat zu Yarfa), ist ein weitererGewinn. Erst der der jetzt ist eine solide Grundlagefurdie Untersuchung Etymologien arabischen Eigennamen geschaffen;und ich bin froh,dass ich als junger Mann nicht der AnregungEugen Mittwochsgefolgtbin, iiber dieses Thema zu arbeiten. Caskel muss viel Material dazu gehabt haben, hat es aber nicht in diesem, Ibn al-Kalbi und der Genealogie gewidmetenBuch publiziert(II, 99). Die ausgezeichnete drucktechnische Leistung und die bei den vielen Zahlen besondersschwierige, Korrektursei gebuhrendhervorgehoben. iiberaus sorgfaltige Der reiche Inhalt dieses epochemachendenWerkes des letzten unmittelbaren Schiilers August Fischer's konnte hier nicht annahernd beschrieben werden. Manche Ausserlichkeiten schriftstellerischer Art, die die Prolegomena zu einer etwas kompliziertenLektiire machen, verschlagennichts gegeniiberder Dankbarkeit, die die ArabistikCaskel schuldet,und die ich ihm leider nur libersGrab nachrufen kann. The uninterrupted of transmission genealogy fromthe timesof the was conditioned the socio-political situation the Arab of Jahiliyya by and during ruleofthe Umaythe Empirein theperiodofthe conquests in yads. The revolutionary changein the 'Abbasid periodis reflected an utterance attributed al-Ma'miin: to "Rank is thegenealogical affinity connecting people; thus a noble Arab is closerto a noble Persianthan he is to a low-class to Arab; a noblePersianis nearer a nobleArabthan he is to a low-classPersian,because noble men form (separate)class a and plebeiansform (separate)class".1This view is further a explained are by the following sayingof al-Ma'miin:"People of the market men of the lowestclass, workmen despisedpeople,merchants avariare are are overthepeople".2 Thisofcourse mirrors cious,whilesecretaries kings the opinionof the 'Abbasid periodwhentribalorganizations had lost their was in and hold,whileforeign nobility gaining importance position and the class ofsecretaries coming be amongthe mostrespected. was to But even in thisperiodgenealogy not cease to be recorded, did learnt and transmitted an essentialpart of the Arabic culturaltradition. as In the first of periodof Islam knowledge nasab was made necessary needs of the diwdn.It was further by the administrative requiredin connection withtheneedto affiliate converts Islam in accordance new to 1 Ibn H[amdfn,Tadhkira,Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3179, I, 82a: qala l-ma'munu: alrutbatunasabun tajmaCu ahlahd, fa-shariful-carabi aull bi-sharifil-cajami min l-carabi min sharifil-carabibi-wadt'i l-Carabi; wa-shariful-cajami auld bi-sharZfi sharifi l-cajami bi-wadicil-cajami; fa-ashrdful-ndsi tabaqatun,kamd anna auddcahumtabaqatun. 2 mulukunCaldl-ndsi. tujjdrubukhald'u,wa-l-kuttcbu b. ... wa-qala marratan: ahlu l-sfuqi sifalun, wa-l-sunndcu andhdlun, wa-l- Notes on Caskel's 6amharat an-nasab 5I Nasab turnedto be a considerable withthe varioustribalgroups. factor betweenthe upper class of the conquerors in differentiating and the for of countries; the Arabsit was a meansof population the conquered to self-identification: be aware of Arab descent,to have a pure Arab withthe mawdli, the 'ajam. It is clear that the pedigreeas confronted of the Nasab al-'Arabwas only later counteracted the compilation by of compilation Nasab al-'Ajam.3 character and The factthatthe scienceof genealogy acquiredMuslim of the and to respectability thetendency emphasize superiority theArabs on of of led to theinvention a greatnumber traditions thissubject:they "If of toldon theauthority theProphet. theArabsbecome wereofcourse to weak Islam will becomeweak"-the Prophetis reported have said.4 the "May God breakthe teethof the man who prefers 'ajam".5 "Love the Arabsforthreereasons:because I am an Arab,becausethe Qur'an is Arabicand because the people of Paradise speak Arabic".6"Hatred The bulkofthese love fortheArabsis belief".7 ofthe Arabsis unbelief, the of and bearsevidence the tendency emphasizing merits to traditions qualitiesby whichthey surpassothernationswithinIslam. were the traditions about Closely connectedwith these traditions of Ma'mar b. Rashid, one of the earliestcompilers hadith, Quraysh. in of Fadd'il records hisJdmi'8 a number thesetraditions thechapter in in The Prophetsaid: "People follow Quraysh thismatter-he Quraysh. meant by this: authority-; MuslimsfollowMuslimsof Qurayshand 3 See quotations fromAbuf'Ubayda's Ansab al-'ajam in Mughultay's al-Zahr al-bdsim sirat abi l-qdsim,Ms. Leiden Or. 370, ff.4Ib, I36a, I52a. fi 4 Ibn Abi Hatim, CIlal, Ms. Chester Beatty 3516, f. 287a; al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummdl,Hyderabad 1385/I965,XIII, 37, no. 230; al-Haythami, Majmac al-zawd'id, Beirut I967, X, 53; CAbd al-Rahim al-'Iraql, al-Qurabfi mahabbati l-carab, ed. Ibrdhim Hilmi al-Qadiri, Alexandria I38I/I96I, p. 99; al-Jarrahi, Kashf al-khafd', Beirut I35I, I, 89, no. 232; cf. al-Zajjaji, Majdlis al-culamd', ed. CAbd al-Salam Harfin, al-Kuwayt I962, p. 240: Id yazdlu l-dinu dhalilan ma Cazzat al-'arab. 5 Al-Jazari,Maulid al-nabi, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3608, f. 5a. 6 'Abd al-Rahim al-CIraqi,op. cit., p. 96; Ibn Abi HaItim,op. cit., f. 287a; alMuttaqi 1-Hindi,op. cit., XIII, 37, no. 229; al-Suyuti, al-Jdmical-saghir,Cairo 7 Al-Jazari, op. cit., f. 5a; al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi,op. cit., XIII, 37, no. 231 (and l-'arabi qurratu see no. 232); and see Ibn Abi Hatim, op. cit., f. 384a: kathratu caynin1i (cf. al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi,op. cit., XIII, 39, no. 239); and see a traditionin praise of the Arabs with an addition against Thaqif: al-Muttaqi al-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, 39: "A believer will not hate the Arabs and will not love Thaqif." (but see versionof this hadithin favourof Thaqif; the additionof "illd" ib., an interesting changes the meaning: Id yubghidul-caraba mu'minun wa-ld yuhibbuthaqifanilld mu'minun.); CAbdal-Rahim al-CIraqi,op. cit.,pp. 94, 107. 8 I330, I, Io; al-Haythami, op. cit., X, 52; al-Jarrahi, op. cit., I, 54, no. I33. Ms. Feyzullah 541, ff. I2Ia-I22a. 52 M. J. Kisterand M. Plessner unbelievers followtheirunbelievers".9 "God will despisethe man who "God will hate the man who hates Quraysh".1 despisesQuraysh".10 to Thesetraditions belongs Quraysh"-said the Prophet.12 "Sovereignty about the qualitiesof Quraysh werefollowed traditions 13 about the by and meritsof the Ansar,of the tribesof Yemen and of the qualities tribes. Northern The legal authority the rule of Qurayshis plainlyattestedin the of utterances the Prophet. The secondary of positionof the Ansar was foretold the same manner.The people of Yemen are describedas in in the "dispersed the world,repelledfrom gates of the rulers";14 they willof courseenterParadisewiththe Prophet."Azd, the Prophetsays, are the lions of God on earth; people want to debase them,but God will extol them; therewill come a timewhena man will say: 'Would that my fatheror my motherwere fromAzd'." 15 These traditions included utterances aboutgroups tribes Tamim, of like Quda'a, Hawazin, Ghatafan,Mudar and smaller tribal units16 like Lakhm, Judham, of the Juhayna, Muzayna,'Usayya etc. The tendency thesetraditions, ofsometribes higher for and authority, be gauged can struggle position froman utterance like: "Islam will becomedebased when Rabi'a will op. cit., p. I26. 10 9 Ib., f. I2Ia; Ibn Abi Hatim, op. cit., f. 384b-385a; 'Abd al-Rahim al-'Iraqi, Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., f. I22a; al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi,op. cit., XIII, I7, o00; ib., X, 23-28); and see 'Abd al-Rahim al-'Iraqi, op. cit., pp. 126-144 (Fada'il quraysh). 1 Ibn Ab HIatim,op. cit.,f. 382b. 12 Al-Muttaqi1-Hindi, op. cit.,XIII, 20, no. i 8; Ibn Abi Hatim, op. cit.,f. 383a. ahlu lldhi .... no. al-Haythami, op.cit., X, 27 (and see the hadithes in favour of Quraysh l-muwalatuli-qurayshin, esp. p. 65: amdnu ahli l-ardi min al-ikhtilafi qurayshun this traditional-Shaukani, al-Fawa'id al-majmi'-a, ed. 'Abd al-Wahhab CAbdalfa-idhd khalafahd qabilatun min al-'arabi srii hizba iblisa; and see 13 Abu Nu'aym al-Isbahani, Hilyat al-auliya', Cairo I357/I938, IX, 64-66 (see 15 Ibn Sa'id, Nashwat al-tarab, Ms. Tiibingen I, f. 55r; al-Muttaql 1-Hindi, op. cit.,XIII, 49, no. 284; 'Abd al-Rahim al-?Iraqi, op. cit.,p. I5I. 16 Cf. al-Suyiti, al-Jdmical-kabir,Ms. al-Jazzar, Acre, p. 236: ald ukhbirukum umliikradm2n,wa-lbi-khayri qabd'ili l-arabi: al-sakin sakin kinda, wa-l-umluk sakdsik wa-firaqmin al-ashcariyyinwa-firaqmin khauldn; and see al-MuttaqI 1-Hindi,op. cit., XIII, 47, no. 276, (the curse of Tamim and Bakr b. Wa'il, the curse of Muqacis and Muladis of Tamim); and see ib., no. 277 (the blessing of Ghifarand Aslam); cAbd al-Rahim al-'Iraqi, op. cit.,p. I56 (qualities of Tamim), I57-I58 (of Juhayna), I59 ('Udhra), I6o-I6I (Qays and Yemen), 162 (Madhhij), etc.; and see al-Haythami, I64 (qualities of Murra b. cUbayd of TamIm) ..... op. cit., X, 42-46 (md jd'a ft qabd'il al-carab), 46-48 (Tamim) .... etc. Latif, Cairo 1960, p. 462; al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, I7-32; Ibn Burhan al-Din, al-Sira al-halabiyya, Cairo 1351/1932, I, 29-30; al-Haythami, op. cit., X, 23-28; al-Tabarsi, al-Ihtijdj, al-Najaf 1386/1966,I, 2II; Ibn CAbd al-Barr, alIsti'db, ed. 