Mecca and Tamim.pdf MECCA AND TAMIM (ASPECTS OF THEIR RELATIONS) BY M. J. KISTER Jerusalem The history of Tamim in the times of the Jihiliyya is of special importance.Informationabout Tamimin Arabiansourcespoint clearlyto the close relationsof the leadersof Tamimwith the kings of al-Hira.But there was another centre as well, with which Tamim was closely connected: it was Mecca.It maybe venturedto say that Tamimplayeda considerablerole in the history of Mecca in the times of the Jdhiliyyaand were quite helpful in the establishmentof the dominantposition of this city in the tribal society of the Arabianpeninsula. The examinationof the contactsbetween Meccaand Tamimmay shed some light on the origin of the "tribalcommonwealth" underthe leaderof Meccaand on the ways of Meccandiplomacyin its tribalenvironship ment. A scrutinyof these data may lead to a revision of some opinions about the relationsbetweenMeccaandthe tribesand to an elucidationof some events during the period of the struggle between the Prophet and Mecca. The discussion of the relations between Mecca and Tamim may be preceded by some remarksabout the relationsbetween the Arab tribes and al-Hiraat the end of the sixth century. The second half of the 6th centurywas a period of fundamental chanin the relationsbetween the tribes of North-EastArabiaandal-Hira. ges The defeat of the forces of al-IHira, who took part in the raids against tribes and fought in the inter-tribalencounters-undermined the prestige of the rulers in the opinion of the tribes. Privileges of guarding of caravansgrantedto some chiefs causedjealousyand conflictbetween the tribes andled to clashesbetweenthem. Discontentedtribesrose in rebellion againstal-Hira.Raids on caravansof the rulersoccurredfrequently JEsHo, VIII II3 8 114 M. J. KISTER and roads of commerce became unsafe; the rulers of began to al-.Hira lose control of the commercialroads and their prestige dwindled. The weaknessof the rulersof and their Persianmasterswas apparent; al-.Hira took partin some battleson the side troops of the Persiangarrisonswho of the loyal tribes were defeated. A case of this kind is recordedby alBalddhuri. Bakru 'AmribniTamimin 'ald Wa-aghdrat bnuWd'ilin BanZ yauma ndsun al-Asdwirati, Banif wa-ma'ahum min 1-Salibi fa-hazamathum ra'sa Tar7fun '1-Asdwirati, 'Amrin,wa-qatala fa-qdla: Wa-lauld nisd'u 'ttirddi bi-1-Salibi bayna lasuwwiqat: undsin Durnd wa-Bdriqi "Andthe Bakrb. Wd'ilattacked Banii'Amr(of Tamim)at the the "Day of al-Salib". Withthemwere men from the Asdwira. The Banif'Amrdefeated themand Tarifkilledthe chief of the Asdwira said: and it Were not mydriveat al-Salib-therewouldhavebeendriven womenof men betweenDurndandBdriq" 1). to by Equipment supplied the Persians loyaltribeswastakenas booty the victorioushostiletribes2). by the of Meanwhile disintegration the Persian Empireat the end of the musthavebeenfelt at al-Hira. 6th century the Al-Nu'mdn, last rulerof with the Arabsand it is plausible seemsto have sympathised al-.Hira, havecomein touchwithsomeleaders tribes, of thathe might attempting to makecommoncausewith the strongtribes.In an apocryphal story the followingsayingis attributed al-Nu'mdn: to innamd rajulun minand wa-md malaktu bi-makdnikum yutakhawwafu wa-innamd min kum, wa-'azaztu ... anna md niahiyatikumli-ya'lama 'l-'Araba'aldghayri .annaau.haddatha of stressed factthatthe dynasty Lakhm the nafsahu...3). N6ldeke rightly i) al-Baladhuri:Ansib, ms. f. IoI5b. z) See Naqd'id, p. 581: wa-kinatBakruntahtayadi Kisra wa-Fdrisa. Qdla:fa-kdnf7 min 'indi 'dmili 'Ayni 'I-Tamri...etc. wa-yujahhi-zfnahum. yuqawwimznahurm Fa-aqbalzr ("Bakr were under the control of Kisrd and the Perisans. They used to strengthen them and to equip them. They came from the governor (of Kisrd) of 'Ayn al-Tamr... "). 3) Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi: al-'Iqd al-faridI, I69. MECCA AND TAMIN 115 seems to have become too independentin their attitude for Kisrd 1). Rothstein quotes a passage from al-Dinawariin which Kisra is said to have arguedthat he killed al-Nu'man becauseal-Nu'min andhis family made common causewith the Arabs2). According to a tradition,recorded by Abu 'l-Baqd',Kisrdintendedafterthe death of al-Mundhirto send a Persiangovernor with i2,000 Asawirato al-Hira.He changedhis mind and decided to appoint one of the children of al-Mundhirafter a talk with 'Adiyy b. Zayd3). Poetry of the Jihiliyya fairly reflectsthe resistance of the tribesto foreign rule; poets praisetheirclans that they fought the kings 4) and killed them 5). Al-Nu'mdnn must have been aware of chaos in the Persian Empire and of the rise of the power of the Arab tribes and might have planned a new line in his policy which did not accord with Persian interests. There must be a grain of truth in the suspicions of Kisra. It seems that the dynasty of Lakhm was abolished becauseit could not be trusted. The Lakhmidsbecameunableto secure the ways of commerce.They failedto preventthe Arab tribesto raidthe territoriesof the PersianEmpire. Nidldekesuggests that the abolition of the dynasty of Lakhm facilitated the raidsof the territoryof by the Arab tribes6). Brockelmann considers the defeat of the al-.Hiraforces at Dhii Qdr as a consePersian quence of the abolition of this dynasty7). Levi della Vida assumesthat "with the fall of this bufferstate the door was opened to Arabiansfor invasion" 8). But the door was in fact opened to Arab invasion because of the decline of the PersianEmpireand of the rise of power of the Arab T. N61ldeke:Geschichte Perseru. Araber,p. 332z, I. der n. Rothstein: Die Dynastieder pp. Lahmiden, II16-I 7. Abi 'l-Baq"': Mandqib, f. io6a. ms. See Levi della Vida: Pre-IslamicArabia (The Arab Heritage),p. 50. See al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr:NasabQuraysh z6: I, sab'atan Al-qdtilinaminal-Manddhiri ft 'l-kahfifauqa wasa'idi1-rayvhni are (said in praise of the BanaIHarmala.The al-Manddhira explained as "al-Nu'min b. al-Mundhirand his kin"). 6) T. Noldeke, op. cit., ib. 7) C. Brockelmann:Historyof theIslamicPeoples,p. 8. 8) Levi della Vida, op. cit., p. 1i. I) z) 3) 4) 5) II6 M. J. KISTER tribes. Persiangarrisonswere not able to prevent the raidsof the tribes and Persiantroops were defeated by troops of Arab tribes. The Arab tribes, disappointedby the policy of al-Hiraand Persia,and aware of the weakness of the client kingdom began to look for a body politic of theirown with a competentleadership.This was createdby the association,basedon common emergenceof a new idea of an eqalitarian interest: "The Commonwealthof Mecca". The traditionsabout this period of the establishmentof the power of Mecca, although scanty, give us a rough idea of the stages of this development. A concise account of Muhammadb. Salldm1) furnishesan introduction the problem. The Quraysh were merchants.Their trade did not, however, exceed the boundaries of Mecca. The foreign merchants and brought their merchandise the merchantsof Meccasold the waresto the inhabitantsof Mecca and the neighbouring tribes. Such was their trade till Hdshim b. 'Abd Mandf went to Syria and alighted (in the territory) of the Emperor (Qaysar). He slaughteredevery day a sheep and prepareda broth with crumbledbreadfor the neighbouringpeople. Thus he gained his nickname"Hdshim","the crumblerof the breadin the broth" 2). (His name was in fact 'Amr.) He was invited by the Emperor and used to visit him. When he realisedthat he had gained his favour, he asked him to give the merchantsof Mecca a letter of safe conduct for themselves and their merchandise. They would bring leathersand clothes from the Hijdzto Syria,which would be cheaperfor the inhabitantsof Syria.The Emperor grantedhim the requestedletter of safe conduct for the merchantsfrom Mecca,visiting Syria.On his way back he met the chiefs of the tribeshe passed,and securedfrom them the the ldaf, pact of securityin their tribal areas,yet without concluding an i) al-Qili: Dbayl al-amdli, p. zoo; al-Kali'i: al-Iktifd' I, 207-209; Muhammad Hamidullah: Al-/ldf ou les rapports economic-diplomatiques de la Mecque pre II, of Islamique (MilangesLouis Massignon, 293 seq.); idem: MuslimConduct State, 102; al-Qdsimi: al-Ilaf wa-l-ma'indt ghayru 'l-mashrkta, RAAD, XXXIV, pp. 243-25 2) For another explanation of this nickname see Caetani: Annali I, 5. .Zfir 109- 1io(90). MECCA AND TAMIN 117 alliance. The merchantsof Quraysh would carry the goods to Syria, paying the Bedouinstheircapitaland theirprofit (scil. for theirgoods) 1). Hdshimhimself went out with the merchantsof Meccain order to carry out the provisions of the treatiesconcluded with the tribes. He led the Meccanmerchants Syriaand settledthem in Syriantowns. He died on to this journey at Ghazza. Al-Muttalibb. 'Abd Manif went to al-Yaman and gained a similar charter for the merchantsof Quraysh from the rulers of al-Yamanand 7/if from the chiefs. He died in Radmin. 'Abd Shamsb. 'Abd Manif went to Abyssiniaand on his way gained the 7l/f. Naufal, the youngest of the brothers, got the charterfrom the Persian Emperor (Kisrd)and 7laffrom the tribal chiefs (on the way to Persia). He then went back to 'Iriq and died in Salmdn.Quraysh afterwards developed theirtrade. Qurayshdevelopedtheirtradein the period of the Jdhiliyyaand their wealth increased. It was the Bani 'Abd Manif to whom Quraysh in Jihiliyya were mostly indebted (for their deed). Ibn Sa'd recordsthe story of Hashimwho got the 7Iifand the charters of the rulers2). The chartersof the rulersare renderedby al-Qgli 'abdor amin. Ibn Sa'd uses the term hilf. Muh. b. Habib uses (in the chapterof the dlaf) word 7iaffor the chartersand the agreementswith the chiefs the of the tribes 3). for Al-Balddhuri uses in his report about the 71af expression'isam the tahmilu lahum(so in the text I) Muh. Hamidullahtranslateswa-'aldanna Qurayshan of al-Munammaq; text of al-Qali has ilayhim)baidd'i'a the fa-yakfinahumhumidnaha ru'Rsa as amwilihim ilayhim wa-yu'addfna wa-ribhabum follows: ,,ct leur remettraientla prix realisee, sans pour autant les charger des pais ou deduire des commisions. ."; he rendersthe passage into English as follows: "..promised.. to carrytheir goods as agents without commission for commercial purposes or otherwise concluded treaties of friendship.." This translationseems to be inaccurate. z) Ibn Sa'd: TabaqdtI, 75-80 (ed. Beirut); a tradition told on the authority of 'Abdallah b. Naufal b. al-H•arith(see Ibn Hajar: al-Isiba, No. 4994) states that Hdshim wrote to al-Najishi (the king of Abyssinia) asking him to grant a charter for the merchantsof Mecca. The economic base of the ildfis here recordedas follows: ... .ald an tahmila Qurayshun baada'i'ahum wa-ldkird'a 'ald ahli 1-tariqi(p. 78). This helps to understandthe passage discussed in the preceding note. 3) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, I6z seq. p. II8 M. J. KISTER the chartersof the rulers. Naufal b. 'Abd Mandfis said to have got the Al-Tabariuses the words 'isdmand hablto denote the charter.Naufal and from the Chosroes (al-Akdsira) they (i.e. the merchants got the .habl of Quraysh)frequentedal-'Irdqand Persia2). took the la7f from the enemies 3). records that Al-Tha'I~libi H.shim This phrase about the zlaf taken from the enemies is recorded by al-Tha'dlibi in another report, which essentially deviates from the narratives about the ildf mentioned above 4). Quraysh--reports alTha'clibi-used to trade only with merchants who frequented the marketsof Dhii Majdzand 'Ukdz during the sacred months and came to Mecca. The reasonfor this was, that Qurayshwere devoted to their and their baytand used to serve the visitors of dinand loved their .haram Mecca to their advantage.The first, who went out to Syriaand visited kings and made far journeysand passed by enemies (i.e. hostile tribes) and took from them the zlafmentioned by Allah (in the Qur'-n) was mentions his two trips (to the 'Ab;hila in alHdshim. Al-Tha',libi in Yaman and al-Yaksiam Abyssinia in winter; to Syriaand Byzantium from the heads of in summer)and says about the la7f: he took the ladf the tribes and the chieftainsfor two reasons: becausethe people of the haramand others were not safe (of the attacks) of the "wolves of the Arabs"and the Bedouin brigandsand men of raidsand people involved see i) al-Baladhuri:Ansab, I, 59; for the word 'umsum al-A'sha: Diiwn, p. 29. al-Tabari: Ta'rikhII, i2. p. 5 (ed. de Jong, 1867). 3) al-Tha'dlibi: Thimar p. 4) al-Tha'dlibi:La.ta'ifal-ma'drif, 89 seq. The exclusiveness of the ilif for Qural-qulbb, aysh is attested in the report by the verses of Musdwirb. Hind: 2) 'isam from the kings of al-'Irdq 1). lahum lakumil/fi7. ilfunwa-laysa Uld'ika i~minmj7i'an wa-khaufan wa-qadja'atBanfiAsadinwa-khiff. See Hamasa(Sharhal-Marzfiqi ed. A. S. Hdrin), p. 1449, No. 6o5; comp. al-BalIdhuri: Ansib I, 89 (Nutayla about her son Dirdr b. 'Abd al-Muttalib): sannali-Fihrinsunnata 'l-ldfi and see al-Hamddnial-Iklil I/II, ms. f. 26a: Ma'addan, innafibd Fa-ld tuqsfi 'l-saminu. il/dfa 'lahi wa-l-amru Za'amtum anna ikhwatakumQurayshun MECCA AND TAMIN 119 in long-lastingactions of revenge and becausetherewere tribesthat like the tribes of Tayy, Khath'amand Qudl'a, did not respectthe sanctityof the and the sacredmonths whilst the other tribes performedthe .haram, the Ka'ba and respectedthe House. The ladf, recordsalpilgrimageto meant a sum thatwas grantedby Hshim to the heads of the Tha'clibi, tribes as profit while he undertookthe transportof their wares together with his own and drove for them camelsalong with his camels,in order to relieve them of the hardshipsof the journey and to relieve Quraysh from the fear of the enemies. That was an advantagefor both sides; the staying (scil. the Bedouins) were profiting, the journeying(Qurashites-scil.) were safe (guarded).Conditions of Qurayshimproved. Ibn Abi 'l-lHadid records two accounts:1) the account given by recorded in his Fadl Hishim cald al-Qali and an account of al-J.hiz is explicit about the shares of 'Abd Shams This account of 2). al-J.hiz the chiefs of the tribes by Hdshim.(. .wa-sharika tjdratibi profit given ft aala lahumma'aburib.han ...) ru'asid'a'l-qabi'ili min al-'Arabi... wa-j recordsanotherversion about the 71if:Hdshimimposedtaxes onAl-J.hiz of the chiefs of the tribes. These sums collectedby Hdshim the heads enabled him to organise the defence for the people of Mecca from brigandsand tribes who did not respect the sanctity of Mecca3). The account of al-Ya'qubi4) gives the already mentioned version about the four brothers who gained the /laf. The account contains, however, a sentence, which gives a clue for the assessment of the concluded by Hdshim: After validity of these agreements of the ladf, the death of Hshim-says al-Ya'qftbi-Quraysh were afraid that the Bedouin tribes might get the upper hand. This sentence indicates that the 7laf agreementshad not been actually carriedout. Quraysh feared that some tribes might refrainfrom carryingout the terms of the pacts. It was the energetic action of the sons of 'Abd Manif and the profits grantedthe chiefs which causedthat the chiefs kept their obligations in connection with the 7lif. III, al-baligha 454, 458. i) Ibn Abi '1-Hadid:Sharbnabhj Rasd'il, p. 70 (ed. Sandfibi). 2) al-J.ihiz: 4) al-Ya'quibi:Ta'rikhI, 278 (ed. Najaf I, 200). 3) ib. 120 M. J. KISTER Lexical explanationsof the word ildf examinedby Birkelandrender the word as "protection","a pact providing security"etc. 1) Birkeland states that the meaning of the word "protection" is not given in the of commentaries the Qur'In, exceptAlilsi. This explanationis, however, n 2). Abii Hayyin quotes the opinion of al-Naqqish, given by Abti .Hayy~ that there were 4 journeys(i.e. they sent 4 caravans:to Syria,Abyssinia, al-Yaman and Persia).Abii does not agree with the refutation .Hayyin of Ibn 'Atiyya and quotes for his argumentthe story of the 4 sons of 'Abd Manif, who got the 7ladf. Abfi Hayydnquotes the explanationof and b. al-Azhariof the word ladf, the verses of Matraid Ka'b. (translated by Birkeland)3). The explanationof al-Azhariis given as well in the to commentaryof the Ma'dbid al-tans7s the verses of Musdwirb. Hind.4): of "akindof protection means guarding by (Shibbu 'l-dijratibi-l-khafdra)". It maybe saidthat the accountsaboutthe dlaf outlinesthe essential in a of phenomena the changes Mecca.Mecca, smallcentrefor distribution of goods for the Bedouintribesin the vicinityof the city, rose to the position of an importantcentreof transittrade.It was the merchants of Mecca, who carriedthe wares to Syria,Abyssinia,al-'Iraqand al-Yaman.The family who laid the foundations for the revolutionary was changewasthatof 'AbdManif.Thetradebasedon thepactsof 7ldf of a joint enterprise the clans of Qurayshheadedby the family of The pacts concludedwith the tribes were based on a 'Abd Mandf. hitherto unknown principle of trade interest. It was not an alliance (hi/f) with obligationsof mutualhelp and protection.It was not an obligation of the tribes to guard the caravans of Quraysh against payment practisedby the tribes in their relationswith the caravansof The laifagreementswere set up on a base of share in profit al-JHira. for the heads of the tribes and apparentlyemployment of the men of the tribes as escort of the caravans. i) H. Birkeland: The Lord Guideth,p. Io6-107; comp. al-Zamakhshari:al-Fd'iq I, 40 (ed. Muh. Aba 'l-Fadl Ibrdhim-Bijawi). li-ilfi Qurayshin). VIII, 5i5 (SlOrat 2) Abfi HIayyin:al-Bahral-mubhit 3) Birkeland,op. cit., p. i19; see al-Qli: Amali I, 241; al-Bakri: p. 547-50; Sirt, al-Sharifal-Murtad•: Amall IV, 178-79. I, 4) al-'Abbdsi: Ma'dhidal-tans7s 95 (Cairo I316 AH). MECCA AND TAMIN 121 One may assume that the il7f must have contained a paragraph concerning the observation of the sacred months, namely the keeping of peace during these months and respecting the sanctity of Mecca (or ratherthe inviolabilityof Mecca).The ilaf meant in fact the acceptance of the "Pax Meccana"by the tribes, the acknowledgment of the position of the Meccans and the Meccan trade and the setting up of an economic co-operation based on common interest. That explains the peculiar passage in the account of al-Tha'~libiabout the pacts with the (hitherto)hostile tribes. Birkeland,discussing the historicalbackgroundof the verses i-2 of stresses the importanceof the iladf pacts and states that "their Sfira ao6, financialskill and their possession of the sacredterritory (i.e. Quraysh) had made them the economic masters of Western Arabia about a hundredyearsbefore the Prophet1)". But the statement of Birkeland may be extendedto EasternArabiaas well. The dimensionsof the trade of Quraysh were very large 2). It is conceivable, that the tribal chiefs might have preferred to collaborate with the merchantsof Mecca. In their co-operation with Quraysh their profits were more stable, they could establish closer relationswith them and actuallydid so. They were welcomed in Mecca and could enter it without fear. In al-Hira they were submissive and servile, in Mecca they could negotiate as equals. The impressionmade by the enterpriseof Meccais vividly described in a story recordedby al-Ya'qibi 3): A Kalbi tribesmanin the service of a Kalbi woman (a merchant) on the Syrian border witnessed the arrivalof a Meccancaravanin Syria.He gives details about the personality of Hdshimand his dignity, about the respect shown to him by the chiefs of Mecca, about his generosity and remarks: "By God, that is the true splendour,not the splendourof the Banai Jafna".It is a sentence which is remarkable: glory of the Qurashileader, his mannersand the I) Birkeland,op. cit., p. 22zseq. z) See E. R. Wolf: The social organization of Mecca and the origins of Islam, Southwestern Journalof Anthropology, 5I, pp. 330-337. 19 3) al-Ya'qfibi: Ta'rikhI, 280 (2oi ed. Najaf). I22 M. J. KISTER behaviourwere much more akin to the Kalbi Bedouin than the aloofness of the Jafni ruler. It is a sentence forming a prelude for the future. A peculiartradition,which seems to throw some light on the situation in Meccain the times of Hdshimdeservesto be examined.This tradition, of quoted by al-Suyiiti from the Muwaffaqiyydt al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr1) is told on the authority of 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz. According to this tradition the nobles of Quraysh u'sed to practice in the Jdhiliya the i'tifd 2). I'tifdd-records al-Suyfiti-meant that when they lost their propertythey used to leave for the deserts,where they pitched tents and patiently awaited death "one after another" (tandwabif)till they died, before people might know about their plight. So things went on till Hdshim grew up and became a man of influence among his people. He summonedQurayshand said: "O Quraysh,might goes with abundance, and you became the richest of the Arabs and the mightiest and the i'tifddruined many of you". He put forwardhis proposition which was acceptedby Quraysh,to attach to every rich Qurashia poor man. The poor would help the rich in his journeys with the caravansand "live in his shade by the redundanceof his property".That would be the means to stop the custom of i'tifdd. They agreed and Hdshim brought the people together (i.e. the rich and the poor). When the event of Elephant occurred (that was the key of the Prophecy and the commencementof the splendourof Quraysh,so that all people respect them; in this year the Prophet was born) and when later revelations were revealed to the Prophet-God revealed to the Prophet ordering him to inform his people what he did for them and how He helped them against the people of the Elephant. "Hast thou not seen how thy Lord dealt with the owners of the Elephant?"3). Then He said: "And why did I do it, O Muhammad,for your people, whilst they were at that time worshippers of idols? So He said to them: Li-ldfi Qurayshin It means: Because of their mutual feeling of mercy and 4). VI, I) al-Suyati: al-Durr al-manthgr 397 (Sara io6). 2) in text ihtifad,which must be a mistake. CV. 3) Safra CVI. 4) Sfara MECCA AND TAMIN 123 their mutual help. They were pagans. He freed them from the fear of the Elephant. "He fed them against hunger" means the hunger of i' tcifid. The tendency of the tradition is to render the word li-zldfi Quraysh as denoting li-tardbumi But wa-tawdsulihim. the story itself, Qurayshin rather loosely connected with the interpretationof the aya, seems in fact, to reflect the situation before the ila7f. Al-Zubayr b. Bakkdrhad an outstanding knowledge of the social and economic situation of Mecca in the times of Jdhiliyya and this story may contain a good deal of truth. The tradition points to the fact, that before the action of Hdshim the caravanswere sent by individuals. Before the ilaf were concluded the sending of caravans seems to have been very risky and in case of an attackof brigandsor of a hostile tribe the tradesman, who invested all his capital, lost everything. It was the la7f which made the journeyssecure. The proposition of Hdshim to include the poor in the enterprise of the caravanswas a bold one. It meant to give the poor some shares in the profits as payment for their work or, probably, against investment of small sums by poor relatives. This trend seems to be echoed in one of the verses of Matriid b. Ka'b: ') bi-faqirihim Wa-l-khdli.tina ghaniyyahum faqirubum ka-l-kdJf .attdyakfina their rich with their "And who mix poor till their poor becomes like an able (man to bestow his favour on needy)". This idea of "mixing of the poor" (or inferior people) with rich and wealthywas an ideal of the Jdhilisociety and is attestedby verses 2). x) See above p. I20 n. 3; and see these verses as well: Ibn al-'Arabi: Mubhadarat al-abrdr II, i ig; al-Tabarsi: Majma' al-baydn (Sara io6); al-Baladhuri: Ansdb I, 58; al-Ya'qtibi: Ta'r7kh I, 202 (ed. Najaf); al-Diyvrbakri: Ta'rikh al-Khamis I, 156. 2) Comp. al-Qdli: Amdli II, 158; al-Bakri: p. 548; Ibn Sharaf: Rasd'il (Rasd'il al-bulaghd' 334) (Khirniq): Sim.t al-intiqdd p. 124 M. J. KISTER It is a significanttraditionin which the ideal of the Jihiliyya is reflected in care for the needy of the clan, whereas the embracing of Islam is consideredas deviation from this ideal. Nu'aym b. 'Abdallah ) of the 'Uwayj (of the 'Adiyy Quraysh) embracedIslam. His father used to feed the poor of the 'Adiyy. After Nu'aym had embraced Islam he was met by al-Walid b. al-Mughira who said to him: "O son of 'Abdallah,you pulled down al-Makhzfimi what your father built and you cut what he linked (by his favours), when you followed Muhammad" 2). a about the HIilfal-Fuadflmentionsspecial The accountof al-Balddhuri obligationto help the needy arrivingat Meccawith the surplusof the propertyof the people who enteredthe alliance(...Ta'dqada waradaMakkata bi-fu4zli ahli 'ald... wa-muwdsdti 'l-fdqatimimman 3). amwdlihim") b. An Ansdripoet, al-Nu'mdn 'Ajldnwhile boastingof the deeds of the Ansdrfor the Muhdjirfin, says: bikum marhaban hajarfi: li-qaumin Wa-qulnd min wa-ahlan qad wa-sahlan, amintum al-faqri nahitabum bi-nuddrihim Wa-l-khdli.ina bi-dhi'l-faqri wa-dhawi minhum 'l-gbind and see Ibn al-Shajari:al-Hamdsa,p. 56 ('Amr b. Itnaba): bi sari•ihim Wa-l-khdlifina wa-l-bddbilina li-l-sa'ili .halifahum 'ata'ahbum and see al-Khilidiyydni: al-Ashbdb 20zo; I, Hassdn: Diwdn p. 308: ghaniyyabum bi-faqfrihim Wa-l-khli.tina 'ald wa-l-mun'imina 'l-faqiri1-murmili and comp. al-A'sha: Diwdn III, 35: Wa-ahdna sdlihamilihi li-faqirihd wa-sd'alahd wa-asd,wa-aslaha baynabd, and see Ibn 'Abd al-Barr:al-Isti'db,p. 300 (al-Nu'man b. Bashir): sharikaka 'l-ghind Fa-ld ta'dudi'l-mauld f sharikuka 'l-'udmi. wa-lakirnnama ft 'l-mauld al-IsabaNo. 8777 (he cared for the widows of the I) See about him: Ibn Banii 'Adiyy). .Hajar: z) al-Bilddhuri: Ansdb,ms. f. 869a. 3) Idem: op. cit., ms. f. i44a; another version is given in the Sira of Ibn Hisham I, 141. MECCA AND TAMIN I 25 amwdland Nuqdsimukum wa-diydrand 1) ka-qismati aysdri'l-jaz#ri'ald 1-shatri "And we said to the people who immigratedto us: Welcome and securedare you from poverty We shall share with you our propertyand abode who divide (in shares)the slaughtered like the gamblersof maysir, camel". Traditions about Hakim b. Hizam record that he used to distribute the profits of his caravansamong the poor and needy of his clan2). The traditions quoted above seem to reflect clearly the tendency of care for poor and needy in the clan. Hdshim, establishing the ldf, could successfullyexpand the trade; rich and poor participatedin the caravan.A caravanbecame a joint enterprise.Even if a merchantsent on his own risk a caravan-other merchants tried to join him and invest in his caravan3). The following remarkof al-Qummi about the social conceptions of the Meccans and their care for the poor is remarkable. Wa-kdnat Qurayshun yatafahabasna .hdlati'l-fuqard'iwa-yasuddina 'an khallata'l-mahdw~ji 4). Hdshim seems to have expandedthe tendency of care for the needy into a social principle.Al-Diyvrbakrirecordsa traditionabout Hashim on the authority of Ibn 'Abbds, reporting that the people of Mecca were in a state of needinesstill they were ralliedby Hlshim for sending of the caravans to Syria and al-Yaman. They used to divide their profits among the rich and poor, so that the poor became like the rich 5). Ibn lHabib, says reportingabout the men of the ladf that through them Allah raised the Quraysh and turned rich their poor". (Ashdbu i) Ibn Hajar:al-Isiba, No. 8747; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr:al-Istlcdb,p. 298. I, 2) al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr:Nasab uraysh 367 (No. 644). 3) Idem: op. cit., I, 371 (No. 645, 646). 4) al Qummi: Ghard'ib al-Qur'dn margin of Tabari's Tafsir, BelIq 1229 AH) (on XXX, 169. I, 5) al-Diyvrbakri:Ta'rikhal-Khamis 156. 126 M. J. KISTER 'Iladhina wa-na'asha rafa'a ' ldhu bihimQurayshan 1-zldfimin ,Qurayshin abd fuqard' . .) 1). One is inclined to find some resemblancebetween the "mixing of the poor and the rich" (mukhilata)and the mu'dkhdt 2). The conclusion of the i'af agreements was accompanied by the improvement of the internal conditions in Mecca and the provision of amenities for the pilgrims. The first houses in Mecca were built by Qusayy3). It may be assumed that these houses were very modest. The cutting of the trees in Mecca formed a serious problem, because of the sanctity of Mecca. But Qusayy ordered to cut the trees and to build the houses 4). The houses seem to have been circular in order to avoid the imitation of the shape of the Ka'ba5). Mu'arrijal-Sadiisi reports that Zubayr b. al-Hirith b. Asad was the first who covered a house (with a roof). Qurayshdemolishedthe house out of reverence for the Ka'ba 6). It was JHumayd Zubayrb. al-HIrithb. Asad b. 'Abd b. al-'Uzzd who built the first square house in Mecca7). When he built his house Quraysh feared the punishment (of Allah). The rajaz poets composed verses: yubndli-HIumaydin Al-yauma baytuh wa-immd mautub. Immd .haydtuhu "Today for Humayd his house is built (This means for him) either his life or his death"8). When he was not afflictedby punishment Quraysh started to build squarehouses. p. I) Muh. b. Habib: al-Muhabbar, I62. sal'am) yanbasitu z) Comp. al-Sulami: Addb al-subrba 50: . . wa-kdna p. (al-nabiyyu fi m/li Ab7 Bakrinkam f fthi f! milihi wa-yahkumu kama yaihkumu m/libi". yanbasi.tu ms. f. a. 85 3) See Abfi Mandqib, See Ibn Sa'd: Tabaqdt 71 (ed. Beirut); al-Balddhuri:Ansdb,I, 58; Caetani: 'l-Baq.': 4) I, Annali L o3 (78); al-Ya'qibi: Ta'rikb I, 197 (ed. Najaf); al-IHalabi:Insin I, I, al-'uy7in 14. al-Tha'dlibi: Thimar al-qulib,p. 13. 