'All Muh. al-Bijawi, Cairo n.d., II, 792, no. I330. 14 Al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, 42, no. 260. Notes on Caskel's Gamharat an-nasab 53 God will grantpowerto Islam and diminish be powerful; polytheism and and its peopleas longas Mudarand Yemenstaystrong powerful".17 univerIt was onlynaturalwhenpious circlesof people entertaining of traditions thiskindstressing salistideas aboutIslam tookto discarding of or theexclusiveness superiority the Arabs.Whensomebody expressed that the ProphetallowedBilal, Suhayb and Salman to sit his surprise in a circle(scil.in the mosqueofthe Prophet-K) he said: "God is one, is the religion one and the Ancestor (i.e. Adam-K) is one. Lo, Arabic or is not our father, mother;it is merelya language; he who speaks which "At the Day ofJudgment", Arabicis an Arab".18 says a tradition "God will abolishthe nasab (ofthe in the pious circles, gainedcurrency will noble tribes-K) and will establishHis nasab. The mosthonoured man".19 be a God-fearing mirrors said to have beentoldby al-Kalbihimself, A significant story, circlestowardsnasab and well the attitudeof the pious orthodox quite In nasab compilations. Ibn Qutayba's manuscriptTa'bir al-ru'ya20, at a al-Kalbirecounts dreamofhis.He saw himself theDay ofJudgment intothe Presenceof God, Who said: "You are compiling beingbrought whichyou do not knowand you speak about (things)you genealogies to do not know". He ordered lead al-Kalbi to Hell. Whilebeingled to in Hell al-Kalbi noticedthe Prophetsitting a circleof men and asked for himto intercede himwithGod. But the Prophetsaid: "How can I which for intercede youwhenyoucompile genealogies you do notknow". on a of Al-Kalbisaid: "0 Messenger God, I also compiled commentary the Qur'an". Then the Prophetorderedone of the people of his circle to examineal-Kalbi; the man was 'Ali b. Abi Talib. He interrogated the Al-Kalbianswered al-Kalbi on somefouror fivereligious problems. and this interceded, well,'Alireported to theProphet, thelatter questions and al-Kalbi was let free.He sat downwiththe Prophetand asked him The Prophetmentioned when Umayyadrule was goingto terminate. the time of the fall of the Umayyads,whichin fact occurredat the of fixed date. Later al-Kalbi wroteonly the genealogy knowntribes, is whose pedigree not in doubt. of The storyrevealsclearlythe tendency the pious scholars.It is a of act to compilebooks of genealogy pedigrees containing blameworthy 17 18 Muttaqi 1-Hindi,op. cit., XIII, 39, no. 243. 1388/I968, I, 230. 20 Al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, 48, no. 279. Bahshal, Ta'rikh Wasit, ed. Gurguis cAwwad, Baghdad 1967, p. 252; al- man Muh. cUthman, Cairo al-Tabarani, al-Mujcam al-saghlr, ed. cAbd al-Rah. Coll. Yahuda, Ar. I96, ff.Iob-iia. Ms. Hebrew University, 19 Asad b. Mfisa, Kit. al-zuhd, ed. R. Leszynsky, Kirchhain I909, pp. xxx-xxxi; 54 M. J. Kisterand M. Plessner tribesof doubtful seems origin;to recordwell-established genealogies lawful.Knowledgeof the shari'a and howeverto have been regarded of of Qur'an saves frompains of Hell. Finally: the intercession 'Ali of to pointsapparently the Shi'i sympathies al-Kalbi. the A storyrecorded Ma'mar b. Rashid21 reflects clash between by and that of the Muslimperiod. the old nasab of the Jahiliyya type Al-Sha'bi passed by a Qaysi man while the latter was annoyingan Asadi withquestions about his nasab. Al-Sha'bisat downwiththe two men and asked the Qaysi about the first bannerraisedin Islam, about in Islam,about theman declared the Prophet the first by spoilsgranted to be in Paradise... etc.; all thesevirtueswerein the tribeof Asad, not in Qays. The Qaysi wentaway, leavingthe Asadi alone. was Thisattitude however theprevailing Nasab was diligently not one. studied and gained orthodoxapproval.22 The traditionthat nasab is "a knowledge whichnone profits; of ignorance it does not harm"23 by was confronted tradition the favoring studyof nasab and stressing by its merits.Muslimscholarssaid that God singledout this people (i.e. the Muslims-K) granting themthe i'rdb,the isndd and the nasab.24 I In the firstperiod of Islam genealogyhad to play a special role. Tribalrivalry, in in divisions tribes, changes alliancesofclansand tribes, of on of pressure the government some factions tribes-all these were factorswhichshaped the development genealogy the Umayyad of in period.25 The tendencyof some weak tribal units to attach themselves to is in and tribes reflected a passageofal-Jiliz in which strong influential he records qualitiesofQuraysh. Qurashi, the No states,claimed al-Jahiz to be a descendant anothertribe,whilemembers noble tribes from of claim"untilnow" the descent from Noblepersons from Murra Quraysh. b. 'Auf,26 Sulaym,Khuza'a and others, says al-Jahiz, allegedthat they 21 22 23 Al-Jamic, in Ancient Near East, Yale University Press, I955, pp. 239-310). See J. Obermann,Early Islam, (in R. C. Dentan-ed.-The ff. II9b-I2oa; Abfi Nucaym, Hilyat al-auliyd', IV, 315-316. Idea of History I, 9. 24 Al-Sam'ani, AnsLb,ed. 'Abd al-Rahman al-Mu'allamI, Hyderabad I382/1962, 26 See I. Goldziher,Muh. Studien, Halle I890, I, 97-98, I77 seq.; Caskel, op. cit., I, 25-35. 26 See Caskel, op. cit., II, 433 (and see Mufa1daliyydt, ed. Lyall, 10I-I03); Ibn Kathir, al-Sira al-nabawiyya,ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wahid, Cairo I384/1964, I, 91-93. Al-Zurqani, Sharh al-mawahibal-ladunniyya,Cairo I326, V, 394-395. Notes on Caskel's 6amharat an-nasab 55 The wereQurashites.27 case of Khuza'a is well known;theiroriginis but some of themindeedclaimedto be Qurashites.28 Al-Kalbi obscure, stated that al-Salt b. Nadr b. Kinana died childless; thus Khuza'a could Ibn al-Kalbi records themas descendants Azd from of not be his son.29 of Saba'.30Some claimedthattheyweredescendants Qama'a b. Khindif by (i.e. al-Yas, theirfather-K); thiswas affirmed an allegedutterance of of the Prophetin which'Amrb. Luhayy,the ancestor Khuza'a was as about the mentioned 'Amrb. Luhayyb. Qama'a.31The discussions ofKhuza'a, thepolitical reasons the attachment Khuza'a for of pedigree of with Kinana, the instigations 'Abd al-Malik and the activityof 'Azza are touchedupon by Caskel.32 Kuthayyir The originof the Khulj is also obscure.33 They are includedin the in the nasab of al-Harithb. Fihr, but Ibn al-Kalbi adds his Jamhara In that theyare descendants the 'Amaliq.34 his Nawdqil of reservation 35and in his Kitdbal-bulddn quoted by Mughultay) Ibn alMudar (as Kalbi states: "al-khuljmin 'dd". It is in accordance withthe answerof 'Umar when asked to attach the Khulj to Quraysh: "Am I goingto attach 'Ad to Quraysh?"36 'Ali definedmore harshlythe relation ild md l-himdri khurtimi the between Khulj and Quraysh: bayna jahfalati l-khinziri.37 27 28 Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3183, f. 202b. fusul ..., Al-Jahiz, Mukhtdrat See Mughultay,op. cit., f. 48b: wa-kdna abi ahnash al-nassdba l-khuzaciyyu idhd qUla lahu: mimmananta, qdla: min qurayshin,fa-idhd qUla lahu: min ayyi qurayshin, qdla: min khuzdcata; wa-kdna yazcumu anna khuzd'ata min wuldi l-salti (i.e. al-salt b. al-nadr b. kindna-K). Cairo I956, II, 45. Shifi' al-ghardm, Mus'ab, Nasab Quraysh,ed. Levi-Provencal, Cairo I953, pp. 7 ult.-8 sup.; al-Fasi, op. cit., II, 44. 32 Caskel, op. cit., II, 39-40; and see Mughultay,op. cit., ff.48b-49a, i74a-b; al-Fasi, op. cit.,II, 44-47; al-Kalai, al-Iktifi,ed. H. Masse, Paris I93I, I, I28-I29; al-Wazir al-Maghribi,Adab al-khawdss,Ms. Brussa, Husayn Celebi 85b, ff.85b87a; Ibn Sa'id, op. cit., f. 6Ir; Ibn CAbdal-Barr, al-Inbdh,al-Najaf I966, pp. 96ioo; al-Nuwayri, Nihdyat al-arab, Cairo n.d., II, 317-318, 343; al-Suhayli, alRaud al-unuf,ed. CAbdal-Rahman al-Wakil, Cairo 1378/1967,I, 102; Goldziher, op. cit., I, I89. 33 Al-Nuwayri,op. cit., II, 353; Goldziher,op. cit., I, I8I. 34 The text of Jamhara, Ms. Br. Mus., f. 33a: wa-qaysu bnu l-harithi wa-huwa the .... Mughultay,op. cit.,f. I38a says, refuting l-khuljumin baqiyyatil-camdliqi statement of Suhayli, that the Khulj are a group of Quraysh: .... wa-huwa fZ qaulun mardudun; qdla l-kalbiyyu l-jamharati: yuqdlu innahum adciyd'u min baqiyyatil-camdliqi. 35 In text,,. 1Jn.On nawdqil see Caskel, op. cit., I, 59; and see ib., p. 80, no. ed. 21 in the list ofIbn al-Kalbi's works; and see Ibn al-Kalbi, Kit. al-asndm, Ahmad Zaki Pacha, Cairo 1924, p. 69, nos. 21-24; and cf. below note 58. 36 Mughultay, op. cit., I38a. 37 Ib. 31 29 Ib. 30 A1-Fasi, 56 6M.J. Kisterand M. Plessner The obscure genealogiesof Sdma b. Lu3ayy,8 Sa'd b. Lu'ayy (Bundna) who were accepted into the nasab of Quraysh by 'Uthmdn,39and alH{drith b. Lu3ayy40 were also disputed. The Khuzayma b. Lu'ayy his wanted to strengthen power by them.42In this case the reasons for the affiliation are quite clear. The opinions of the genealogists about the origin of Qud"'a are contradictory.Some of them assert that they were descendants of Macadd, according to others they were from Himyar.43 The North-Arabian insisted thatQudc'a was thesonofMa'add. Thisfactis attested tradition an alleged utterance of the Prophet; in this utterance the Prophet by stated that the kunya of Ma'add was Abfi Qud1d'a.44 The South-Arabian tradition claims Qudli'a as a descendant of JHJimyar.45 alleged utThe terance of the Prophet plainly attributesQudlc'a's descent to IHlimyar.46 Ibn al-Kalbi records a harmonizing version: Mu'cna,47 the mother of QudlZ'a was the wife of Mdlik b. 'Amr b. Murra b. MMlikb. JIHimyar; later she got marriedto Macadd and broughtQudl'a b. Mdlik with her. Qudidca, because of her second marriage, was later called Qudlca b. Ma'cadd.48 Anothertraditionstates that Mu'cna was the wife of Ma'add 38 See Ibn Hamdfin, Tadhkira, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3180, II, 63b-64a; al-Suhayli, ed. Mul. IHamidullah,Cairo oP. cit., I, 406-407; al-Balddhuri, Anscb al-ashrdf, ed. al-Maymani, Cairo I959, I, 46-47; al-Mubarrad, Nasab cAdnan wa-Qahtdn, 1354/1936, P. 4; Mughultdy, oP. cit., ff.49a-5oa; Ibn Kathir, Sira, I, go-g9; al1382, pp. 48-50; Goldziher, op. cit., I, i88-i89. 41 to ('A 'idhat Quraysh) were affiliated Quraysh by Mu?dwiyawho Nuwayri, op. cit., II, 354; al-Zajjdji, Amcllf,ed. 'Abd al-Saldm Hririn, Cairo 39 Al-Balddhuri,op. cit., I, 44-45; Mughultdy, op. cit., f. 49b (quoted fromthe Mathclib of Abil 'Ubayda); al-Suhayl!, op. cit.,I, 402-403. 40 See Caskel, op. cit.,s.v. al-Hdritb. Lu'aiy. 41 See Caskel, op. cit.,I, 4, 148. 42 bihimmu'cawiAl-Nuwayri,op. cit.,II, 355: .... wa-humqaumun takaththara yatu fa-adkhalahum qurayshin; al-Suhayl!, oP. cit., I, 405. ft 43 See al-BalddhurI, op. cit., I, I5-i6; al-Nuwayri, op. cit., II, 283, 295; al- The name of the motherof Qudlca is also recordedas cAnna,Neciima(on the authority of al-Mazriic), cUkbara-al.BalddhurI, op. cit., I, 15-i6; Quddc'a-alNuwavri, op. cit., II, 283. 48 See SuhaylI, op. cit., I, 121; a1-BalddhurI, op. cit., I, 15; AbC l-Baqd', op. cit., 9oa. 47 al-cUmari, Baghdad Al-Hamddni,op. cit., I, I54-i8i; al-Mubarrad,op. cit.,p. 23. Ibn Wahb, Jdmic,ed. J. David-Weill, Cairo I939, p. 3, 11.7-9; al-Hamddni, op. cit., I, 164, 167; Ibn cAbd al-Barr, al-lnbdh,p. 6i sup.; al-MuttaqI al-Hind!, op. cit., XIII, 57, nos. 331-333; Khalifa b. Khayyit, al-Tabaqdt,ed. Akram Diiyl' 46 Br. Mus., Add. 23,296, f. 89a-89b. 45 Mughultay,oP. cit., f. 7b-8a (with a discussion of the problem of QudI'a); Ibn CAbdal-Barr, al-Lnbdh, 59; al-SamcdnI,op. cit., I, 25; al-Baladhuri, oP. cit., 1, p. i6; AbC l-Baqd?: al-Mandqib al-mazyadiyya akhb&ral-muliikal-asadiyya, Ms. ftc Suhayli, op. cit., I, 117-124. 44 Al-Hamddni, al-Iklfl, ed. Muh. al-Akwac al-Hiwili, Cairo i383/1963, I I70; I387/1967, P. I20. Notes on Caskel's Camharat an-nasab 57 married and gave birthto his son Quda'a; she subsequently Malik b. 'Amr fromHimyar who adopted her son Quda'a; therefore Quda'a Ibn was called: Quda'a b. Malikal-H.imyari.49 Sa'id reports thatQuda'a became Ma'addite when they moved into the Hijaz.50 Ibn al-Kalbi who attachedQuda'a to the YemeniteHimyarwas statesthat the first 'Amrb. Murraal-Juhani.51 The account of Nasr b. Mazrfu' al-Kalbi52 concerning the factors in the nasab of Quda'a, the period whichbroughtabout the changes of the changesand the personsinvolvedis of some interest. to a Up in Mu'awiya's rule as caliph the tribesof Quda'a had been and point of descendants Ma'add. At thattime'Amrb. Murra, respected a remained man from of Juhaynaand a Companion the Prophet, urgedthe people to join the Yemenites.In the period of Ibn al-Zubayr,Marwanand the 'Abd al-Malik,during raids of 'Umayrb. Hubab al-Sulamiagainst the Kalb (i.e. Quda'a-K) and those of Humayd b. Huraythal-Kalbi Kalb allied themselves withthe Yemenitribes. againstQays 'Aylan,53 They were aided by Khalid b. Yazid b. Mu'awiya,who opposed the to and Merwanids intended weakentheirpowerand to drivethe people of Syriaaway from them.54 alliancebetweenKalb and the Yemeni The at tribesbecame permanent the time of the expedition Maslama b. of He 'Abd al-Malikagainst Constantinople. treated Kalb wrongly and favoured Then Kalb finally Khalid Yemen. Subsequently Qays. joined b. 'Abdallahal-Qasrias governor 'Iraq bribedleadersof Quda'a and of theirnasab. Nasr b. Mazrui' remarks thatpious and Bajila so as to forge righteous people of Quda'a refuseto disclaimdescentfromMa'add.55 Similarreports givenon the authority Sharqi b. al-Qutamiand are of Ibn Habib.56 These passages in the worksof earlyhistorians help us to 49 Al-Baladhuri, op. cit., I, 15; Abi 1-Baqa', op. cit., ib.; al-Nuwayri,op. cit., II, 283. 50 Nashwatal-tarab,f. 5Ir. 51 Al-Baladhuri, op. cit., I, I5 (and see p. I6: the report of Muh. b. Habib); al-Mausili, Ghdyat al-wasd'il ild macrifatil-awd'il, Ms. Cambridge Qq 33 (Io), f. 34a; and see the utteranceof the Prophet: antum.... min himyarin the biob. graphyof CAmr Murra in Ibn Hajar's al-Isdba, Cairo I325/I907, V, i6, 11.II-I2. 52 See a tradition reportedby him above, note 47; and see al-Jahiz, .Hayawan, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Harfin,Cairo I945, VII, 256. 53 See al-Baladhuri, Ansdb al-ashrdf, vol. V, ed. S. D. Goitein,JerusalemI936, index s.v. cUmayrb. al-Hubab and Humayd b. Hurayth. 54 .... wa-mdla'ahum Calayhikhalidu bnu yazida bni mucdwiyatakhildfanlibani marwanawa-qasdanli-tauhini mulkihim canhum. wa-tafriqi jamdcatiahli l-shdmi 55 Abi 1-Baqa', op. cit.,f. 89b-9oa; on Khalid b. 'Abdallah al-Qasri see Mus'ab, op. cit., p. 9, 11. I -2. 56 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Inbah, pp. 60-6I. 58 M. J. Kisterand M. Plessner Rabi(a shared commondwellingsand common places fortheperformance of rituals during the pilgrimageto Mecca.6' It is noteworthythat the delegation of Kinda attempted to attach the Prophet to their nasab nasab: Banii "AbdMandf > Banil Akil al-Murdr. proposingthe following The Prophet, however, rejected this pedigree, stressing that he is a it traditions is stressedthat in the time of the Jdihiliyya Kinda and anderstand the factorsbehind the far-reaching change of nasab of the tribesin Syria.57 Quda'a The opinions of genealogists about the nasab of Kinda were not unanimous. Some of them stated that Kinda were descendants of Macadd.58 This pedigree was transmitted by Ibn al-Kalbi.59 Some genealogists claimed that Kinda were descendants of Rabica.60 In some 51 See Caskel, op. cit., II, 73-74; see ib., I, 32; and see Hamddni, op. cit., I, . ... mu yaqailu bacdu I-nussabinna kindata min al-ndqilati(see above note bi-dhdliha ild min aul&di macaddinfa-ntasabii qat4cda. ntaqalfi 35) lladhfna 5" Al-Wazir : oP. al-Maghribi, cit.,f. 93b-94a: qala hishamunal-kalbiyyu dhakara bacdu l-nussdbianna kindata bna thauri bni Cufayri bni haydata bni mucuwiyata bni macaddi bni cadnana. The evidence for the soundness of the traditionwas "attested" by the verse of Imru' I-Qays: la ta-llclhi yadhhabushaykhiba*tild: khayrumacaddinnasaban wa-narVild. The contradictorytradition, attaching Kinda to the South Arabians quotes the second hemistichdifferently: hasaban wa-ncPlild. ya khayrashaykhin 60 Al-Wazir al-Maghribi,op. cit., f. iooa: .... wa-kdna I-ndsu ft I-zamani 1awwali yaqWiliina: kindatu min rabicata ...; and see ib., f. 93b-94a: .... wa-qula inna kindatamin wuldi cumiri rabicatabni nizdribni macaddin. And bni khhariina see Mughultdy, op. cit., f. Io9a-b (quoting Adab al-khawdcl). 61 Siyar al-mulfik, I34a: .. .. wa-yuqdlu, f. bal ardtda kana yali (? perhaps: mdi Jnat duruhumwC7hidatan wa-k "bayna"-K) kindata wa-rabicatamin al-tacJqudi, I-zamcni; yaqfiluI-shcciru: ft dhcllika wa-kindatu tarmi1-jimaracashiyyatan idh ..... etc.; al-Wazir al-Maghribi, ktinat mahallatukindata wa-rabiclata wa-duruhumtX op. cit., 94a: .... wa-li-dhdlika wa-munckkhuhum1-mawdsimi macan, wa-kdni ft 1-jThiliyyati ft 1-jahld)iw4zhidatan qaulu abi mutah4liftnamutacdqidina; wa-mimma yuhaqqiqu hdhd Ciindahum : OWNib bni "abdi 1-mnuttalibi I54-i63. 