5) nasab 6) Mu'arrijal-Sadfisi:al-HIadbfmin p. Quraysb, 54. I, 7) al-Zubayrb. Bakkir: NasabQuraysb 4438) These verses are attributedto Duwayd: see al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr,op. cit., ib. n. 2. MECCA AND TAMIN 127 If this traditionbe time of the changesin building of houses true--the6th was the second half of the century. The sister of this lHumayd was the mother of Hakim b. Hizdm. The son of JHumayd, 'Abdallah b. Humayd fought at Uhud 1). The time of the significantchangesin the building of houses may thus be fixed in the last decades of the 6th century. The nobles of Mecca vied in providing amenities for the pilgrims. Hdshim is said to have taken care to supply the pilgrims with food 2), 'Abd al-Muttalibto have been the first who provided them with sweet The water of Zamzam,although having medicinalKisr. qualities5) was not and was mixed by 'Abd al-Muttalib with raisins. He also palatable gave the pilgrims milk with honey 6). 'Abbdscontinued the tradition of 'Abd al-Muttalib and supplied drinking water for the pilgrims. The Prophet drank from his siqayaand the drinking from the siqaya of the family of 'Abbdsis consideredas sunna There are traditions 7). about digging of wells and rivalry between nobles of Mecca in providing drinks for pilgrims8). Suwayd b. Harmi is said to have been the first who gave the pilgrims milk (to drink)9). Abti Umayya b. al-Mughira al-Makhzimi (Zdd al-rakb) and Abi Wadd'a al-Sahmi gave the pilgrims honey 10) water 3). He dug the well of Zamzam in the times of b. Qubddh 4). The traditions about the ilaf, about the improvements in Mecca, about the provisions of food and drinksfor the pilgrims-all this points to the efforts to increase the prestige of the city and to secure the i) See Ibn Hisham: Sira III, 135; al-Balddhuri: Ansab I, 3 I9: he made an oath to kill the Prophet at Uhud. z) al-Balddhuri:Ansab I, 6o-6i; al-Azraqi: Akhbar p. 67 (Wiistenfeld). II, 3) al-Mas'idi: Murj" 46; 4) ib. 5) Rathjens: Die Pilgerfahrt, 42, 45. pp. (ed. Br6nnle). III, 7) See al-Suy0ti: al-Durr al-manthir 219. Io) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, p. I77. 6) Al-Azraqi; Akhbdr p. 70 (ed. Wiistenfeld); comp. Abai Dharr: Sharb, p. 42 8) Comp. al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri: NasabQuraysh, pp. 32, 197-198. 9) ib. p. 342; al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr: Nasab Quraysh,ms. f. 53a. 128 M. J. KISTER pilgrimage and trade. Special arrangementswere made for individual merchantsproceedingto Meccafor a pilgrimage1). Elaborateprovisions were made for the caravansfor which consent of the tribes was gained. In this system Tamim played a considerablerole. This can be gauged from some passages of the report about the markets of the Jahiliyya, recorded by Muh. b. Habib 2). states Reporting about the market of Diimat al-Jandal Ibn that "every merchantwho set out from al-Yamanand the.Habibasked Hijiz for the escort of Qurayshas long as he travelledin the abode of Mudar; for the Mudar did not harass Mudari merchants,nor were they (i.e. the merchants)troubled by an ally of Mudar. That was the accepted custom between them. So did Kalb not trouble them, because of their alliance with Tamim3). The Tayy also did not harass them because of their alliance with the Asad. Mudar used to say: "Qurayshcarried out for us the obligation of religious duties inherited to us by Ismd'il" 4) (i.e. bequeathed to us). This report is recorded in al-Marziiqi's Amkina with important i) al-Marziqi: al-AmkinaII, 66; see the translationin Muh. Hamidullah:Leprophite de l'Islam II, 6o6. 2) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 264-265. pp. 3) Hamidullahin Muslimconduct state p. 54 (o01); "as they were allied (i.e. the of Kalb) to the Bani Jusham" (evidently a misprint). 4) Hamidullah translates: Les Mudarites avaient l'habitude de dire (avec fierte) "Les Quraichites ont pay6 la dette de honte que nous avions contractee au nom d'Isma=l(parles guerresfraticideset par le bellum omnium contra omnes)" - Le Prophbtede l'Islam, II, 6oo--This translationseems however to be inaccurate.In order to translate"que nous avions contract6eau nom d'Ismal"--Hamidullah must have read mdaurathnd Ismdla which is an error. The phrase has to be read: ma aurathand The sentence is of the greatest importance for the understanding of the IsmdWu. attitude of the tribes towards Quraysh.For the correct interpretationof the sentence a passage from al-Kall'i's al-Iktifd' (I, I5o) may be quoted. Al-KalV'i,discussing the qualities of Quraysh, records the following passage: . . wa-kdnfi 'ald irthin min dini Ibrdhima wa-Ismd'ila min qird 1-dayfiwa-rifdi 'l-hajji wa-ta'imi 'lfhi wa-man'ihi al-baghyi wa-l-ilhidiwa-qam'i'l-zdlimiwa-man'i'l-magzlfmi. min The passage commencing with min qird is an explanation of irthinmin din Ibrahim .harami wa-Ismadil.-The passage in Marzaqi's AmkinalI, I6z does not leave any doubt "what our father about the meaning of the sentence: ma aurathand abtind IsmaWilu, inherited us" (bequeathedto us). And comp. al-Majlisi:Bihdral(ancestor) Ismi'il anwdr VI, 42. MECCA AND TAMIN 129 variants1). Qurayshused to set out (to Diimat al-Jandal)from Mecca. If they took the way of al-Hazn2) they did not requirethe protection of any of the tribes till they came back, and that was becauseMudar... etc. 3). And when they departed from al-Hazn or went to al-Hazn they reachedthe waters (i.e. the abode, the pasturing places) of Kalb. Kalb were allies of Tamim and therefore they did not harass them. When they went on to the lowland they passed the Asad and arrived at the Tayy..." The account of Marziqi supplements the report of Ibn Habib. The vague expressionof Ibn is fi bilddMudlar here more precise. .Habib The road leading from Mecca to al-Hazn4), which was under the control of the tribes of Mudar. The lHaznitself was the territory of Tamim 5). The two significant accounts, of Ibn Habib and al-Marziiqigive some idea: how the system set up by Mecca worked in the areaof Mecca-al-Hazn and its extension. Two tribal units of Mudar, closely linked with Mecca by the Mudar alliance, Tamim and Asad-made it possible, due to the alliance of Tamim with Kalb (Qu~d'a)and the alliance of Asad with Tayy (Qahtini), to Quraysh to send in full security their caravans and to control the trade on these routes. It is these two tribes-Tayy and Kalb-who were especially dangerous for Mecca, as the majority of these two tribes did not respect the sanctity of Mecca and of the sacred months. It is significant that alMarziiqi records about the Tayy: "..and (arriving in the territory of Tayy) they (i.e. the merchants)gave them some pay and they (i.e. Tayy) guided them (in the direction) wherever they wanted"6). i) al-Marzaqi:al-Amkina,II, 16z. Hamidullah translatesfa-in akhadhat'ald 1-hazni"et s'ils prenaient le chemin montagneux" (Le Proph/te,II, 604). That seems, however, not to be accurate. 3) There is perhaps some misprint or error; perhaps one has to read "au 'alau 'l-Hazn". 4) See Thilo: Die Ortsnamen 56; and see Ydqct: Buldinand al-Bakri- MuaYam p. ma 'stabjam, s.v. See von Oppenheim-Caskel:Die Beduinen I64. ".Hazn". III, 5) 6) al-Marzuqi:al-Amkina II, I6z. 2) JESHO,VIII 9 130 M. J. KISTER The attitude of the Tayy and Kalb towards Mecca will be touched upon later. of Merchantsproceeding to the importanttrade-centre al-Mushaqqar had also to requirethe escort of Quraysh,becausethe road led through the territory of Mudar. This harbour-city frequented by merchants from Persia, an importantbase of Persianrule-had a marketgoverned by men from Tamim 1). In examination of the accounts about Diimat al-Jandal2) one may assume that the Tamim played a most important role in the control of the roads to these two markets and in securing of the caravans of Mecca. Some Tamimis frequented Mecca for trade. An iniquity committed to a Tamimi visiting Mecca caused a conflict between the leaders of Quraysh. The story is recorded by Ibn Abi 'l-Hadid on the authority of al-Wdqidi3). Abdallahb. Ja'farcontestedin glory Yazid b. Mu'cwiya in the presence of Mu'cwiya4). He asked him: "By which of your ancestors do you rival in pride? By JHarb, whom we sheltered or by Umayya..?" We are here concerned with the story of Harb sheltered by 'Abd al-Muttalib,which is given as follows: Quraysh had the privilege of priority in passing the 'Aqaba, when travelling. Anybody had to wait till they passed. Harb went out one night and when passing the 'Aqaba he met a man from the family of lHIjib b. Zurara, proceeding to Mecca for business. Harb leaned forward and announced his name and so did the Tamimi. He stated to be the "son" of b. Zurdra.The Tamimi passed the 'Aqaba .Hijib together with Harb. Harb was enraged and swore that he would never allow him to stay in Mecca as long as he lived. The Tamimi spent some time outside Mecca. But-as his business was in Mecca (wa-kdnamatjarubu bi-Makkata)-he decided to enter and enquired p. I) Ibn Habib: al-Mubabbar, z65. of z) See the article D#mat al-Jandal L. Veccia Vaglieri in EI2. Sharhnahjal-baldgha 465; Ibn 'Asakir: Ta'rikb VII, 329. III, 3) Ibn Abi 1-HIadid: 4) See the account of this event in Dahldn's Sira I, zz (on the margin of "Insdn al-'qyfn"):the talk was between Ibn 'Abbds and Mu'dwiya; and see Ibn al-'Arabi: I, Mubhdarat al-abrdr 179. MECCA AND TAMIN 13 I The about the man, who could give him protection against .Harb. to Tamimi (the "son" of Zurdrd)entered Mecca at night and went the house of 'Abd al-Muttalib.He recited a poem in which the event was recorded and the protection of al Zubayr b. Abd al-Muttalib 1) was requested.He was grantedthe requestedprotection.In the morning al-Zubayr b. 'Abd al-Muttalib summoned his brother, al-Ghaydiq, and they went out girded with swords, escorting the Tamimi. Harb met them, assaultedthe Tamimi and slappedhim on his face.A quarrel ensued between the sons of 'Abd al-Muttaliband Harb managed .Harb. to escape and sought refuge in the house of Abd al-Muttalib who grantedhim protection. Hashim This narrativeprobablypoints to relationsbetween the BanOi and the Darim. Traditionmentionsthe namesof some people of Darim, who were in touch with the Banfi Hdshim. One of them was the of hirmiyy the Prophet. The prestigeenjoyedby the Tamimin Meccawas based mainly on their strengthand their servicesfor the externaltradeof Mecca. The Tamim were strong and their leaderswere highly respected. The prestigeof the leadersof Tamim(of the branchof the Darim)is reflected in a remarkable anecdote attributedto the Prophet: A man (a Muslim)marrieda womanfrom a lower social classandwas The was by reproached his brother. Prophet told aboutit, he was told as well aboutthe virtuesof the womanwhom he married. saidin He a talk with the husband: for "You are not to be blamed not marrying a woman(so aristocratic) the daughter Hijib b. Zurdra. as of Allah broughtIslamandmadeall menequal.A Muslimis not to berebuked" 2). (for sucha marriage) Some groups of Tamimwere even includedin the body politic of Mecca.They were given a sharein the Meccandominanceand to contributed increasethe influenceof Meccain the tribal society I) Al-Zubayrb. 'Abd al-Muttalibwas the leader of the BanafHashim at the "Day of al-Fijdr";see Muh. b. IHabib: Mubabbar, 169; Ibn Durayd: al-Ishtiqaq, 47; al p. p. al-Balddhuri: AnsdbI, 102. 2) Al-Fisi: Shifdal-gharam (Wiistenfeld, II, 141). 132 M. J. KISTER and its prestige. The organization we refer to is the organization of the Hums. Ibn Sa'd counts as Hums: Quraysh, Khuzd'a and people of the Arabs "born by Quraysh". (According to another version of Ibn Sa'd: "and the allies of Quraysh")1). Ibn Ish1q records as Hums: Quraysh, Khuzd'a and Kindna; Ibn HishZm adds (on the authority of Abfi 'Ubayda al-Nahwi)the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a2). Ibn Qutayba mentions in his Ma'drif as lHumsQuraysh and people from 3). But in his al-Ma'adnal-Kabr he counts as Hums: Kin.na descendantsand their allies their Quraysh 4). counts as Hums: Quraysh, 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a and Al-JIhiz al-.Hirith b. Ka'b 5). Al-Anbdri6) and al-Marziiqi 7) count: Quraysh, Kindna, Khuzd'aand 'Amirb. Sa'sa'a. in his commentary of the Qur'dn has the following Abai .Hayyan list: Quraysh, Kinina, Khuza'a, Thaqif, Khath'am, Amir b. Sa'sa'a and Nasr b. Mu'cwiya8). An almostidenticallist is given by al-Qurtubi; instead of Khath'am-he has Jusham 9). The L. 'A. records as Hums: Quraysh and "whom Quraysh had born" (i.e. descendants of men or women from Quraysh), Kindna, Fahm, 'Adwdn, 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a and Khuzd'a 10). The lists of the Hums quoted above are contradictory.The examinaincluded the Quraysh, tion of these lists shows doubtless that .Hums Mecca. According to the inhabitants of Mecca, and people outside I, i) Ibn Sa'd:Tabdqdt, 72. Ibn Hisham: Sira I, 212; al-Kali'i: al-Iktifd' I, 272. Ibn Qutayba: al-Ma'drif, p. 269. Ibn Qutayba: al-Ma'nit 'l-Kabir, p. 989. al-Jahiz: Mukhtdrditfusil, ms. f. 2o8 b. al-Mufaddaliyydt XXXIV, 14 (Lyall). al-Marziiqi: Sharh al- Hamisa, p. 31. Ab Hayyin: al-Babr al-muh•itII, 63. . 9) al-Qurtubi: al-Jdmi' li-ah~im al-Qur'dnII, 345 (Sura II, 189); and see Blachbre: CoranII, 782, n. 185. 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) 7) 8) IO) L. 'A., s.v. "Hms". MECCA AND TAMIN 133 Arendonk: "The Hums is the name traditionallygiven to the inhabitants of Mecca at Muhamad'sappearancein so far as they were distinguishedby specialcustoms during the Ihrim from the othertribes, who were together known as al-Hilla". )--This definition has to be altered. A detailedlist of the tribes of the Hums is given by Muh. b. Habib. "Hums were-reports Ibn Habib-all Quraysh, Khuzi'a (because they had dwelled in Mecca and were neighbours of Quraysh),people being descendents of Quraysh ("born by Quraysh"), clans dwelling in Mecca. Descendants of Quraysh ("born by Quraysh") were: Kil~b, Ka'b, 'Amir and Kalb i.e. the BantiRabi'a b. 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a.Their mother was Majd bint Taym b. Gh.ilib b. Fihr. To her referredLabid saying: band Saqdqaum7 Majdinwa-asqd min Numayran wa-l-qabd'ila Hildli2). b. and b. b. and al-HIrith 'Abd Mandt Kindna Mudlijb. Murra 'Abd And 'Amirb. 'Abd theirdwellingnearMecca. due Mandt Kindna to b. Man-t b. Kindnaand Milik and Milkdnb. Kindnaand Thaqifand and b. AndYarbil' Hanzala MIzinb. Milikb. 'Amrb. Tamim, 'Adwdn. bint Fihr b. Mdlikb. whose mother(of both of them) was Jandala are that al-Nadr Somemaintain all the 'Amir(i.e. 'Amirb. Sa'sa'a) 3). becausetheir brethren,the Rabi'ab. 'Amir becameJHums. Hums, b. Qudd'a.And b. And 'Ilcf i.e. Rabbdn Hulwdnb. 'Imrin b. al-.Hif 4), Jandbb. Hubal b. Abdallah from Kalb. His motherwas Amina p. 2) See Ibn 'Abd al-Barr: al-Inbdh, 87; Labid: Diwdn, p. 93 (ed. I. 'Abbas); Ibn al-Kalbi:Jambara,ms. f. 120 b. (In Jambara:Majd bint Taymb. Murrab. Ghdlib is b. Fibr. The term used inJamhara of interest:wa-hiya '1latihammasat Bani 'Amirin, Humsan). ja'alathum 3) Jandala bint Fihr b. Malik b. al-Nadr b. Kindna was the wife of Hanzala b. Malik b. Zayd Mandtb. Tamim. She gave birth to Qays, Yarbi', Rabi'a and 'Amr-b. Malik b. Zayd Mandt. After the death of 1Hanzala Malik b. the sons of b. she married.Hanzala 'Amr b. Tamim and gave birth to Mazin, Ghaylan, Aslam and Milik GhassZn--the sons of Malik b. 'Amr. See: Ibn al-Kalbi:Jamhara,ms. ff. 62a, 90a; al-Balddhuri:Ansdb,ms. f. 958b. 4) See Ibn Durayd: al-Ishtiqdq, p. 540. i) EI, s.v. "Hums". 134 M. J. KISTER bint Rabi'a b. 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a; her mother was Majd bint Taym al-Adram b. Ghdlib b. Fihr" 1). The list of Ibn Habib shows a peculiarfact: the tribes allied in the organizationof the Hums are of differentorigin and belong to various tribal divisions. The 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a are Mudarites. Kalb belonged to Qu$d'a. The origin of Thaqif is disputed. (According to some traditionsthey are consideredas descendantsof Qays 'Ayldn). 'Adwdn belonged to Qays 'Aylhn, Khuzi'a were of South-Arabianorigin 2). The more important is the fact, that these tribes lived in different areas of the peninsula. The Thaqif dwelt to the South-East of Mecca, the Kinina to the South, controlling the route Mecca-al-Yaman,the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'ato the North East of Mecca, the Quda'a (Kalb) in the and North, controlling the trade-routeto Syria;YarbiY' Mizin controlled the route to al-Hiraand Persia. Of special interest is the case of Zuhayr b. Jandb al-Kalbi. The Ghatafdn decided--according to tradition-to establish a haramlike that of Mecca. Zuhayr b. Jandb raided them and destroyed their haram ). This tradition explains why the group of Janib of Kalb were included in the organizationof the Hums One may find some connection between the ilaf discussed above and the Hums. The expression of al-Tha'dlibithat Hdshim "took the /laffrom the enemies"4) meansin fact, that the 7lafwere a complementary system for the Hums. The laf were intended for tribes who did not respect the sacred months, or-although performing the pilgrimage-were in the sphere of influence of the client kingdoms. These clans and tribes-like Tayy, Khath'am, clans of Quda'a5), Ghifir from the Kindna6) were given some shares of profit and gave p. z) See Ibn Durayd: al-Ishtiqdq, 468 seq. 3) AghdniXII, 121; XXI, 63. al-Qulib, p. 89. 4) Thimadr al-Baladhuri: Ansdb, ms. f. 9oob; al-Jabiz: Iayawdn VII, 216; see al5) Balldhuri: Ansdb, ms. 366a: the talk between Mu'dwiya and 'Adiyy b. I tim in al-. which Mu'dwiya accused Tayy of not respecting the sanctity of Mecca. Tayy and Khath'am did not perform the pilgrimage to Mecca and were called al-Afjardni. al-shahra 'II, 6) See al-Dhahabi: Siyara'ldmal-nubald 34 (wa-kdndfyubill7na /-hardma); and see Usdal-ghdba 16o. I, i) Muh. b. Habib: al-Muzhabbar, 178-179. p. MECCA AND TAMIN 13 security to the caravans. How much Mecca was dependent on these tribes and eager to carryout the terms of the 7lafcan be gauged from some records preserved. Al-'Abbas was present when Abii Dharr was beaten violently in Mecca after he had embraced Islam. He reproachedhis people saying: "Woe to you, you are about to kill a man from Ghifir whilst your business and your passing by is through the territory of Ghifar". They let him go 1). Thumima b. Uthil of the Hanifa could threaten Quraysh with cutting of supplies from the and even realizedhis threat2). Sa'd b. Mu'rdh could threaten YamTma the Abi Jahl, that if he prevents him to circumambulate Ka'ba-he would cut his trade with Syria3). One is even tempted to think that there is some connection between the term allafabum "he concluded pactsof ildf with them",and the term al-mu'allafa "people qulifbuhum whose hearts were gained (for Islam) by some gifts". But .Hums denotespeople strong in their convictionof the sanctityof Mecca, position of Quraysh,enjoyinga special admittingthe distinguished in the rites of the status and readyto strugglefor their ideas. Some featuresof the .hajj can be gauged from the chaptersof .Hums dealingwith the virturesof Quraysh. Al-JIhiz recordsthat al-J.hiz a Qurashi neverdid allegehis originto anothertribe,whilsttill today "nobleArabs-like Bani Murrab. 'Auf, some of the Bani Sulaym, Khuzd'aand others-allege being of Qurashiorigin. Qurayshdid never bury their (female)babies alive. That was followed by the inhabitants al-Ti'if, because they were neighboursand related of with them by marriage and becausethey were lHums,and it was who madethemlHums.." 4). Quraysh When Islam appeared--continues al-Jbhiz-therewas no Qurashi womanwho hadbeentakencaptiveby the Arabtribes,nor was there I) al-Dhahabi: Siyar a'ldm al-nubald'II; 37 (taqtulfnarajulanmin Ghifdrinwa'ald wa-mamarrukum Ghifdr?). matjarukum Insdnal-'uyun 198. XII, 143; al-IHalabi: III, al-Qur'dn, al-Jimi' li-abhkdm al-abrdrII, 266; Sifat al-safwa I, 37 3) Ibn al-'Arabi: Mubhddarat (la-aq.ta'anna ild matjaraka 'l-Shdmi). ms. 4) al-Jdhiz: Mukhtdrdtfusz~l, f. zoz seq. IrshidVI, 433; al-Qurtubi: p. al-Isti'db, 79; al-Qastallini: z) Ibn 'Abd al-Barr: 136 M. J. KISTER any captive among them whose mother was a Qurashi woman. The Qurayshdistinguishedthemselves from other tribes, that they did not give their daughters in marriageto the nobles of other tribes, unless they had got an assurance,that they would embrancethe idea of the the daughters Hums. (They themselves-stresses al-J.hiz--married them.) These of other tribes without conditions to be imposed on tribes were: 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a, Thaqif, Khuz!'a and al-HIrith b. Ka'b. and They were people of devotion (wakdnfl dayyJdnna) therefore they renouncedraiding.That was in orderto avoid pillage, injustice,robbery and rape". In another passage al-Jdhiz, discussing the qualities of Quraysh, remarksthat Quraysh remained generous although their profits were not big sincethey refrainedfrom raiding.Al-Jlhiz emphasizesthe hospitality of Quraysh,their carefor the pilgrimsand their care for kinsfolk. They allotted the men of the tribes to the differentclans of Mecca-says Ghatafdn were assigned to (the care of) al-Mughira (i.e. al-J.hiz. al-Makhziiimi),Banfi 'Amir went to someone else, the Tamim to somebody else. They (i.e. the Quraysh) compelled them to perform the ritesand caredfor all theirneedsx). stresses Quraysh that Al-J.hiz ms. Gha.tafdn i) fa-taki#nu Mukhtadrdtfusil, f. 2o4a (. .fa-yaqtasimznabum, li-kadhd..). In al-Zubayr b. al-J.hiz: li-l-Mughiratiwa-Banf 'Amirin li-kadhd, wa-Tamimun Bakkar'sNasabpQuraysh, f. 128 b. an interestingreportis given about the allotment ms. of the clans of Quraysh. They (i.e. the Quraysh)used to give them clothes in which the they used to circumambulate Ka'ba; they (i.e. the Bedouins) used to throw away the clothes which they wore when they came to Mecca. The host (i.e. the clan who lodged the Bedouins frequenting Mecca) used to get (scil. a share of) the meat of the slaughteredcamels. The Bana Fazdra alighted in the house of al-Mughira b. 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. Makhziim. The first who prevented him (i.e. alMughira)to get (his share of) the slaughteredcamel was Khushaynb. La'y al-Fazari al-Shamkhi.. ; comp. Ibn Abi 'l-Hadid: Sharhnahjal-balighaIV, 296; and see Ibn not The word harim recordedin the vocabularies z282z Durayd:al-Ishtiqdqp. as "payment for Quraysh from the alighting Bedouins" is recorded in the story of (Z.uwaylim). Zuwaylim reported by al-Baladhuriin his Ansdb, ms. f. i i oia. The quoted verse is of interest: mana'nd Ouraysbin harimahd Wa-nahnu amin bi-Makkata,ayydma wa-1-nabri 'l-tahdluqi Al-Balddhurirecords also the story of 'Amr b. Jdbir b. Khushayn who used to get b. from every captive of the Ghatafan z camels. That was stopped by 'Arin (comp. the version of Ibn Durayd, ib.). .Zuwaylim MECCA AND TAMIN 137 remainedLaqdh,independent. They did not pay any tax and to them were entrustedthe functions of rifida, siqaya,etc. In a third passage repeatsonce more that all Qurayshwere al-J.hiz Hums, devoted to their din,a fact which prevented them from raiding, capture, intercoursewith captive women and from burying alive their female babies. Once more al-Jaihiz emphasizesthat the Quraysh gave not their daughtersin marriage unless on the condition that the children would become They were compelled--dwelling in a barren .Hums. valley-to find means of livelihood and they got the 1ldfand made journeys to kings.." 1). In a fourth passageof al-J~ihiz reportabout the lHumsis repeated. the But there are some details which deserve attention. Mentioning the reports that the merchants went to (the land of) caravans-al-J.hiz Qaysar in Byzantium,to al-Najashiin Abyssinia, and to al-Muqauqis in Egypt. It is the only case in which Egypt is mentionedas destination of the merchantsof Mecca.Al-Jahizdrawsin this passagea line between the Hums of Qurayshand the converted of the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a and al-HIrith b. Ka'b. The Quraysh, being Hums, refrained from .Hums raiding, whereas the tribes who accepted the ideas of the Hums continued to raid, to have intercoursewith capturedwomen and to take spoils. But Quraysh remained courageous 2). Ibn al-Faqih's account records that KhuzI'a, 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a, Thaqif and "men of tribes" embraced the creed of the Hums. He records the tradition about the condition imposed on the nobles of the tribes marryingthe daughters of Qurayshand gives details about the restrictionsimposed on the pilgrims, not belonging to the lHums. They had to leave their travelling provision when entering Mecca, to take off their clothes which they wore outside the area of Mecca and to wear clothes of the lHaram(buying the clothes or borrowing them or as gifts). If they did not find clothes of the they per.Haram ms. f. I6b. seq. i) Mukhtaratfus.il, al-qulib, z) al-J.hiz: Mukbhtdrtffuil,ms. f. 20o8b.seq.; comp. al-Tha'alibi:Thimdr al-J.hiz: p. 8 seq. (Ablu 'lldb); (significant is the expression wa-sird bi-ajma'ihim tujjdran kbulata' a). 138 M. J. KISTER naked.They obliged the pilgrims to start formed the circumambulation the ifda?a from al-Muzdalifa.They were laqdh, they did not pay any tax, nor did any king rule over them 1). Y~qditmentions the Hums. According to him Quraysh gained for the idea of the lHums: Kindna, Jadilat Qays, Fahm and 'Adwdn, Thaqif and 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a. He records the hardship which they imposed on themselves, the restrictions imposed on the pilgrims, and emphasizesthat the people of Mecca were laqdh. Kings of Himyar, Kinda, Ghassdnand Lakhm used to perform the pilgrimage to Mecca and obeyed the lHumsof Quraysh, considering as obliging to respect them.. 2). Mecca is mentioned as Ddr al-Hums in the verses attributed to a Kahin of the Lihb 3) in the record of al-Halabi.Al-Halabimentionsthe conditions of marriageof the Qurayshand their renouncingof raiding, which is connected with pillaging and rape4). Sources give details about the rites of the IHumsand of the imposed hardships5). They performed the wuqzifat al-Muzdalifainstead of at to 'Arafdt6). They confined themselves during the .hajj the boundaries of the IHaram. During the hajj they did not eat meat, nor did they preparecurd, they did not stay in the shade of a house, they did not enter their houses through their doors 7), etc. It is evident that by the hardship imposed on themselves they wanted to express their connects veneration for the Ka'ba and the Haram. Al-Zamakhshari with the root hrm. They acquiredtheir distinct position the root .hms i) Ibn al-Faqih: Kitabal-buldin,p. i8. s.v. al-bulddn, Makka. Yiqait: Muy/am 3) The Lihb were known as men of special knowledge in augury (from the flight of birds) see: Wellhausen: Reste,p. i34; Ibn Durayd: al-Ishtiqdq, 491; al-Suhayli: p. al-Raudal-unufI, I 18. I, 4) al-Halabi: Insdnal-'uy~n1 242. s.v. al-bulddn, "Makka"; p. 5) See Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, i80; Ydqat: Mutjam al-abrdr 162, 150. Ibn al-'Arabi: Alubhdarat I, pp. 6) See Wellhausen: Reste,p. 77; Rathjens:Die Pilgerfahrt, 72-73; but the Prophet did not follow the Hums in their wuqzff-see: al-Dhahabi: Ta'rikhal-IsldmI, 49. 7) But see the contradictory traditions in al-Tabari's Tafs7r(Sztra II, 189) and I, al-Suyati: al-Durr al-imanthzfr 204 seq. 2) MECCA AND TAMIN 139 of sanctitybecausethey dwelt in the Haram.They calledthemselves Ahlu 'lldh That the idea of Hums was in fact connectedwith the 1). cult of the Ka'bais plainlyattested thefact,thattheKa'bawascalled by al-Hamsi' 2). It is evidentthat this link betweenQuraysh the tribesattached and to the Humsinfluenced theirrelations. Caskelremarks the 'Amir that b. Sa'sa'a,being Hums, were on good termswith the inhabitants of Mecca An 'Amiri poet and chief, 'Auf b. al-Ahwasb. Ja'far b. 3). the Kildb,swearson the sacredmonth4) of the BandUmayya, sacred of Quraysh, sacrificed the b. Ja'far,the uncle victims5). Khilid places of 'Auf, is said to have been the first who coveredthe Ka'bawith brocade whichhe got froma caravan lootedby him6). TheKa'b (dibdj) and Kildbof the 'Amirwere calledKa'b and Quraysh KildbQuraysh 7). b. Nuwayraof the Yarbfi'(of Tamim),who belongedto the M~lik Hums, mentionsa group of horsemenwho informedQuraysh(as aboutsomebattle8). 'Ummdr) The Prophethimselfbelongedto the Hums9). He was the .irm7 of 'Iy•d b. Himdral-Mujdshi'i 'l-Tamimi.The Prophetlent him his clothesand 'Iy•d used to perform circumambulation the Ka'ba the of in the clothesof the Prophet 10). 2) al-Fayrizibddi: al-Qdmzs,s.v. hms. A curious explanation is given for the in al-Maghribi's Inds, ms. f. 26b: "They were called IHums, because they refrained .Hums from the service of labour.." 3) EI2, s.v. 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a. 4) i.e. Dhf 'l-hijja. XXXV, 4-5 (ed. Lyall): 5) al-Dabbi: al-Mufa4daliyydt wa-inni wa-'lladhi Qurayshun hajjat Hird'u mabdrimah' wa-mdjama'at Ban7Umayyata Wa-shabri wa-l-hadayd idbabubisat mudarrjahba 'l-dima'u 6) al-Suhayli: al-Raudal-unufI, 77; al-Alasi: Bulzghal-arabI, 234. 7) al-Dabbi: al-Mufaddaliyydt, 2z59(ed. Lyall). p. XXVI, 3 (ed. Ahlwardt); Ibn Abi 8) al-Asma'zyydt Sbarhnahj al-Baldgha IV, 292. 