58 See Kitidb siyar al-muliih, Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23,298, f. I33b: wa-arcida wa-kindatu tarmi1-jimuira idh caskiyyatan: bakribni wdu'ii yujawwizuhdhujjajuju shaddd 'aqda md htalafdlahu: kaliffcni wa-raddd Calayhi Cdt futi 1-wasa'ili l-wascPil "al-arMdm";Abfil-Baqd?, op. cit.,f. 84a: as The WazIr explains cati~ffti rabicatu bnu nizdrin taqifu cinda l-ma4ifqi cinda 1lca.qabati ... wa-kUnat fa-tujfzu kindata li-annahum kdnii kulafd'lahum fa-taqiilu 1-nusu(perhaps:-L-l-ndsi-K) aqimii hattdtajfiza I-mlakiu min kindata; wa-ftdhulikayaqiilu abiltdlibin: .... etc.; and see Caskel, oP. cit., I, 33. wa-kindatu Notes on Caskel's ,amharat an-nasab 59 of descendant Nadr b. Kinana.62'Abbas and AbuiSufyan, the Prophet used to claimtheir descent from Kinda whileon their remarked, journeys to the Prophetall the marriages his ancestors of in Yemen.63 According to were according the rules of Islam, pure and unstained. in with this utterancethe serious There was, however, connection of problem Barra bintMurr(the sisterof Tamimb. Murr)who married and gave birthto al-Nadrb. Kinana, Kinana b. Khuzaymab. Mudrika the ancestorof the Prophet.It was this Barra of whomJarirboasted that "Tamim begot Quraysh": Tamim were the maternaluncles of to was of Barra,according sometraditions thewife Khuzayma, Quraysh.64 bore him children and was married his son Kinana afterhis death, by to the Alaccording the usual customof the Jahiliyya, nikdhal-maqt. Baladhuriand Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah recordthis fact plainly.65 alIbn of Kalbi mentions marriage Barra withKhuzayma(Jamhara 4b) the f. children Kinana. of and withKinana (f.5a); she borethirteen devotelengthy and to chapters theelucidation Al-Nuwayri Mughultay of thisproblem. scholars triedto findthe justification the two for Some thattheywerepermissible the Jahiliyya, in of marriages Barra,arguing as the dya ofthe Qur'Sn (IV, 22) has an explicit reservation: mdqad illa This argument couldhowever be accepted.The problem hardly salafa.66 was solved by al-Jahizin his Kit. al-asndm.Kinana married fact, in to Barra bint Udd, the wife of his father afterhis according al-Jahiz, death; she howeverbore him no child. Then he marriedBarra bint Murrb. Udd, who gave birthto al-Nadr,the ancestor Quraysh, of and otherchildren.67 This proves,of course,the unstainedpedigreeof the of and removes suspicion nikdh Prophet any al-maqt amongtheancestors of the Prophet.Al-Damiri, wishes who quotes the passage of al-Jahiz, to be forgiven whathe wrotein his otherbooksas a reward for al-Jahiz forthisinformation Ibn about Barra.68 Although al-Kalbi did not quote to he the tradition Barra according thereport al-Jahiz nevertheless of of stated: "I recorded fivehundred ancestresses the Prophetand I did of 62 Ibn Sacd, Tabaqdt, Beirut I380/I960, I, 22-33; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya wa-lnihaya, Beirut-Riyad, I966, II, 200-201; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Inbdh, p. 67; al-Sam'ani, op. cit., I, 14, 17. 63 Ibn Sacd, op. cit., ib.; al-Tabari, Ta'rikh, Cairo I357/I939, II, 394 (here 'Abbas and RabiCa b. al-Harith). 64 Ibn Kathir, al-Biddya, II, 20I; Jarir,Diwdn, ed. al-Sawi, Cairo I353, p. 508. 65 Mus'ab, op. cit., pp. 8, o0; al-Baladhuri, op. cit., I, 35, 37 ult. 66 67 68 Al-Zurqani, Sharh al-mawdhibal-ladunniyya, Cairo 1325, I, 77 (quoting Mughultayas well). al-Rahim al-'Iraql, op. cit., pp. I03-I05. Al-Nuwayri,op. cit., XVI, I3-I5; See e.g. al-Fakhr al-Razi, al-Tafsir al-kabir, Cairo I357/I938, X, 23. Mughultay, op. cit., ff.46b, Io7a; CAbd 60 M. J. Kisterand M. Plessner not find(in thesemarriages) anything (whichbelongsto the vices) of the Jahiliyya".69 The obscure of traditions, origin Thaqifgaveriseto manycontradictory in influenced the situation the UmayyadEmpireand theroleplayed by Ibn by some Thaqafiteleadersand governors. al-Kalbi records Thaqif in the Jamharaas a groupof Hawazin.70 They were howeversaid to be a group of Iyad,71or descendants Thamfd.72 of to According the themto Iyad theThaqifin Ta'if wereallies (hulafd') tradition attaching of Qays. As the mother Qasiyyb. Munabbih of of (the ancestor Thaqif) was the daughterof 'Amir b. al-Zarib73 the Thaqif joined them as allies74and adopted the nasab of Qays.75 The traditions the concerning Iyadi or Thamudi originof Thaqif werewhollyrejectedby al-Hajjaj. It is of interest that Ibn al-Kalbi, who recordsthe tradition the of of Thaqif,transmits the same timethe tradition at about Qaysi origin theirIyadi origin. The tradition abouttheThamidi origin Thaqifis, as usual,attested of in an allegedutterance the Prophet. of This was certainly in favour not of Thaqif. It is thus not surprising find a harmonizing to tradition to attributed the Prophet.The Prophetstated that Thaqif were deof scendantsof Iyad; Iyad were descendants Thamud. When the two men from Thaqifwithwhomthe Prophettalkedshowedsignsof grief theProphet statedthattheywerefrom righteous the groupofThamud.76 Some of the traditions about the Thamuidi descentof Thaqif linked the personof theirancestor Qasiyy= ThaqifwithAbu Righal.Thaqif, was a man from Thamfd who escaped the says one of the traditions, disasterof his people and became a slave of AbuiRighal.Another traditionstatesthatThaqifwas a slave oftheprophet he tookflight Salih; and lived in the haram(of Mecca). 'Ali b. Abi Talib, who transmitted 69 Al-Nuwayri,op. cit., XVI, I3; and see a more explicit version ib., p. 5 inf.: .... katabtu li-l-nabiyyikhamsa mi'ati ummin,fa-ma wajadtu ffhinna sifahdan wa-la shay'an mimma kana min amri l-jdhiliyyati. 70 See Caskel, op. cit., II, I6; al-Nuwayri,op. cit., II, 335; al-Mubarrad, op. cit., 71 72 p. I3. 73 Jamhara, f. i54a records, however, Zaynab bint 'Amir al-'Adwani as the wifeof Thaqif (i.e. Qasiyy). 74 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Inbdh, p. 93. 75 Al-Baladhuri, op. cit.,I, 25. p. 5, 11.2-4; al-Sam'ani, op. cit., I, 20; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Inbdh, p. 96. Al-Baladhuri,op. cit.,I, 25. Mughultay,op. cit., f. I2a; al-Hamdani, op. cit., II, 20I; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., dhalika shaqqa calayhimd qala: ma yashuqqu calaykumd;innamd yuhyi lldhu min thamuda sdlihan wa-lladhina dmanuimaaahu, fa-antum min dhurriyyati qaumin sa2lihzna. 76 Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., f. I23b: .... fa-lamma ra&d rasulu llahi (s) anna Notes on Caskel's Gamharat an-nasab 6i this tradition argued that the Prophet (Muhlammad)was closer to the prophet Salih (scil. than anyone else; thus he deserves to inherit the he patronage of Thaqif); therefore decreed that Thaqif be considered as slaves.7 South-Arabian tradition however says that he was a slave of Salih b. al-Humaysa' b. dhi Ma'dhin.78 Another traditionsays that the slave of the prophet Salih was AbuiRighal; he was sent as tax-collector, treated the people wrongfullyand was thereforekilled by Thaqif.79 According to a tradition reported by al-Zuhri Abfi Righal was the ancestor of Thaqif.80 Similar cases with regard to the genealogy of tribes and clans could be easily adduced. But the few cases discussed above bear evidence to the complicated and confused character of the nasab literature. The information contained in the traditions about pedigrees, alliances between clans and tribes, affiliationsof tribal units and detachmentsall this has to be closely studied and re-examined. II The admirable work of W. Caskel, a comprehensiveand detailed study on Ibn al-Kalbi's Jamharatal-nasab, is an indispensablebook forstudents of Arabic genealogy, history of the Jahiliyya and of early Islam. Its detailed and carefully thoughtout articlesabout persons,clans and tribes in the Jahiliyya and early Islam are a treasure of reliable information collected from many early sources and evaluated with great care and deep insight. The material of the sources of Ibn al-Kalbi has been cautiously and carefully examined by Caskel.81 A few passages in later compilations Mughultay,op. cit., f. IIb; another version says that Thaqif was a slave of al-Hayjumana, the wife of Salih; she gave him the slave as gift. 78 Al-Hamdani, op. cit.,II, 354; Mughultay,op. cit.,f. lib. 79 Ibn Zuhayra, al-Jamil al-la.tf, Cairo I357/I938, p. I70; cf. al-Hakim, alMustadrak, Hyderabad I342, I, 398 (Thaqif mentioned as the man who killed Abu Righal). 