'l-.Hadid: 9) See al-Azraqi: Akhbar (Wiistenfeld) I, 124; al-Suyiti: al-Durr al-manthzir I, 204 al-Fa'iq,s.v. hums. I) al-Zamakhshari: p. io) See: Muh. b. Habib: al-Muhabbar, I8i; Ibn Qutayba: al-Ma'drif, p. 147; seq. 140 M. J. KISTER From the traditions quoted above one can gain a rough idea about the Hums. The fundamentalprinciples of the Hums were the inviolathe independence') and neutrality bility of the area of the .Haram, of Mecca. The feeling of security in Mecca is described by one of the nobles of Mecca in the following verses: lahd Fakharnd wa-l-umfiru qardrun bi-Makkatind wa-bi-l-baladi 'l-bardmi. land Wa-annd ldyurdmu harimun wa-annd nurawwa'u'l-mandmi. fi Id land Wa-annd tusdqu ki'dbun ld 1-khiddmi. khildla 'l-naq'i bddiyatu wa-hddhd ' Ma'ddhalldhiminhddhd 2). fa-inna'Illdha lahfb laysa musdm7 A Bedouincould not accustomhimselfto the quiet life of Mecca; Qays b. Zuhayral-'Absi said: ma'dshiru Qurayshin min Tufdkhirun7 bi-Ka'batihim wa-bi-l-bayti 'l-hardmi Fa-akrim fdkhariwa-ldkin bi-'lladhi 'l-kildmi. ddmiyatu maghdi'l-khayli kulla nun Wa-ta' ft '1-'ajajati yaumin nubfzra 'l-khaylibi 'l-asali1-dawm'i. A.habbu ilayyamin'ayshin rakhiyyin al-Muijam al-saghir, p. 3; Ibn al-Jrrid: al-Muntaqi, p. 5oo; al-Baldhuri: Ansdb, ms. f. 98Ia; Ibn HIazm:Jawdmi' al-sira,p. 25 (reporting that he was a cousin of al-Aqra' b. Hdbis); Ibn Hazm: Jambarat ansdb al-'Arab, p. zI9; Ydqfit: Mu'jam al-buldin, s.v. haram; Ibn al-Isdba, N. 6123; Abia Nu'aym: Hilya II, 16 (mentioned as one of the Ahl al-Suffa). .Hajar: Nasab Quraysh, ms. f. 76b; al Mus'ab al-Zubayri: NasabQuraysb, p. 2zo; L.'A., s.v. lqI: Abi 'l-Baq': Manidqib,ms. f. to b; al-Bal1dhuri: Ansdb IV B, i26 (and see p. Abo 'Ubayd: Kit. al-amwdl, 256; Ibn al-Kalbi:Jamhara,ms. f. 66a; al-Tabarini: x) The fierce reaction of the Meccans when their independence was threatened can be gauged from the story of 'Uthmn b. Huwayrith. See al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr: "Annotations"). 2) al-Baldhuri: Ansdb, ms. f. 1094a. MECCA AND TAMIN 14I ma'a 'l-Qurashiyyi Harbinau Hishami. bi-'ayshin Wa-md'ayshu'kbniJud'dnin '1-baladi 1) yajurru'I-kha.zafi 'l-tibhmi The observation of some rites and customs was in fact an expression of their veneration of the sanctuaryof Mecca. This organization,including different tribal units-among them units of Tamim, who dwelled in different areas of the peninsula, had a militant character. They were ready to struggle for their ideas of the sanctity of Mecca. The zlif seem to have been built up on the base of Hums. The .Hums were the elite group distinct by their close relationswith the Meccans, by their rites and customs. Both the organizations, the Hums and had economic significance. The religious "colouring" is not surila1f prising 2). were "Hilla".The lHilla includedPeople not belonging to the IHums according to the report of Ibn JHabib-all the Tamim (except Yarbi', Mdzin, I)abba, IHumays,Z'dina, al-Ghauth b. Murr), all the Qays 'Ayldn (except Thaqif, 'Adw~n and 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a), all Rabi'a b. Nizdr, all Qudd'a (except 'IlIf and Jandb), the Ansdr, Khath'am, Bajila, Bakr b. 'Abd Mandt b. Kindna (other divisions of Kindna were Hums), Hudhayl, Asad, Tayy and Bdriq3). These JHilla-when different in their rites during the performing the .hajj--were quite and during the tawaf. A third group mentioned by Ibn Habib i.hrdm were the Tuls, including tribes from al-Yaman and Hadramaut, 'Akk, Ujayb and Iyid 4). The division into the threegroups--Hums, Tuls-is confronted I.illa, 2) Comp. Rathjens: Die Pilgerfabrt,p. 8o (.."Teilweise religi6s getarnt.."). 3) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 179. p. 4) ib.; A special group, which deserves to be mentioned, were the Basl. The word basl denotes ideas similar to the ideas inherent in the word hums:courage, bravery, intrepid fighting on one hand, and the haramthe forbidden on the other hand. The Basl were the 'Amir b. Lu'ayy (or 'Aut b. Lu'ayy, or Murra b. 'Auf b. Lu'ayy). They maintained,that the number of the sacredmonths is 8. The tribes grantedthem security during these months. See al-Kald'i:al-Iktifd', I, 78; Ibn Kathir: al-Bidajya II, 204; I) Ib. Quraysh, because they were the people of Mecca and Mecca is haram). L.'A., s.v. bsl; Abfi Dharr: Sharh al-sira (ed. Br6nnle) p. 233 (the Basl were 142 M. J. KISTER by another division. This scheme divides the tribes according to their recognition of the sanctity of Mecca: (i) the muhrimfinand (2) the The muhrimfn included the Hums and these tribes of the muhillun. did not IHillawho in fact performed the pilgrimage. The mu.hill•n the sanctityof Meccanor did they respectthe sacredmonths. recognize constituted a real danger for Mecca. These mu.billzin all Al-Jdhiz counts as mu.hilliin the Tayy and Khath'am(mimman kdina Muhillin says Idyard li-l-.haramiwa-ldli-l-shahri 'l-.hardmi.hurmatan). and as well manyclansof Yashkur, al-J.hiz--werewere enemiesbecauseQud.'a, (different) and their din al-H.rith of their b. Ka'b. They 1). pedigree (different) his uttered famour the thesemuhillfn intercalator declaration, Against of lawfulthe shedding theirblood. "I makelawfulto shedthe making Kill them, whereveryou blood of the Tayy and Khath'am. mu.hilliin, themif they harass meet you"2). mentionsas muhillifn, people who consideredas lawful Al-Ya'qfbi to commitiniquitiesin these markets. They were groupsfrom Asad, b. and 3). Tayy,Bakrb. 'Abd Mandt Kindna of 'Amirb. Sa'sa'a to It is evident,that it was necessary take some steps to guardthe free markets of Meccafrom hostile tribesand unrulyelementslike 4) and robbers. brigands In fact al-Ya'qiibi states: And among the tribes there were people, to who condemned this and devoted themselves (nasabif anfusahum) the help of oppressed and to prevent bloodshed and committing of iniVII, I) al-Jahiz: al-IHIayawin 216 seq.; comp. al-Najirami:Aymin al-'Arab, p. 12; Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 319 inf. p. min Ansib, ms. f. 9oob (..wa-inni qad ahlaltudimd'a'l-muhillina 2) al-Bal.dhuri: fa-'qtulfihum lakum); of interest wajadtumizhum 'aradlI Tayyinwa-Khath'am idhd haythu is the following verse of al-Hutay'a. Alam akunmuhrimanfa-yakina bayni 'l-mawaddatu wa-baynakumu wa-l-ikhd'u 40, 1.7.). The commentarysays: (Diwdn (ed. T-h-) al-musalimu 'alaykawa-damuka yakramudamubu 'alayhi. 'lladhi al-muhrimu I, z22 (ed. Najaf). 3) al-Ya'qfibi: Ta'rikb 4) Comp. Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar 267 (wa-lam takunfihi (i.e. 'Ukdz) p. wa-ld ,ush/i;run kbufdratun). MECCA AND TAMIN 143 and refrain from it and haram kill. (2) people .haram, respectthe sacredmonths(yz.hrimina (3) 'I-ashhura 'l-.huruma). people set b. sharingthe principle up 3) by Sulsulb. Aus b. Mukhdshin Mu'd- (The quities. They were called al-Dhdda al-Mu.hrimina Mu.hrimfn, "the Defenders"). They were from the 'Amr b. Tamim, the Banti b. Zayd Mandt (b. Tamim), Hudhayl, Shaybdn and Kalb .Hanzala They used to carry weapons (in the sacred months). The b. Wabara. tribes were divided into people who took off their weapons during the sacred months and (lacuna; apparently:people who carried arms during these months-K). This report of al-Ya'qiibi is of importance;it sheds some light on the role of some groups of Tamim who served in an inter-tribalmilitia, set up to defend Mecca and the marketsof Mecca. One may recall the remarkablepassage of al-Jbhizquoted above 1), in which ilif was explainedas a tax, imposed on the tribes in order to defend Mecca from the "wolves of the tribes", brigands and hostile tribes. It cannot be ruled out that the /lafmight have included some point about a pay for the militia to guard the markets and to guard Mecca. Additional details about this militia are given by al-Marziqi 2): The tribes (al-'Arab) were divided according to three different conunlawful ceptions about the sacredmonths: (i) people who perpetrated these are the who do not respect the sanctity of the deeds; stealin the mu.hillfn, who Rasa'il runs as follows: i) See p. 119 n. 2 above; the passage in al-Jdhhiz's dhdiika. Wa-qadfassarahu qaumun hi-ghayri ja'ala 'ala ru'iAsi QdjI: innaHdshiman yu'addzfnahd ilayhili-yahmiya ahlaMakkata.Fa-innadhu'biha 'l-qabd'ii'dard'iba bina i-'Arabi wa-sa'dika 'i-abyd'i wa-ashdba kdnf Idyu'manina Cald 'i-.tawd'ili wa-ndsun al-'Arabi kdn7ldyarauna min 'l-barami;It siyydma li-1-harami wawa-ld li-l-shahri'l-hardmiqadran, wa-Khath'amin .urmatan mithluTayyin wa-Qudad'ata bni ba'diBalhdrithi Ka'bin". al-AmkinaII, i66. 2) al-Marzicqi: The translationof Hamidullah(Le Prophite,p. 605) is not accurate.He renders 3) the text as follows:.. mais les gens se partageaienten trois groupes a ce propos: ceux qui pratiquaient l'abomination...ceux qui s'en abstenaient..et enfin les fantaisistes (ahl al-ahwd'),partisans du Tamimite.." The text tells about three conceptions according to which people were divided. Wa-kandt al-'Arabuflasbhuri 144 M. J. KISTER wiya b. Shurayfof the 'Amr b. Tamim; it is he who made lawful for them the fight of the mu.hillfn. This tradition transmittedby Ibn al-Kalbi (on the authority of his father)is refuted by Ibn al-Kalbi and Abi Khirdsh.They state: "That is the claim of the Banii Tamim. Certainis in our opinion that it was the Qalammasand his ancestors. And it was he who intercalatedthe months". The refutation of Ibn al-Kalbi and Abii Khirish does not refer to the whole tradition about Sulsul. It refers only to the phrase "and he made lawful to fight the muhilahallaqitdla'l-muhillin fa-innahu utteredby the interseemsto referto the declaration al-Kalbi lin."Ibn who utteredthis declaration. It was in fact the intercalator calator. out who But it was the group of Sulsul,the mu.hrimifn-dhdda carried the implicationof this declaration. A peculiartradition recordedby al-Shahrastdni (al-Milal,p. 443-ed. claimsthat the Qalammas text al-Mutalammis)Umayya b. (in Cureton) was al-Kindn7 of the dinof Tamim('alad ban! dini Tamim). seems The traditionabout the mu.hrimzin-dhdda to be trustworthy. The Usayyid, the clan of Sulsul, were in close connections with Mecca. Some of the Bani Usayyid came to Mecca, became allies of influential of families,and families, daughters aristocratic gainedwealth,married was citizensof Mecca.Influential the Usayyidi became family respected of Nabbdsh.Their houses were in the vicinity of the Ka'ba1). Al-A'shd b. Zurdrab. al-NabbdshmournedNubayh and Munabbih,the two sons b. of al-Hajjdj 'Amir,killedat Badr The motherof Baghidb. 'Amir 2). b. Hdshim b. 'Abd Mandf b. 'Abd al-Dar was the daughter of al- ahlu ha wan shara 'a bu .wa-minhum.. minbum.. iabwd'in: '/-hajti'aldthaldthat .wa-minhum The expression The group set up by Sulsul were not "fantaisistes". lahum Sulsul. ... is ahluhawan not peiorative; it is equal in its denotation to the expression used for the preceding groups. i) al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr: Nasab Quraysh,ms. f. 88b; al-Fdsi: Shifd' al-ghardn (Wiistenfeld, II, I40 seq.). 2) Ibn Hishdm: Sira III, 16; al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr: Nasab Quraysh,ms. f. 182 b; Aba 'l-Faraj:al-Aghint XVI, 6o. MECCA AND TAMIN 145 Nabbash b. Zurdra One of the mountains of Mecca belonged to 1). Ban& Nabbdsh2). A spurious tradition-which may, however, the contain some grain of truth-claims that Aktham b. Sayfi, the famous sage of the Usayyid, acquiredhis wisdom from Qusayy, 'Abd Manif, Hdshim and Abil 3). Another spurious tradition claims that T.lib from 'Abd al Muttalib4). To the Usayyid Aktham learned nasab belonged as well the first (or second) husband of Khadija,Abii Hila. The family of Aus b. Mukhdshinwas a noble one. The descendants of Aus b. Mukhdshinwere the guardiansof the sanctuaryof Shums, the idol worshippedby the Dabba, Tamim, 'Ukl, 'Adiyy and Thaur6). This idol was pulled down by Hind, the son of Khadijaand by Safwin b. Usayyidof the Mukhdshin This SafwdnmarriedDurra,the daugh6). ter of Aba Lahab, and she gave birth to two of his sons Auf and alQa'qd" Mukhashin b. Mu'dwiya b. Jurwa b. Usayyid was called 7). b. al-Hkrithb. Mukhdshinb. Mu'dwiya Dbh 'I-a'wVd8). Sayfi b. Riy.h b. Jurwa b. Usayyid, the father of Aktham was called Dhb or '-.hilm Dhib'l-aubdr of the copious herds he possessed)9). Rabi'a b. (because Mukhdshinand his father were respected "judges of the Mukh.shin tribes" 10). is attributedwas Sulsul to whom the setting up of the mu.hrimin-dhida in very close relations with Mecca: he was in charge of the mausim and a judge at 'Ukz x11). al-Zubayr b. Bakkir, op. cit., ms. f. 89b; al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri:Nasab Quraysh in Suhayli's al-Raud p. 254; and see the discussion about the writer of the sa•ifa al-unuf I, 2 32. z) al-Azraqi: Akhbdr (Wiistenfeld I, 490); Yqfiqt: Buldin, s.v. Sbayba. 3) al-Majlisi:Bihdral-anwdr 39. VI, 4) Abu l-BaqI': Maniqib,ms. f. 96a. Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 316. p. 5) I) ansib al-'Arab, p. 199, inf. .Hajar: 7) Ibn Hazm:Jambarat al-Hamddni:Iklil I/II, ms. f. 178a (Mukhdshin);Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 8) p. 134 (Rabi'a b. Mukhdshin). al-Anbdri: Mufaddalyydt (Lyall) 447 (Rabi'd); al-Ya'qabi: Ta'rikh I, 214 (ed. Najaf: Mukhlshin); al-Farazdaq:Diwdn, p. 503, n. 2; Ibn Abi 'l-Hadid: Sharbnabjal-Baldgha 427. III, 9) al-Hamdani:ib. Ibn al-Athir; al-Murassa'(ed. Seybold) p. 82 (also attributed to Aktham). Io) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 134; al-'Askari: Jamharatal-amthil,p. Io04. p. i i) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, p. 182. JESHO, VIII Io 6) ib; and see Ibn al-Isdba, No. 4067, 4071. 146 M. J. KISTER The duties entrustedto Tamimin Meccaand in the marketsof Mecca are a convincing evidence of the important role played by Tamim in establishingof the economic power of Mecca. Tamim were invested in with the ifd/da Mecca itself and with the control of the market of 'Ukdz. 'Ukdz was one of the importantmarketsbecauseherethe public opinion of the tribes could express itself in its literary, political and social aspects1). It was the co-operation with Tamim in the market which helped Qurayshto avoid competition and secured for of the'Uk.z Qurayshthe influencein these markets2). The share of Tamim in the Meccan system is defined by Ibn JHabib as follows: "The leaders (A' imma) of the tribes (after 'Amir b. al-Zarib) in the mawasim and their judges at Tamim. The guardiansof their dinand the 'Ukdz were the BanLY trustees of their qiblawere the Quraysh.The authoritativeinterpreters of the din were the Band Mdlik b. Kindna 3)". Ibn Habib gives a list of chiefs of Tamim who acted both as leaders of the mausim and as (i) Sa'd b. Zayd Mandt b. Tamim, (2) Uanzala b. judges of 'Uk.z. Zayd Mandt b. Tamim, (3) Dhu'ayb b. Ka'b b. 'Amr b. Tamim, (4) Mdzin b. Mdlik b. 'Amr b. Tamim, (5) Tha'laba b. Yarbii' b. Hanzala b. Mdlik b. Zayd Mandt,(6) Mu'dwiyab. Shurayfb. Jurwa b. Usayyid b. 'Amr b. Tamim, (7) al-Adbat b. Quray' b. 'Auf b. Ka'b b. Sa'd b. Zayd Mandt,(8) Sulsul b. Aus b. Mukhdshinb. Mu'~wiyab. Shurayf b. Jurwa b. Usayyid, (9) Sufydnb. Mujdshi'; Sufyan was the last man who combined the two functions: of a judge and a leaderof the mausim. After his death these duties were performedby two differentpersons. Muhammadb. Sufydnperformedthe duties of a judge at 'Ukdz. At the appearanceof Islam the judge was al-Aqra' b. HJbis b. 'Iqdl b. Muhammadb. Sufydnb. Mujdshi'.After Sulsul the "ijdza"of the mausim was entrusted to 'AllIq b. Shihdbb. La'y of the 'Uwdfa (of the Banti i) Comp. al-Marzu-qi:al-Amkina II, I65, 170; al-Marziiqi: Sharb al-Hamisa, pp. p. 15 14; Wellhausen: Reste,p. 84-87; Buhl: Das LebenMubammeds, 49-50, 105. p. 2) The opinion of Rathjens (Die Pilgerfahrt, 70), that there was competition between the market of Mecca and 'Ukdz seems to be without basis. 3) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 18x inf.; the Mdlik b. Kinana were the clan p. of the intercalators. MECCA AND TAMIN 147 in IbnHazmreports a chapter in omitted theeditionof LeviProvengal6), thatthe Tamimgot the duty of the judgesat 'Ukdzandthe ifdda after it had been performedby 'Adwdn. The last of the 'Adwin were the and The 'Amirb. al-Zarib AbaiSayydra. last manwho performed of ifddaat the appearance Islamwas Karibb. Safwin; the last judge was al-Aqra'b. IHbis. The Tamiminheritedthe duties of the raminy, nafrandthe ijddafrom Siifa-reportsIbn lHazm. Tamimi by poets recallin theirpoemsthe dutiesperformed Tamim. boastsof the duty of the by Al-Farazdaq performed one of his .hakam ancestors: Wa-'ammin 'khtdrat 'lladhi hukfmatan Ma'addun idhwafau 'ald'l-ndsi ma'd 'Ukdzabihd Huwa'l-Aqra'u kdna 'l-khayru 'lladhJ yabtan7 thdbitin majdin awdkhiya 7) anyunazza'd i) Zaynab bint 'Allaq b. Shihib b. 'Amr of the Banf 'Uwifa b. Sa'd b. Zayd Mandtwas the grandmotherof 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz (see Ibn al-Mubabbar, p. 27; al-Baladhuri: Ansib, ms. f. Io049 b). His son 'Attab got the.Habib: pay ('a.td') of z,500 dirham by 'Umar (al-Balidhuri, op. cit. f. I05oa; Ibn al-Kalbi:Jambara,ms. f. 83a). 'Alliq is said to have believed in God and in the Day of Resurrection(al-Shahrastani, al-Milal, p. 439, ed. Cureton). 2) See Ibn al-Kalbi: Jamhara,ms. f. 8Ia; Ibn Hazm: Jamharatansdbal-'Arab, p. 208; al-Balidhuri: Ansib, ms. f. o1044a, 957a; Damra b. Jibir b. Nahshal married his daughter Hind (al-Dabbi: Amthal al-'Arab, p. 8). 3) al-Balidhuri: Ansdb, ms. f. 1044 b (but Mdzin is followed by Mu'iwiya b. Shurayf; Sulsul is followed by 'Allaq). 4) Naqd'i~d438 (Tha'laba b. Yarba' is followed by Mu'iwiya b. Shurayf; but Mu'iwiya b. Shurayf is followed by Jurwa b. Usayyid. That is apparently an error; read for thumma: bn). 5) al-Marzfqi: al-AmkinaII, I67. 6) al-Jdsir: Na.ratun ft kitdbiJambaratiansibi 1-'Arabi, RAAD, 95o0, .Hamd p. 248 seq. 7) al-Farazdaq:Divwn, p. 50oz(ed. Sawi). Sa'd) '). The last man who performedthe duty of "ijlza" when Islam appearedwas Karib b. Safwdn2). on The list of the Tamimi judges given by al-Balddhuri the authority of Ibn Kundsais almostidenticalwith the list of 3). Identical al-Mu.habbar are as well the lists of the Naqdi'id4) and al-Marziiqi's Amkina 5). 148 M. J. KISTER The function of the judge boasts as well Jarir: '/-hikimrfna Quldkhin 'aald Wa-nahnu dhd 1) wa-l-musdba kafaynd 'l-jarfrati 'ald (Thereis a variant:Wa-nabhnu 2). 'l-.hJkimina 'Ukdzin) A significant verseof Hassdn Thdbit b. refersto the dutiesof Tamim in the markets: min Wa-afd/alu niltum al-majdi md wa-l-'uld 'inda 3) ridafatund '.htiddri 'l-mawdsimi "Andthebestwhichyou gainedfromgloryandloftiness Is (to be) ourhelpersat the attending markets." of This verse is the 14th of a poem of which was an answer .Hass-n, to the poemof the delegation Tamim,whichcameto Meccato meet of the prophet anno 9 H. Arafatanalysedthe poem 4) and came to the conclusion thoughattributed Hassdn, wasactually that it to compoin Arafat not analyse did sed by an Ansdri a laterperiod.Unfortunately as this verse. The conclusion Arafatis, however,not acceptable far of that as this verseis concerned. Takingfor granted therewas an Ansdri this to interested insultthe Tamim-he would not have recalled poet were relationof the Tamimwith Mecca.In latertimeswhen Quraysh for highly respectedin the Islamicsociety-the riddfa Qurayshwas not an insult. "is clearlydivided into Arafatremarksthat the poem of .Hassdn two sections.The firsteightlinesareboastingin the firstpersonplural the in preciselythe same mannerwhich characterizes poems of the The remaining to someof whichwereattributed laterAnsdris .Hassdn. Ddrim" to six lines are threatsand insults addressed the Banfi 5). of the poemcontaining withthe eightverses We areherenot concerned See Naqd'id, p. 438; Jarir: Diwan, ib.; Ydqfit: Buldtn, s.v. Qulkh. 3) Diwan p. 385 (ed. Barqfiqi). 4) W. Arafat: "An interpretation of the different accounts of the visit of the .Hassan: Tamim delegation to the Prophet A.H. 9", BSOAS '955, PP. 416-25. 2) i) Jarir: Diwan, p. 67; Naqd'id, p. 437. 5) ib. p. 422. MECCA AND TAMIN 149 praises of the Ansdr and stressingthe aid of the Ansir for the Prophet. Arafat may be right assuming that these verses were composed by an Ansdriof a later generation.But why did an Ansdriof a later generation slanderthe Tamim in such a vehement manner. To start with, one may observe that the six verses of Hassln (9-14) are an answerfor the poem of al-Zibriqin b. Badr1). In the four verses recorded al-Zibriqdnpraises his tribe and their deeds. The verses of for lHassinform, in fact, an answer, a naqkla the verses of al-Zibriqdn. The verse of quoted above forms an answer for the first verse .Hassin of al-Zibriqdn: Atayndkakaymiya'lama'l-ndsu fadland 'inda idhd 'l-mawdsimi '.htiddri came to "We'.htafalIzyou in order that people may know our excellence When they rally attending the markets". The verse seems to point to the duty of the Tamim performed in the markets. The answer of Hassdn-on behalf of the Prophet-is explicit: you were merely our chamberlains, ardaf, at these markets. That is the utmost of excellence which you could attain. It would be, in fact, probablybetterto put this verse afterverse io of the poem. That refutesthe claim of the excellence would give 3 verses in which IHassdn of the Tamim. The three other verses (11-13) would form the unity of threat and urge to embraceIslam. The violent insults in the verses of IHassdnare not surprising. was known as the poet who mentioned in his verses in the .Hass~n defense of the Prophet the faults of his opponents, their lost battles and some flaws in their pedigree2). Arafat refuting the authenticity of the verses of Hassin remarks: "However, it is doubtful whether it would be in keeping with the i) Ibn Hishim: Sira IV, z Ii; two verses are quoted in al-Marzubdni's Mudjam al-sbu'ard',p. 299 and attributedto 'Ut~ridb. IHjib (attributedas well to al-Aqra' b. Habis). III, II, 376; al-Zurqdni: Sbarbal-mawabib 2) al-Dhahabi: Siyar a'ldm al-nubald' 376. 150O M. J. KISTER of character the Prophet, alwaysa great statesman,to allow such insults and threats to be used on such an occasion against the well known of of representatives a greattribe"1). The argument Arafatis a sound answerto the one. But thereis a reportwhichmay give a reasonable to by According an accountgiven in the questionput forward Arafat. of therewas a contestbetweenal-Aqra' the Tamim SiraJHalabiyya 3) 2) which and Hassan(mufdkhara), was attended the Prophet. by Al-Aqra' with his naqida. Prophet, The recitedhis poem and responded the verses of.Hassan said to al-Aqra':"You did not need hearing .Hass-n, to of kunta (laqad ghaniyyan) be reminded thingswhichyou understand that people alreadyforgot". This utteranceof the Prophet-says alKalbi-was more gravefor al-Aqra'than the versesof was .Hassan. that It is not surprising this verse(14)of Hassan omittedin later sources.The duty of Tamimfell in oblivionand was mentioned only had ceasedto The old markets already by earlyIslamicTamimipoets. of exist. The verse could not serveas argument boastingor of insult. of The moderncommentary Barqi-qi gives the followingexplanation: becauseif you embrace "It is betterfor you (says Islam-you .Hassan) because would gain the highestglory (sharaf), you will attendwith us and all gatherings thatis the best thingyou striveat"4). This explanamd does not denotefuture, tion is hardlyacceptable. Wa-aftdalu niltum anno but past. The versewas, in fact, an insultin the time of .Hassan, in 9 H.: you were merelyhelpersof ours (of Quraysh) the markets. of the seconddivision)describe VersesI -Iz of the poem (verse 3 "If a realsituation. you havecometo saveyourlives andyourproperty lest you be dividedamongthe booty, then admitno rivalto God, and attireto thatof foreigners" and becomeMuslims wearnot a similar 5). x) Arafat, op. cit., p. 423. z) al-Halabi: Insdnal-'uyin,III, 228-29. 3) It is more plausible that the verses of the Tamimi poet may be attributed to al-Aqra' or 'Utirid b. HIjib. It is hardly conceivable that the Sa'di ka-Dirimi. al-Zibriq.n The verses would have praised the Ddrim: wa-anlaysaft ardi '1Ij.diZi of Hassin are as well addressed to the Ddrim: Bani Darimin, d tafkharz. 4) IHassin: Divwn, ib. 5) Arafat, op. cit., p. 423. MECCA AND TAMIN 15 I in The situationreferred in these versesis plainlymentioned the to that The versesof al-Farazdaq. threatof Hassdn the Tamimiprisoners as have been sold in the markets-cannotbe considered a void might threat.Al-Farazdaq boastsof the Ddrim: rasili 'ldhi idhshadda Wa-'inda qabdahu addhimuh wa-mulli'a asrdTamimin min Farajnd 'l-asrd 'l-addhima md ba'da 'ani wa-'shtaddat shakd'imuh 1) 'alayhim takhamma.ta that In another stresses the freeingof the captives poem al-Farazdaq of was due to the intercession al-Aqra'with the Prophetfor them. sawwdrin 'l-majdi, ild .hdyimi. bi-khu.t.tati Lahfatlaqa '1-asrd fi .hibdlihi 'llati ' HIdbisin Wa-'inda rasili 'lldhiqdmabnu f7 mughallaqatan a'ndquhd 'I-addhimi. 'calayhim Kafdummahdti 'l-khd'Jifina ausihdma 'ald'a1-mufddZ 1-musdhimi2). A tradition recorded on the authorityof al-Kalbi (forming a for of commentary these verses) states that al-Aqra'interceded the b. captivesof the 'Amr b. Jundabb. al-'Anbar 'Amr b. Tamimand The Prophetfreed the captivesand promisedto pay the bloodwit. al-Aqra'paid the bloodwiton behalfof his people3). The verses of Hassin aboutTamimseemto be authentic. One may agreewith Arafataboutthe inferiority these versesof of that is not a sufficient proof that these verseswere not .Hassdn-but JHassin. in Suchversesare not surprising politicalha-d'. composedby The problemof the delegationof Tamimdeservesto be treated separately. The seculardutiesof Tamimat the market,discussedabove, were i) al-Farazdaq:Diwdn, p. 767; Naqd'ia4, 748. p. a'niquhd). z) al-Farazdaq:Diwdn, p. 862; Naqd'id, p. 747 (mughallalatan 3) Naqi'id, p. 747; it is significant that versions "L", "O" of the Naqa'id have au sibhma resembling closely the expression of the verse of 1-muqdsimi .HassZn. 152 M. J. KISTER complemented by remarkableduties performed by the relatives of Tamim during the festivities of the pilgrimage.The SPraof Ibn Hishdm supplies the following account about the Tamimi leaders at the pilgrimage festivities: "Al-Ghauth b. Murr b. Udd b. al-Ya's b. Mudar used to give permission to men on pilgrimageto leave 'Arafa,and this function descended to his children after him. He and his sons used to be called Safa. Al-Ghauth used to exercise this function because his mother was a woman of Jurhum who had been barren and vowed to Allah that if she bore a son she would give him to the Ka'ba as a slave to serve it and to look after it. In course of time she gave birth to al-Ghauthand he used to look after the Ka'ba in early times with his Jurhum uncles and presided over the order of departurefrom 'Arafa because of the office which he held in the Ka'ba. His sons carriedon the practiceuntil they were cut off. Murr b. Udd, referring to the fulfilment of the mother's oath, said: O Lord, I have made one of my sons A devotee in Mecca the exalted. So bless me for the vow fulfilled, And make him the best of creaturesto my credit. Al-Ghauth, so they allege, used to say when he sent the people away: O God I am following the example of others. If that is wrong the fault is Qudj'a's. Yahyd b. 'Abbdd b. 'Abdullah b. al-Zubayrfrom his father 'Abbid said: Soifaused to send the people away from 'Arafa and give them permission to depart when they left Mini. When the day of departure arrivedthey used to come to throw pebbles, and a man of Siifa used to throw for the men, none throwing until he had thrown. Those who had urgent business used to come and say to him: "Get up and throw so that we may throw with you", and he would say, "No, by God, not until the sun goes down"; and those who wanted to leave quickly used to throw stones at him to hurry him, saying, "Confound you, MECCA AND TAMIN 153 get up and throw". But he refused until the sun went down and then he would get up and throw while the men threw stones with him. When they had finished the stoning and wanted to leave Mini, fa held both sides of the hill and kept the men back. They said: "Give .Sthe order to depart, Safa". No one left until they had gone first. When Safa left and had passed on, men were left to go their own way and followed them. This was the practiceuntil they were cut off. After them the next of kin inherited. They were of B. Sa'd in the family of b. Shijna. It was Safwdn who gave permission Safwdn b. to the pilgrims to depart from 'Arafa, and this right was maintained al-.HIrith them up to Islam, the last being Karib b. Safwdn. by Aus b. Tamim b. Maghrd'al-Sa'di said: The pilgrims do not quit their halting-placeat 'Arafa Until it is said, "Give permission O family of Safwdn1)". The verses of Aba Maghrd' are often quoted and the importance of the duty of Karib b. SafwIn is stressed2). It is a significantverse of Aus b. Maghri': Tard thindnd,idhd mdjdi'a, bad'ahumrn in 'wa-bad'uhum, atdnd, kina thunydnda3) The yijda of Safa is mentioned in the verses of Murra b. Khulayf: Idhidmd ajiat min athu 'l-naqbar Minan .Sf fauqahi safa'u 'l-dami wa-/dhaqutdrun wa-taba"athat 'ajilan 'l-i'dba Ra'aytu 'alaiya dan'd'inli-l-Rabdbi wa-Kalthami4) The two poets of Tamim, al-Farazdaqand Jarir mention boasting i) Ibn Hisham: Sira I, I25 seq.; the translationof the whole quoted passage is taken from Guillaume: The Life of Muhammad, 49-50; comp. Ibn Kathir: al-Bip. dayaII, 20o6. 2) al-Mubarrad:Nasab, p. 9; Muh. b. Habib: al-MAluabbar, I83; al-Baldhuri: p. Amdi, II, 176; al-Bakri:Simt, p. 795-96; Ibn Qutavba: Ansdb, ms. f. Io44a; al-QMli: al-Shi'r, p. 264; Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi: al-'lqd al-faridII, 222; Ibn Abi 'l-IHadid: Sharh III, nahjal-baldgha 426. Ibn Walldd:al-Maqsr7r wa-/-mamd7id, 24. p. 4) al-Marzubini: Muijam al-shu'ard', p. 382. 3) L. 'A., s.v. th . n ._y. 154 M. J. KISTER the y*da of their tribe 1) in Mecca. A verse of al-Farazdaqabout the of iydZa Tamim was considered as unsurpassed(afkhar)in boasting: min 'l-ndsu habata 'l-Muhassaba Minan Idhd min yaumi 'l-nahri .haythu 'arraff# 'ashiyyata Tard'l-ndsa sirnd md yasfrzrna khalfand nahnu ild wa-in 2) waqqafzi auma'nd '-na-si Jarir says: 'l-bajfji 'alaykum land Wa-jawwdZu 'l-makdrimi wa-l-mandri 3) wa-'ddidyyu (called al-Rabit, or Sifa) is recorded by Ibn al-Kalbi: Jambara,ms. f. 6oa (they perished; Muh. b. Habib: Mukhtalifal-qabd'il; al-Balddhuri:Ansdb, ms. f. 956b; Ibn Qutayba: al-Ma'drif, p. 34 (al-Ghauth b. Murr moved to al-Yaman and were called Siifa);al-Kali'i: al-Iktifd',I, 132 seq.; and see Wellhausen:Reste,p. 77; Caetani: Annali I, p. Io5 (79). There are however contradictory traditions about Sfifa. Al-Azraqi: Akhbar (Wiistenfeld, I, iz8) reports that the men, who were entrusted with the duty of the ifjda were descendants of Sifa, whose name was Akhzam; he was from the Mdzin b. Asad. Al-Ghauth b. Sffa, the son of Slfa and a woman from Jurhum,was entrusted of the Khuzd'a. His descendants performed the ifdc/a with the ijada by in the times of Jurhum and Khuzi'a till they perished. In the times of Quraysh .Hubshiyya the ifjIda passed to the 'Adwtn (of Qays 'Aylhn), to Zayd b. 'Adwan. The last man, who performed this duty when Islam appearedwas Abfi Sayyara. Al-Maqdisi (Kit. al-Bad' IV, I z7-ed. Huart) records that Sofa were a group from Jurhum, given the privilege of the yijaa. They were defeated in the battle with Qusayy. was in the beginning entrustedto people from Khuzd'a, Ydqft reportsthat the yij/za to 'AdwAn and became the privilege of Abai SayyAra;finally it became the passed s.v. Thabir). privilege of al-Ghauth b. Murr b. Udd (al-Bulddn, In another passage Ydqft reports that a group of Jurhum, called Stfia, used to perform the yijda. The poet said about them: Wa-ld ft yarimdna '/-ta'rjfimauqi'abum dia hattadyuqdla: "aizzgd S'zafdnd" s.v. Makka).The privilege passed to Khuzd'a,was latertransferred (Yaqiat:al-Buldan, to 'Adwvn (Abil Sayydra).Qusayy removed Abca Sayyara and his people. p. According to al-Sijistdni(al-Mu'ammarin, 5i ed. Goldziher) Sfifaperformedthe duty of the yijda one day; on another day the duty was performed by 'Adwdn. (see n. 34 of Goldziher.) z) Ibn Rashiq: al-'UmdaII, I37; al-'Askari: Diwdn al-Ma'dni,I, 78; al-Farazdaq: Diwan, p. 5667 (ed. al-SAwi; there is a misprint: auma'ndild 'l-ndri,instead of ild 'l-ndsi);but see al-Qdli: al-Amali (Dhayl I19 inf.) and Ibn Rashiq:al-'UmdaII, z69. 3) Jarir: Diwdn, p. 298. I) The tradition stating that Siifa were the descendants of al-Ghauth b. Murr MECCA AND TAMIN 15T of the Al 'Ajjajsaysdescribing multitude the pilgrims: idhd fitru HFattd mi .hdna 'l-suwwami iun lam 1) yfiqami minnajda' ajdZa Theseversesof the Tamimi pointto the aboveco-operapoetsclearly tion between Qurayshand Tamim.The fact that Qurayshinvested Tamim with the two most importantduties in their religions and economiclife: the and the Ji-Za shows thatthe Tamimwere 2) .hukima and renderedconsiderable servicesto in fact strong and influential Mecca. The suggestionof Wellhausen, the granting the !i/dato Stifa of that laterto Tamim-K) shows,thatMeccawas not the centerof the (and seems not to be adequate.Qurayshceded their authorityor .hajja) a clan with invested some dutiesin their territory in the territory or in whichthe exertionof influence vitalfor Quraysh markets), was (the becausethey could in this way more efficiently controlthe activities of the tribesandgainthe security theirterritory. of Therewereprecedents of this kind and this principle already was appliedby the rulers of the borderkingdoms Aboutthe investment somedutiesin the of 4). market,we can gauge from a significantpassage in al-Marziiqi's Amkina 5): bi-tilka Wa-kdna ashrafu yatawafauna ma'a 'l-tujjdri 'l-'Arabi 'l-aswdqi minajlianna kinattardakhu 'l-mulzka li-kullisharzfin li-l-ashrdji, bi-sahbmin i) al-'Ajjdj:Diwan, p. 6o (ed. Ahlwardt). Festivals, 32-33:Wellhausen: 2) For the ijyaasee: von Grunebaum:Mubammadan p. Reste,pp. 57, 75-8o; about ashriqThabirsee Aba Mishal: Nawadir,p. 452; and see L. 'A., s.v. th b r and Sh r q. 3) Wellhausen: Reste, p. 77: "Das Recht, das Zeichen zum Beginne des Laufes zu geben, die sogenannte IdiZa stand in alter Zeit den Cufa d. i. den Al (afwan zu, nicht den Quraisch (B. Hischdm 7712, 8o5, 825, vrgl, Agh. III, 417, seq.). Das ist bemerkenswert. Hitte Mekka im Mittelpunkt gestanden, so hitten es auch die Quraisch getan; statt dessen wird berichtet, dass sie in der heidnischen Zeit sich gar nicht an der Festversammlung zu 'Arafa beteiligten, sondern erst an einem spiteren Punkte zu der Prozession stiessen". 4) Comp. Ibn al-mughtdlin (Nawrdir al-makt.itat,ed. A. S. Haroin Asmad' 6, 221). But perhaps to read mulayknot malik (ay laysa bi-l-maliki1-timmi). .Habib: 5) al-Marzfqi: al-Amkina,II, 166. 56 M. J. KISTER shai-lfuku/lli baladin siqa baladihi,illd mrinal-arbdahi. Fa-kadna ya.hkduru bihd 'Uktda,fa-inntahuim yatandaifauna minkulli aubin. kdin "And the nobles (leadersof the tribes) used to frequentthese markets with the merchants, because the kings used to allot to every leader (sharif,noble), a share of the profits. The leader of every area used to attend the market of this district, except 'Ukdz, as they flocked to 'Ukaz from every side". This passagegives some idea about the relations between the rulers and the Bedouin chiefs. They were granted some share in the profits. Such apparently was the situation in DMmatal-Jandal, at Hajar, at Suhlr-at Dabd and in other markets, controlled by rulers of client kingdoms in which there were taxes levied. In the same way Quraysh invested the Tamim with the privilege of the leadershipof the market of But this was not based on some paltry reward. was a 'Uk.z this 'Uk.z. free marketwhere no taxes were paid. There is no indication what reward was. The expression a'immatal-'Arab points to some principle of mutual co-operation. As an ideological base served the principle of the respect for the sanctuary of Mecca and the sacred months. It is clearthat the consent of the tribes was necessaryfor the performing of this duty. The control of the marketsand the yidzawere of importancenot only for the tribes. It was of the concern of some rulersas well. This can be gauged from a significanttradition reported by Suhayli: wa-qdla ba'.du kdinat qibalimul/ki Kindata. min inna 'l-Ghauthi naqalati'l-akhbdri wildyata "Some transmittersof historical records say that the appointment of al-Ghauth(b. Murr)was done by the kings of Kinda"1).These Ghauth b. Murr are said to have left for al-Yaman2). The traditions that alGhauth b. Murr emigratedto al-Yamanpoint clearly to their connections with South Arabia. According to tradition, after Sifa were exrith tinguished, the duty was inheritedby the Safwdnb. al-TH~ b. Shijna of the Sa'd, who were next in kin (fa warithahum ba'dihim dhdlikammin One may rememberthat this family had close connections bi-l-qu'dudi). I) al-Suhayli: al-Raud al-unuf I, 84 inf. 2) See above, p. 154, n. i. MECCA AND TAMIN I 57 with the Kinda family.It was Uwayrb. Shijnawho shelteredsome members of the defeated family of Kinda and was praisedby Imru 'l-Qays. It was Karib b. Safwdnwho refused to join the other clans of Tamim in their attackagainstthe 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a,who belonged to the at the battle of Jabala.One may venture to suggest that there is a grain .Hums, of truth in this tradition. The Kinda co-operatedwith Qurayshin the escort of caravans1) and it is plausible that they influenced at least the appointment of the man and the clan who performed the idzJa. A Sa'di leader and poet, al-Zibriqdnb. Badr, reproacheda man who dared to slanderAbfi Jahl. He said: Abd AtadrJmanhajauta H.abibin salilakhaddrimin sakanfi 'l-bitdha A "Zdda'l-Rakbi"tadhkuru Hishdman am wa-bayta 'lldhi wa-l-balada 1-laqd.ha 2) The versesexpressloyaltyand respectto the aristocratic Qurashite (AbaiJahl)anddevotionfor Mecca. The branch of Tamim to whom the function of the judge at was entrusted werethe Mujdshi' the Ddrim,a claninfluentialUkz. of at the courtof al-Hira 3). The tradition discussed in this paper give us a rough idea how the clans of Tamim became linked with Mecca: some of them by the organizationof the Hums, some of them by the pacts of 7lif, some of them by getting the authority at the markets and in performing of the rites of the hajj,some of them by participating the intertribal in militiato guardMecca. It is plausible that we find in Mecca men from Tamim as and .hulafd' of Tamimi chiefs marriedby leaders of Meccan clans. This daughters factmaydeserve be stressed. to to According sometraditions, Quraysh I) Comp. Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, p. 267 (about the market of al-Rdbiya in Hadramaut): "..the Quraysh used to request the escort of Kinda..and the BanQ Akil al-Mur;r gained power, owing to Quraysh, over other people".. 2) Ydqfit: Bulddn, s.v. Makka. 3) See Oppenheim - Caskel: Die Beduinen,III, i66. 158 M. J. KISTER bint refrained from marrying daughters of some tribes. was the of Kalb, the wife of 'Abd al-Rahmdnb. 'AufTum.dir first al-Asbagh Kalbi woman married by a Qurashite. Qurayshdid not enter into marriageswith Kalb 1). About a family of Tamim tradition emphasizes that Quraysh entered into marriageswith this family 2). The wife of the noble Makhzamite, Hisham b. al-Mughira, the b. motherof the famousAbi Jahl,was Asma'bint Mukharriba Jandal b. Ubayr b. Nahshalb. Ddrim. She was as well the mother of 'Abdallah b. Abi Rabi'a and (Ayydsh b. Abi Rabi'a 3). (Ayydsh b. Abi Rabi'a4) b. b. Mukharriba Jandals).'Abdallahb. bint married Asm.' Rabi'amarriedHind bint Mutarrifb. Salamab. MukharSal.ma b. Abi 'Ayyash riba 6). (Abdallah b. Abi Rabi'a marriedthe daughter of the Tamimi the b. b. leader (Utdrid HTjib ZurdraLayl1 Abi!Jahlmarried daugh7). ter of 'Umayr b. Ma(bad b. Zurdra (Ubaydullah b. 'Umar b. al8). bint Khaula married Asmd'bint 'Utdridb. HIjib b. Zurdra9). KhattOb al-Qa('q8b. Ma(badb. Zurdrab. 'Udas marriedTalha b. 'Ubaydallah; her second marriage was with AbTiJahm b. Hudhayfa10). Layli bint I) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri: Nasab Quraysh,p. 267; al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr: Nasab ms. f. 95 b. Quraysh, 2) al-Balddhuri:Ansdb, ms. f. 989 b: . .kdna sharifanwa-qadnakahatilayhiQurayshun .. fubil al-shu'ard', 3) Ibn al-Kalbi: Jambara,ms. f. 36a, 67b; al-Jumahi: Tabaqdt ms. p. 123; al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr:NasabQuraysh, f. 35a, 140 b; al-Mus'abal-Zubayri: I, pp. NasabOuraysh, 317, 301; al-Wdqidi:Maghdzi, 83-84; Aba 'l-Faraj:al-Aghdni pp. Ansdb,ms. f. 986 b, 804a; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr: 29 seq.; Naqd'iai,p. 607; al-Balddhuri: al-IsdbaVIII, al-Isti'db, p. 495; al-Balddhuri;Ansdb I, 298, 209, 235; Ibn IHajar: Io (No. women). 55 8. al-Isaba,No. 611x 4) See about him: Ibn IHajar: Ibn Hishdm: Szra I, 273; Ibn (Abd al-Barr: al-Isti'(b, p. 705; al-Mus'ab al5) Nasab Quraysh,ms. Zubayri: Nasab 9uraysh, pp. 267, 319; al-Zubayr b. Bakk.r: f. 96a. V, 6) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri: NasabQuraysh,p. 319; Ibn Sa'd: Tabaqdt 28. 7) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri: Nasab Quraysh,p. 318; al-Zubayr b. Bakkar: Nasab Ansib, ms. f. 804 b. ms. .Quraysh, f. 14Ia; Ibn Hajar:al-IsdbaVIII, 182; al-Balddhuri: al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri: op. cit., p. 312; al-Zubayr b. Bakkir, op. cit. f. I35 b. 8) p. 9) al-Jumahi: Tabaqitfuihilal-shu'ard', 488 n. 3. Ansib, ms. Io) al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr, op. cit., ms. f. i i8a, 17Ia; al-Bal.dhuri: f. 871a; al-Mus(ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., pp. 372, 281; Ibn IHajar: al-Isiba VIII, 71 III (No. 371); Ibn Said: Tabaqdt I, 152; V, 120; VI, 147 (ed. Leiden). MECCA AND TAMIN I 59 Mas'id b. Khdlid b. MIlik b. Rib'i b. Sulmi b. Jandal b. Nahshal married 'Ali b. Abi Tdlib; her second marriage was with 'Abdallah b. Ja'far b. Abi Tdlib 1). 'Aqil b. Abi Tdlib married the daughter of the Sa'd b. Zayd Mandt2). The daughters of Sindnb. al-.Hautakiyya of al-Zibriqdn b. Badr married Sa'd b. Abi Waqqas, al-Musawwir b. Makhramaal-Zuhri, 'Amr b. Umayya b. al-Haal-.HJrith al-.Damri, kam b. Abi 'l-'As b. Umayya b. 'Abd Shams, 'Uthmdnb. Abi 'l-'As, b. Abi 'l-'As, Umayyab. Abi 'l-'As 3). al-.Hakam al-Asghar,'Abd Umayya,Naufal and Ama were the children Umayya of 'Abd Shams b. 'Abd Mandf, born by his wife, 'Abla bint 'Ubayd b. Jddhilb. Qays b. Hanzalab. Malikb. Zayd Mandt;their descendants were called al-'AbalJt 4). Naufal b. 'Abd Mandf b. Qusayy married Fukayhabint Jandalb. Ubayrb. Nahshalb. Ddrim5). One of the wives of al-Muttalib b. 'Abd Mandf b. Qusayy was Umm al-HJIrith bint b. Yarbi' b. Hanzala b. Mdlik b. Zayd Mandt6). b. Salit al-.Hirith Khalaf married a Tamimi woman, Salmd bint 'Auf; she b. Umayya gave birth to 'Ali b. Umayya killed at Badr7). Wahb b. 'Uthmdn b. Abi Talha of the 'Abd al-Ddr b. Qusayy marriedSu'da bint Zayd b. Laqit of the Mdzin b. 'Amr b. Tamim8). Harb b. Umayya married a Tamimi woman 9). Ndfi' b. Tarif b. 'Amr b. Naufal b. 'Abd MandfmarriedGhaniyya bint Abi Ihdb b. 'Aziz b. Qays b. Suwayd b. Rabi'a b. Zayd b. 'Abd b. Ddrim 10). Abfi Ihab was a descendant of Suwayd b. Rabi'a who i) Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, ms. f. 9a: al-Bal1dhuri's Ansdb, ms. f. 153a: al Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., pp. 44, 83; Ibn JHajar: al-Isdba No. 8404; Ibn Sa'd: Tabaqat III, 19. 2) al-Bal1dhuri: Ansib, ms. f. 154a, 105 oa. al-Sadfisi: Hadhf, p. 30; al-Bal1dhuri: Ansab, ms. f. 345, 8o6; Abft 'l-Faraj: Aghdn I, 3) al-Bal1dhuri:Ansdb, ms. f. Io44a; al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., p. 169. ms. 4) Ibn al-KalbiJamhara, f. i16; al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri,op. cit., p. 98; Mu'arrij 82. 5) al-Mus'abal-Zubayri:op. cit., p. 198; al-Bal1dhuri:Ansdb,ms. f. 8o8a(Kuhayfa bint Jandal-not Fukayha); Ibn al-Kalbi:Jamhara,ms. f. 2ia. 6) Ibn al-Kalbi:Jambara,ms. f. 2o; al Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., pp. 44, 83; Ibn IHajar:al-IsidbaNo. 8404; Ibn Sa'd: Tabaqat III, 19. 7) al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr, op. cit., f. 176 b; al Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., p. 387 inc. 8) al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr,op. cit., f. 88a. 9) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri,op. cit., p. 123. io) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., p. 204. I6o M. J. KISTER killed a son of the ruler of al-Hira and escaped to Mlecca.He became an ally of the Naufal b. 'Abd Mandf. The grandfatherof Ghaniyya, 'Aziz b. Qays marriedFdkhitabint 'Amir b. Naufal b. 'Abd Manif 1). AbCiIhdb b. 'Aziz, the father of Ghaniyya married Durra bint Abi Lahab, the uncle of the prophet2). The daughterof Abii Ihdb married 'Abd al-Rahmdnb. 'Attdb b. Asid b. Abi 'l-'ls b. Umayya b. 'Abd Shams 3). The granddaughterof Abii Lahab, Durra bint 'Utba b. Abi Lahab marrieda Tamimi: Hind b. Hind b. Abi HIla the grandson of Khadija from her first (or second) husband, the Tamimi Abri Hdla4). The daughter of Naufal b. al-Hdrith b. 'Abd al-Muttalib5) married the Tamimi Hanzalab. al-Rabi'a,the secretaryof the Prophet6), the nephew of Aktham b. Sayfi 7). The list of the Tamimi women who married the men of the aristocratic families of Quraysh is not comprehensive at all. There seems to have been a considerable number of Tamimi women who married the sons of distinguished families of Mecca. It points to the close relations between Quraysh and Tamim. These marriages may have been intended to strengthen the ties with the chiefs of Tamim, who contributed considerably to strengthen the position of Mecca in the tribalsociety. i) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., pp. 204, 420; al-Zubayr. b. Bakkar, op. cit., f. I86a; AbO'l-Baqd', op. cit., f. i5ob. 2) Ibn al-Kalbi: Jamhara, ms. f. ii6 b. 3) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., p. 193. 4) Ibn al-Kalbi:Jamnhara, ms. f. i i 8b. 5) See about him: Ibn Hajar: al-Isiba, No. 8827. 6) Ibn al-Kalbi: Jamhara, ms. f. i i 8a. 7) See about him: Ibn Hajar: al-Isaba, No. 1855. BIBLIOGRAPHY al-'Abbdsi: Ma'ahbid al-tansis,Cairo I3 I6 A.H. Abfi 'l-Baqd' Hibatu 'llh: al-Maniqibal-mazyadyya akhbdr ms. al-mulfkal-asadiyya, fi Br. Mus., add. 23, 296. Abfi Dharr: Sharhal-Siraed. Bronnle, Cairo 19 1. ed. 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Faris (ed.), The Arab Heritage, b. al-Maghribi,al-Wazir,al-IHusayn cAli: al-Inasbi-cilmi'l-ansib,ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3620. al-Majlisi: Bi•dr al-anwar, vol. VI, 1302 A.H. al-Maqdisi, Mutahhar b. Tdhir: al-Badc wa-l-ta'rikh, ed. U. Huart, Paris 1899-I919. al-Marzubdni: Mujam al-shucard', ed. F. Krenkow, Cairo i354 A.H. A.H. al-Marzftqi: al-Azmina wa-l-amkina, I-II, Hyderabad 1332 : Sharh diwan al-hamasa, ed. A. Amin - A. S. HdrCin,Cairo 1953. Cairo I357 A.H. al-Din 'Abd al-IHamid, ed.Muh. Mulhyi al-Dhahab, al-Mas'cdi: Muruj Quraysh, ed. Sallh al-Din al-Munajjid,Cairo Mu'arrijal-Sadisi: al- Hadhf min nasab 96o0. al-Mubarrad: Nasab cAdnen wa-Qabtdn, ed. 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Maymani, Cairo 1936. ed. C. Lyall, Oxford 1918-1921; ed. A. M. al-Mufaddal A. S. Hrtin, Cairo 1952. Shdkir -al-.Dabbi: al-Mufaddlaliyydt, MECCA AND TAMIN 163 ed. Mucsab b. 'Abdallahal-Zubayri:NasabQuraysh, E. Levi-Provengal,Cairo I953. ed. Muhibb al-Din al-Khatib, Cairo 1928. al-Najirami:Aymdnal-cArab, NaqaPidJarir wa-l-Farazdaq, ed. A. A. Bevan, Leiden 1905-1912. 1939-195 2. der T. Nl61deke:Geschichte PerserundAraberZurZeit derSassaniden, Leiden 1879. M. von Oppenheim - W. Caskel - E. Briunlich: Die Beduinen, I-III, Wiesbaden al-Qdli: Dhayl al-amdli,and "Nawadir",ed. 'Abd al-cAziz al-Maymani,Cairo 1926. 1323-I329 al-Qummi- Ghard'ib al-qur'an, on margin of Tabari's Tafsir, Billq al-Qurtubi: al-Jamini al-qurl'n,ed. Cairo, 193 5-46. li-ahkdm A.H. C. Rathjens: Die Pilgerfabrt nachMecca,Hamburg 1948. in G. Rothstein: Die DynastiederLahmiden al-Hira, Berlin 1899. ed. al-Shahrastdni: al-Milal wa-l-nihal, W. Cureton, London I846. al-Suhayli: al-Raud al-unuf, I-II, Cairo 1914. al-Durr al-manthfirfi I-VI, Teheran 1377 A.H. 'l-tafsirbi-l-ma'thzfr, al-SuyCiti: al-Tabarani: al-Mujam al-sagbir, Delhi 1311 A.H. al-Tabari,Muh. b. Jarir: Ta'rikhal-umam I-VIII, Cairo 1939. wa-l-mulzk, al-Tabarsi:Majma'al-bayin,I-XXX, Beirut 1957. ed. al-Tha'llibi: La/ta'ifal-macdni, de Jong, Leiden I867. in U. Thilo: Die Ortsnamen deraltarabischen Poesie,Wiesbaden 1958. ed. al-Wdqidi:al-MaghdzI, A. von Kremer, Calcutta1856. Berlin 1887. Heidentums, J. Wellhausen: Restearabischen E. R. Wolf: "The Social Organization of Mecca and the Origins of Islam", Southal-Yacqabi:Ta'rikh,I-III, al-Najaf 1358 A.H. Ydqat: MuJamal-buldin,I-VIII, Cairo 1906. RAAD, XXXIV. ghayru Zdfir al-Qdsimi:al-Ilaf wa-l-ma'acnt 'l-mashrk.ta, ms. nasab wa-akhbdrihd, Bodley. Marsh. 384; al-Zubayrb. Bakkar:Janmharat Quraysh vol. I, ed. MahmaidMuh. Shakir,Cairo 1381 A.H. al-Zurqdni: Sharh al-mawahibal-ladunniyya,Cairo I325-I328 A.H. western Journal of Anthropology (19 5 ), 330- 337. - - : Thimar al-qulib ft 'l-muddaf wa-l-mansfb, Cairo 19o8. 

Mecca_reports.pdf SOME REPORTSCONCERNINGMECCA FROM JAHILIYYA TO ISLAM 1 BY M. KISTER j. Information aboutthe conditionsin Meccain the periodpreceding and Islamis scarce, therearefew accounts aboutthe relations Mecca of with tribes and vassal kingdoms. Some data from hitherto unpublished Mss., or those published only recently may elucidate certain aspects of the inner situation in Mecca, and shed some light on the relations of Meccawith the tribesand the vassalkingdoms. I A passage theanonymous in 2) Nihayatal-irabf/Iakhbiral:fuirsia-l-'arab some detailsabout the activityof Hdshimb. 'Abd Mandfand gives aboutthe Expedition the Elephant. is noticeable of It that this report stresses the of withAbyssinia, emphasized not especially relations Mecca in othersources. Hdshim,says the tradition,took from the kings of Abyssinia,althe of Yaman,Persiaand Syriacharters permitting merchants Mecca to frequent theseterritories with theirmerchandise It is emphasized 3). that the first king who granted him the charterwas al-Najdshiand that "Abyssiniawas the best land in which the Meccanmerchantstraded4)." After receiving of the charterfrom the NajdshiHdshimwent to Yemen. The report furnishes us with some information about the kings who ruled in that period: in Yemen ruled Abraha b. al-Ashramwho bore the kunyaAbai Yaksfim5); he granted Hishim the requested charter. i) The reader'sattention is called to the Addenda at the end of this article. Places in the text and the notes referredto in the Addenda are markedby asterisks. 2) See about this Ms.: E. G. Browne, Some Accountof the Arabic Workentitled / Nihayatu1-irab akhbdri Fursi wa-1cArab, J RA S, 1900, pp. ft Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23298, fol. 174a: 195"-204. ... wa-innahshiman 3) Nihayat al-irab, sdra ild l-mulfki fa-akhadbaminhum min cuqpda: yumnaCuqaumubu al-c'uhdawa-1la bulddnihim wa-ardihim. al-tijratifit min 4) Ibid.: ... wa-keinat 1-babashati afdaliI-amakinilaftiyatjaru qurayshtun. arcdu ftha 5) It may be noticed that the social conditions in the army of the Abyssiniansand 62 M. J. KISTER From the Yemen Hdshim journeyed to Jabala b. Ayham, the king of Syria; from Syria he proceeded to 'Iraq, to Qubddh; from both of them he got the required charters. The final sentences of the report tell us about the results of the efforts of Hdshim and give a description of the changes which occurred in the relations of Mecca with the tribes and the neighbouringkingdoms as a resultof the grantedcharters. "... Thus Quraysh traded in these territories and got profits and became rich; their wealth increased, their trade expanded; thus the Arabs overcame the 'c4jam by the abundance of wealth, generosity and excellence; they (i.e. Quraysh)were men of mind, reason, dignity, generosity, excellence, staid behaviourand nobility; they are the chosen people of God's servants, the best of His creatureand the noblest of His peoples 1)." the causes which brought about the fight between Aryit and Abraha are given in a nephew of the the Nihdyat al-irab in more detail than in other sources. divided gifts and products after the conquest ofAry.t, the Yemen among the Najdshi, chiefs and nobles of the Abyssinians, treating scornfully the weak (i.e. the poor) and depriving them of his gifts (fol. i 5Ia: ... wa-farraqa cald i-sildti wa-1-.haw-'ija wa-haramadzu'afd'ahum wa-ashrdfihim fa-ghadibti cufzam)ai1-habashati wa-zdardhum shadidan .). They appealed to Abraha, one of the officers .. min dhalikaghadaban of the army sent with Arydt, and swore their allegiance to him. The weak part of the army stood behind Abraha, the strong and the noble behind Arydt. In the wellThe declarationissued by Abraha known fight between them Abraha killed after the duel stresses again the social aspect of the rebellion: "O Abyssinian people, Ary.t. God is our Lord, Jesus is our Prophet, the Gospel is our Book, the Najdshi is our king. I rebelled against only because he abandoned equality amongst Therefore stand fast for Ary.t amongst you, as God will not be pleased by you. equality preference in division (i.e. of spoils and grants-K) and by depriving the weak of their share of booty." (fol. I 1b :yd ma'shara wa1-habashati rabbund isanablyyuna Ilahu liwa-l-injilukitabunawa-i-najdshiyyu malikund,wa-inni innamakharajtu cala aryd.ta tarkihi 1-sawiyyata baynakum, fa-thbutzili-i-stiwa'i baynakum, fa-inna lldha i3 yarda7 bi-i-atharati 1-qasmi ...) fi wa-la anyubhrama 1-ducafa'u 1-maghnama Abraha, stressing in his letter to the Najdshi his allegiance and loyalty, repeats his argument that treated the weak unjustly (fol. 15za: ... wa-innamd qataltuarydtailld li-ithdrihi Ary.t cal 1-diucafd)i wa-ldraDyika .). .. minjundika, yakundhlika minszratika fa-lam i-aqwiyd'a The lowly origin of Abraha is indicated in the remarkof the Najdshi: ... wa-innama huwaqirdun min al-qurzidi, wa-ldaslun.Cf. the account laysalahusharafun 1-habashati f of Procopius in Sidney Smith's Events in Arabia in the 6th Century AD, B SO A S XVI (1954), PP. 431-432; and see al-Zahr Ms. Leiden, Or. 370, al-basim, fol. 3za (quoted from Wdqidi):... Mughult.y, 1-mulifka wa-stadhalla .fa-a ctj (i.e. 1-Juqara'a. Ary.t) i) Nihdyat al-irab, fol. I74a, inf.: fa-atjarat qurayshun hddhibi fi i-amdkinikulliha wa-athrauwa-kathurat wa-sida i- carabu fa-rabihb7 amwaluhum wa-aZumat tijdrdtuhum MECCA 63 After the death of Hashim his son 'Abd al-Muttalibtook over his duties and mission; he died during the reign of Anishirwin b. Qubddh1) In his time the well-known expedition of Abraha against Mecca took place. qullays) Accordingto Arab traditionAbrahabuilt a temple(haykal, to and triedto divertthe pilgrimage Meccato his temple.The immediate cause for the expedition of Abraha was the desecration of this temple. We have conflicting traditionsabout the location of the temple (San'l', Najrdn, a place on the sea shore) and the persons who burnt it, robbed it or relieved their bowels in it. According to the traditions the desecration was committed by Nufayl b. Habib al-Khath'ami,2) by a man (or men) from Kinana3), or more accuratelyby a man from the Nasa'a 4) or by a group of Arabs. The reportsabout the desecration the unintentional (or burning) of the templepoint to Qurayshas the initiatorsof this action. The tradition that the deed was carried out by men from Kinana, or a 5) group of nasa'aor .hums deserves special attention; these groups were closely related to Quraysh. A tribal leader of al-Hirith b. 'Abd waCal/a-'ajami bi-kathrati -amwali wa-l-sakha'iwa-l-fadli; wa-kanudhawi ab/lamin Il/hi wa-nublin; cuqzl/inwa-baha'inwa-sakhi'in wa-fadlinwa-waqdrin fa-hum safwatu min cibadihi wa-khiratuhu minjami'i khalqihi wa-afdalu bariyyatibi. Al-Tabari, Ta'rikh, Cairo 1939, I, 556; Mughultdy,op. cit., fol. 32a; al-Zurqcni, Sharhal-mawdhib, Cairo3 32, I, 83; Nihydatal-irab,fol. 174a. ed. 3) Muhammad b. Habib, al-Munammaq, Khurshid Ahmad Firiq, Hyderabad 1384/1964, p. 68; al-Tabari,Ta'rikh, I, 551; al-Zurqdni,op. cit., I, 83; al-Damiri, Cairo 1383-I963, 1I, 230; and see al-Bayhaqi, Dala'il al-nubuwwa, Hayat al-hayawan, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3013, fol. 13a: ... annarajulan min banzmilkin b. kindna,wa-huwa minal-hums... 4) Al-Tabari, Ta'rikh, I, 550 inf.; al-Qurtubi, al-Jamicli-abhkami 'n, Cairo 1-qur 1387/1967, XX, 188, i.i; al-Kalici, al-IktifP', ed. H. Masse, Paris 1931, I, 188 ed. ult.; Ibn Hisham, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, al-Saqd,al-Abydri, Shalabi, Cairo 1355/ ed. 1936, I, 44 ult.; Ibn Kathir, al-Sira al-nabawbyya, Mustaf~ 'Abd al-W~hid, Cairo 1384/1964, I, 30. 