80 Cf. Mughultay, op. cit., f. iib inf.; Ibn cAbd al-Barr, al-Inbah, p. 95; alFakihi, Ta'rikh Makka, Ms. Leiden Or. 463, f. 436b, ult.; al-Fawazid al-muntaqat Abi l-Hasan CAll .... Can Yahya b. Ma'cn, Ms. Chester Beatty 3495, min hadTth f. i6a; Ibn Kathir, Sira, I, 32 harmonizes the contradictorytraditions: there were two Abf Righal; one of them was the ancestor of Thaqif, the otherone was the guide of Abraha. And see the stories about Abu Righal: Ibn Sacid, op. cit., f. i4ir; Mughultay,op. cit., lib (a tax collectorof the prophetShu'ayb; Menahem Kister draws my attention to the similaritybetween the word "Righal" and "R'uel" (one of the names of Shucayb = Yethro); al-Baladhuri, op. cit., I, 25 (a slave of Shu'ayb b. dhi Mahdam al-Himyari). And see El2, s.v. Abiu Righal (S. A. Bonebakker). 81 77 Caskel, op. cit., I, 72-81. 62 and M. Plessner 6M. Kister J. in not and scantyquotations manuscripts yet published may elucidate some disputedor obscurepoints about the literaryactivityof Ibn al-Kalbi. Ydqiit copies the list of Ibn al-Kalbi's worksfromJbnal-Nadim's and adds: "Hishdm(i.e. Ibn al-Kalbi)has also al-Faridfif Fihrist I-anseTb, whichhe wroteforal-Ma'miin, al-Mul4ki I-anscbwhichhe wrotefor ftJa"far b. Yahyd al-Barmaki, al-Miijaz ft 1-nasab and other works.82 The book of Jbn alCaskel doubted the truth of this information.83 was considered by Caskel as spurious; he proposed to l-nasabi 1-kabnru" read instead of al-Munzal: "al-Jamharatu wa-huwa kitdbu 1-nasabi 1kabiru".8-5 sheds some lighton the disputed problemof the genealogical compilations 86 "al-Tanbikcaldhudtith A passage in H{amzaal-Isfahdni's al-tashif" Kalbi al-Munzalrecorded Ydqiit84 withtheremark kitdbu "wa-huzwa by the Arab Empire was granted the two outstanding scholars: al-Khalil and Hishdm b. al-Kalbi (fa-l-iqbdlusdqa ild daulati 1-carabi ...) who exerted himselfby establishingtheir genealogies (cuniya lahum bi-dabti l-ansThi).He compiled fivebooks on this subject: al-Munzal, al-Jamhara, al-M27jaz,al-Farid, al-M~ulfttkz. Al-Munzal, says Hllamza,is his largest compilation on nasab (akbaru positions of the Arabs (i.e. the Arab tribes-K; yunzilu 1-carabafihi it that of Ibn al-Kalbi mentioned YdqiTit. IHamzaconsiders fortunate by In lahuft the (genealogical) kitdbin 1-nasabi). this book he established Hlamza quotes some if he found them debased in number or nobility.88 clans which Jbn al-Kalbi omitted.89 ; 87 mandzilahum) in somecases he skippedoversomeclans (takhattt-ihum) 82 ed. hdldhcl Mucjam al-udabd3, Ahmad FarId Rifdci, Cairo n.d., XIX, 292: .... bnu 1-nadimimin tasdnifihi; wa-li-kishamin ma dhakarakhu aydan: al-fariduft I-ansclbi,sannafahu li-l-malmani, wa&-l-muh?tkiyyu ft I-anscbi ay41ansannafahu dhdlika. wa-l-miijazu 1-nasabiay4ian,wa-ghayru ft li-jacfaribni yahydl-barmakiyyi, 83 Caskel, op. cit., I, ob 79, note 4: "Es ist zweifelhaft Yaq.'s Angaben .... a;sei . Farid ft I-ansdib fiiral-Mammin, .. al-Mulfiki l-ansdbfiirden Barmakiden fi Oacfar b. Yalhya verfasst,zutreffen; schon wegen der Prunktiteldie I. al-Kalbi bis auf einen Fall meidet: no. 88 = K. ad-Diba-gfiahbdras'-?ucard" 84 Yaq-at, op. cit.,XIX, 291. 86 Ed. Muh. IHasan Yasin, Baghdad i967, pp. 192-194. The reading "al-munzil" seems to be preferable. 88 The text of the Ms. seems to be corrupted; the reading is doubtful. 89 The editor did not succeed to decipher the names of these debased clans; the text in the Ms. seems to be unclear. The idea to omit the mean or debased fromcompilationsof nasab is indicated in Hamdani's al-Iklif, II, 386: .... wawa-min shardiitiI-nasabi an Id yudhkara min auladi 1qclla abi muhasmmadin: rajuli illd 1-nabihuI-ashharu wa-yulghd1-ghabiyyu;wa-lau-lI dhika lam yasac kdtib... anslba I-nwdsi sijillun wa-lamyad1buIthd 86 87 Caskel, op. cit., I, 97, note 2. Notes on Caskel's Gamharat an-nasab 63 The Jamharais his middle-sized book and contains some stories about the personsrecorded, accounts about the mothersof (akhbdr) the nobles(ofthe clans) and the ancestresses the tribes,(explaining) of how theyoriginated tribesto form from theirclans. He countedtheir theirpoets and theirillustrious men.90 horsemen, The Mijaz, IHamzasays,containsmaterial whichno studentof adab and nasab can ignore.He recorded it the genealogical in listsof smaller and greater tribalunits,the noblesof everygroup,theirpoets,leaders and eminent persons.91 The Farid, IHamzacontinues, a bookon tribes. al-Kalbiassigned is Ibn in thisbook foreverysmalltribalunitits genealogies storiesof its the wars and its poetry;he recordedthis materialand furnished with it and namesofthetransmitters. offered bookto al-Ma'mfin. He isndds this in in not found his otherbooks; it contains included theFarfd, material it this book he offered to although is smallerin size than the former; Ja'farb. Yahya al-Barmaki.92 The detailsgiven by HIamzaseem to be trustworthy. Hamza is in fact the earliestauthority the genealogical on of compilations Ibn alKalbi. The precisedetailsofthe description thathe had a close indicate acquaintancewiththesecompilations. was It is noteworthy theFarZdpresented al-Ma'mfin provided to that with isnddsand names of the transmitters; detail is pointedout this One may venture assumethat Ibn al-Kalbi to by IHamzain particular. added herethe isnddsin orderto adapt himself the new conditions to The of Muslimscholarship requirements the expertsof hadith.93 of and othergenealogical of Ibn al-Kalbi seem to have had no compilations isndd. 90 p. I93:... fihi ba.du l-akhbari wa-taCdddu ummahati l-ashr2fiwa-l-qabacili ild haythuyaftariquna'an qabilatihimwa-yatajdwazunaila butuinihim, wa-dhikru hattd... (two words could not fursinihimwa-shu'ard'ihimwa-dhawinabdhatihim 91 p. I93: .... wa-ammd l-mujazu fa-fihi md Id yuhsinu bi-mubtaghi l-adabi wa-l-ndziri l-nasabijahluhu, fa-dhakarafihi man yunsabu ild batninwa-qabilin, fi wa-man htalla l-sitata minhumwa-stawd wa-sharifakulli qaumin wa-shdcirahum cald l-ri'dsatifihim. (About batn see EI2, J. Lecerf,Batn). 92 Ib., ...wa-ammd l-faridu fa-huwa kitdbul-qabc'ili, afradafthi li-kullibatnin nasabahu mufradan, wa-ayydmahu,wa-shicrahu, fa-dhakara kulla dhdlika bi-lasdnidi wa-l-ruwdti, wa-huwalladhi athafa bihi l-ma'muina;wa-ammdl-mulukiyyu kathiratunId taqacu fi fa-fihi akhbdrunghaziratun macrufatunwa-macrifatun ghayrihimin kutubihi,wa-fthimd yaqacu fi l-faridiwa-in lam yablughmaddhu, wa-huwa lladhi athafa bihi jacfara bna yahyd l-barmakiyya. 93 See Caskel, op. cit., I, 78. Al-Muliki contains a great number of known akhbdrand information be deciphered theeditor). by 64 6M.J. Kisterand M. Plessner We came across a quotation fromthe Munzal in Mughultdy'sal-Zahr al-bdsim94. This passage deals with the story of Nasr b. HIajjdj and his beloved nicknamedal-Mutamanniya; Jbnal-Kalbi reportsthat her name was al-FaThiabint Hammdm b. cUrwa b. Masciid fromThaqif and that she was the motherof al-HIajjdj b. Yiisuf (the hated Umayyad governor of cIrdq). The Jamhara mentions only that Nasr was nicknamed alJamil.95 refers Ibn al-Kalbi in his work about two hundredtimes, to Mughultdiy his opinion about particularpoints of genealogy.96 The Jamhara quoting is quoted about twentytimes.97 quotes two additional works Mughult-ay of genealogy compiled by Ibn al-Kalbi: al-Jcmic (or al-Jdmil li-anscTbi al-jamhara.99 l-carabi)98 and Jamharat A scrutinyof the quotations fromal-Zahr al-bdsimand an examination of the material found in hithertounpublished manuscriptsmay help us to gain a better knowledge of the contents of the genealogical compilations of Jbnal-Kalbi. The list of compilations of Jbn al-Kalbi contains a book with the are recordedin Shj i sources.The odious storyof the pedigreeof Mu cwiya sheds some light on the character of this genre of literatureand points out some of the ways in which tendencious insertionsor deletions were made. Hind, the mother of Mucdwiya,used to have sexual intercourse 94 F. 3o6b.; see al-cAskarI, Jamharatal-amthal,ed. Mulh.Abfi I-Fad1 IbrThimcAbd al-Majid Q-atamish, Cairo 1384/1964, I, 588, no. iiio; al-Mayddni, Majmac cal-amthdl, Cairo 1352, I, 427-428; AbtI Nucaym, Iilyat cl-zuliycQ, IV, 322-323. 9j Caskel, op. cit., II, 446. 96 See ff. 2a, 3a, 3b, 4b, 5b, 6a, 7a, 7b, 8a, 8b, 9a, 9b, Ioa, I4a, i4b, I5b, I7b, i8a, 23a, 23b, 38a, 38b, 4oa, 4ob, 42a, 43a, 43b, 44a, 45a, 45b, 46b, 48b, 49a, 49b, 5ob, 54b, 55a, 56b, 6oa, 6ob, 62a, 69b, 87a, 93a, 95a, 97b, Io9a, iioa, I2ia, I2Ib, I23a, I23b, i3Ia, I32b, I33a, I33b, i34b, i44b, I5ob, I55b, I56b, 2ooa, 202a, 203b, titleMathdlib The al-"arab.100 fewextantpassagesfrom thiscompilation 207a, 20oa, 209b, 2ioa, 2iob, 2I2b, 214b, 224b, 225b, 226b, 23ib, 232b, 233a, 234b, 235a, 236a, 236b, 237a, 240b, 24ia, 247b, 259b, 266a, 277a, 279b, 282b, 285a, 286b, 287b, 295b, 298b, 3ooa, 3iob, 3iia, 31ib, 3I2b, 3iga, 32ia, 322b, 325b, 328a, 330b. 333b, 335b, 336a, 336b, 337a, 339a. (On some pages Ibn al-KalbI is mentioned two or three times). 91 Cf. e.g. Mughultdy f. 22b = Jamhara f. I56a Hutayt; iib 244a Umayma bint Sacd b. Hudhayl; 23a = Caskel, s.v. Munabbih b. Rabica; 52b = i69b Hdshim b. Harmala; 86a - Caskel, op. cit., s.v. A. al-Gabr (2, 251); 99a = 24b Yazid b. CAmr b. Khuwaylid; 237b = Caskel, s.v. HalIfa b. "AdI; 247a= 255b "UbBd b. Bishr; 287b = Caskel, s.v. Uhbdn b. al-AkwaC - Uhbdn b. SayfI (al-Suhayli), Uhbdn b. Aus al-Aslami (al-Tirmidhi, al-Bukhdri, Abil Nucaym, Ibn Manda), Uhb;Rn b. cAbbdd (Ibn Durayd, Ibn al-Kalbi, al-BalTdhuri) etc. 337b 173b, Umm Qirfa and her sons; Dubaiyya b. IHaramI = i62a. 98 Mentioned ten times: ff. 36b, 4oa, 6oa, 67b, 7ob, Io2b, I42a, 237b, 2I3a, 238a. 99 Quoted two times: ff. I02b, i62b. 100 See Sezgin, GAS, I, 270, no. 4. 234a, Notes on Caskel's Gamharat an-nasab 65 with four Qurashites,accordingto the slanderoustraditionof the The four of the of Mathdlib. shared, course, fatherhood Mu'awiya.Three b. of themare named: 'Umara b. al-Walid,Musafir 'Amr,AbuiSufyan; in is the nameofthe fourth notgivenand it is onlyremarked thereport The his thatIbn al-Kalbi mentioned name.101 nameofthe fourth person is howeverexplicitly given by Sibt b. al-Jauzi: al-'Abbas b. 'Abd alMuttalib.102 Mu'awiya admitsin a talk withhis son Yazid that some are of the opinionthat he is the son of 'Abbas b. 'Abd alQurashites One Muttalib.103 may assumethat the name of 'Abbas was erasedfrom in the list of the fouradulterers the periodof the 'Abbasidrule; it was the after fallofthe dynasty. re-inserted of The abominablestoryof the pedigree 'Umar is also quoted from that the shameful Ibn al-Kalbi's Mathdlib.It is noteworthy storyof 04is precededby a peculiarremarkin the the complicated bastardy wa-huwamin of Shi'i compilation al-Majlisi: ... wa-rawd l-kalbiyyu, kdnat Suhdku ahli l-sunnati, kitdbi ....10 This l-mathdlibi, qdla: rijdli fi of and reliability remarkaims, of course,to enhancethe impartiality to emphasize the soundnessof the information Ibn al-Kalbi's and tradition. in of The storyabout the father 'Uthman,as recorded Ibn al-Kalbi's The cases.106 than the two preceding is Mathdlib, not less disgusting the father Abi Bakr: he was of vilification directed was mildest against of the servant 'Abdallahb. Jud'an and calledthe poorofMecca to have at theircharity-meals the table of 'Abdallah. He got, of course,a rewardforthis "duty".'07 paltry Dhakwan of son The story theillegitimate ofUmayyab. 'Abd Shams, (his kunyawas Abfi 'Amr) whose motherTuma was a slave-woman fromSafiiriyya by (Palestine)is reported Ibn al-Kalbi; it fitsin well from thiscomderived and is probably of withthe setting his Mathdlib 101Ibn Tawus, Tara'if CAbdal-Mahmfd, n.p., n.d., p. I56; Muh. Hasan alMuzaffar,Dala'il al-sidq, III, I, 215-2I9; comp. a similar slanderous reportfrom Mathalib bani umayya by Ismcail b. 'Ali al-Samman al-Hanafi, ib., p. 235; and b. comp. on the fatherhoodof CAmr al-'As shared by five persons (... wa-la-qad idda'cka khamsatunmin qurayshinkulluhumyazcumuannaka bnuhu) ib., p. 237. 102 103 104 105 Bihdr al-anwdr,VIII, 311 (lithogr.ed.); and see this story al-Majlisi, op. cit., XXII, 269-27I (new ed., Tehran 1385); Ibn Tawus, op. cit., p. I44; Muh. Hasan al-Muzaffar, cit., III, 2, 84. op. 106 See Ibn Tawus, op. cit., p. I55. Tadhkirat al-khawa.s, al-Najaf I383/I964, p. 202 inf. Ib., p. 203. kdna al-khattabu aban wa-jaddan wa-khdlan li-cumara. ... 107 Ibn Tawis, 25-26 op. cit., p. 123. ORIENS 5 66 M. J. Kisterand M. Plessner Abti 'Ubayda seems to have used the same method of slander pilation.108 in his Mathdlib. Yquit quotes in his Mu'jam al-bulddn109 from Abii 'Ubayda's Mathdlib that Hashim b. 'Abd Manaf bought a black girl, Hayya, at the market of Hubasha. She bore him two sons: Sayfi and Kitdb al-dafd'in 16 and Kitab man qdla shi'ran fa-nusiba ilayhi.117 Al-'Isami mentionsa list of Qurashi judges fromIbn al-Kalbi's Hukkdm Quraysh.118 Of special interestis a compilationof Ibn al-Kalbi not recordedin the 108 Ta'rikh Moskwa I967, f. 4a; Abu al-khulafd',ed. Piotrowski-Graznewych, 1-Baqa', op. cit., f. I2a (Abiu -Baqa' records as well the other version,which is was Umama bint Himyarib. al-Irith H the accepted one: the motherof Abii CAmr of Lakhm; see Mus'ab, op. cit.,p. ioo). timesin Mughultay's Kitdbnawaqilmudar,114 Kitdbal-bulddn,ll Zahr,13 the motherof Sayfi and AbuiSayfi was Hind bint Tha'laba fromKhazraj. This nasab is recordedby Ibn al-Kalbi (Jamhara,7b, inf.).The slanderous traditionsabout the pedigree of al-Ash'ath b. Qays, al-Muhallab b. Abi Sufra, Khalid b. Safwan, al-Jahm b. Badr, Abu Dulaf and Khalid b. 'Abdallah al-Qasri seem to have been recordedfromthe Mathalib of Abf 'Ubayda.11 Ibn al-Kalbi and Abu 'Ubayda both apply the same style of slander directed at the ancestresses,involving accusations of immoral can thus be seen to be in fact nothing conduct and adultery.The mathdlib but a collection of defamatorygenealogical gossip. They are different fromnasab and serve a different purpose. The followingworks of Ibn al-Kalbi seem to be related in subjectmatter to his nasab compilations: Kitdb al-alqab,112mentioned three AbfiSayfi.But Mus'ab givesin his Nasab 110 a rather different version: Ibn Rustah, al-A 'clq al-nafisa,ed. M. J. de Goeje, Leiden 1892, pp. 205-207. See Sezgin, op. cit., I, 271, no. I9. 113 F. 87a (why 'Auf was nicknamed Thumala); f. Io2b (explanation of the nickname Janb; cf. Caskel, op. cit., II, 257); f. 207a (the nickname al-Akhtal). 114 F. I38a (and see Abu l-Baqa', op. cit., f. 36a where a compilation of Kit. al-nawdqilby Abu l-Hasan Muh. b. Muh. al-cAlawiis mentioned); and see above note 35. 112 111 109 S.v. Hubasha. 110 Nasab Quraysh, p. 4, 11. 12-14. 115 116 fimd ruwiyafi l-quburwa-l-dafd'in;Ahmad b. Hanbal, Kit. al-warac,Cairo I340, p. 47: Kit. al-dafd'in). 117 F. I45a, inf.; see Ibn al-Kalbi, al-Asndm, no. 87. qurayshqala ...; rabad 118 Simt al-nujum al-cawali, Cairo I380, op. cit., I, 270, no. I3; see al-Karajaki, F. 33b (the correct reading is Dafd'in, not Daqd'iq as given by Sezgin, Kanz al-fawd'id, n.p., I322, p. I78: fasl Ff. 8b, 9b, Igb, 43a, 45a, 47a, 57a-b, II7b, I96b, 3o6b, 325a. Hyderabad I384/1964, p. 459; and see al-Asndm,no. 64: Ahkam al-cArab (the correctreadingis kukkamas in note 3 ib.). I361/I942, cf. Muh. b. Habib, al-Muhabbar,ed. I. Lichtenstaedter, Hydep. I32; idem, al-Munammaq, ed. Khurshid Ahmad Fariq, I, 213: ... can al-kalbi fZ l-hukkdm min Notes on Caskel's Camharat an-nasab 67 in It list ofhis works. is mentioned Mughultay thefollowing by passage: ... dhakarahu l-shard, l-kalbiyyu kitdbi ta'lifihi: fi wa-md: wa-salld kabbara li-lldhi kabbari119 sallddhawul-'aybiwa-md us This shortpassage of Ibn al-Kalbi's Kit. al-shirdprovides witha and politicalsympathies. of The clue forthe assessment his religious of champion thecause of 'Ali,thecontent personofMiqdad,the famous was of a Shi'i character. The Shi'i symevidencethat the compilation It of al-Kalbi120 and ofIbn al-Kalbi are wellknown.121 is therepathies in an to fore surprising find theJamhara inserted not passageconcerning on inflicted Anas b. Malik forhaving denied having the punishment of in It of heardan utterance the Prophet favour 'All.122 is a well-known Ibn also traditions In spite of his Shi'i sympathies al-Kalbi recorded whichwere not always in favourof 'Ali and the Shi'a.124He was a AlthoughIbn Rustah, op. cit., p. 220, 1. 4 mentionsMuh. b. al-Sa'ib as one of the murji'a. 121 Caskel, op. cit.,I, 73; and see the storytold by Muh. b. al-Sa'ib: ... maridtu mardatanfa-nasftumd kuntua.hfazu fa-ataytuala muhammadin(s) fa-nafathu fi md fiyyafa-hafiztu kuntunasitu-Ibn Abi Hatim al-Razi, Kit. al-jarh wa-l-tac'dl, 120 wa-qdla l-miqdddubnu I-aswadi l-kindiyyuyamda.hu 'aliyyan fimd of the verse and the occasion on which it was uttered-all this bears Shi'i story.123 119 Al-Zahr, f. I17b. And see the traditiontransmitted him that the angel Gabriel used to transmit by the Revelation to 'All in the absence of the Prophet: Ibn Hajar, op. cit., ib.; aled. Safadi, al-Waft bi-l-wafayat, H. Ritter, Wiesbaden I38I/I96I, III, 83; and see the story about the killingof Sacd b. cUbada (cf. al-Husayni, al-Darajdt alrafcta,al-Najaf 1382/I962,p. 334) reportedby al-Kalbi in Yawaqzt al-siyar, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 377I, f. I32a, penult.; al-Dhahabi, Mizdn al-i'tiddl, ed. CAll Muh. al-Bijawi, Cairo I382/I963, III, 557-558; and see ib., IV, 304, ult. on Hisham b. of al-Qurab, p. 148). 122 123 Hyderabad I953, III, 2, 270; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, IX, I79 (no. 266). : Muh. b. al-Sa'ib: wa-qala ibn casdkir rfidi, laysa bi-thiqatin (quoted by the editor Einschub .". Caskel, op. cit.,I, I09: "Ein sonderbarer See al-Majlisi, op. cit., XXXVII, 197-200 (new ed.); Ibn Shahrashfb, Manaqib al Abi Talib, al-Najaf I376/I956, II, I3; Ibn Rustah, op. cit., p. 221. There was however an earlier case which caused a grudge of 'All against Anas; see alMajlisi, op. cit.,LX, 301 (new ed.). 