5) See about al-Shdtibi, al-Juman akhbari1-zaman,Ms. Br. Mus., Or. ft 55a; al-I-fkim, al-Mustadrak, 3008, fols. 43b, al-.hums Hyderabad 1342, I, 483; al-Suyuti, Cairo 1373/1954, pp. 25-26; al-Bakri,Mujam ma stajam, ed. Mustaf~ Lubabal-nuqfil, al-Saqd, Cairo 1364/1945, I, 245, s.v. Birk; Muqitil, Tafsir, Ms. LHmidiyya 58, fols. 87a, Io3a; Ibn Habib, al-Munammaq, pp. 143-146; al-'Isami, Simt al-nujz7m Cairo 1380, I, 218-219. al-cawm/i, 2) I) Ibid., fol. 174b, sup. 64 M. J. KISTER Mandt b. Kindna came to Mecca in order to conclude an alliance with a clan of Quraysh'). Kindna were the allies of Quraysh in the wars of al-F•jdr2). The close co-operation of Kindna with Quraysh is reflectedin a short passage recorded by al-Fdkihion the authority of al-Zuhri where the crucial event of the boycott of the Banii Hdshim is recounted. When Quraysh decided to impose a boycott on the BandiHashim in connection with missionaryactivities of the Prophet, they allied with the BandiKindna.The terms of the agreementbetween the two parties entailed that they should cease trading with the Bandi Hdshim and desist from giving them shelter3). This passage may help us to evaluatethe story of the boycott 4) and the reports about the co-operationof Qurayshwith the neighbouring tribes and clans. It is not surprisingto find traditionsaccording to which a leaderof Kindna participatedin the delegation to Abraha, when he came with his army to destroy the Ka'ba. Consequentlythe version that men from Kinana the committed desecration seemsto be preferable. The reportsusuallydescribe wrathof Abraha the when he received the informationabout the desecrationof his temple. The Nihadyat has Two men al-irab a shortbut important passageabouthis reaction. of Khath'am, the says the report,desecrated templeof Abraha.Upon hearing about it he said: "This was committed by agents of Quraysh as they are angry for the sake of their House to which the Arabs resort for their pilgrimage." He swore to destroy the Ka'ba so that pilgrimage should be to the temple of San'c' exclusively. "In San'a' there were (at that time-K) Qurashi merchants", states the report. b. al-Mughira 5)." Abraha summoned Hish.m p. I) Ibn Habib,al-Munammaq,178. op. p. z) See e.g. al-Munammaq,20z seq., al-Bakri, cit., s.v. cUkdz. Ta'rikh Makka,Ms. Leiden,Or. 463, fol. 444b: ... qdla 1-zuhriyyu: 3) Al-Fdkihi, anna wa-dhilika banikindnata wa-i-khafu qurayshun 1-kufri, 'ald 1-wddZ taqdsamat an and .haythzu wa-ld halafatqurayshan banihdshimin layubdyicr'hum yu'wzfhum; see this 'ald XII ed. report:al-Bakri, cit.,s.v. Khayf.;Ahmadb. Hanbal, Musnad, Shdkir, 230, op. no. 7239. at Oxford195 pp. I 19-122. Watt,MuhammadMecca, 4) Cf. W. Montgomery 3, Cairo ed. Nasabquraysh, E. Levi Provengal, 5) See on him Mus'abal-Zubayri, b. Ms. Bodley,Marsh.384, nasab 301; al-Zubayr Bakkdr, 1953,p. quraysh, Jamharat fols. I29a-13oa. "Among them was MECCA 65 the Qurashi merchants and asked them: "Have I not allowed you to trade freely in my country and ordered to protect you and to treat you honourably"? They said: "Yes, o king, so it was." Abraha asked: "So why did you secretly send men to the churchbuilt for the king, al-Najashi, to defecate and to smear the walls with excrements?"' They answered: "We do not know about it." Abraha said: "I thought that you did it indeed out of anger for the sake of your House to which the Arabs go on pilgrimage, when I ordered to direct the pilgrims to this church." Hisham b. al-Mughirathen said: "Our House is (a place of) shelter and security; there gather there prey-beasts with wild animals, prey birds with innocous ones and they do not attack each other. Pilgrimage to your temple should be performed by those who follow your faith, but adherentsof the faith of the Arabs 1) will not choose or adopt anything (else) in preference to the House (i.e. the Ka'ba-K) 2)." Abraha swore to demolish the Ka'ba. Hishdm b. al-Mughira said that more then one king had intended to pull down the Ka'ba, but had failed to get there, as the House has a Lord who protects it. "Do what you like" (sha'naka wa-md aradta)he finally said. This seems to be an early tradition, reflecting as it does the conditions at the period preceding the expedition of Abraha and I) For dinu1-carabsee G. E. von Grunebaum, The Nature of Arab Unity before Islam, Arabica X (1963) P. 15 .. z) Nihdyat al-irab, fols. I74b-I75a: .fa-ukhbira bi-dhilika abrahatufa-qdla: dasisuqurayshin, hddhd ilayhi1-carabu, li-baytihim li-ghadabihim lladhi(text: Ilati) tahujju dhdlika1-baytahajaraniajaran hbattd la-ahdimanna yakhlusa 1-hajjuild mad wa-l-masihi bnu bi-san tfjdrun minqurayshin, ha-hund; ca'a fthim hishdmu 1-mughirati,fa-arsala wa-kdna wa-ikramikum? lakum al-maijara ardi wa-amartu qjlz: bald, qad kdna ft an bi-.hifikum ild dhAlika;qdla: fa-ma hamalakumCald dasastum hadhihi1-bi'ati Ilati banaytuha wa-la takhabihahiitnahd? li-l-maliki1-najdshly)i (text: hattd)ahdatha 1-'adhirata man fihd annakum innamd caltumdhalika qd/zl:md land bi-dhalikacilmun;qdla: qad Zanantu fa amartumin tasyiri lladhW li-baytikum (text: llati) tahujju ghaadaban ilayhi1-carabu cindama inna baytand hirzun wa-amnun l-Ihujii ilayha; qala hishamubnu /-mughirati: yajtami'uC ma'a fihi 1-sibadCu 1-wahshi wa-jawdribu 1-tayri ma'a 1-bughdthi, wa-ldya cridushay'un wa-innama ild minhd li-sdhibihi; yanbaghi anjyaihqja b'catikamankdna 'ald dinika;ammd man kdna Caladini 1-'arabifa-laysa bi-mukhtdrin wa-ld mu'thirin 'ald dhdlika1-bayti 'an. shay JeshoXV 5 lahum: a-lamutliq 'alayhi, fa-qdla ilayhim (text: ilayhi) hattd dakhald abrahalu, fa-aqbald 66 M. J. KISTER corroborating the reports about commercial relations between Mecca and the Yemen in that period. There is little ground for suspicion that the story was fabricated:it contains no favourablefeatures,heroic or Islamic, which would explain why it should have been invented; Makhzfim could have hardly any interest in forging it as one of the many "praises" of Hisham 1). It remained in fact peripheral, not included in any of the reports of the expedition of Abraha. The answerof Hishamin his talk with Abrahacontains an interesting definition of the position of Mecca and its role as conceived by a Meccan leader. Mecca, in this concept, was a neutralcity, not involved in intertribalwars, a place of security and a sanctuaryto which every Arabhadthe right to makepilgrimage.Only adherentsof a state religion should be ordered to perform their pilgrimage to a temple established by the ruler. It is hardlynecessaryto observe that this neutralposition enabled Mecca to expand its commercial relations with the tribes. A similaropinion about Mecca was expressedby Qurrab. Hubayra, a tribal leader, in a decisive moment of the history of Mecca: in the first phase of the ridda. His view mirrors the attitude of the tribal groups, according to their established relations with Mecca. When 'Amr b. al-'As was on his way from 'Uman to Medina, when the revolt of the riddastarted,he came to Qurrab. Hubayraal-Qushayri2). Qurrareceived him hospitably and gave him escort to Medina. When 'Amr b. al-'As was about to leave, Qurra gave him his advice: "You with security both for yourpeople of Quraysh lived in your .haram selves and for (other) people (i.e. the tribes-K) with regard to you. Then there appeareda man from amongst you and announced what you heard. When this (information)reached us we did not dislike it; we said: "A man from Muldaris (going) to lead the people" (i.e. the tribes-K). This man has (now) died. People (i.e. the tribes-K) are hurrying to you not offering you anything. Therefore go back to If to and your haram live therein security. you do not act (according ed. i) See Ibn Abi 1-Hadid:Shar/? al-baldgha, MuhammadAbai 1-FadlIbrahim, nahj Cairo 1963, XVIII, 285-300. z) See on him "Arabica"XV (1968) p. 155, note 2; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr,al-Isftlceb, ed. 'Ali Muhammadal-Bijawi, Cairo n.d., III, 1281, no. 2114. MECCA 67 my advice-K) I am ready to meet you (in fight-K) wherever you will fix the place 1)." The intent of Qurra was that Mecca should return to its former position as a place of security. Quraysh had to refrain from getting involved in a new political plan "to lead the people"; this plan had come to its end, in his opinion, with the death of the Prophet. Quraysh should revert to its previous relations with the tribes upon conditions of equality, with co-operation and confidence. Because of this saying Khalid b. al-Waliddemandedto execute Qurra when he was taken prisoner 2). There are conflicting traditions about the troops which took part in the expedition of Abraha. Ibn Ishlq mentions only the Abyssinians as the force of Abraha, reporting that the Arabs went out against him. The two leaders who fought Abraha, aided by their tribes and the Arabs who consideredit their duty to fight him, were Dha Nafar and al-HIimyari Nufayl b. Habib al-Khath'ami:they were defeatedand captured.Abraha marchedtowards Mecca and passed by al-Td'if where he was received with hospitalityby Mu'attib b. MNlikal-Thaqafi and directedtowardsMecca.This story is followed by the reportof the the seizingof the herdof 'Abdal-Muttalib, talkof 'Abdal-Muttalib with Abrahaand the miracleof the birds who destroyedthe army of Abraha.Ibn Ishaq mentionsalso anothertraditionaccordingto which 'Abd al-Muttalibwent to Abraha in the company of the leaders of Kinanaand Hudhayl(Ya'mar Nufitha al-Kinani Khuwaylid and b. al-Hudhali)and offeredhim a third part of the goods of the Tihima 3). Muqatil (d. 15o H) reports (as quoted from his Tafsir) about the following two expeditions of Abraha al-Ashram al-Yamani against i) Ibn JHubaysh, ya al-MaghJZi,Ms. Leiden, Or. 343, P. 24: ... wa-innakum, ma'sharaqurayshin, kuntum haramikum 'manzina wa-ya 'manukum ta ft fihi l-nisu; thumma dhilika lam nakrahhu, kharajaminkumrajulun yaqh/u ma sami'ta;fa-lammd balaghanja rajulunmin mudara wa-qulnd: wa-l-nasu ilaykumsiraCn, yasfzqu 1-ndsa;wa-qadtuwujffya wa-innahum ghayrumu'tikumshay fa-lhaqf7 fa-'manf fihi; wa-inkunta 'an, bi-haramikum fd faghayra cilin 'idnihaythu shi'ta atika ... * 2) Ibid., p. 24, 11.4-5; P. 26, 11.1-2. I, 3) Ibn Hishdm, op. cit., I, 47, 63; al-Tabari,Ta'rikh,L I-5 56 (from Ibn Ishiq); Ibn Kathir, al-SZra,I, 30-41 (from Ibn Ishiq); al-Azraqi, Akhbar Makka, ed. F. Wiistenfeld, Leipzig 1858, pp. 87-92. 68 M. J. KISTER Mecca: the first one was headed by Abli Yaksfim b. (!) Abraha in order to destroy the Ka'ba and establish the elephant as object of worship; this expedition failed. The second one occurred after some Qurashites came to a Christianchurch called al-Haykal (called by the sat NajashiAladsirhasdn), down to roast meat, forgot to extinguish and as a resultthe churchwent up in flames.This happened the fire a or two afterthe firstexpedition was the causefor thesecond and year expedition.When the Najdshiwas informedabout the burning of the churchhe becameenragedand decidedto go out againstMecca. al-Kindi,Abli Yaksfimal-Kindi(!) and Abrahab. Hujr b. Shurdhil him theirhelp.It was the Najashiwho headedthe al-Sabbdh promised and who talkedwith 'Abd al-Muttalib returnedhim and expedition camebackto Mecca,he was the seizedherd. When 'Abd al-Muttalib to advisedby Abii Mas'fidal-Thaqafi leave the city and to stayin the mountains. it""This House has a Lord Who protects surrounding Abraha's said AbaiMas'tid Then the miracleof the birdsappeared, 1). and army was destroyedand 'Abd al-Mutttalib Abfi Mas'uidboth andgold 2). collectedthe discarded jewels Ibn a different of versionin his Mubtada': grandson the gives Ish.q Abraha,the king of the JHabash son of his daughter), (the Aksfimb. cameas pilgrimto Mecca.On his way back he stoppedin al-Sabb~h a churchin Najrdn.Therehe was attacked men from Meccawho by robbed his luggage and looted the church. When the grandfather heardabout it from his grandson,he sent againstMeccaan armyof men headedby Shamir Maqsid. b. twentythousand The short reportcontainsthe story of the seizing of the herd of and 'Abd al-Muttalib the miracleof the birds3). Two poemsof 'Abd al-Muttalib verses ending in mRand io versesendingin ma) are (14 also quotedfromthe Mubtada' 4). i) Comp. above, p. 65: the answer of Hishdm b. al-Mughira to Abraha. 2) Mughultdy, op. cit., fol. 25a-26b sup. (See a short passage of the version of Muqdtil in Majlisi's Bihdr, XV, 137; other fragments :al-'Isdmi, op. cit., I, 232-233; al-Tha'labi, Qisas al-anbiya', Cairo n.d., pp. 6o2-6o3).* 3) Mughultdy, op. cit., fol. 26b. 4) Ibid., fol. 27a-b. MECCA 69 But seems to have recorded only a part of the report Mughult.y of the Mubtada'.The whole report is recorded by Abi Nu'aym alIsfahdni in his Dald'il al-nubuwwa The isndd of Abi Nu'aym does 1). not include the name of Ibn Ish•q; but the fragment of the Mubtada' recordedby is identicalwith the first part of Abu Nu'aym's Mughult.y this report the army of Shamir consisted of to report 2). According Khaulan and a group of Ash'ariyyin. The army was joined by al-Taqcl al-Khath'ami. The talk of 'Abd al-Muttalib with Abraha and the story of the miracleof the birds are given at length. The combined report of al-Tabarl3) is based on the account of 6), al-Wdqidi.It is recordedby Ibn Sa'd 4), Abli Nu'aym 5), Mughult.y and al-Tha'labi7). According to this tradition 'Abd al-Muttalibstayed at the mountain of Hire' with 'Amr b. 'A'idh al-Makhzuimi, Mut'im b. 'Adiyy and AbdiMas'id al-Thaqafi. An anonymous report claims that the father of 'Uthman b. 'Aff~n, was close to 'Abd al-Muttalibon the mountain;the first who descended in order to collect the spoils of the army of Abraha were 'Abd alMuttalib, 'AffSn and Abi Mas'td al-Thaqafi. The father of 'Uthmdn then became a rich man 8). According to the report of the Nihayat al-irab'Abd al-Muttatlibdescendendwith Hakim b. Hizam 9). A significant report is recorded by al-Tabarsi and Majlisi11).The 10) of the followers of Abraha in his army were people from majority 'Akk, Ash'ar and Khath'am. When the troops of Abraha reached Cairo i) Hyderabad 1369/1950, pp. 101-105; see al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-mnanthlr, 1314, VI, 394 (quoted from the Dald'il). 2) Mughulty perused the text of Aba Nu'aym and remarks (fol. 25b, 1.7) that Aba Nu'aym recorded the name of the commander Shamir b. Masfad (see Abel Nu aym, Dald'il, p. ioi, note i). 3) Ta'rikh,I, 556-557. Beirut I956, I, 90-92. 4) Tabaqdt, 5) Dala'il, pp. Io6-107. 6) Al-Zahr, fol. 32a. 7) Qisasal-anbiyd', 603-604. pp. 9) Fol. 176b. io) Al-Tabarsi, Majma'al-bayin,Beirut 138o/0961, XXX, 234-237. Teheran 1379, XV, 134-137. i i) Bihdral-anwdr, 8) Al-Halabi, Insan al- 'uyIrn al-Sira al-balabitya), Cairo (= 135 1/1932, I, 73. 70 M. J. KISTER Mecca, the people left the city and sought shelter in the mountains. There were left in Mecca only 'Abd al-Muttalibcarrying out the duty of the siqayaand Shayba b. 'Uthmdn b. 'Abd al-Ddr carryingout the duty of the dijba. The story of the seizure of the herd of 'Abd alMuttalib is followed by the story of the meeting of 'Abd al-Muttalib with Abi Yaksiim. The details about the events following the meeting and the Khath'am broke their are of special interest. The Ash'ariyyuin swords and spears and declared themselves innocent before God of any intention to destroy the House. When the miracle of the birds occurred, the troops who marched against Mecca being killed by the stones thrown by the birds, the Kath'am and Ash'ar were saved from being harmedby the stones. This report, recordedby the Shi'i Tabarsiand Majlisi,is recordedby the Sunni al-Bayhaqiin his Dald'il 1). It is evident that the al-nubuzwwa tradition has a South-Arabiantendency. The South-Arabiantradition also adopts the version that Dhui Nafar and Naufal b. Habib were taken prisoners by Abraha and forced to follow him. Naufal (or Nufayl) was the man who desecratedthe temple of Abraha in order to keep the pilgrimage to Mecca and DhUiNafar was a friend of 'Abd al-Muttalib,who advised him when he came to meet Abraha2). These are apparent attempts to clear the South-Arabian tribes from any of accusation of aiding Abraha in his activities against the .haram Mecca. The version recorded by Mulhammad b. Habib 3) differsfrom those mentioned above. Abraha built the church in Santd' according to the plan of the Ka'ba. It was desecrated by a group of Kindna. Abraha decided to march against Mecca, to destroy the Ka'ba and afterwards to raid Najd. He gathered people of low extractionand brigands and listed them in his army. He was followed by the leaderof Khath'am, Nufayl, on the head of huge groups of his tribe and by the Munabbih b. Ka'b of the Balhlrith, who did not recognize the sanctity of the al-Iklzl, ed. Muhibb al-Din al-Khatib, X, z5. (Cairo 1368). 2) Cf. al-Hamddini, 3) Al-Munammaq, 68-80. pp. I) Fols. I3a-I4a. MECCA 71 Ka'ba and the Tarafa,who stayedat that time in Najrdn,warned .haram. Qatddab. Maslamaal-IHanafi1) of the plannedattackof Abrahaagainst Najd. Verses of Kulthuim b. 'Umays al-Kindni, who was captured by the army of Abrahaand put in chains, give a vivid descriptionof the army of Abraha. 0, may God let hear a call: and send between the mountains of Mecca (al-Akhshabini) a herald. There came upon you the troops of al-Ashram, among them an elephant: and black men riding (beasts like) ogers. And infantry troops, stout ones, whose number cannot be counted: by al-Lit, they swing their javelines thirsty (of blood). They came upon you, they came upon you! The earth is too narrow to bear them: like a gush of water flowing overpowers the valley. On their way the troops of Abraha were attacked by the Azd who defeated them. Abrahaand his army were however received hospitably in al-Ta'if by Mas'i-d b. Mu'attib, who explained to Abraha that the sanctuaryof al-'Ia'if is small and that his goal is the Ka'ba of Mecca, which should be destroyedin revenge for the desecrationof his temple. When the army of Abraha approached Mecca, the people of city left, seeking refuge in the mountains; only 'Abd al-:Muttaliband 'Amr b. 'A'idh al-Makhzumi remained in the city 2): they fed the people (scil. remaining in Mecca). Further the report gives the story of the meeting of Abraha with 'Abd al-Muttalib and the miracle of the birds. The appendedverses give the descriptionof the disastrousend of Abraha'sarmy. The quoted traditions are, in fact, contradictory and the picture they give is blurred. Miraculousand legendaryelements3) are evident and form a part of every report. There are however some details which deserve to be considered.Muqdtil'sversion, as recordedby Mughultiy, is the only one in which two expeditions are mentioned: a first one which failed to reach the precincts of Mecca, and a second one, which i) See Diwainde Tarafa, ed. M. Seligsohn, Paris 1901, p. 146 (VII, appendix). And see ibid., p. 90; and see p. al-AMunammaq,69, note 3. z) Cf. al-Balddhuri, Ansdb al-ashrif, ed. Muhammad Hamidullah, Cairo 1959, I, 68; al-Maqdisi,al-Bad' wa-l-ta'rikh,ed. Cl. Huart, Paris 1899, III, i86. 3) See the legendary report of AbaI1-Hasanal-Bakriin Majlisi'sBihdrXV, 65-74. 72 M. J. KISTER of the expedition preceding Expedition the Elephant 1). The troops in the armyof Abrahaseem to have been from both SouthandNorthArabia. Balhlrith,'Akk,Ash'ar, Khauldn Khath'am, are the names of South-Arabian troops, mentionedin the reports. The presenceof Mudaritroops is impliedin the story of the meal of testicles preparedfor Khath'am,which the Mudari(Northern) refusedto eat the testicles troops refusedto eat2). Whenthe Mudaris before the cross, Abrahaorderedto summonthem; andto prostrate to that they do not eat testicles,nor do they prostrate they explained the cross;theyfollow the tenetsof theirpeople(wa-na.hnu, i-la'na, abayta Abraha freedthem,stating:kulluqaumin wa-dinahum 3). ft diniqaumind). The Therewas also a troop of Abyssinians. versesof Qaysb. Khuzd'i a in (al-Sulami) praiseof Abrahadescribe selectedunit of Abyssinians Abraha: surrounding v. 3 The sons of Abyssinia around him: wrapped in Abyssinian silk clothes 4. 4 With white faces and black faces: their hair (curly) like long peppers 4). occurreda year or two later. In this expedition the army was led by the Najdshi,some troops entered Mecca, but the expedition ended with the disastrous fate of the army. This tradition suits the assumption of W. Caskel, who considered the inscription Ry o06 referring to an that The information Abrahaintendedto raidNajd afterhe would destroythe Ka'bais noteworthy.The attackon Najd, as attestedby the versesof Tarafa,seemsto have been plannedon the background of the strugglebetween Persiaand Byzantium and the raids of the tribesbeing underthe sway of al-Hiraon the territories tribesin of the regionof Najrdn being underthe sway of Abraha It is notice5). in I) W. Caskel, Entdeckungen Arabien,K61n und Opladen 1954, P. 30 inf. inna abauan 1-maliku, manma'aka minmudara Al-Munammaq, 70: azjluha ya'kulfd p. lahunasun mudara ... minhddhihi min fa-ukhidha l-khusashay'an... wa-arsala, 3) Ibid., p. 71. The saying of Abraha reminds the idea advocated by Hishim b. al-Mughirain his talk with Abraha. 4) Al-Munammaq, 70. p. 5) See Caskel, op. cit., p. 30. 2) MECCA 73 able that Abraha chose Najrdnas halting place in his march, where, as Tarafa says, "the kings took their decisions." (bi-najrana qa.dda ma 1-mulfkuqada'ahum) The people of Najrdnwere devoted Christians 1). and certainly sympathisedwith Abraha;2) groups of Balhlrith in this region aided him. The information about the leaders of Mecca who remained with 'Abd al-Muttalib deserves to be examined. 'Amr b. 'A'idh al-Makhziimi was apparently in close contact with 'Abd al-Muttalib; 'Abd al-Muttalib married his daughter Fatima and she gave birth to his son 'Abdallah, the father of the Prophet3). The Makhziim, as mentioned in the Nibayat al-irabhad trade relations with the Yemen. It is not surprisingto find that Abyssinians dwelt in the Dr a!l'Ulfj, in the quarter of the Banfi Makhziim4). The Makhziim seem to have had financial relations with Najrin as well: when al-Walid b. al-Mughira died he mentioned to his sons that he owed the bishop of Najrdn a hundreddinars5). It is thus plausiblethat Makhzuim to be consulted had i) Cf. al-Hamddni, op. cit., II, 15s7(ed. Muhammad al-Akwac al-Hiwdli, Cairo and see ibid., p. 157: . .. darabz7 idh 1386/1966): ... caldHIububdna tuqaddd mahdsiluh; li-abrahata l-umz7ra. 2) See Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, FutfhiMisr, ed. C. Torrey, New Haven 1922, p. 301, 1.5, the saying of the Prophet about his tiring discussions with the delegation of annabayniwa-bayna najrdna abli Najrdn: ... la-wadidtu (min shiddati md knfn .hijban yujddillinahu).* ed. 3) See Ibn Habib, al-Mubzabbar, Ilse Lichtenstaedter,Hyderabad 1361/1942, p. 51; Ibn al-Kalbi,Jamharatal-nasab,Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23297, fols. 8a, 1.3; 8b, 1.3 bot.; Ibn Habib, Ummahdt al-nabi,ed. Husayn cAli Baghdad 1372/195 2, p. Io (fol. Ib). Mahf.z, 4) Al-Fdkihi, op. cit., fol. 458a; the Prophet was informed that these Abyssinians wanted to come to him in order to embrace Islam; they feared however that the Prophet might repel them. The Prophet said: "Thereis nothing good in Abyssinians: when they are hungry they steal, when they are sated they drink; they have two good is said to have qualities: they feed people and are courageous." cAtdb. Abi been born in this house. When 'Umar came to Mecca he distributedmoney amongst Rab.h Quraysh, Arabs, Mawdli, Persiansand Abyssinians (al-FRkihi, cit., fol. 397a, inf.). op. When cAbdallahb. al-Zubayr pulled down the Ka ba he used Abyssinian slaves for this task. He hoped that amongst them there would be the Abyssinian about whom the Prophet foretold that he would destroy the Ka ba (al-Azraqi, op. cit., p. 141 inf.; al-'IsJmi, op. cit., I, 169 inf.) About the Abyssinian who will destroy the Cairo 1956, I, I27-128.* Ka'ba see al-Azraqi, op. cit., p. 193; al-Fdsi, Shifd'al-gharim, Al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr,op. cit., Ms. fol. 145b, 1.8.* 5) 74 M. J. KISTER at the arrival of the army of Abraha and shared in the decisions. The Kindna as mentioned above, had close relations with Mecca. It is thus probable that Muhammad b. Khuzd'i (al-Sulami) was sent by Abraha the BanfiKinana,thata Kindniwas captured compiled to and the verses to warn Qurayshof the dangerof the approaching army of Abrahaand thata Kindni,from the clan of Di'l was said to have been a memberof the delegationwho negotiatedwith Abraha.The verse seemsto referto the roleplayed recitedby a Di'li womanto Mu'Iwiya of in by the Kindna the Expedition the Elephant: : canwatan hummanad Czjaysha 1-ahabishi bakri wa-hum nahnahz~ ghuweta band 'anna They (i.e. the Di'l1)resisted the army of the Abyssinians forcibly: and they repelled from us those who allure, the Bana Bakr 1) It is plausible find also a chief of the Hudhaylin the delegation. to Hudhayl had good relations with Mecca and played a considerable role in stoppingthe expedition Abraha of againstMecca2). It is also quite likely that 'Abd al-Muttalibconsulted the leader of the Thaqif in his decisions. Thaqif had very close financial relations with Makhzim and common financial enterprises3). It is noteworthy too that 'Abd al-Muttalibhimself had property in al-Tfaif4). He had 1) Al-Balddhuri, Ansab al-ashrif, ed. M. Schloessinger, Jerusalem 1971, IV A, p. i8; Bakr apparently refers to Bakr b. 'Abd Mandt (see Watt, Muhammad at Medina, p. 83); and see the story of the alliance concluded between Quraysh and the Ahabish by cAbd Muttalib to face the BaneiBakr-al-Balddhuri, Ansdb,fol. 902a; but see the second hemistich in the poem of Hudhdfa b. Ghdnim al-Jumahi, al-Azraqi, op. cit., p. 69: wa-su'dadan: 1-bath'a majdan humz7 malak;? ban! wa-hum tarad? anha ghuwdta bakri (malakzr, mala':). perhaps preferable 2) See El2, s.v. Hudhayl/ (G. Rentz) and W. Caskel, op. cit., p. 31, 11.Io-I6. Asbdb al-nuzr/, Cairo 1388/1968, pp. 58-59; al-Suy[iti, Lubdib 3) See al-W al-Tabari, Tafsir, ed. Mahmad and Ahmad Shdkir, Cairo n.d., VI, al-nuqfil, 42; .hidi, p. 22-23; (nos. 6258-6259); and see Muqdtil, Tafstr, Ms. HImidiyya 58, fol. 46 a: ...fa-lammd a.hara /ldhu cazza wa-jalla 1-nabiyya 'ald 1-tatift shtaratat thaqifun (s) anna kulla ribanlahum cald1-nasi fa-huwa lahumwa-kullariba 1-nasiCalay)himi fa-huwa canhum and see maudfcun ...; op. cit., fols., 171b-i72a; and see al-Suyciti, Mughult.y, al-Durr al-manthfr, 366-367. I, 4) Ibn Habib, al-Munammaq, cit., p. 98 ult. op. MECCA 75 also relations with the Yemen; this can be deduced from a tradition about a document of a debt owed to him by a man from San'>' 1). 'Abd al-Muttalib acted of course as a representativeof the .haram, as the dignitary of the Ka'ba, in charge of the siqaya.This is especially emphasized in the tradition that he remained in Mecca with another dignitary Shayba b. 'Uthman, who held the office of the .hdba. They both fed the people; this reflects the concept of responsibility of the dignitariesof the Ka'ba.* It would be vain to try to establish who in fact led Mecca in the decisive moment of the raid of Abraha. What can be deduced from the traditions is only what were the tribal elements which influenced the policy of Mecca and who were the representativesof the clans of Mecca deciding at that time. Details about the expedition are indeed meagre2). But information about the results of the expedition is instructive. According to the al-irab reportof the Nihdyat "Quraysh gainedprestigein the eyes of the Arabs(i.e. the tribes) and they called them Alu Ildhi; they said: "God repelledfrom them the evil (of the enemy)who plottedagainst them3)." 'Abd al-Muttalibbecame wealthy,bought every year many in orderto securethe water supplyof Meccain additionto the well of Zamzamwhich he dug. camels and slaughtered them for the people of Mecca 4). He bought the wells called al-Ajbdbfrom the Banl Nasr b. Mu'dwiya5), obviously Arabic traditionstressesthat the institutionof the humsxwas establishedafter the Expedition of the Elephant6). Some sources are doubtfulaboutthe date of the establishment the hums But it is of 7). I) Al-Majlisi, op. cit., XV, 16o, no. 90; cf. Ydqfit, Mujam al-buldin,s.v. Zaul. wie 2) See Caskel, op. cit., p. 31 sup.: "Es geht daraus hervor, dirftig die einheimischen . Quellen". . 3) Nihjyat al-irab,fol. i77a; and see al-Azraqi, op. cit., p. 98.* at 4) Nibhy al-irab,fol. I77a. Ibid., fol. I9ib, inf. 5) 6) Ibn al-Athir, al-Kimilfil-ta'rikh, ed. cAbd al-Wahhdbal-Najjdr,Cairo 1348, I, 266. adri 7) Ibn Hishdm, op. cit., I, 211: qdla ibnu ishdqa:wa-qad kdnat qurayshun-ld at ... a-qabla1-filiam bacdahu--btada ra'ya 1-humsi 76 M. J. KISTER evident that the failure of the expedition helped to expand the trade of Mecca, to set up close relations with the tribes, to establish its influence and to strengthenthe institutions alreadybuilt up by Quraysh. The market of 'Ukdz was establishedfifteen years after the Expedition of the Elephant1). 'Abd al-Muttalibwas one of the members of the delegation who came to Sayf b. dhi Yazan to congratulate him on his victory 2). According to a tradition recorded by al-Majlision the authority of al-WIqidi, Sayf b. dhi Yazan sent his son to Mecca as a is on governor his behalf3). The reportof Wdqidi probably exaggerated; he may have been sent merelyas a representative, as governor.But not both the reportsindicatethat the relationsof Meccawith the Yemen and ties were re-established the commercial renewed. 11 rite Meccaowed its existenceto trade.Pilgrimage and tradewere indivisiblein this city. It is thus plausiblethat in the young Muslim one community of the most vital questionswhichcould be askedwas the questionwhethertradecould be conductedduring the hajj.This in answered Suira 198: "It is no faultin you, was II, question positively that you shouldseek bountyfrom your Lord..." 4) Trade in Mecca i) Mughulty, op. cit., fol. I7oa, ult.; al-Bakri,op.cit., III, 959; al-Tauhidiconsiders these markets of the Arabs as marks of nobility in both societies of the Arabs, wa-taballihimbi-ashrafiabhwdli bddiyatihimwa-tabaddihim tahaddurihim fJ 1-amrayni ed. ft aswdquhum lahum l-jdhilyyati... (al-Imtac wa-1-mu'dnasa, Ahmad Amin, llati Ahmad al-Zayn, Beirut (reprint-n.d.), I, 83). 1966, II, 178; Ibn 2) See e.g. Ibn Kathir, al-Bideyawa-l-nihdya, ed. Mustaf Beirut-al-Riy.d Cairo 1386/1966, al-W al-Wafdbi-abhwl al-Jauzi, 'cAbd al-mustafd, .hid, I, 122-I28. XV, 146, no. 80: qdla1-wdqidiyyf: ft zamdni'abdii-muttalibi 3) Bihadr kdna al-anwdr, mulfki 1-yamani bnahu lahu rajulunyuqlu sajfubnudhi wa-qadanfadha yazanawa-kinaminm ild makkatawliyan min qibalihi,wa-taqaddama ilayhi bi-sticmdi 1-cadliwa-l-insfi ... 4) See al-Tabari, Tafsir, IV, 163-169 (nos. 3761-3791); al-Bakri, op. cit., III, and see Ch. C. Torrey, amongst the bedouins and the sedentary: ... wa-mimmtiyadullu aldatahaddurihim fi ed. al-mustatdb, Muhammad 'Arnfs, Cairo 1357/193 8, al-Shayb;ni, al-Iktisabbft 1-riZq The Commercial-Theological in the Koran,Leyden I892, p. 5; but see al-Fasawi, Terms al-Macrifa wa-l-ta'rikh, Ms. Esad Ef. 2391, fol. 67b, 1. 14 (on Ayyab al-Sakhtiydni): ... wa-kdna yashtariwa-ld yabi'uft ld 1-.hajji.* p. 2i; Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, Beirut 1385/I966, I, 424-426; 960; al-Hakim, op. cit., I, 482; Muqdtil, op. cit., fol. 3ib; al-Suyfiti, Lubdb, p. 30; MECCA 77 connectedwith religious rites,as it was in the remainedthus inseparably times of the Jdhiliyya.Caravanswith wares used to pour into Mecca,1) protected by the established institutions of the Sacred Months, Hums and Dhddaand enjoying free access to the markets.*Caravansdeparted from Mecca loaded with wares for Syria, Persia or Yemen. The following information about the import of wares from Egypt is of particularinterest. In the lower part of Mecca therewas the "Court of Egypt" (Ddr M4isr)2) which belonged to Safwdn b. Umayya al- Jumahi He used to deposit the wares which arrivedfrom Egypt 3). in this court.Peoplewould come to the lower partof Meccaandbuy these wares."His trade",says the report,"was confinedto Egypt;" thereforethe court was named "Ddr Misr", referringto the wares whichwere soldin it 4). In the quarter the Banai was of Makhzaim the courtof al-Sd'ib Abi b. the l-Si'ib; in one of its departments waresof the Prophetand of alSd'ib were stored5). Al-Sd'ib was the Prophet's partner before he received the revelation6). According to al-Shaybdnithey traded with skins7). Accordingto a tradition recorded al-Balddhuri, Prophet the by of of I) See E. R. Wolf: TheSocialOrganization Meccaandthe Origins Islam, Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 195 , pp. 330-337; and comp. about the trade of Qurayza and Nadir the report about the seven caravans which arrived on the same day from Busrd and Adhru' it, carrying clothes, perfumes, jewels and "seagoods" (amticat al-bahr)-al-W~1hidi,op. cit., p. 187; al-Qurtubi, op. cit., X, 56.* z) See al-Azraqi,op. cit., p. 474 penult. 3) See on him Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., II, 718, no. IzI24; Ibn al-Isaba, Cairo 1325/1907, III, 246, no. 4068; Ibn Sacd, op. cit., V, 449. .Hajar, 4) Al-Fdkihi, op. cit., fol. 461b: ... wa-lahum yuqelu laha darunbi-asfalimakkata ddrumisra,fha7 1-dabbaghrzna, li-safwanabni umayyata; k~nat wa-innama summiyat dara misraannasafwiina kina yatfihi min misratijdrjtunwa-amticatun, bna Ja-kdna umasyata minhu fi fa-yashtarfzna idhaatathuunzkhat darihitilka,fa-ya 'tihi 1-ndsu asfali makkata ila a; 1-matda wa-ld tajfTutijratuhu il7 ghayrimisra,fa-nusibatal-ddruila ma kina yuba'cu misra. fiha min matdici Al-Fdkihi, op. cit., fol. 458b; al-Azraqi,op. cit., pp. 470-471. 5) 6) Al-Fdkihi, op. cit., fol. 458b; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., p. 572, no. 892 (and see ib., p. 1288); Ibn al-Kalbi, op. cit., fol. ioza; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba,III, 60o, no. 3060o; al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr,op. cit., fol. I86b (al-Sd'ib b. Wadd'a); ibid., fol. i49b, Cairo 1939, 1.23; Ibn al-Jauzi, al-Wafd, I, 142 inf.; al-Tabari, Dhayl al-mudhqayal, 6o. p. p. 7) Al-Iktisab, 17 ult.-p. I8 sup. 78 M. J. KISTER invested in some wares carried by Abui Sufyin from Syria and got profit 1). The intricate trade-transactionsgave rise to various partnerships. Al-'Abbds was a partner of Khdlid b. al-Walid; they both used to lend money for interest; when Islam appearedthey had big sums lent for interest2). According to another tradition al-'Abbdswas a partner of Abai Sufy~n3). Al-Dhahabi records a tradition stating that Naufal was a partnerof 'Abbds4). Al-Balddhuri b. al-HIrithb. 'Abd al-Muttalib reports about a partnershipbetween two Sulami leaders and Harb b. invested the money necessaryfor the cultivation of the Umayya; UHarb land owned by them 5). It is evident that the trade of Mecca necessitated free traffic, free access to the markets of Mecca and free markets, without taxes. In fact, when the Prophet came to Medina he decided to turn Medina and to establishin Medina a free market,without taxes 6). into a .haram The fundamental change occurred when Stira IX, 28 was revealed: "O believers, the idolaters are indeed unclean; so let them not come near the Holy Mosque after this year of theirs. If you fear poverty, God shall surely enrich you of His bounty, if He will. . ." The verse I) Al-BalZdhuri,Anseibal-ashrif, IVa, 9; and see another version (Muhammad refuses to accept a reduction in the commision of Aba Sufydn) 'Abd al-Jabbar, ed. TathbitdalJ'il al-nubuwwa, 'Abd al-Karim cUthman, Beirut 1386/1966, II, 591. cit., p. 59; Mughulty, op. cit., fol. I7ob, penult. 2) op. p. 3) Al-W.hidi, op. cit., fol. 313a; cf. Ibn Habib, al-Munammaq, 27 (al-Abbds Mughulty, was the nadimof Aba SufySn; according to a report of al-Zubayrb. Bakkar,op. cit., fol. 94b, penult. 'Auf b. cAbd 'Auf (see on him al-Kalbi, op. cit., 28a) was a nadizm of b. al-Mughira al-Makhzami. About the companionship of Harb b. al-F.kih Umayya, 'Abdallah b. Jud'dn and Hisham b. al-Mughira see al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr, of op. cit., fol. i 26b inf.); Harb b. Umayyawas a nadim cAbdal-Muttalib(al-Bal1dhuri, IVa, p. 3). I, 4) Siyara clm al-nubald', 144. Al-Baladhuri,Ansab IVA, p. 3. 5) 6) Al-Bal1dhuri, Futuh al-buldin, ed. cAbdallah and cUmar al-Tabb~c, Beirut 1377/1957, p. 24: . .. wa-lamma bi-l-madinati, 1-sztqa aradarasfiluIldhianyattakhidha fihi. Consequently there were no taxes imqdla: hadhasziqukum, kharajacalaykum la posed on markets. The first who levied taxes from markets was Ziyad b. Abihi awwaluman (see al-Shibli: AIahasin al-wasa'il, Ms. Br. Mus., or. 1530, fol. I21b: akhadha al-szqiajranziyddun). min MECCA 79 was revealed in year 9 of the hibra The Muslims were afraid that 1). the prohibition to approachthe Ka'ba by the unbelieversmay endanger their trade, as the unbelieversused to bring their merchandiseto Mecca Allah promised the faithful to enrich them 2). during their .habj. It is evident that this crucial verse was revealed after Mecca had been conquered,when the roads of trade were secured and controlled by chiefs and leaders who had sworn loyalty to the Prophet. They changedin fact their formerloyaltyto Qurayshinto a new loyalty: to the Prophetand the Muslimcommunity. Unbelievers who returned fromthis couldsadlyremark: "Whatcan you do, as Quraysh had .hajj that the people of Judda, embraced IslIm3)." Muqptilreports already and San'T'embracedIslam and brought food to Mecca: .Hunaynthus no need to tradewith the unbelievers 4). they had The harambecame a Muslim sanctuary;its functionarieswere and by appointed the Prophet.It is the Muslimcommunity its representativeswho decide who will bring merchandise Meccaandits to of markets. The formerinstitutions zldf, hums, were fundamentdhdda were transferred to ally transformed Theirfunctionsand authority 5). the loyal tribes,who had to ensurethe safetyof the roadsand of the tradetraffic.They had to pay taxesand yield to the authority the of chiefs appointedby the Prophet.Profits could be kept, as before, for the tribes(or theirchiefsrespectively) the established and authorities of the two harams, Meccaand Medina. It is significant when the crisisof the establishment Medina that of occurredafter the death of the Prophet,when the chiefs of tribes i) See F. Buhl, Das LebenMubammeds (transl. H. H. Schaeder),Heidelberg 1955, PP. 338-339, notes 58-60. 2) Al-Tabari, Tafsir, XIV, 192-195 (nos. 16597-16608); al-Qurtubi, op. cit., op. cit., IV, 192; VIII, io6; Ibn Kathir, Tafszr,III, 382; Ibn Tafsir, Hish.m, al-R.zi, Cairo, 1357/1938, XVI, 24-26. ba 3) Al-Tabari, Ta r7kh, II, 383: fa-raja a 1-mushrikzina fa-lZama ba'Iduhum 'dan aslamatqurayshun", tasna' na, wa-qad wa-qjil: "ma fa-aslami. 4) A1-R.zi, op. cit., XVI, 26 inf.* ... wa-manlahu about I, 5) Comp. al-Taulhidi,al-1mrtd', 85 min bad bi-amri 1-hukz7mati 'Uk.z: tamimin, wa-kdna.hukzimatnm irtafa'a ila lladhiyaqimu jkhirahum u al-aqra' bnuhbdbisin. Al-Aqra' was in the new system appointed by the Prophet as musaddiq. 80 M. J. KISTER attempted to free themselves from their dependence on Medina, they tried to return to relations of a differentkind than the with 7laf-.hums Mecca. According to a tradition recorded by Ibn JHubaysh al-Aqra' b. HIbis and 'Uyayna b.. Hisn came at the outbreak of the ridda to Medina accompanied by chiefs of tribes, met some Muhajirfin and in their tribes; the tribes, they said, informed them about the ridda refuse to pay to the authority of Medina the payments which they paid to the Prophet. They suggested that they would assure that their tribes would not attack Medina if they were given a certain payment. cameto Abu Bakrand advisedhim to acceptthe offer; The Muhdiirfn Abii Bakrhoweverrefused 1). corroborates report. this tradition recorded Ibn Hubaysh Another by When 'Amr b. al-'As was on his way to Medinahe met people reWhen he arrivedat Dhu 1-Qassa he 2) nouncing Islam (murtaddin). fromhis visit to Medina.'Uyayna b. met 'Uyayna Hisn, who returned met Abfi Bakrand told him: "If you pay us a (defined) sum, we shall 'Amr.b. from) our territory." keep you from (everyattackoccurring in askedhim about the events (whichhappened his absence), al-'As him thatAbu Bakrheadedthe Muslimcommuand 'Uyayna informed nity. "Now we are equal,you and we, "added'Uyayna.'Amr said: "You are lying, O son of the mischievous of Mudar3)." 'Uyayna b. Hisn, the chief of Fazara, was aware of the weakness bnu i) Ai-Magh~ji, p. 9: ... wa-qadima abi bakrin 'uyaynatu hisninwa-l-aqra'cu 'ald ft rijalin min ashrdfi1-'arabi, fa-dakhalz 'ala rilin min al-muhajirina fabirahabisin man ward'and'an al-islimi wa-laysa anfusibim an fi qdil7innahuqad irtadda 'dmmatu ild Jyu'addi-na raszi lldhi(s);fa-in taj'al land ilaykummin amwilihimma kanz ,yu'addh7 fa-dakhala 1-muhajirzna ju'clannarji' fa-nakfikum man wara'and; wa-l-ansdru'ald abi bakrin nard an tu/t'imai-aqra'a wawa-qdil7: 'alayhiIladhi 'aradi 'calayhim fa-'aradlz man ward'ahumad yarji'a ilayka tu'matan yardaydnibihd wa-yakfiyjnika hatta 'uya/'Nata usimatu wa-jajyshuhu amruka,fa-inna i-yaumaqalilunfi kathirin, wa-la wa-yashladda z) See Ydqfit, Mujam al-buldin,s.v. Qassa. 3) Al-MaghdZi, p. 25, 1. io: ... aqbala 'amru bnu I-'dsiyalqad -ndsa murtaddina batt ata c'adla -qassati, bna dhi wafa-laqiya 'uyaynata kharijanmin al-madinati, >an .hisnin yaqilu: "inja'alta land shay kafayndka dhdlika hkina qadima'ald abi bakrinal-siddiqi ma wara'and"; "ibnu fa-qdla lahu 'amrubnu -_c'asi: fq-qdla 'uyaynatu: "maward'aka"; 'amrun: abiquidafata l-nasi,ya 'amru, wa-antum" "kadhabta wa-stawaynd naihnu will ;fa-qala bna min Y_) i-akhbbithi mudar"... land ... taqata bi-qitli1'arabi MECCA 8I of Medina. He suggested to Abti Bakr that Fazira should protect Medina from attacks from their territory against an agreed payment. Abi Bakr could not accept the offer: acceptance of this offer might have meant giving up the idea of continuity of the work of the Prophet and yielding to the force of bedouin tribes, thus conceding to the disintegration of the Madinian commonwealth, which took up, in fact,the legacy of Mecca. Abfi Bakrhad to refuse the offer, which meant ridda.For the sake of Medina, he had to decide to crush the ridda. III The development of Mecca was accompanied by a continuous strugglebetweenthe factionsof Quraysh,which broughtabout the formation alliances clansandsometimes to clashesandbloodof of led shed. The best known allianceis the one of the Mu.tayyabfn their and the The reportsabout the role of the Banti adversaries, A.hlif ). b. Fihrin this alliance maybe of some interest. 1-.HIJrith b. Fihr belonged to Quraysh The Hlrith The al-zawdhir. Quraysh although closely co-operatingwith the Quraysh al-Zawdhir, al-bi.tdh, attendedfights and raidsin theirown tribalunits2). Sometimes their actionsseem to have collidedwith the policy of Mecca They con3). with tribesand carried joint raidsagainsttribes4). cludedalliances out Membersof defeatedgroups of Quraysh in sought al-.ZawdhirIt refuge and Mecca dispersed familiesof the Abta!byyin. is of interest amongst that personsof these HIrith b. Fihr who alreadymergedinto clans of the Abta/his were "repatriated" 'Umarinto their formertribal by mentionsa group of the b. Fihr (the clan units5). Ibn .Habib .Hirith at i) See Ibn Hishim, op. cit., I, 138-140; W. M. Watt, Muhammad Mecca,pp. 5-8. dirira bnuI-kbatttbi ra'isa z) Cf. al-Balddhuri,Ansib, Ms. fol. 88za: ... wa-kdna bni muzhdribi fihrinwa-qa'idaha l-fijri. fi cald 3) Cf. al- Isdmi, op.cit., I, 163: .. kanat yughiruna banikindnata, camru waddin bnu yughiruhum al-'dmiriyyu.qurayshul-.zawdhir wa-banc'absin, 4) Cf. al-Bal1dhuri,Ansib, Ms. fol. 882a: ... wa-ghaat banfifihrin wa-kinabaynabumyauma ba dui-hilfi, 'ald1-yamani;fa-qdla dirdru l-khattbi . . . bnu 'idhin b. ibni fol. i z8b, inf.:... Can shibabin, sababu maqtali 5) AI-Zubayr Bakkir, op. cit., bni illI 1-shurddit fahminban I1-bhdrithifihrinbi-farthah fa-lamyabqamin ban (?), 1-.hrithi qurayshun; fa-taqassamthum fa-kdna ft bant 'imrana bni makhztlmin iyJsun wa-buwa Jesho XV 6 82 M. J. KISTER of Abui'Ubayda)who camedown to Meccaandjoinedthe 1); Mu.tajyabin he counts them, in fact, in the list of the Mu.tayyabzin and records 2) that they were put as adversariesof the 'Adiyy b. Ka'b during the mobilization of the rival forces 3). The 'Adiyy b. Ka'b were a weak tribal unit; they were the only group of Quraysh, who "had no sayyid who could cope with their problems and avenge their shed blood 4)." According to another tradition the HJIrithb. Fihr were attached to 'Abd Manaf and had jointly to face Sahm and Jumah 5). It is evident that these BanI 1-Hdrithb. Fihr were not a strong group; they were into accepted by the Mu.tayyabf#n their alliance in order to strengthen the alliance. The attachmentof the Harith b. Fihr to the Abtahis was reinforced by mutual marriages: 'Abd al-'Uzzd b. 'Amir married Qilaba bint 'Abd Manif; the mother of Harb b. Umayya was Umayma bint Abi Hamhama of al-HIrith b. Fihr 6). Abi Hamhamawent out with Umayyawhen the latter contested Hashim b. 'Abd Manaf 7). Due b. to these marriages Bansi1-HIrith Fihrbecamea part of the the Abta.his and consequently of the Mu.tayyabzn The case of the BaniIl-1Hirith 8). is instructiveand points to the policy followed by Qurayshof adopting clans and attachingfamiliesand individualsinto their community9). Iladhi lahu tdlibin: qdla ab . khdiz makinahu: 1-walidu ra'aytum qad bnu abi wa-khilu l'dsiiydsu ma'badi ma bnu juqilu iydsubnuma'badin; wa-kana 'badu wahbin tabannahu, fa-kana Ja-lamma bni (r) ft qurayshin, fa-jama'ahum kdnatkhilifatu'umara 1-khattabi wajadahum butpni ild fa-hamalahumgaumihim 'ala 'arafatihim. wai) Al-Munammaq, 18, 84, 237. pp. 2) Ibid.,pp. 20 ult., 223; and see al-'Isdmi, cit.,1, 163. op. 3) Al-Munammaq, 20, 44. pp. 4) Ibid.,p. 146. 5) Ibid.,p. 334ult. Ansdb,fol. 833a,inf.; Ibn Habib,al-Munammaq, 324-326; 6) Al-Balidhuri, pp. b. 'Abdallah, cit.,pp. 443 ult.-444,1.7; al-Zubayr Bakkdr, cit.,fol. b. op. op. Muscab zoo00b. ed. Cairo 1917, p. 20. 7) Al-Maqrizi, al-Nizd' wa-l-takhdsum, Mahmid cArn-as, b. b. 8) Al-Zubayr Bakkdr, cit., fol. zoob: wa-qadima cabd (i.e. op. al-'uzzad 'dmir) makkata ma'ahuwaban fa-.awwajahu mandfiz fa-sdra i I'abdu 'qadahu wa-aqama bni -sababi bni wa-bi-dhiilika ild harithi fihrinmaca bani 'abdimandfi qusajj'in 1-9aumi, dina bni i-sababi min fi saru7 ahli1-bitahi, banimuhadribiflhrinwa-bi-dhdiika aydan dakhahi i-mu ta)'abin. pp. 9) See e.g. Ibn Habib,al-Munammaq, 275-332. MECCA 83 could achievein Meccacan be deduced The high position which a .alrf for instance from the fact that a man from Sulaym was appointedby in Quraysh as "mu.htasib" Mecca 1). and The two groups of the Mutayyabfin the Ahlajf could be mobilized with no difficulty. This can be gauged from the report about the murder of Abii Uzayhir; both groups stood ready to fight and the to spur them to fight each other. Only due Prophet ordered .Hassdn to the wise intervention of Abui Sufyan was bloodshed prevented. The dateof the event is given with precision: after the battle of Badr2). The cohesive force of this alliance can be gauged from the report that cemeteries Mecca:one of in of al-Fdkihi, therewere two separate of A story told on the authority Ibn Abi Mulayka recordsa talk 5) between'Abdallah Safwanb. Umayyaand Ibn 'Abbds.The story b. in with the role of Meccaand exposesproblemsdiscussed connection its developmentand attests the persistenceof the idea of division betweenthe and Ibn 'Abb~sattendedthe siqaya 6); Mu.tayyabfin A.hlaf. said: "How is the rule 'Abdallahb. Safwdnpassedby and pleasant (imdra)of the A.hldfwith regard to you" ("What he in fact said was: How did you assess the imara of the with regard to you"). A.hldf Ibn 'Abbds answered: "The imdraof the before that was Mu.tayyabin better than that"; he referredto the caliphateof Abli Bakr and 'Umar. Ibn Safwdn said: "'Umar ordered to close the well of Zamzamin the At the "Day of Uhud" and the AMu.tayyabfin, another of the A.hldf3). and Quraysh fought under the banners of the Mutayyabin A.hldf4). intervalbetweenthe periodsof the to the well only .hai" (i.e. open in the periodof the Ibn 'Abbassaid:"Do you strivefor the haj--K). i) Al-Fdkihi,op.cit., fol. 449b; Ibn Habib, al-Munammaq, 286; al-Azraqi,op. cit. p. p. 454; al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr, op. cit., fol. i29a; L.'A, s.v. sh r d; Ibn Abi 1-Hadid, op. cit., XVIII, 299.* 2) Al-Zubayr b. Bakkir, op. cit., fol. 145b; Ibn Habib, al-Munammaq, 237-241. pp. bi-acla makkata wa3) Op. cit., fol. 480a: ... wa-kinat maqbaratu 1-mutayyabina al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr,op. cit., fols. I74b, I84a. 4) Al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr,op. cit., fol. 86b. al-tahdhzb, 306, no. 523. V, 5) See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib 6) About the privilege of the siqJya granted by the Prophet to cAbbassee Muqdtil, op. cit., fol. 74a; al-Azraqi, op, cit., pp. 337-338; al-'Isami, op. cit., I, 207. see and makkata; details about the Mutayyabfin Abhl3f, maqbaratI bi-asfali 1-ahljfi 84 M. J. KISTER sunnaof 'Umar? 'Umar ordered to turn the upper and lower parts of the valley (i.e. the valley of Mecca) into a resting place for the pilgrimsand to turn Ajyadaynand Qu'ayqi'cn into a place for walking and resting for them. Then you and your "patron" (sahibuka) started to build up the place with houses ("he perhaps said: 'you built it up with houses and palaces'"); within this is your house and property; after that (i.e. after all your actions contrary to the prescriptionsand interdictions of 'Umar-K) you come and ask (for the application of of-K) the sunnaof 'Umar? How far is it! You left the sunna 'Umar far behind 1)." The quoted passage shows clearlyhow firm the consciousness of the and was in the minds of the division between the Mu.tayyabfin A.hlaf in the times of 'Uthman. The rule of Abi Bakr (muttayyabi#n) Qurashites and 'Umar (a.hlaf)was assessed according to which faction they belonged to. The questions discussed in this talk were connected with the conflicting views about the role of Mecca and whether it was legitimate to develop it. It was a fundamentalquestion whether Mecca had to be kept as a center of pilgrimage, in which building new residential quarters was to be forbidden and the original character of the city preservedas it was in the times of the Prophet.As we can see from the quoted passage changes did take place early. A considerable wave of building activity is attested in the times of Mu'dwiya. The number of houses and courts bought by Mu'rwiya at Mecca is surprising. He bought from the BandiMulayl of Khuzd'a or the court called Ddr Ibrdh7m Ddr Aus, located in the lane of the shoemakers,in the quarterof the allies of the BandiHdshim2). In the quarter of the Band 'Abd Shams he acquired by exchange the Ddr 3). al-Hammdm In the same quarter he got hold of an unoccupied of land in the neighbourhood of the court of al-Hakam b. piece i) A1-Fdkihi,op. cit., fol. 443b; al-Azraqi, op. cit., p. 392. Al-FSkihi, op. cit., fol. 448b, H1.11-12; in this court the shoe-makers and butchers had their shops (ib., fol. 45 Ia, 1. 16). 3) Ibid., fol. 449a, 1. 4. 2) MECCA 85 Abi 1-'As and built there the court of Ziyvd b. Abihi 1). To Mu'dwiya (built with read bricks and gypsumbelonged the Ddr al-Raqtad' mortar), the White Court (al-Ddr al-Baydd'--theplastered court), the Ddr al-Marajil(bought by Mu'cwiya from the family of al-Mu'ammal of the 'Adiyy b. Ka'b), 2) the Ddr Babba (='Abdallah b. al-HIrith b. Naufal b. b. 'Abd al-Muttalib), the Ddr Salm (a court al-.Harith located opposite the Ddr al-Hammdm),Ddr al-Shi'b, a court in the lane of the blacksmiths called Ddr Mdli Lldhi (in which the diseased were housed), the Ddr Sa'd (built of carved stones, with figures carved in the stones).3) In the quarterof the 'Abd al-Dir Mu'dwiyabought the Ddr al-Nadwa from Ibn al-Rahin and paid for it I00,000 dirham 4) 5). In this quarter bought also the court of Sa'idb. Abi Talha6). In he the quarterof the Bana Zuhra he bought some courts from the 'Abd 'Auf7). Mu'dwiya bought also the house of Khadija, in which the Prophetlived untilthe hira, andturnedit into a mosque8). According to tradition,Mu'cwiyawas the first who built in Meccahouseswith baked bricks and gypsum mortar The sums spent on buildings 9). can be gauged from the report about the building of the court of and deposited al-Hajjij.He bought the court of 'Abd al-Muttalib thirty thousanddinars,as expensesof the building,with the pious b. 'Abd al-'Uzzd 10). For the court of 'Atd' b. Abi Rab.h .Huwaytib five thousand dindr11). In some of the courts Mu'cwiya paid fourty i) Ibid., fol. 449a, 11. 18-19; the spot between the court of Aba Sufygn and Hanzalab. Abi Sufydn,facing the court of Sa'id b. al- 'As and the court of al-Hakam was called BaynaI-Ddrayni;it was a place where the caravanswith wheat and corn used to make halt. 2) In this court there were pots of brass in which meals for the pilgrims and meals of Ramadanwere preparedin the time of Mu'Iwiya. 3) Al-Fikihi, op. cit., fols. 450ob,inf.-45Ib, 46ob, 1.5. 4) See on him ibid., fol. 424a. and see other versions about this transactions: al-Zubayr b. 5) Ibid., fol. 45 5b; Bakkdr, op. cit., fol. 88b; Mughultdy, op. cit., fol. z8b, ult.; Ibn al-Kalbi, op. cit., fol. 24a; al-Sira al-halabiya,I, 17 inf.; al-Balkdhuri,Fuztzh, 70. p. 6) Al-Fikihi, op. cit., fols. 456a, 1. 6; 496a. 7) Ibid., fol. 456b, 1. 5. 8) Ibid., fol. 47ob; cf. al-Azraqi,op. cit., p. 457 inf. 9) Al-Fdkihi, op. cit., fol. 441a. io) Ibid., fol. 447a. i i) Al-Balddhuri,AnsdbIVA, 47, 1. 17 (and see the referencesof the editor). 86 M. J. KISTER acquired by Mu'dwiya there seem to have been workshops of craftsmen, stores and magazines1), which securedincome and profit. The vigorous building activities of Mu'dwiya were met with opposition by the orthodox circles, who looked with disapproval at the changes in the city. They wanted it to be a city for pilgrims, with wide, unbuilt spaces, preserved for pilgrims and their riding beasts. A chapterin al-FRkihi's comprehensive dealingwith theseproTa'rikh, makkatawa-jaratihd kird'i bzuyiti blems, is entitled: "dhikrukardhayati wa-bay'iribd'ihdwa-md 2). jd'a ft dhdlikawa-tafsiruihu" The arguments of of the scholars based on the utterances the Prophet.He is said are to have stated,that Meccahad to be put freelyat the disposalof the au mubdhun pilgrims:houses should not be rentednor sold (makkatu mundkhan Id tubd'uribd'uhd buyz7tuIh).4) 'A'isha is 3), wa-ld tuz'afjaru said to have askedthe Prophetto set up for him a buildingin Mecca "Mecca answered: in orderto findshadefromthe sun;but the Prophet is an alighting man placefor thesewho comefirst"(innamd mundkhu hiya "He who eats (the income) of the rent of houses in Mecca, sabaqa).5) eats fire" (i.e. he will enter Hell-K).6) the Accordingto tradition, houses of Meccawere duringthe time free of the ProphetAb-i Bakrand 'Umarcalled"al-sawd'ib", possessions, to accessible everyone: theywerenot sold nor bought;he who needed dweltin them;he who didnot, lodged othersin them7). Peoplecoming I) For the dimensions of a court (ddr)see e.g. the report of al-Ya'qfbi, Mushikalat ed. al-nds bi-zamdnihim, W. Millward, Beirut 1962, p. 13: fa-band 1-Zubajyru 1bnu ... hd dirahu1-mashhbirata wa-fi -aswdqu 'awwdmi wa-l-tijdrdlu bi-l-basrati z) Fols. 443b-444b. L may be regarded as variants in the written 3) The differenceof version text, the two words looking alike in the Arabic script. _.., 4) Al-Fdkihi,op. cit., fol. 443b, 1.2; al-Qurtubi,op.cit., XI, 33 ult.; and al-Balddhumakkatuharamun yahillu bay'u rib'cihd wa-ld ujz7ru ri, FutYh5, 58: buyftihd;alp. la 1. I; and see al-Tahlwi, Sharhx dni 1-dthar, Muhammad ma ed. Fikihi, op. cit., 444a, Zuhri 1-Najjdr,Cairo 1388/i968; al- Azizi, al-Sirdjal-munir,Cairo 1377/1957, III, 305; cf. Ahmad b. Hanbal, Kitdbal-warac,Cairo 1340, pp. 80-81. al-Amwdl, XI, p. 5) Al-Balddhuri,Futzih, 58; al-Qurtubi, op. cit.,no. 34; Abai 'Ubayd, Cairo 1353, p. 65, ed. Mulhammad HJImid I6o. al-Fiqqi, 6) Al-Qurtubi, op. cit., XI, 33; Abi 'Ubayd, op. cit., p. 66, no. 163. op. cit., IV, 29; Ibn al-'Arabi, Ahkim 7) Al-Qurtubi, op. cit., XI, 33; III, 1264 sup. al-qur'dn, al-Tah.wi, MECCA 87 to Mecca used to pitch their tents everywhere,even in the open spaces of the courts 1). The discussion of this problem centered around the interpretation of Sira XXII, 25: ".. . and the Holy Mosque that We have appointed equal unto men, alike him who cleaves to it and the tent dweller"... was "Sawd'un al-'dkifufihiwa-l-bddi" interpretedby some of the scholars as equal rights of the residents of Mecca and the visitors in relation to the courts and houses. The residentshave no more rights in relation to these places than the new-comers. "The visitor may alight at any place he finds; the householder has to shelter him, whether he wants to or not 2)." One of the interpretations a cautious remark:. .. "they has are equal and they are entitled to alight wherever they want, without out driving anyone from thehouse 3).," Another problem, a legal one, closely connected with the discussed question, was whether Mecca was conquered by force ('anwatan)or by a peace-agreement.According to the former opinion (represented by Mhlik, Abi IHanifa,Auza'i) the houses should be considered as spoil; the Prophet did not distribute the houses and let the owners stay in their lodgings gratuitously,leaving these rights for their progeny too. Therefore, the courts of Mecca are at the disposal of residents and visitors alike. The contradictory opinion, represented by alShdfi'i, stated that Mecca was conquered by a treaty; the courts are thus in the ownership of householders4). The practicalapplicationof these views is mirroredin earlytraditions about 'Umar. He is said to have forbiddento build doors for the courts of Mecca5). The courts of Mecca had no doors; the first who installed a door in his court was Ayman b. b. Abi Balta'a (according to another tradition: Mua'wiya).6) 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz in a letter HI.tib See al-Qurtubi, op. cit., XI, 32; Ibn al-'Arabi, op. cit., III, 1263; and see alBaladhuri, Futih, p. 59. 3) Al-Bal1dhuri, op. cit., p. 59, 11.4-5. 4) Al-Qurtubi, op. cit., XI, 33; Ibn al-'Arabi, op. cit., III, 1263 inf.-I264 (see esp. 11.4-7). 5) Al-Bal1dhuri, Futzih, p. 59; al-Fakihi, op. cit., fol. 444b, sup. 6) Al-Fikihi, op. cit., fol. 444a. 2) I) A1-Fdkihi, op. cit., 444a, inf.; Ibn al- cArabi, op. cit., III, 1264. 88 M. J. KISTER to the amir of Mecca prohibited the renting of houses in the city 1). There are compromise utterances, in which the interdiction is records the tradition about the proposal of restricted. Al-Tah.wi 'A'isha to set up a building for the Prophet in Mind; the refusalof the Prophet and the interdiction of building is thus limited to Mini 2). Further, according to al-Tahawi, the idea of equal rights to residents and pilgrims is confined to public places; but places owned by people are not included in this category;3) this is the concept of al-Layth b. Sa'd: rents of houses are permitted, pilgrims may freely alight in open spaces of houses, ways, waste spaces and plains 4). According to another compromise opinion, the renting of houses is unlawful during the but it is permissibleif the rent is taken from .hajj; and a man who is resident of Mecca (mujdwir) not in the period of the A specialchapter al-Fdkihi's in dealswith the permissiTa'rikh .haj5). manrakhkhasa kird'i ft bility of buying and renting houses (dhikru makkata Houseswerein factboughtandsold buyfti ribd'ihd).6) wa-bay'i and the transactions wereaccurately registered 7). The changesin Meccaand the reactionof the orthodoxcirclesare mirrored in a talk between 'A'isha and Mu'cwiya. 'A'isha reproved Mu'cwiya that he built the city into townships and palaces, while the Prophet had made it free for all the Muslims. No one has more right in it (i.e. in the land and buildings-K) than the other. Mu'dwiya answered: "0 Mother of the Faithful, so indeed is Mecca and they do not find anything which would shelter them from sun and rain. I ask for you to bear witness that it is a sadaqa them" (i.e. that my possession in Mecca be considered as a charitableendownment for the Muslim i) Al-Bal1dhuri, op. 9sup.;al-Fdkihi, cit.,fol. 444b,1. 2. Futh, p. 58 ult.-5 Al-Tahawi, cit., IV, 50-5 and see the discussionon this subjectal-Fdsi, op. i; I, al-ghardm, 320-32. Shifa' 2) 3) Ibid., IV, 0o. 4) Al-Bal1dhuri,Fut/h, p. 6o. .. bni bni bnu cabdi1-maliki 1-hbajjaji 7) Ibid., fol. 447a: .fa-khbsamahu cindi1-hajjaji. min yfisufa, ft 1-nafaqata fa-wajadfz al-.hajjsjuwa-l-thamana fa-nazarif l-dawdwin 6) Fols. 444b-445b. 5) Ibid.,p. 6o. MECCA 89 community-K).1) This solemn promise was never fulfilled, of course. The growth of Mecca in the early period of Islam was impressive. Houses climbed up the mountains. They were built above the highly placed well of Jubayr b. Mut'im, an area where houses were never built before 2), and on the hill of Ab-i Qubays 3). The attitude of the pious men of Mecca is reflected in the saying of Ibn 'Umar when he saw the houses built on Abi Qubays: "O Mujahid, when you see houses appearingon its mountains and water flowing in its thoroughfares, then beware"!4) The intent of the warning is made clear in anothersayingof 'Abdallah 'Amr: "Whenyou see riversbursting b. in Mecca and buildingson the tops of the mountains,then know thatyou arealready the shadeof the Day of Judgment".5) in In fact Mu'awiya'sactivity of buying and building houses was accompanied by his energetic activity of digging wells, canals and planting gardens and orchards and cultivating the land in Mecca. Al-Azraqi mentions the wells dug by Mu'cwiya and the orchards in i) Al-Fdkihi, op. cit., fol. 45 b: ... 