124 See e.g. the traditionthat Khalid b. Sa'id b. al-'As embraced Islam before 'All: Mughultay,op. cit.,f. II7a-b (see on Khalid b. Sa'cd: Mus'ab, op. cit.,p. I74, 1. I5). Al-Kalbi reportsthe following saying of Khalid: "I fearedmy father(thereforeI did not announce my Islam publicly-K), but CAlldid not fearAbfiTalib." And see the favourabletraditionabout Jarirb. 'Abdallah al-Bajali (yatlacucalaykum min hadha l-fajji khayru dhi yamanin calayhi mashatu malikin fa-.talaca jariru bnu 'abdi llahi l-bajaliyyu)-al-Khatlb al-BaghdadI, Miudihauham al-jam' Hyderabad I379/1960, II, 355. And see the traditiontransmittedby wa-l-tafriq, Ibn al-Kalbi (withthe isnad: Ibn al-Kalbi > his father AbuiSalih > Ibn CAbbas) > that the Prophet informed secretlyHIafsathat her father(i.e. 'Umar) will be the 68 Kisterand Plessner,Notes on Caskel's Gamharat an-nasab of and transmitter nasab and akhbdr, he carriedout this vocationwith Besides the Mathdlib compiledbooks in he the utmostresponsibility. was ofArab cultural tradition recorded, thus whicha significant portion valuable information about social life,beliefs, genpoetry, providing on ealogy, wars and alliances of tribes.His compilations genealogy, a constitute solidand masterly monument of amongthemtheJamhara, Arablearning. to We owe a debt of gratitude the late W. Caskel formakingthis book availableto modern scholarship. magnificent Caliph afterAbfi Bakr; Hafsa revealed the secret to 'A'isha-al-Dhahabi, Mzzan Beirut 1385/I966,VII, 57; the tradition al-ictiddl, IV, 305 (see Ibn Kathir, Tafsfr, is recorded with a different isndd. And see al-Tabarsi, Majmac al-bayan, Beirut I380/I96I, XXVIII, I20 inf.; the traditionis recorded without isndd. The tradition is not foundin al-Wahidi's Asbdbal-nuzil and in Suyitl's Lubdb al-nuqilin the chapter of Siirat al-tahrim). 

God will never disgrace thee.pdf GOD WILL NEVER DISGRACE THEE (THE INTERPRETATION OF AN EARLY h a d i t h By M. J. KISTER THE WELL KNOWN TRADITION in al-bukhari, told on the authority of a l z u h r i u r w a a aisha , aisha the conversation between the Prophet and Khadija after he received his first revelation1 contains at the end a phrase variously interpreted by Muslim scholars and translated in modern times in various manners. The contents of the hadith are as follows: After the Prophet had heard the call to prophecy, he came to Khadija with a trembling heart, asking her to cover him. He informed her about his experience and told her of his anxiety for himself. Khadlja encouraged him and assured him, that God would not disgrace him because of his good qualities. N a y by G o d she said, G o d will never disgrace you; you do good unto the kindred, bear the burden of the infirm, bestow alms on the poor, entertain the g u e s t The last phrase of this hadith is: wtuinua l a nananawaibi-haqqin attempt is here made to elucidate the meaning of this obscure phrase, and the problem of the originality of the hadith is briefly discussed. I To start with, there are two interesting variants of this phrase. Al-Maqrizi's version is: wa tuinu a , 2 tuinu hala agnawaibi the l dahrirtunes of time, whereas Ibn Kathir quotes a version nawaibul khairi and interprets it: I f a misfortune befalls some body in a righteous case (idha waqaatnaibatun li ahadin fi khairin), you extend your help and aid him till he finds means of living or sustenance." a l - q a s t a l l a n i i does not quote the version tuinu ala nawaibi l-khairi but interprets the saying in a corresponding manner by giving to the word haqq a meaning similar to that of khair: n n a w a i b means vicissitudes h a w a d i t h she (i.e. Khadija) sainawaibuu l-haqqi because vicissitudes affect the righteous and unrighteous (/i-annahd takimu fi l-haqqi w a l - b a t i l i Labld said: nawaibu min khairin wa-sharrin kilkilahumaa l a '1-khairu mmamdudunn al-qastallanithus contrasts haqq with bdtil; the phrase according to him would mean: you help in vicissitudes. of a righteous case (as opposed to batil an unrighteous one). The verse of Labld, quoted as shahid, does not, however, confirm this interpretation. Labid wanted to say: Vicissitudes of good and evil both (exist), the good is not prolonged, nor the evil lasting-and not vicissitudes in a good or an evil c a u s e La bid's verse can be compared with the one by al-Niibigha al-dhubyani. 5 Wa-ld yabsabiina '1-khaira la sharra badahu: Wa-/d yahsabuna'l·sharra darbata lazibi wa la '1-sharru l a z i b u u 1 Al-Bukhilri: sahih Bab kaifa kana bad'u 1-wabyi, I, 3 (ed. Cairo, A.H. 1286); Muslim: sahih I, 97 (ed. Cairo, A.H. 1334); comp.: Ibn s a d tabaqat I, 195 (ed. Beirut, 1960); al-bakadhuri: ansabbal-ashraf I, 106 (ed. M. h a m i b u l l a h Abil nuaim: d a l a i l al-nubuwwa, p. 68 (ed. Hyderabad A.H. 1320); ai-Slra al-halabiyya, I, 277 (ed. Cairo, A.H. 1351). i m i aal-asma I, 13, inf. (ed. Cairo, 1941). • al-bidaya wa l nihaya III, 7 (ed. Cairo, 1932); and see W. sakakini ummahat al-mmuminin p. 16 (Cairo, n.d.). ' /rshad al-sarl, I, 65 (ed. bulaq A.H. 1323). Dlwiin, p. 12 (ed. m u h Jamal, Beirut, 1929). 28 "GOD WILL NEVER DISGRACE THEE" which conveys the same idea of changes in the conditions of the tribe. The idea of haqq and batil cannot be traced in the verses of either Labid or al-NAbigha. Al- qastallani's interpretation was copied by al-zurqani1 ; al-sira al halabiyya only comments on the word nawaib rendering it hawadith A quite different interpretation of the phrase is given by al kashmiriin his f a i d a l b a r i r i a r i r i i Tu'tuinu alanawaibii-bl haqqi a comprehensive expression for (qualities) mentioned (in this hadith and not mentioned. The banubHhasimgained fame by these features of character. aswaf a n u II Let us turn to the translators: h o u d a s m a r c a i s translate ... "et tu secours les victimes des vicissitues du droit": the words victims of the vicissitudes of right are not, however, found in the text: nawd'ibu '1-baqqi. Sprenger translates 5 : u n d unterstiitzest Leute in unverdientem ungluck," which again can hardly be deduced from the text. Mirza Bashir al-Oin mahmud ahmad's translation reads': a n d you. help those who are in distress," which corresponds to the version of al maqrizi mentioned above. 7 a n unusual rendering is given by W. M. Watt 8 : y o u succour the agents of the t r u t h This translation (although followed by a question mark) is erroneous and was probably caused by confusing nuwwdb with nawd'ib. R. V. C. Bodley's translation': "Hast thou not been loving to thy kinsfolk ... faithful to thy word and ever a defender of the truth" ... merely glosses over the difficulty. III For the elucidation of the phrase under discussion early poetry and prose have to be consulted. A remarkable verse of u r w a b. at-Ward runs as f o l l o w s atahazau minnii an saminta wa-qad tara Bi-jismiya massa11 l-haqqi wa l haqqujahidu The verse is rendered by n o l d e k e "Spottest Du iiber mich dass Du fett geworden. Wlihrend Du an meinen Leibe den Eindruck der pflicht (welche Andern zuerst Nahrung giebt und mir nichts llisst) siehst? Denn die Pfticht greift an." noldeke's rendering is based on the commentary on the words: "Duty is exhausting"; "this means that duties (obligations) come upon him (yatruquhu) and he prefers the fulfilment of duties to his own interest yuthiruh a l a naftihi) and to the interest of his family; he is enduring hunger and drinks cold water. The haqq mentioned means doing good to kindred, bestowing upon the beggar and the kinsman; everybody who practices it is exhausted by it." This meaning of haqq as a social obligation of the noble member of a tribe towards 1 1 sharh al mawahib I, 212-13 (ed. Cairo, A.B. 1325). Op. cit., ib. I, 28-29 (ed. Cairo, 1938). e l b o k h a r i l e straditions islamiques, 3 Die uhn desmohammad I, 333 (Berltn, 1869). Introduction to the Study of the Holy Quran, p. 144 (London, 1949). ' Vide above;; n. 2, p. 27. muhammad at M e c c a (Oxford, 1953). The Messenger, p. 52 (Lahore, 1954). Th. n o l d e k e Die Ge,dichte des 'Urwa b. ai-Ward, p. 41 (Gottingcn, 1863). In h a m a s a shuhuba l haqqi (Freytag, p. 723). Op. cit., p. 78. "GOD WILL NEVER DISGRACE THEE" 29 the poor, the needy and e ~ kinsfolk in the Jdhiliyya is further elucidated by the response of Qays b. Zuhayr, quoted by al-bakri l a tashtumanni ya bna wardinfa-ininnan it a u d ala malil huququ '1-'awd'idu Fa-man yuthiri l haqqa l n n a u b a a takun bihi k h u s a s a t u ujismin wa-hwa tayyanumajidu d o not revile me, o son of Ward for