'an dhakwana maulda 'a'ishataqda: innamu'dwiyata (r) dakhalacald c'dishata manmilaha, (r) fa-qdlat: anta lladhi 'amadtaild makkata fa-banaytabd wa-qadabahahd madd'inawa-qusyzran, lldhu 'azza wa-jallali-l-muslimina, abadun inna wa-laysa abaqqu bihaminabadin;qda: yd umma1-mu'min7na, makkatakadha wa-and mi min ushhiduki yajidirna yukinnuhum al-shamsi wa-l-matari; sadaqatun annaha wa-la 'alayhim. ahli makkata min z) Al-FHkihi, op. cit., fol. 472b, penult.: ... wa-sami'tuba'Eda kina i-ndsu 1-sakani qadimii-dahrihddhihi 1-bi'ra; yaqiiu: al-fuqahd'i fi ft le.yuj*awiqfina innami kana 1-ndsu fzma dinahai -masjidi,wa-md fauqa dhiika khalinmin al-nasi. .. ila 3) Ibid., fol. 472a, 1. 2: wa-lam buyitun,innama yk auma'idhin abi qubaysin 'ald hadathat 'du. ba 4) Nu'aym b. Hammad, Kitdb al-fitan, Ms. Atif Ef. 602, fol. 4a: ')a mujdhidu, wa-jard1-ma'uft turuqihd idhd ra'ayta biuyftamakkata qad Zaharat 'ald akhshabiha fa-khudh hidhraka.Cf. al-Fakihi, op. cit., fol. 414a: qdia 'abduIlihi bnu 'amrin(r): idhd ya mujdaidu ra'aytai-ma'a bi-tariqimakkatawa-ra'ayta 1-binaPa yac'l akhdshibahd, fa-khudhhidhraka. 5) Al-Fakihi, op. cit., fol. 414a, inf.: idha ra'ayta makkata qad bu'ijat kigdman, wa-ra'ayta1-bina'aqad cal caldru'zisii-jibli fa- 'lam anna1-amraqad aZallaka;Abf cUbayd, Gharibal-hadith, Hyderabad 1384/1964, I, 269; cf. similar traditions about Medina in Samhidi's Wafd'u1-Wafd,ed. MuhammadMuhkyi 1-Din cAbd al-Hamid, Cairo 1374/1955 I, I 9: .. .yuishiku an , 1-bunydnu ya'tiya hddhai-makana(Ihdb); and see ibid., the recommendation of the Prophet to Dharr: idha balagha 1-binda'u Abei wa-1sal'anfa-rtabil ild I-shami;cf. Ibn Kathir, Nihbyatal-biddya ft wa-l-nihaya 1-fitan malhim, ed. MuhammadFahim Abf 'Ubayd, RiySd 1968, I, 80: tablughu i-masakinu ihdba. 90 M. J. KISTER which palm-trees and plants were grown1). Activities of this kind were never before carriedout in the city. Sourcesstressthat he was the firstwho dug wells in Meccaandplantedorchards 2). The aim and purposeof these investments be deducedfrom a can talk between'Abdallah 'Abbdsand Mu'iwiya.Ibn 'Abbdssaid in b. his talk when he visited Mu'cwiya:"I know a valley flowing with silentand did not ask him (scil. aboutthe gold." Mu'cwiyaremained he him the placewhichis calledal-'Abbdvalley).Afterwards granted and siyya;Ibn 'Abbdsturnedit into an orchard dug a well in it. AfterwardsMu'cwiyaset up the orchards Mecca).3) expression The "a (in valleyflowingwith gold" points clearlyto the aims of settingup the orchards; they wereobviouslyprofitable. activityof digging up wells and canalsmet with oppoMu'dwiya's sition like the building of houses and palaces.'Abdallahb. Safwdn rebukedMu'Pwiya for his growing orchardsin the "valley where thereis no sown land"(i.e. Mecca),4) to contrary the wordsof Allah5). of Scholars law discussedthe problemwhetherthe fruit of trees and to vegetablesgrown in Meccaare permissible be picked and eaten and whetherit is permissible cut in Meccatreesplantedby men6). to in It is evidentthat cuttingtreesnot plantedby men is forbidden the area haram 7). The governorsand the officials the Umayyads of caredalso for the on supplyof waterfor the cityandfor thepilgrims theirway.'Abdallah b. 'Amirb. Kurayzbuilt cisterns the pilgrimsin 'Arafa He dug for 8). i) Al-Azraqi, op. cit., p.p 442-444; al-Fakihi, op. cit., fols. 49oa-49ib. z) Al-Fdkihi, op. cit., fol. 441a-b. bal 3) Al-FIkihi, op. ci., fol. 441b: wa-yaqj/a: awmala bi-acridimakkata hPi'in qjri?a / (r) lhi ina bna cabba-sin ma-hmua cimdam .,irata (r): a3 al-~al,,l•sibh innmla-ac/am,wmdi ynajr7 bi-l-dhahabi qdha.)'aaln, (r) na-lam jary'an;qila, fa-sakahamatwi kffa bacdi agqaahlia fi'jas'a/lh; fa-lammlii /iliaica al-cabbsiqJ)yati, fa-airalv qc)awlan; lanmmi" 'almilahd akhadba m/ci'ayata (r)fi camali -/I-a 'i.ti. 4) ,1tr Sira XIV, (Ibrdhim)37. c'n, IV 5) Al-Fkihi, op. cif., fol. 49ob; al-Baldhuri, AIns7b, A, 16. 6) Al-Baldhuri, pp. 60-6I. 7) See al-Azraqi,Fut/.7, pp. 372-374. op. cit., 8) Al-Bal-dhuri, Ansdb, Ms. fol. 799b: ... nwa-takhadlba bi-'carafa/a dim n'walfi& Ibn siqajfdtin; 'Abd al-Barr,al-Isti'lb, p. 932 inf., no. 1587. MECCA 91 wells for pilgrims on their way from al-'Iraqto Mecca and said some day: "Had I been left (i.e. to do as I think fit-K) a woman would journey alighting every day at a well (literally a water-K) and a market until reaching Mecca".1) Later Khalid b. 'Abdallah al-Qasri on the order dug a well (between the passes of Dhai Tuwd and .Hajdn) well to the of al-Walidb. 'Abd al-Malikand drew the water from the He was so proud of the deed of al-Walidthat he tried to deduce from it the superiorityof the Caliphof God (i.e. al-Walid)over the Messenger The haramn. waterwas sweet and Khdlidurgedthe peopleto drinkit. He spoke scornfullyabout Zamzam callingit "Motherof the blackbeetles"(umm and over Zamzam 3). al-ji'l~n)2) stressedits preference of God. "Abraham asked God rain water and He gave salty water the of (i.e. Zamzam); Commander the FaithfulaskedHim rainwater and He gave him sweet water"(i.e. the well dug on the orderof the Caliph).4)It was in fact a shamelesssaying. This covered pool located in the having its waters supplied from the well dug by Khalid .haram, was destroyedby Dawudb. 'Ali b. 'Abdallahb. 'Abbasto al-Qasri, the joy of the people;they preferred waterof Zamzam the 5). After the period of the first Umayyads the building activities came to what amounts to a standstill. Such activities were only resumed with the advent of the Abbasids6). 2) There was however a well called "umimji'ldn" belonging to the 'Abd Shams (see al-Azraqi,op. cit., p. 438; al-Fdkihi,op. cit., fol. 487b, 1.4). 3) Al-'Isdmi, op. cit., I, 228. 4) Al-Fdkihi, op. cit., fol. 4I 5a. t//a 5) Al-Mausili, Ghdyatal-wasiPil, Ms. Cambridge Qq 33, fol. I4a: axwalu b. ... 1-birkata calamilahd lla/ ahdatha khal/id 'abdillah b. dawcizd 'ali b. cabdilldh an hadama (read: al-qasri) ... wa-kina amarahubi-'amali hddhihi1-birkatisulaymhainu al-qushayri b. cabdi 1-maliki wa-an fa-kharajabaynazamzam wa-l-rukn ma'an 'adhban yujriyaminhd ... juddhi bihanicamaZamZam wa-kain shurbi arghaba fi ma'i al-aswad minhutmi b. wa-surra 1-nasu z

Notes on Caskel's Ğamharat an-Nasab

Oriens 25-26 (1976): 48-68

Notes on Caskel's Ğamharat an-Nasab

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M. J. Kister & M. Plessner

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Kister & Plessner on Caskel.pdf NOTES ON CASKEL'S GAMHARAT AN-NASAB by M. J. Kisterand M. Plessner Jerusalem Martin Plessner, der am 27. November 1973 kurz vor Vollendung seines 73. Lebensjahres in Jerusalem gestorben ist, iibernahm ,,auf dringendenWunsch" des am 28. Januar 1970 verstorbenenWerner Caskel die Besprechung seines letztenWerkes: WERNER CASKEL, Gamharatan-nasab, Das genealogische Werk des Hifdm ibn Muhamnad al-Kalbf. Band I: Einleitung von Werner Caskel; die Tafeln von Gert Strenziok. Band II: Erlauterungenzu den Tafeln von Werner Caskel; Das Register,begonnen von Gert Strenziok,vollendet von WernerCaskel. - Leiden, II: E. J. Brill 1966. I: xvi, 132 S., 334 Taf., 2 S. Nachtrage und Berichtigungen; und zwar ,,nach langem Strauben" - denn er sah sich zu einer Rezension ,,dieses monumentalenWerkes" in ,,keinerWeise qualifiziert"- und nachdem hatte" (aus einem Brief an die er ,,sichder Beteiligungvon M. J. Kister versichert Redaktion). Zunachst folgen hier (bis S. 50, i8) Plessner's Bemerkungen: der Die Wissenschaftvon der Genealogie,d.h. der Verwandtschaftsverhaltnisse alten Araber, ist von Hisam ibn Muhammad al-Kalbi begriindetworden. So sagt wenigstensI.acci Xalifa, Nr. 1345 s.v. cilmal-ansab, der auf die Vorarbeitenvon Hisam's Vater, Muhammad ibn as-Sa'ib, nicht eingegangenist, weil diese nicht zu einer vollendeten literarischenForm gediehen sind. (In den Enzyklopadien wird die Wissenschaftverschiedentlich erwahnt, z.B. in den persischenNafa'is fi al-funun 'ard'is al-cuyin des Muhammad b. Mahmid al-Amuli [ca. 740/I340], Lith. Teheran I309, I, 245-49; trotzdem fehlt sie bei Taskopriizade, was Hacci Xalifa zu einer kritischenBemerkungveranlasst hat.) Ausser der Camhara fiihrt er an dieser Stelle vier weitere Werke Ibn al-Kalbi's an, al-Mnzl (von Fliigel Munzil vokalisiert),al-Wacfz,al-Farid und al-Muliki (zweifellosist diese Lesart der Istanbuler Edition von I943 die richtige;Fliigel schreibtMulik). Von diesen erscheinenaber nur al-Farfdund al-Waciz an ihrerStelle im Alphabet (9049 bzw. 14184); von den beiden anderen hatte der Bibliograph also wohl nur indirekt Kenntnis. Yaqit, Irstd, ed. Margoliouth, VII, 253 setzt al-Mnzl mit k. an-Nasab die al-kabir (s. zu diesem Titel Caskel's Einleitung) gleich und fiihrt anderen drei Titel (statt al-Waciz schreibter al-Mucaz) am Ende der von ihm iibernommenen Liste des Fihrist auf. (Caskel I, 79 Anm. 4 nennt nur zwei, Farzd und Muliki, und m6chte sie als Prunktitelbezweifeln; man vergleichefiberdiese Frage die nachfolgenden AusfihrungenKister's; Yaqfit nenntunterIbn al-Kalbi's GewahrsmannernIbn Sacd katib al-Waqidi, wahrenddas Verhaltnisdoch umgekehrt war, Ibn al-Kalbi hat sein Werk, wie gesagt, auf der Grundlage eines von seinem Vater begonnenen Ansab-Buches verfasst. Laut Caskel's ansprechender Vermutung (I, 75) hat der Vater bis in die Zeit des Chalifenal-Mansiir gearbeitet, woraus sich erklart,dass die meisten ,,Zeitgenossen",also die auf den Tafeln zu unterststehenden Personen, in die Zeit dieses Chalifenfallen. Der Sohn, der ca. 204/819starb,fiigtedann weitereNamen bis in die Zeit al-Ma'mun's hinzu, soweit sie ihm zuganglichwaren. Auch Ibn al-Kalbi hat das Werk nichtselbst publiziert; wir lesen es nur teilweise in der riwdya des Muhammad Ibn Habib (I, 122). vgl. Caskel, I, 114 f.) 614 S., 2 S. Nachtrage und Berichtigungen, 4? Notes on Caskel's Gamharat an-nasab 49 ist Das Werk Ibn al-Kalbl's zu kommentieren die Aufgabe, die sich Caskel gestellthatte. Zu einer Edition reichtedas Material nicht aus. Deshalb findenwir in Caskel's Werk keinen arabischen Text, sonderngenealogischeTabellen und ein Register, wie wir sie -man muss jetzt sagen: en miniature seit I20 Jahren Hand besitzen. Wahrend jedoch Wustenfeldnur die arabischen von Wiistenfeld's Stamme und Familien erfassenwollte und daher mit ca. 50 Tafeln auskam, enthalten Caskel's Tafeln alle Namen, incl. der Personennamen;die einzigeBedingung ist, dass sie als in Ibn al-Kalbi's Werk stehend nachgewiesenwerdenkonnten.Es sind also in den neuen 334 Tafeln ca. 35000 Namen enthalten,unterdenen die der Zeitgenossen Ibn al-Kalbi's noch bei weitem nicht alle damals lebenden echten Araber innerhalbder erfasstenGebiete darstellen.Aber auch die vorigenGeneravoll erfasst;z.B. horendie Aliden (Tafel 5) in der Generation tionensind keineswegs nach 'A1I auf. Die Umaiyaden gehen bis zur Generationder Sohne 'Abd al-Malik's (Tafel io), wahrend auf derselben Tafel Vettern verschiedenenGrades noch I-2 Generationenweiterverzeichnetsind. Die Abbasiden erscheineniiberhauptnicht, AbfiYfisufgenanntist (Tafel 223). wahrendz.B. der beriihmte Die sowohl auf Caskel's wie auf Wiistenfeld'sTafeln stehenden Stammbaume Das ist natiirlich;denn Wiistenfeldhat stimmennicht in allen Gliedernuiberein. im eine Vielfalt von Quellen benutzt, die entgegenseiner Versicherung Vorwort zum Registerunm6glichin allem iibereinstimmen konnten,da sie sich auf verwerdenkonnten. schiedeneZeiten bezogen und nichtalle auf ihreIntegritatgepriift Caskel dagegen hat eine einzige konkreteQuelle benutzt, deren Rekonstruktion eben der Inhalt seines Buches ist. In seinem Register,zu dem bei jedem Namen und spatere Benutzer der aamhara, Abschriften die Quellen, d.h. Handschriften, werden, stehen iiberall zuerst die Stellen, an denen er in den Handangegeben und ihrenDerivaten vorkommt.Der Versuchung,Ibn al-Kalbl's Material schriften zu erganzen, d.h. Namen aufzunehmen,die zwar bekannt, aber eben nicht in dieser Quelle nachweisbarsind, hat er konsequentwiderstanden. ist Von Caskel's Mitarbeitern einer, G. Strenziok,so weitgehendan der Arbeit erscheint.Seine DissertationDie Genealogien beteiligt,dass er auf den Titelblattern Teil der Tafeln zuder Nordarabernach Ibn al-Kalbi liegt dem entsprechenden grunde, fur die er denn auch als Verfasser erscheint. Strenziok hat auch das in Register begonnen, d.h. nicht nur die Stammeskartothek eine alphabetische sondernauch die historischen Bemerkungenzu den historischoder umgewandelt, sonstwie bedeutenden Personen zu schreiben angefangen. Aber der Plan des Ganzen, die beiden grossenEinleitungenund der weitaus gr6ssteTeil des Registers sind Caskel's Werk. die Es ist nichtleicht,die Summe von Gelehrsamkeit, in diesem Registersteckt, und die Urteile fiberderen zu ermessen.Allein die Datierungenvon Dichterversen Echtheitspiegelndas LebenswerkeinesMannes,dessen ganze Kraftdem arabischen Altertumgewidmetwar. Aber das ist nur ein kleinerTeil der in diesen Artikeln verarbeitetenMaterialien. Die historischenBemerkungenzu vielen Namen auf Registersgehen in die Tausende jeder Seite des fiber500 Quartseitenumfassenden und bilden eine unerschdpfliche Quelle der Belehrung.In ihnenist auch wenigstens ein Teil des nicht rein genealogischenTextes Ibn al-Kalbi's gerettetworden. Zu den Artikeln des Registers kommen noch die historischenKonsequenzen allgemeinerArt,die sich Caskel bei der Ausarbeitungdes Buches ergebenhaben und die in den Prolegomenades i. und den Erliuterungenzu den Tafeln des 2. Bandes niedergelegtsind. Am bedeutsamsten ist wohl die endgiiltige Bestatigung der schon von Goldziher, Muh. St. I, 91 ausgesprochenenZweifel an der Altertiimlichkeit des nord-siidarabischen Gegensatzes, der laut Caskel (I, 69) ,,erst seit deutlichgeworden(ist) und ... nie die Starke erreicht (hat), die ihm spatere 63/683 verliehenhaben." Geschichtschreiber Die ungeheureVielfaltvon Eigennamen,die die alten Araber gekanntund ihren ORIENS 25-26 4 50 M. J. Kisterand M. Plessner Kindern gegeben haben, trittin diesem Registererst recht in Erscheinung.Dass unter den seltenerenzahlreiche sind, die erst hier in richtigerForm erscheinen, wahrend sie in den bisher bekanntenTexten falsch punktiertwaren (z.B. Yarfa, bei WiistenfeldBarqa genannt und unter dieser Form leider nicht im Register erscheinend,sondern nur im Apparat zu Yarfa), ist ein weitererGewinn. Erst der der jetzt ist eine solide Grundlagefurdie Untersuchung Etymologien arabischen Eigennamen geschaffen;und ich bin froh,dass ich als junger Mann nicht der AnregungEugen Mittwochsgefolgtbin, iiber dieses Thema zu arbeiten. Caskel muss viel Material dazu gehabt haben, hat es aber nicht in diesem, Ibn al-Kalbi und der Genealogie gewidmetenBuch publiziert(II, 99). Die ausgezeichnete drucktechnische Leistung und die bei den vielen Zahlen besondersschwierige, Korrektursei gebuhrendhervorgehoben. iiberaus sorgfaltige Der reiche Inhalt dieses epochemachendenWerkes des letzten unmittelbaren Schiilers August Fischer's konnte hier nicht annahernd beschrieben werden. Manche Ausserlichkeiten schriftstellerischer Art, die die Prolegomena zu einer etwas kompliziertenLektiire machen, verschlagennichts gegeniiberder Dankbarkeit, die die ArabistikCaskel schuldet,und die ich ihm leider nur libersGrab nachrufen kann. The uninterrupted of transmission genealogy fromthe timesof the was conditioned the socio-political situation the Arab of Jahiliyya by and during ruleofthe Umaythe Empirein theperiodofthe conquests in yads. The revolutionary changein the 'Abbasid periodis reflected an utterance attributed al-Ma'miin: to "Rank is thegenealogical affinity connecting people; thus a noble Arab is closerto a noble Persianthan he is to a low-class to Arab; a noblePersianis nearer a nobleArabthan he is to a low-classPersian,because noble men form (separate)class a and plebeiansform (separate)class".1This view is further a explained are by the following sayingof al-Ma'miin:"People of the market men of the lowestclass, workmen despisedpeople,merchants avariare are are overthepeople".2 Thisofcourse mirrors cious,whilesecretaries kings the opinionof the 'Abbasid periodwhentribalorganizations had lost their was in and hold,whileforeign nobility gaining importance position and the class ofsecretaries coming be amongthe mostrespected. was to But even in thisperiodgenealogy not cease to be recorded, did learnt and transmitted an essentialpart of the Arabic culturaltradition. as In the first of periodof Islam knowledge nasab was made necessary needs of the diwdn.It was further by the administrative requiredin connection withtheneedto affiliate converts Islam in accordance new to 1 Ibn H[amdfn,Tadhkira,Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3179, I, 82a: qala l-ma'munu: alrutbatunasabun tajmaCu ahlahd, fa-shariful-carabi aull bi-sharifil-cajami min l-carabi min sharifil-carabibi-wadt'i l-Carabi; wa-shariful-cajami auld bi-sharZfi sharifi l-cajami bi-wadicil-cajami; fa-ashrdful-ndsi tabaqatun,kamd anna auddcahumtabaqatun. 2 mulukunCaldl-ndsi. tujjdrubukhald'u,wa-l-kuttcbu b. ... wa-qala marratan: ahlu l-sfuqi sifalun, wa-l-sunndcu andhdlun, wa-l- Notes on Caskel's 6amharat an-nasab 5I Nasab turnedto be a considerable withthe varioustribalgroups. factor betweenthe upper class of the conquerors in differentiating and the for of countries; the Arabsit was a meansof population the conquered to self-identification: be aware of Arab descent,to have a pure Arab withthe mawdli, the 'ajam. It is clear that the pedigreeas confronted of the Nasab al-'Arabwas only later counteracted the compilation by of compilation Nasab al-'Ajam.3 character and The factthatthe scienceof genealogy acquiredMuslim of the and to respectability thetendency emphasize superiority theArabs on of of led to theinvention a greatnumber traditions thissubject:they "If of toldon theauthority theProphet. theArabsbecome wereofcourse to weak Islam will becomeweak"-the Prophetis reported have said.4 the "May God breakthe teethof the man who prefers 'ajam".5 "Love the Arabsforthreereasons:because I am an Arab,becausethe Qur'an is Arabicand because the people of Paradise speak Arabic".6"Hatred The bulkofthese love fortheArabsis belief".7 ofthe Arabsis unbelief, the of and bearsevidence the tendency emphasizing merits to traditions qualitiesby whichthey surpassothernationswithinIslam. were the traditions about Closely connectedwith these traditions of Ma'mar b. Rashid, one of the earliestcompilers hadith, Quraysh. in of Fadd'il records hisJdmi'8 a number thesetraditions thechapter in in The Prophetsaid: "People follow Quraysh thismatter-he Quraysh. meant by this: authority-; MuslimsfollowMuslimsof Qurayshand 3 See quotations fromAbuf'Ubayda's Ansab al-'ajam in Mughultay's al-Zahr al-bdsim sirat abi l-qdsim,Ms. Leiden Or. 370, ff.4Ib, I36a, I52a. fi 4 Ibn Abi Hatim, CIlal, Ms. Chester Beatty 3516, f. 287a; al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummdl,Hyderabad 1385/I965,XIII, 37, no. 230; al-Haythami, Majmac al-zawd'id, Beirut I967, X, 53; CAbd al-Rahim al-'Iraql, al-Qurabfi mahabbati l-carab, ed. Ibrdhim Hilmi al-Qadiri, Alexandria I38I/I96I, p. 99; al-Jarrahi, Kashf al-khafd', Beirut I35I, I, 89, no. 232; cf. al-Zajjaji, Majdlis al-culamd', ed. CAbd al-Salam Harfin, al-Kuwayt I962, p. 240: Id yazdlu l-dinu dhalilan ma Cazzat al-'arab. 5 Al-Jazari,Maulid al-nabi, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3608, f. 5a. 6 'Abd al-Rahim al-CIraqi,op. cit., p. 96; Ibn Abi HaItim,op. cit., f. 287a; alMuttaqi 1-Hindi,op. cit., XIII, 37, no. 229; al-Suyuti, al-Jdmical-saghir,Cairo 7 Al-Jazari, op. cit., f. 5a; al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi,op. cit., XIII, 37, no. 231 (and l-'arabi qurratu see no. 232); and see Ibn Abi Hatim, op. cit., f. 384a: kathratu caynin1i (cf. al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi,op. cit., XIII, 39, no. 239); and see a traditionin praise of the Arabs with an addition against Thaqif: al-Muttaqi al-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, 39: "A believer will not hate the Arabs and will not love Thaqif." (but see versionof this hadithin favourof Thaqif; the additionof "illd" ib., an interesting changes the meaning: Id yubghidul-caraba mu'minun wa-ld yuhibbuthaqifanilld mu'minun.); CAbdal-Rahim al-CIraqi,op. cit.,pp. 94, 107. 8 I330, I, Io; al-Haythami, op. cit., X, 52; al-Jarrahi, op. cit., I, 54, no. I33. Ms. Feyzullah 541, ff. I2Ia-I22a. 52 M. J. Kisterand M. Plessner unbelievers followtheirunbelievers".9 "God will despisethe man who "God will hate the man who hates Quraysh".1 despisesQuraysh".10 to Thesetraditions belongs Quraysh"-said the Prophet.12 "Sovereignty about the qualitiesof Quraysh werefollowed traditions 13 about the by and meritsof the Ansar,of the tribesof Yemen and of the qualities tribes. Northern The legal authority the rule of Qurayshis plainlyattestedin the of utterances the Prophet. The secondary of positionof the Ansar was foretold the same manner.The people of Yemen are describedas in in the "dispersed the world,repelledfrom gates of the rulers";14 they willof courseenterParadisewiththe Prophet."Azd, the Prophetsays, are the lions of God on earth; people want to debase them,but God will extol them; therewill come a timewhena man will say: 'Would that my fatheror my motherwere fromAzd'." 15 These traditions included utterances aboutgroups tribes Tamim, of like Quda'a, Hawazin, Ghatafan,Mudar and smaller tribal units16 like Lakhm, Judham, of the Juhayna, Muzayna,'Usayya etc. The tendency thesetraditions, ofsometribes higher for and authority, be gauged can struggle position froman utterance like: "Islam will becomedebased when Rabi'a will op. cit., p. I26. 10 9 Ib., f. I2Ia; Ibn Abi Hatim, op. cit., f. 384b-385a; 'Abd al-Rahim al-'Iraqi, Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., f. I22a; al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi,op. cit., XIII, I7, o00; ib., X, 23-28); and see 'Abd al-Rahim al-'Iraqi, op. cit., pp. 126-144 (Fada'il quraysh). 1 Ibn Ab HIatim,op. cit.,f. 382b. 12 Al-Muttaqi1-Hindi, op. cit.,XIII, 20, no. i 8; Ibn Abi Hatim, op. cit.,f. 383a. ahlu lldhi .... no. al-Haythami, op.cit., X, 27 (and see the hadithes in favour of Quraysh l-muwalatuli-qurayshin, esp. p. 65: amdnu ahli l-ardi min al-ikhtilafi qurayshun this traditional-Shaukani, al-Fawa'id al-majmi'-a, ed. 'Abd al-Wahhab CAbdalfa-idhd khalafahd qabilatun min al-'arabi srii hizba iblisa; and see 13 Abu Nu'aym al-Isbahani, Hilyat al-auliya', Cairo I357/I938, IX, 64-66 (see 15 Ibn Sa'id, Nashwat al-tarab, Ms. Tiibingen I, f. 55r; al-Muttaql 1-Hindi, op. cit.,XIII, 49, no. 284; 'Abd al-Rahim al-?Iraqi, op. cit.,p. I5I. 16 Cf. al-Suyiti, al-Jdmical-kabir,Ms. al-Jazzar, Acre, p. 236: ald ukhbirukum umliikradm2n,wa-lbi-khayri qabd'ili l-arabi: al-sakin sakin kinda, wa-l-umluk sakdsik wa-firaqmin al-ashcariyyinwa-firaqmin khauldn; and see al-MuttaqI 1-Hindi,op. cit., XIII, 47, no. 276, (the curse of Tamim and Bakr b. Wa'il, the curse of Muqacis and Muladis of Tamim); and see ib., no. 277 (the blessing of Ghifarand Aslam); cAbd al-Rahim al-'Iraqi, op. cit.,p. I56 (qualities of Tamim), I57-I58 (of Juhayna), I59 ('Udhra), I6o-I6I (Qays and Yemen), 162 (Madhhij), etc.; and see al-Haythami, I64 (qualities of Murra b. cUbayd of TamIm) ..... op. cit., X, 42-46 (md jd'a ft qabd'il al-carab), 46-48 (Tamim) .... etc. Latif, Cairo 1960, p. 462; al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, I7-32; Ibn Burhan al-Din, al-Sira al-halabiyya, Cairo 1351/1932, I, 29-30; al-Haythami, op. cit., X, 23-28; al-Tabarsi, al-Ihtijdj, al-Najaf 1386/1966,I, 2II; Ibn CAbd al-Barr, alIsti'db, ed. 'All Muh. al-Bijawi, Cairo n.d., II, 792, no. I330. 14 Al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, 42, no. 260. Notes on Caskel's Gamharat an-nasab 53 God will grantpowerto Islam and diminish be powerful; polytheism and and its peopleas longas Mudarand Yemenstaystrong powerful".17 univerIt was onlynaturalwhenpious circlesof people entertaining of traditions thiskindstressing salistideas aboutIslam tookto discarding of or theexclusiveness superiority the Arabs.Whensomebody expressed that the ProphetallowedBilal, Suhayb and Salman to sit his surprise in a circle(scil.in the mosqueofthe Prophet-K) he said: "God is one, is the religion one and the Ancestor (i.e. Adam-K) is one. Lo, Arabic or is not our father, mother;it is merelya language; he who speaks which "At the Day ofJudgment", Arabicis an Arab".18 says a tradition "God will abolishthe nasab (ofthe in the pious circles, gainedcurrency will noble tribes-K) and will establishHis nasab. The mosthonoured man".19 be a God-fearing mirrors said to have beentoldby al-Kalbihimself, A significant story, circlestowardsnasab and well the attitudeof the pious orthodox quite In nasab compilations. Ibn Qutayba's manuscriptTa'bir al-ru'ya20, at a al-Kalbirecounts dreamofhis.He saw himself theDay ofJudgment intothe Presenceof God, Who said: "You are compiling beingbrought whichyou do not knowand you speak about (things)you genealogies to do not know". He ordered lead al-Kalbi to Hell. Whilebeingled to in Hell al-Kalbi noticedthe Prophetsitting a circleof men and asked for himto intercede himwithGod. But the Prophetsaid: "How can I which for intercede youwhenyoucompile genealogies you do notknow". on a of Al-Kalbisaid: "0 Messenger God, I also compiled commentary the Qur'an". Then the Prophetorderedone of the people of his circle to examineal-Kalbi; the man was 'Ali b. Abi Talib. He interrogated the Al-Kalbianswered al-Kalbi on somefouror fivereligious problems. and this interceded, well,'Alireported to theProphet, thelatter questions and al-Kalbi was let free.He sat downwiththe Prophetand asked him The Prophetmentioned when Umayyadrule was goingto terminate. the time of the fall of the Umayyads,whichin fact occurredat the of fixed date. Later al-Kalbi wroteonly the genealogy knowntribes, is whose pedigree not in doubt. of The storyrevealsclearlythe tendency the pious scholars.It is a of act to compilebooks of genealogy pedigrees containing blameworthy 17 18 Muttaqi 1-Hindi,op. cit., XIII, 39, no. 243. 1388/I968, I, 230. 20 Al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, 48, no. 279. Bahshal, Ta'rikh Wasit, ed. Gurguis cAwwad, Baghdad 1967, p. 252; al- man Muh. cUthman, Cairo al-Tabarani, al-Mujcam al-saghlr, ed. cAbd al-Rah. Coll. Yahuda, Ar. I96, ff.Iob-iia. Ms. Hebrew University, 19 Asad b. Mfisa, Kit. al-zuhd, ed. R. Leszynsky, Kirchhain I909, pp. xxx-xxxi; 54 M. J. Kisterand M. Plessner tribesof doubtful seems origin;to recordwell-established genealogies lawful.Knowledgeof the shari'a and howeverto have been regarded of of Qur'an saves frompains of Hell. Finally: the intercession 'Ali of to pointsapparently the Shi'i sympathies al-Kalbi. the A storyrecorded Ma'mar b. Rashid21 reflects clash between by and that of the Muslimperiod. the old nasab of the Jahiliyya type Al-Sha'bi passed by a Qaysi man while the latter was annoyingan Asadi withquestions about his nasab. Al-Sha'bisat downwiththe two men and asked the Qaysi about the first bannerraisedin Islam, about in Islam,about theman declared the Prophet the first by spoilsgranted to be in Paradise... etc.; all thesevirtueswerein the tribeof Asad, not in Qays. The Qaysi wentaway, leavingthe Asadi alone. was Thisattitude however theprevailing Nasab was diligently not one. studied and gained orthodoxapproval.22 The traditionthat nasab is "a knowledge whichnone profits; of ignorance it does not harm"23 by was confronted tradition the favoring studyof nasab and stressing by its merits.Muslimscholarssaid that God singledout this people (i.e. the Muslims-K) granting themthe i'rdb,the isndd and the nasab.24 I In the firstperiod of Islam genealogyhad to play a special role. Tribalrivalry, in in divisions tribes, changes alliancesofclansand tribes, of on of pressure the government some factions tribes-all these were factorswhichshaped the development genealogy the Umayyad of in period.25 The tendencyof some weak tribal units to attach themselves to is in and tribes reflected a passageofal-Jiliz in which strong influential he records qualitiesofQuraysh. Qurashi, the No states,claimed al-Jahiz to be a descendant anothertribe,whilemembers noble tribes from of claim"untilnow" the descent from Noblepersons from Murra Quraysh. b. 'Auf,26 Sulaym,Khuza'a and others, says al-Jahiz, allegedthat they 21 22 23 Al-Jamic, in Ancient Near East, Yale University Press, I955, pp. 239-310). See J. Obermann,Early Islam, (in R. C. Dentan-ed.-The ff. II9b-I2oa; Abfi Nucaym, Hilyat al-auliyd', IV, 315-316. Idea of History I, 9. 24 Al-Sam'ani, AnsLb,ed. 'Abd al-Rahman al-Mu'allamI, Hyderabad I382/1962, 26 See I. Goldziher,Muh. Studien, Halle I890, I, 97-98, I77 seq.; Caskel, op. cit., I, 25-35. 