o b l i g a t i o n s which come up again and again are turning upon my property; and whoever prefers to fulfil the recurring obligation, his body will turn hollow shaped; he is hungry b u t n o b l e We have here the expression al haqqual naubu t h e recurring obligation" which explains the phrase of the hadith The same expression is found in a verse of muawiya b. m a l i k the m u a w w i d u l h u k a m a he gained his sobriquet by this verse3 : U'awwidu mithlahd l hukamaaa ba'di: Idhd md '1-baqqufl '1-ashyd'i naba accustom the wise men after me to do the like Whenever obligations come upon the tribal groups" a l a n b a r i gives a pertinent explanation of the word haqq as understood by the Beduins, in which obligations like paying the bloodwit for men, who have no means to pay it, and entertaining guests are included. The translation of haqqby Lyall as "just claims" seems not to be justified. A similar explanation of haqq by al-Anbiiri is found in this commentary on the verse mufaddaliyyat IV, 9, where a herd is described which has been diminished by changes of time and fulfilment of social obligations. muawiya b. malik mentions the idea of recurring obligations in another verse': qala qalatybatu qad ghawaita /i-an r a a t /faqqan yundwibu mdlana wa mufudu "Zunayba said: you err, as she saw that obligations keep recurring upon our property, and deputations (asking our help)" An anonymous verse 5 conveys the same idea of the obligations of a noble man: Wa-ld arbau '1-md/a min bubbihi, wa-ld li-1-fikhdri wa-ld li-1bakhal Wa-ldkin li haqqin idhd nabani, wa-ikramidayfin idhd m a nazal i do not care for property for the love of it or for the sake of boasting, or because of avarice; but only for fulfilling obligations when they come upon me, and to honour a guest should he alight." simt a l l a a l i p. 822 (ed. ai-Maimani). a l q a l i a m a l i II, 204: al naduba (ed. a l m a i m a n i mufaddaliyyat CV, IS (ed. Lyall); ai-Bakri: s i m t 190 (ldhiJ mudilu l hadathani n a b a Ibn h a b i b alqabu '1-shu'arlJ, NawlJdlr al-makhtutlJt, VII, 313 (ed. 'Abd al salam h a r u n a b u Zaid: NawlJdlr, p. 148 (ed. al shartuni Beirut, 1894). 1 I, 68-T. 'A. "GOD WILL NEVER DISGRACE THEE" An Umayyad poet, Shabib b. al barsa uses the expression in a reverse order1 : wa ahbisu fi l haqqi '1-karimata, innama yaqumu bihaqqi'1-nd'ibdti saburuha "And I reserve for obligations the valuable (property); for it is only he who endures that can fulfil the duty of recurring obligations" The same poet mentions this idea in another v e r s e wa li l haqqi min mtili idhd huwa dafani nasibun wa-li-1-nafsi '1-sha'd'i nasibu wa la khayra fiman lti yuwattinu naftahu a l a naibati'1-dahri hina tamibu "A share of my property is for an obligation should it come to me; and a share for the unsettled soul. And no good is in a man who cannot train himself to bear the misfortunes of time when they come (upon him)" The word haqq is joined by another verb (alamma) in a verse the mukhadram poet 'Amr b. al-Ahtam8 : Wa-1-badhlu min. mu'dimiha in alamma bihd haqqun wa-ld yashtakinaman yanadiha "And its poor (of the tribe) give freely when an obligation draws near, and he who calls on them (for help) does not complain of them." In another poem by 'Amr' obligations are mentioned together with misfortunes6 : Wa-inni karimun dhu 'iydlin tuhimmuni Nawa'ibu yaghshti ruz'uhd wa haququ "I am a noble man, with a: household to look after; I take care of misfortunes (entailing) losses, and of obligations." The translation by Lyall of huquq as: "calls for brotherly help" seems to be inaccurate. Poets sometimes boast that the noble men of their tribe fulfil their social obligations towards the poor and the needy, holding lightly their property in their generosity. Rabl'a b. Maqriim, one of the warriors and poets of Qabba, says•: Yuhiniina fi l haqqi amwalahum idha '1-lazibdtu iltahayna '1-musima "They hold lightly their property in fulfilment of their obligations; when barren years wear away the (herds) of the owner of the cattle." Lyall translates: "claims on them." The commentary of al-Anbiiri repeats the explanation of h a q q quoted above as including 1 • mufaddaliyyat Comp. op. cit., aghani (3rd ed.), 12, 275. AI-Amidi: al-Mu'ta/1/, p. 68 (ed. Krenkow). Ibn al-Shajarl, hamasa p. SO (ed. Krenkow). 9, mentioned above. 6. mufaddaliyyat 26; T. 'A., I, comp. the verse of Miskin a l d a r i m i wa in haqqun araniahantuha al-'Askarf: DlwiJn al maani I, 29 (ed. A.H. 1352). "GOD WILL NEVER DISGRACE THEE" 31 the expenditure in order to help in cases of bloodwit, bestowing camels, and entertaining guests. The Umayyad Ibn Rumma says1 : Wa-innd lakhushnrm fi '1-liqd'i a'izzatun wa fi l haqqi waddahuna bidun qalamisu "We are harsh and mighty in battle, and in fulfilling obligations bright, shining and generous." In all these cases haqq means obligation, duty. The verbs attached s u c has 'ard, alamma, taraqa, a d a d a f a n a z a l a denote the appearing of the obligation, and are synonymous with n a b a mentioned in the hadith of 'A'isha. It is clear, then, that the phrase Nawd'ibu l haqq like 'awdi'du l haqq means cases of obligations coming upon the tribe, or the community. The expression t u i n u a l a nawd'ibi l h a q q i is a Jdhiliyya term used in praise of tribe and its leaders and was adopted in Islam. It can now be seen that the commentators and translators did not grasp its correct meaning. It may be· remarked, that the qualities enumerated by Khadija in the tradition discussed here are not attributed to the Prophet alone; we find a similar tradition also about Abu Bakr. When the leader of the a h a b i s h Ibn al-Dughunna met Abii Bakr, who was intending to leave Mecca, he laid stress on his behaviour in his clan and mentioned his qualities. He said3 : "You are tlie splendour of your people, you help them (to overcome) the misfortunes (tu'Inu a l a '1-nawii'ibi), you act righteously, you bestow upon the poor. Return ... etc." There is however another version of this story; and it is striking to find that the text is almost identical to the hadith of 'A'isha discussed here. This version is recorded by al bukhari on the authority of alzuhrii-'urwa-'Aaisha Ibn al-Dughunna says addressing Abu Bakr: ."A man like you should not be driven out. You bestow on the poor, you do good to your kindred, you bear the burden (of the poor, forlorn or needy), you entertain the guest, you help in the fulfilment of obligations (tu'lnu a l a nawii'ibi l h a q q i I am your protector. Return etc The similarity of the hadith about the conversation between Khadija and the Prophet, and the story of the conversation between Ibn al-Dughunna and Abii Bakr in the version of al-Bukhari, suggests that this kind of address was a coined formula of praise, current at that period. We find for instance a description of h a s h i m written in a similar style. Many other descriptions of noble men of the Jdhiliyya emphasize exactly these qualities. In later times, even a mawla could be addressed in the same way. When Jarir came with a group of yarbuites asking the help of Fayriiz h u s a y n (a mawla of Tamim) because the people were driven away by drought, he said: "you are the splendour of the people, you help (to overcome) the misfortune (tu'inu 'aid '1-nd'ibati), you bear the burden (of the Ibn ai-Shajari: h a m a s a p. S4. Comp. al baladhuri a n s a b MS. 102Sa: wa./iJ yadfa'u l haqqa idhiJ nazala bihi. Ibn h i s h a m s i r a II, 12; and see Suhaili: al raud ai-Unuf. I, 231 (ed. Cairo, 1917). $ablb, II, 268; and see: Al-Dhahabi: Ta'rlkh, I, 190; Ibn Kathir: ai-BidiJya, III, 173. It is obvious, that the mention of these qualities is more relevant in the case of Abil Bakr; here his social activity is rightly stressed. 1 wa kana yahmilubna '1-sablll wa-yuaddl'l-haqaiqa . .. al zurqani sharh ai-Mmawahib l, 73. 1 32 "GOD WILL NBVE& DISGRACE THBB" needy and the poor)." 1 fayruz handed over 1,000 dirhems to Jarir. Here the praise used in honour of the Prophet and Abu Bakr is applied to a mawla In conclusion it may be said, that the phrase tu'inu a l a nawaibi l h a q q i is closely connected with the jahiliyya social ideal about the fulfilment of duties towards the poor and the needy and it tallies well in the hadith about the Prophet with the other qualities mentioned in it. The phrase has to be translated: "and thou helpest in cases of recurring obligations." The hadith on the conversation between the Prophet and Khadija shows a striking similarity to the tradition about the conversation between AbU Bakr and Ibn ai-Dughunna; this seems to suggest that we· have here a current panegyrical formula. Al-Baliidhurl: a n s a b MS. 1012b.