26 See Caskel, op. cit., II, 433 (and see Mufa1daliyydt, ed. Lyall, 10I-I03); Ibn Kathir, al-Sira al-nabawiyya,ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wahid, Cairo I384/1964, I, 91-93. Al-Zurqani, Sharh al-mawahibal-ladunniyya,Cairo I326, V, 394-395. Notes on Caskel's 6amharat an-nasab 55 The wereQurashites.27 case of Khuza'a is well known;theiroriginis but some of themindeedclaimedto be Qurashites.28 Al-Kalbi obscure, stated that al-Salt b. Nadr b. Kinana died childless; thus Khuza'a could Ibn al-Kalbi records themas descendants Azd from of not be his son.29 of Saba'.30Some claimedthattheyweredescendants Qama'a b. Khindif by (i.e. al-Yas, theirfather-K); thiswas affirmed an allegedutterance of of the Prophetin which'Amrb. Luhayy,the ancestor Khuza'a was as about the mentioned 'Amrb. Luhayyb. Qama'a.31The discussions ofKhuza'a, thepolitical reasons the attachment Khuza'a for of pedigree of with Kinana, the instigations 'Abd al-Malik and the activityof 'Azza are touchedupon by Caskel.32 Kuthayyir The originof the Khulj is also obscure.33 They are includedin the in the nasab of al-Harithb. Fihr, but Ibn al-Kalbi adds his Jamhara In that theyare descendants the 'Amaliq.34 his Nawdqil of reservation 35and in his Kitdbal-bulddn quoted by Mughultay) Ibn alMudar (as Kalbi states: "al-khuljmin 'dd". It is in accordance withthe answerof 'Umar when asked to attach the Khulj to Quraysh: "Am I goingto attach 'Ad to Quraysh?"36 'Ali definedmore harshlythe relation ild md l-himdri khurtimi the between Khulj and Quraysh: bayna jahfalati l-khinziri.37 27 28 Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3183, f. 202b. fusul ..., Al-Jahiz, Mukhtdrat See Mughultay,op. cit., f. 48b: wa-kdna abi ahnash al-nassdba l-khuzaciyyu idhd qUla lahu: mimmananta, qdla: min qurayshin,fa-idhd qUla lahu: min ayyi qurayshin, qdla: min khuzdcata; wa-kdna yazcumu anna khuzd'ata min wuldi l-salti (i.e. al-salt b. al-nadr b. kindna-K). Cairo I956, II, 45. Shifi' al-ghardm, Mus'ab, Nasab Quraysh,ed. Levi-Provencal, Cairo I953, pp. 7 ult.-8 sup.; al-Fasi, op. cit., II, 44. 32 Caskel, op. cit., II, 39-40; and see Mughultay,op. cit., ff.48b-49a, i74a-b; al-Fasi, op. cit.,II, 44-47; al-Kalai, al-Iktifi,ed. H. Masse, Paris I93I, I, I28-I29; al-Wazir al-Maghribi,Adab al-khawdss,Ms. Brussa, Husayn Celebi 85b, ff.85b87a; Ibn Sa'id, op. cit., f. 6Ir; Ibn CAbdal-Barr, al-Inbdh,al-Najaf I966, pp. 96ioo; al-Nuwayri, Nihdyat al-arab, Cairo n.d., II, 317-318, 343; al-Suhayli, alRaud al-unuf,ed. CAbdal-Rahman al-Wakil, Cairo 1378/1967,I, 102; Goldziher, op. cit., I, I89. 33 Al-Nuwayri,op. cit., II, 353; Goldziher,op. cit., I, I8I. 34 The text of Jamhara, Ms. Br. Mus., f. 33a: wa-qaysu bnu l-harithi wa-huwa the .... Mughultay,op. cit.,f. I38a says, refuting l-khuljumin baqiyyatil-camdliqi statement of Suhayli, that the Khulj are a group of Quraysh: .... wa-huwa fZ qaulun mardudun; qdla l-kalbiyyu l-jamharati: yuqdlu innahum adciyd'u min baqiyyatil-camdliqi. 35 In text,,. 1Jn.On nawdqil see Caskel, op. cit., I, 59; and see ib., p. 80, no. ed. 21 in the list ofIbn al-Kalbi's works; and see Ibn al-Kalbi, Kit. al-asndm, Ahmad Zaki Pacha, Cairo 1924, p. 69, nos. 21-24; and cf. below note 58. 36 Mughultay, op. cit., I38a. 37 Ib. 31 29 Ib. 30 A1-Fasi, 56 6M.J. Kisterand M. Plessner The obscure genealogiesof Sdma b. Lu3ayy,8 Sa'd b. Lu'ayy (Bundna) who were accepted into the nasab of Quraysh by 'Uthmdn,39and alH{drith b. Lu3ayy40 were also disputed. The Khuzayma b. Lu'ayy his wanted to strengthen power by them.42In this case the reasons for the affiliation are quite clear. The opinions of the genealogists about the origin of Qud"'a are contradictory.Some of them assert that they were descendants of Macadd, according to others they were from Himyar.43 The North-Arabian insisted thatQudc'a was thesonofMa'add. Thisfactis attested tradition an alleged utterance of the Prophet; in this utterance the Prophet by stated that the kunya of Ma'add was Abfi Qud1d'a.44 The South-Arabian tradition claims Qudli'a as a descendant of JHJimyar.45 alleged utThe terance of the Prophet plainly attributesQudlc'a's descent to IHlimyar.46 Ibn al-Kalbi records a harmonizing version: Mu'cna,47 the mother of QudlZ'a was the wife of Mdlik b. 'Amr b. Murra b. MMlikb. JIHimyar; later she got marriedto Macadd and broughtQudl'a b. Mdlik with her. Qudidca, because of her second marriage, was later called Qudlca b. Ma'cadd.48 Anothertraditionstates that Mu'cna was the wife of Ma'add 38 See Ibn Hamdfin, Tadhkira, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3180, II, 63b-64a; al-Suhayli, ed. Mul. IHamidullah,Cairo oP. cit., I, 406-407; al-Balddhuri, Anscb al-ashrdf, ed. al-Maymani, Cairo I959, I, 46-47; al-Mubarrad, Nasab cAdnan wa-Qahtdn, 1354/1936, P. 4; Mughultdy, oP. cit., ff.49a-5oa; Ibn Kathir, Sira, I, go-g9; al1382, pp. 48-50; Goldziher, op. cit., I, i88-i89. 41 to ('A 'idhat Quraysh) were affiliated Quraysh by Mu?dwiyawho Nuwayri, op. cit., II, 354; al-Zajjdji, Amcllf,ed. 'Abd al-Saldm Hririn, Cairo 39 Al-Balddhuri,op. cit., I, 44-45; Mughultdy, op. cit., f. 49b (quoted fromthe Mathclib of Abil 'Ubayda); al-Suhayl!, op. cit.,I, 402-403. 40 See Caskel, op. cit.,s.v. al-Hdritb. Lu'aiy. 41 See Caskel, op. cit.,I, 4, 148. 42 bihimmu'cawiAl-Nuwayri,op. cit.,II, 355: .... wa-humqaumun takaththara yatu fa-adkhalahum qurayshin; al-Suhayl!, oP. cit., I, 405. ft 43 See al-BalddhurI, op. cit., I, I5-i6; al-Nuwayri, op. cit., II, 283, 295; al- The name of the motherof Qudlca is also recordedas cAnna,Neciima(on the authority of al-Mazriic), cUkbara-al.BalddhurI, op. cit., I, 15-i6; Quddc'a-alNuwavri, op. cit., II, 283. 48 See SuhaylI, op. cit., I, 121; a1-BalddhurI, op. cit., I, 15; AbC l-Baqd', op. cit., 9oa. 47 al-cUmari, Baghdad Al-Hamddni,op. cit., I, I54-i8i; al-Mubarrad,op. cit.,p. 23. Ibn Wahb, Jdmic,ed. J. David-Weill, Cairo I939, p. 3, 11.7-9; al-Hamddni, op. cit., I, 164, 167; Ibn cAbd al-Barr, al-lnbdh,p. 6i sup.; al-MuttaqI al-Hind!, op. cit., XIII, 57, nos. 331-333; Khalifa b. Khayyit, al-Tabaqdt,ed. Akram Diiyl' 46 Br. Mus., Add. 23,296, f. 89a-89b. 45 Mughultay,oP. cit., f. 7b-8a (with a discussion of the problem of QudI'a); Ibn CAbdal-Barr, al-Lnbdh, 59; al-SamcdnI,op. cit., I, 25; al-Baladhuri, oP. cit., 1, p. i6; AbC l-Baqd?: al-Mandqib al-mazyadiyya akhb&ral-muliikal-asadiyya, Ms. ftc Suhayli, op. cit., I, 117-124. 44 Al-Hamddni, al-Iklfl, ed. Muh. al-Akwac al-Hiwili, Cairo i383/1963, I I70; I387/1967, P. I20. Notes on Caskel's Camharat an-nasab 57 married and gave birthto his son Quda'a; she subsequently Malik b. 'Amr fromHimyar who adopted her son Quda'a; therefore Quda'a Ibn was called: Quda'a b. Malikal-H.imyari.49 Sa'id reports thatQuda'a became Ma'addite when they moved into the Hijaz.50 Ibn al-Kalbi who attachedQuda'a to the YemeniteHimyarwas statesthat the first 'Amrb. Murraal-Juhani.51 The account of Nasr b. Mazrfu' al-Kalbi52 concerning the factors in the nasab of Quda'a, the period whichbroughtabout the changes of the changesand the personsinvolvedis of some interest. to a Up in Mu'awiya's rule as caliph the tribesof Quda'a had been and point of descendants Ma'add. At thattime'Amrb. Murra, respected a remained man from of Juhaynaand a Companion the Prophet, urgedthe people to join the Yemenites.In the period of Ibn al-Zubayr,Marwanand the 'Abd al-Malik,during raids of 'Umayrb. Hubab al-Sulamiagainst the Kalb (i.e. Quda'a-K) and those of Humayd b. Huraythal-Kalbi Kalb allied themselves withthe Yemenitribes. againstQays 'Aylan,53 They were aided by Khalid b. Yazid b. Mu'awiya,who opposed the to and Merwanids intended weakentheirpowerand to drivethe people of Syriaaway from them.54 alliancebetweenKalb and the Yemeni The at tribesbecame permanent the time of the expedition Maslama b. of He 'Abd al-Malikagainst Constantinople. treated Kalb wrongly and favoured Then Kalb finally Khalid Yemen. Subsequently Qays. joined b. 'Abdallahal-Qasrias governor 'Iraq bribedleadersof Quda'a and of theirnasab. Nasr b. Mazrui' remarks thatpious and Bajila so as to forge righteous people of Quda'a refuseto disclaimdescentfromMa'add.55 Similarreports givenon the authority Sharqi b. al-Qutamiand are of Ibn Habib.56 These passages in the worksof earlyhistorians help us to 49 Al-Baladhuri, op. cit., I, 15; Abi 1-Baqa', op. cit., ib.; al-Nuwayri,op. cit., II, 283. 50 Nashwatal-tarab,f. 5Ir. 51 Al-Baladhuri, op. cit., I, I5 (and see p. I6: the report of Muh. b. Habib); al-Mausili, Ghdyat al-wasd'il ild macrifatil-awd'il, Ms. Cambridge Qq 33 (Io), f. 34a; and see the utteranceof the Prophet: antum.... min himyarin the biob. graphyof CAmr Murra in Ibn Hajar's al-Isdba, Cairo I325/I907, V, i6, 11.II-I2. 52 See a tradition reportedby him above, note 47; and see al-Jahiz, .Hayawan, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Harfin,Cairo I945, VII, 256. 53 See al-Baladhuri, Ansdb al-ashrdf, vol. V, ed. S. D. Goitein,JerusalemI936, index s.v. cUmayrb. al-Hubab and Humayd b. Hurayth. 54 .... wa-mdla'ahum Calayhikhalidu bnu yazida bni mucdwiyatakhildfanlibani marwanawa-qasdanli-tauhini mulkihim canhum. wa-tafriqi jamdcatiahli l-shdmi 55 Abi 1-Baqa', op. cit.,f. 89b-9oa; on Khalid b. 'Abdallah al-Qasri see Mus'ab, op. cit., p. 9, 11. I -2. 56 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Inbah, pp. 60-6I. 58 M. J. Kisterand M. Plessner Rabi(a shared commondwellingsand common places fortheperformance of rituals during the pilgrimageto Mecca.6' It is noteworthythat the delegation of Kinda attempted to attach the Prophet to their nasab nasab: Banii "AbdMandf > Banil Akil al-Murdr. proposingthe following The Prophet, however, rejected this pedigree, stressing that he is a it traditions is stressedthat in the time of the Jdihiliyya Kinda and anderstand the factorsbehind the far-reaching change of nasab of the tribesin Syria.57 Quda'a The opinions of genealogists about the nasab of Kinda were not unanimous. Some of them stated that Kinda were descendants of Macadd.58 This pedigree was transmitted by Ibn al-Kalbi.59 Some genealogists claimed that Kinda were descendants of Rabica.60 In some 51 See Caskel, op. cit., II, 73-74; see ib., I, 32; and see Hamddni, op. cit., I, . ... mu yaqailu bacdu I-nussabinna kindata min al-ndqilati(see above note bi-dhdliha ild min aul&di macaddinfa-ntasabii qat4cda. ntaqalfi 35) lladhfna 5" Al-Wazir : oP. al-Maghribi, cit.,f. 93b-94a: qala hishamunal-kalbiyyu dhakara bacdu l-nussdbianna kindata bna thauri bni Cufayri bni haydata bni mucuwiyata bni macaddi bni cadnana. The evidence for the soundness of the traditionwas "attested" by the verse of Imru' I-Qays: la ta-llclhi yadhhabushaykhiba*tild: khayrumacaddinnasaban wa-narVild. The contradictorytradition, attaching Kinda to the South Arabians quotes the second hemistichdifferently: hasaban wa-ncPlild. ya khayrashaykhin 60 Al-Wazir al-Maghribi,op. cit., f. iooa: .... wa-kdna I-ndsu ft I-zamani 1awwali yaqWiliina: kindatu min rabicata ...; and see ib., f. 93b-94a: .... wa-qula inna kindatamin wuldi cumiri rabicatabni nizdribni macaddin. And bni khhariina see Mughultdy, op. cit., f. Io9a-b (quoting Adab al-khawdcl). 61 Siyar al-mulfik, I34a: .. .. wa-yuqdlu, f. bal ardtda kana yali (? perhaps: mdi Jnat duruhumwC7hidatan wa-k "bayna"-K) kindata wa-rabicatamin al-tacJqudi, I-zamcni; yaqfiluI-shcciru: ft dhcllika wa-kindatu tarmi1-jimaracashiyyatan idh ..... etc.; al-Wazir al-Maghribi, ktinat mahallatukindata wa-rabiclata wa-duruhumtX op. cit., 94a: .... wa-li-dhdlika wa-munckkhuhum1-mawdsimi macan, wa-kdni ft 1-jThiliyyati ft 1-jahld)iw4zhidatan qaulu abi mutah4liftnamutacdqidina; wa-mimma yuhaqqiqu hdhd Ciindahum : OWNib bni "abdi 1-mnuttalibi I54-i63. 58 See Kitidb siyar al-muliih, Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23,298, f. I33b: wa-arcida wa-kindatu tarmi1-jimuira idh caskiyyatan: bakribni wdu'ii yujawwizuhdhujjajuju shaddd 'aqda md htalafdlahu: kaliffcni wa-raddd Calayhi Cdt futi 1-wasa'ili l-wascPil "al-arMdm";Abfil-Baqd?, op. cit.,f. 84a: as The WazIr explains cati~ffti rabicatu bnu nizdrin taqifu cinda l-ma4ifqi cinda 1lca.qabati ... wa-kUnat fa-tujfzu kindata li-annahum kdnii kulafd'lahum fa-taqiilu 1-nusu(perhaps:-L-l-ndsi-K) aqimii hattdtajfiza I-mlakiu min kindata; wa-ftdhulikayaqiilu abiltdlibin: .... etc.; and see Caskel, oP. cit., I, 33. wa-kindatu Notes on Caskel's ,amharat an-nasab 59 of descendant Nadr b. Kinana.62'Abbas and AbuiSufyan, the Prophet used to claimtheir descent from Kinda whileon their remarked, journeys to the Prophetall the marriages his ancestors of in Yemen.63 According to were according the rules of Islam, pure and unstained. in with this utterancethe serious There was, however, connection of problem Barra bintMurr(the sisterof Tamimb. Murr)who married and gave birthto al-Nadrb. Kinana, Kinana b. Khuzaymab. Mudrika the ancestorof the Prophet.It was this Barra of whomJarirboasted that "Tamim begot Quraysh": Tamim were the maternaluncles of to was of Barra,according sometraditions thewife Khuzayma, Quraysh.64 bore him children and was married his son Kinana afterhis death, by to the Alaccording the usual customof the Jahiliyya, nikdhal-maqt. Baladhuriand Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah recordthis fact plainly.65 alIbn of Kalbi mentions marriage Barra withKhuzayma(Jamhara 4b) the f. children Kinana. of and withKinana (f.5a); she borethirteen devotelengthy and to chapters theelucidation Al-Nuwayri Mughultay of thisproblem. scholars triedto findthe justification the two for Some thattheywerepermissible the Jahiliyya, in of marriages Barra,arguing as the dya ofthe Qur'Sn (IV, 22) has an explicit reservation: mdqad illa This argument couldhowever be accepted.The problem hardly salafa.66 was solved by al-Jahizin his Kit. al-asndm.Kinana married fact, in to Barra bint Udd, the wife of his father afterhis according al-Jahiz, death; she howeverbore him no child. Then he marriedBarra bint Murrb. Udd, who gave birthto al-Nadr,the ancestor Quraysh, of and otherchildren.67 This proves,of course,the unstainedpedigreeof the of and removes suspicion nikdh Prophet any al-maqt amongtheancestors of the Prophet.Al-Damiri, wishes who quotes the passage of al-Jahiz, to be forgiven whathe wrotein his otherbooksas a reward for al-Jahiz forthisinformation Ibn about Barra.68 Although al-Kalbi did not quote to he the tradition Barra according thereport al-Jahiz nevertheless of of stated: "I recorded fivehundred ancestresses the Prophetand I did of 62 Ibn Sacd, Tabaqdt, Beirut I380/I960, I, 22-33; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya wa-lnihaya, Beirut-Riyad, I966, II, 200-201; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Inbdh, p. 67; al-Sam'ani, op. cit., I, 14, 17. 63 Ibn Sacd, op. cit., ib.; al-Tabari, Ta'rikh, Cairo I357/I939, II, 394 (here 'Abbas and RabiCa b. al-Harith). 64 Ibn Kathir, al-Biddya, II, 20I; Jarir,Diwdn, ed. al-Sawi, Cairo I353, p. 508. 65 Mus'ab, op. cit., pp. 8, o0; al-Baladhuri, op. cit., I, 35, 37 ult. 66 67 68 Al-Zurqani, Sharh al-mawdhibal-ladunniyya, Cairo 1325, I, 77 (quoting Mughultayas well). al-Rahim al-'Iraql, op. cit., pp. I03-I05. Al-Nuwayri,op. cit., XVI, I3-I5; See e.g. al-Fakhr al-Razi, al-Tafsir al-kabir, Cairo I357/I938, X, 23. Mughultay, op. cit., ff.46b, Io7a; CAbd 60 M. J. Kisterand M. Plessner not find(in thesemarriages) anything (whichbelongsto the vices) of the Jahiliyya".69 The obscure of traditions, origin Thaqifgaveriseto manycontradictory in influenced the situation the UmayyadEmpireand theroleplayed by Ibn by some Thaqafiteleadersand governors. al-Kalbi records Thaqif in the Jamharaas a groupof Hawazin.70 They were howeversaid to be a group of Iyad,71or descendants Thamfd.72 of to According the themto Iyad theThaqifin Ta'if wereallies (hulafd') tradition attaching of Qays. As the mother Qasiyyb. Munabbih of of (the ancestor Thaqif) was the daughterof 'Amir b. al-Zarib73 the Thaqif joined them as allies74and adopted the nasab of Qays.75 The traditions the concerning Iyadi or Thamudi originof Thaqif werewhollyrejectedby al-Hajjaj. It is of interest that Ibn al-Kalbi, who recordsthe tradition the of of Thaqif,transmits the same timethe tradition at about Qaysi origin theirIyadi origin. The tradition abouttheThamidi origin Thaqifis, as usual,attested of in an allegedutterance the Prophet. of This was certainly in favour not of Thaqif. It is thus not surprising find a harmonizing to tradition to attributed the Prophet.The Prophetstated that Thaqif were deof scendantsof Iyad; Iyad were descendants Thamud. When the two men from Thaqifwithwhomthe Prophettalkedshowedsignsof grief theProphet statedthattheywerefrom righteous the groupofThamud.76 Some of the traditions about the Thamuidi descentof Thaqif linked the personof theirancestor Qasiyy= ThaqifwithAbu Righal.Thaqif, was a man from Thamfd who escaped the says one of the traditions, disasterof his people and became a slave of AbuiRighal.Another traditionstatesthatThaqifwas a slave oftheprophet he tookflight Salih; and lived in the haram(of Mecca). 'Ali b. Abi Talib, who transmitted 69 Al-Nuwayri,op. cit., XVI, I3; and see a more explicit version ib., p. 5 inf.: .... katabtu li-l-nabiyyikhamsa mi'ati ummin,fa-ma wajadtu ffhinna sifahdan wa-la shay'an mimma kana min amri l-jdhiliyyati. 70 See Caskel, op. cit., II, I6; al-Nuwayri,op. cit., II, 335; al-Mubarrad, op. cit., 71 72 p. I3. 73 Jamhara, f. i54a records, however, Zaynab bint 'Amir al-'Adwani as the wifeof Thaqif (i.e. Qasiyy). 74 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Inbdh, p. 93. 75 Al-Baladhuri, op. cit.,I, 25. p. 5, 11.2-4; al-Sam'ani, op. cit., I, 20; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Inbdh, p. 96. Al-Baladhuri,op. cit.,I, 25. Mughultay,op. cit., f. I2a; al-Hamdani, op. cit., II, 20I; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., dhalika shaqqa calayhimd qala: ma yashuqqu calaykumd;innamd yuhyi lldhu min thamuda sdlihan wa-lladhina dmanuimaaahu, fa-antum min dhurriyyati qaumin sa2lihzna. 76 Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., f. I23b: .... fa-lamma ra&d rasulu llahi (s) anna Notes on Caskel's Gamharat an-nasab 6i this tradition argued that the Prophet (Muhlammad)was closer to the prophet Salih (scil. than anyone else; thus he deserves to inherit the he patronage of Thaqif); therefore decreed that Thaqif be considered as slaves.7 South-Arabian tradition however says that he was a slave of Salih b. al-Humaysa' b. dhi Ma'dhin.78 Another traditionsays that the slave of the prophet Salih was AbuiRighal; he was sent as tax-collector, treated the people wrongfullyand was thereforekilled by Thaqif.79 According to a tradition reported by al-Zuhri Abfi Righal was the ancestor of Thaqif.80 Similar cases with regard to the genealogy of tribes and clans could be easily adduced. But the few cases discussed above bear evidence to the complicated and confused character of the nasab literature. The information contained in the traditions about pedigrees, alliances between clans and tribes, affiliationsof tribal units and detachmentsall this has to be closely studied and re-examined. II The admirable work of W. Caskel, a comprehensiveand detailed study on Ibn al-Kalbi's Jamharatal-nasab, is an indispensablebook forstudents of Arabic genealogy, history of the Jahiliyya and of early Islam. Its detailed and carefully thoughtout articlesabout persons,clans and tribes in the Jahiliyya and early Islam are a treasure of reliable information collected from many early sources and evaluated with great care and deep insight. The material of the sources of Ibn al-Kalbi has been cautiously and carefully examined by Caskel.81 A few passages in later compilations Mughultay,op. cit., f. IIb; another version says that Thaqif was a slave of al-Hayjumana, the wife of Salih; she gave him the slave as gift. 78 Al-Hamdani, op. cit.,II, 354; Mughultay,op. cit.,f. lib. 79 Ibn Zuhayra, al-Jamil al-la.tf, Cairo I357/I938, p. I70; cf. al-Hakim, alMustadrak, Hyderabad I342, I, 398 (Thaqif mentioned as the man who killed Abu Righal). 80 Cf. Mughultay, op. cit., f. iib inf.; Ibn cAbd al-Barr, al-Inbah, p. 95; alFakihi, Ta'rikh Makka, Ms. Leiden Or. 463, f. 436b, ult.; al-Fawazid al-muntaqat Abi l-Hasan CAll .... Can Yahya b. Ma'cn, Ms. Chester Beatty 3495, min hadTth f. i6a; Ibn Kathir, Sira, I, 32 harmonizes the contradictorytraditions: there were two Abf Righal; one of them was the ancestor of Thaqif, the otherone was the guide of Abraha. And see the stories about Abu Righal: Ibn Sacid, op. cit., f. i4ir; Mughultay,op. cit., lib (a tax collectorof the prophetShu'ayb; Menahem Kister draws my attention to the similaritybetween the word "Righal" and "R'uel" (one of the names of Shucayb = Yethro); al-Baladhuri, op. cit., I, 25 (a slave of Shu'ayb b. dhi Mahdam al-Himyari). And see El2, s.v. Abiu Righal (S. A. Bonebakker). 81 77 Caskel, op. cit., I, 72-81. 62 and M. Plessner 6M. Kister J. in not and scantyquotations manuscripts yet published may elucidate some disputedor obscurepoints about the literaryactivityof Ibn al-Kalbi. Ydqiit copies the list of Ibn al-Kalbi's worksfromJbnal-Nadim's and adds: "Hishdm(i.e. Ibn al-Kalbi)has also al-Faridfif Fihrist I-anseTb, whichhe wroteforal-Ma'miin, al-Mul4ki I-anscbwhichhe wrotefor ftJa"far b. Yahyd al-Barmaki, al-Miijaz ft 1-nasab and other works.82 The book of Jbn alCaskel doubted the truth of this information.83 was considered by Caskel as spurious; he proposed to l-nasabi 1-kabnru" read instead of al-Munzal: "al-Jamharatu wa-huwa kitdbu 1-nasabi 1kabiru".8-5 sheds some lighton the disputed problemof the genealogical compilations 86 "al-Tanbikcaldhudtith A passage in H{amzaal-Isfahdni's al-tashif" Kalbi al-Munzalrecorded Ydqiit84 withtheremark kitdbu "wa-huzwa by the Arab Empire was granted the two outstanding scholars: al-Khalil and Hishdm b. al-Kalbi (fa-l-iqbdlusdqa ild daulati 1-carabi ...) who exerted himselfby establishingtheir genealogies (cuniya lahum bi-dabti l-ansThi).He compiled fivebooks on this subject: al-Munzal, al-Jamhara, al-M27jaz,al-Farid, al-M~ulfttkz. Al-Munzal, says Hllamza,is his largest compilation on nasab (akbaru positions of the Arabs (i.e. the Arab tribes-K; yunzilu 1-carabafihi it that of Ibn al-Kalbi mentioned YdqiTit. IHamzaconsiders fortunate by In lahuft the (genealogical) kitdbin 1-nasabi). this book he established Hlamza quotes some if he found them debased in number or nobility.88 clans which Jbn al-Kalbi omitted.89 ; 87 mandzilahum) in somecases he skippedoversomeclans (takhattt-ihum) 82 ed. hdldhcl Mucjam al-udabd3, Ahmad FarId Rifdci, Cairo n.d., XIX, 292: .... bnu 1-nadimimin tasdnifihi; wa-li-kishamin ma dhakarakhu aydan: al-fariduft I-ansclbi,sannafahu li-l-malmani, wa&-l-muh?tkiyyu ft I-anscbi ay41ansannafahu dhdlika. wa-l-miijazu 1-nasabiay4ian,wa-ghayru ft li-jacfaribni yahydl-barmakiyyi, 83 Caskel, op. cit., I, ob 79, note 4: "Es ist zweifelhaft Yaq.'s Angaben .... a;sei . Farid ft I-ansdib fiiral-Mammin, .. al-Mulfiki l-ansdbfiirden Barmakiden fi Oacfar b. Yalhya verfasst,zutreffen; schon wegen der Prunktiteldie I. al-Kalbi bis auf einen Fall meidet: no. 88 = K. ad-Diba-gfiahbdras'-?ucard" 84 Yaq-at, op. cit.,XIX, 291. 86 Ed. Muh. IHasan Yasin, Baghdad i967, pp. 192-194. The reading "al-munzil" seems to be preferable. 88 The text of the Ms. seems to be corrupted; the reading is doubtful. 89 The editor did not succeed to decipher the names of these debased clans; the text in the Ms. seems to be unclear. The idea to omit the mean or debased fromcompilationsof nasab is indicated in Hamdani's al-Iklif, II, 386: .... wawa-min shardiitiI-nasabi an Id yudhkara min auladi 1qclla abi muhasmmadin: rajuli illd 1-nabihuI-ashharu wa-yulghd1-ghabiyyu;wa-lau-lI dhika lam yasac kdtib... anslba I-nwdsi sijillun wa-lamyad1buIthd 86 87 Caskel, op. cit., I, 97, note 2. Notes on Caskel's Gamharat an-nasab 63 The Jamharais his middle-sized book and contains some stories about the personsrecorded, accounts about the mothersof (akhbdr) the nobles(ofthe clans) and the ancestresses the tribes,(explaining) of how theyoriginated tribesto form from theirclans. He countedtheir theirpoets and theirillustrious men.90 horsemen, The Mijaz, IHamzasays,containsmaterial whichno studentof adab and nasab can ignore.He recorded it the genealogical in listsof smaller and greater tribalunits,the noblesof everygroup,theirpoets,leaders and eminent persons.91 The Farid, IHamzacontinues, a bookon tribes. al-Kalbiassigned is Ibn in thisbook foreverysmalltribalunitits genealogies storiesof its the wars and its poetry;he recordedthis materialand furnished with it and namesofthetransmitters. offered bookto al-Ma'mfin. He isndds this in in not found his otherbooks; it contains included theFarfd, material it this book he offered to although is smallerin size than the former; Ja'farb. Yahya al-Barmaki.92 The detailsgiven by HIamzaseem to be trustworthy. Hamza is in fact the earliestauthority the genealogical on of compilations Ibn alKalbi. The precisedetailsofthe description thathe had a close indicate acquaintancewiththesecompilations. was It is noteworthy theFarZdpresented al-Ma'mfin provided to that with isnddsand names of the transmitters; detail is pointedout this One may venture assumethat Ibn al-Kalbi to by IHamzain particular. added herethe isnddsin orderto adapt himself the new conditions to The of Muslimscholarship requirements the expertsof hadith.93 of and othergenealogical of Ibn al-Kalbi seem to have had no compilations isndd. 90 p. I93:... fihi ba.du l-akhbari wa-taCdddu ummahati l-ashr2fiwa-l-qabacili ild haythuyaftariquna'an qabilatihimwa-yatajdwazunaila butuinihim, wa-dhikru hattd... (two words could not fursinihimwa-shu'ard'ihimwa-dhawinabdhatihim 91 p. I93: .... wa-ammd l-mujazu fa-fihi md Id yuhsinu bi-mubtaghi l-adabi wa-l-ndziri l-nasabijahluhu, fa-dhakarafihi man yunsabu ild batninwa-qabilin, fi wa-man htalla l-sitata minhumwa-stawd wa-sharifakulli qaumin wa-shdcirahum cald l-ri'dsatifihim. (About batn see EI2, J. Lecerf,Batn). 92 Ib., ...wa-ammd l-faridu fa-huwa kitdbul-qabc'ili, afradafthi li-kullibatnin nasabahu mufradan, wa-ayydmahu,wa-shicrahu, fa-dhakara kulla dhdlika bi-lasdnidi wa-l-ruwdti, wa-huwalladhi athafa bihi l-ma'muina;wa-ammdl-mulukiyyu kathiratunId taqacu fi fa-fihi akhbdrunghaziratun macrufatunwa-macrifatun ghayrihimin kutubihi,wa-fthimd yaqacu fi l-faridiwa-in lam yablughmaddhu, wa-huwa lladhi athafa bihi jacfara bna yahyd l-barmakiyya. 93 See Caskel, op. cit., I, 78. Al-Muliki contains a great number of known akhbdrand information be deciphered theeditor). by 64 6M.J. Kisterand M. Plessner We came across a quotation fromthe Munzal in Mughultdy'sal-Zahr al-bdsim94. This passage deals with the story of Nasr b. HIajjdj and his beloved nicknamedal-Mutamanniya; Jbnal-Kalbi reportsthat her name was al-FaThiabint Hammdm b. cUrwa b. Masciid fromThaqif and that she was the motherof al-HIajjdj b. Yiisuf (the hated Umayyad governor of cIrdq). The Jamhara mentions only that Nasr was nicknamed alJamil.95 refers Ibn al-Kalbi in his work about two hundredtimes, to Mughultdiy his opinion about particularpoints of genealogy.96 The Jamhara quoting is quoted about twentytimes.97 quotes two additional works Mughult-ay of genealogy compiled by Ibn al-Kalbi: al-Jcmic (or al-Jdmil li-anscTbi al-jamhara.99 l-carabi)98 and Jamharat A scrutinyof the quotations fromal-Zahr al-bdsimand an examination of the material found in hithertounpublished manuscriptsmay help us to gain a better knowledge of the contents of the genealogical compilations of Jbnal-Kalbi. The list of compilations of Jbn al-Kalbi contains a book with the are recordedin Shj i sources.The odious storyof the pedigreeof Mu cwiya sheds some light on the character of this genre of literatureand points out some of the ways in which tendencious insertionsor deletions were made. Hind, the mother of Mucdwiya,used to have sexual intercourse 94 F. 3o6b.; see al-cAskarI, Jamharatal-amthal,ed. Mulh.Abfi I-Fad1 IbrThimcAbd al-Majid Q-atamish, Cairo 1384/1964, I, 588, no. iiio; al-Mayddni, Majmac cal-amthdl, Cairo 1352, I, 427-428; AbtI Nucaym, Iilyat cl-zuliycQ, IV, 322-323. 9j Caskel, op. cit., II, 446. 96 See ff. 2a, 3a, 3b, 4b, 5b, 6a, 7a, 7b, 8a, 8b, 9a, 9b, Ioa, I4a, i4b, I5b, I7b, i8a, 23a, 23b, 38a, 38b, 4oa, 4ob, 42a, 43a, 43b, 44a, 45a, 45b, 46b, 48b, 49a, 49b, 5ob, 54b, 55a, 56b, 6oa, 6ob, 62a, 69b, 87a, 93a, 95a, 97b, Io9a, iioa, I2ia, I2Ib, I23a, I23b, i3Ia, I32b, I33a, I33b, i34b, i44b, I5ob, I55b, I56b, 2ooa, 202a, 203b, titleMathdlib The al-"arab.100 fewextantpassagesfrom thiscompilation 207a, 20oa, 209b, 2ioa, 2iob, 2I2b, 214b, 224b, 225b, 226b, 23ib, 232b, 233a, 234b, 235a, 236a, 236b, 237a, 240b, 24ia, 247b, 259b, 266a, 277a, 279b, 282b, 285a, 286b, 287b, 295b, 298b, 3ooa, 3iob, 3iia, 31ib, 3I2b, 3iga, 32ia, 322b, 325b, 328a, 330b. 333b, 335b, 336a, 336b, 337a, 339a. (On some pages Ibn al-KalbI is mentioned two or three times). 91 Cf. e.g. Mughultdy f. 22b = Jamhara f. I56a Hutayt; iib 244a Umayma bint Sacd b. Hudhayl; 23a = Caskel, s.v. Munabbih b. Rabica; 52b = i69b Hdshim b. Harmala; 86a - Caskel, op. cit., s.v. A. al-Gabr (2, 251); 99a = 24b Yazid b. CAmr b. Khuwaylid; 237b = Caskel, s.v. HalIfa b. "AdI; 247a= 255b "UbBd b. Bishr; 287b = Caskel, s.v. Uhbdn b. al-AkwaC - Uhbdn b. SayfI (al-Suhayli), Uhbdn b. Aus al-Aslami (al-Tirmidhi, al-Bukhdri, Abil Nucaym, Ibn Manda), Uhb;Rn b. cAbbdd (Ibn Durayd, Ibn al-Kalbi, al-BalTdhuri) etc. 337b 173b, Umm Qirfa and her sons; Dubaiyya b. IHaramI = i62a. 98 Mentioned ten times: ff. 36b, 4oa, 6oa, 67b, 7ob, Io2b, I42a, 237b, 2I3a, 238a. 99 Quoted two times: ff. I02b, i62b. 100 See Sezgin, GAS, I, 270, no. 4. 234a, Notes on Caskel's Gamharat an-nasab 65 with four Qurashites,accordingto the slanderoustraditionof the The four of the of Mathdlib. shared, course, fatherhood Mu'awiya.Three b. of themare named: 'Umara b. al-Walid,Musafir 'Amr,AbuiSufyan; in is the nameofthe fourth notgivenand it is onlyremarked thereport The his thatIbn al-Kalbi mentioned name.101 nameofthe fourth person is howeverexplicitly given by Sibt b. al-Jauzi: al-'Abbas b. 'Abd alMuttalib.102 Mu'awiya admitsin a talk withhis son Yazid that some are of the opinionthat he is the son of 'Abbas b. 'Abd alQurashites One Muttalib.103 may assumethat the name of 'Abbas was erasedfrom in the list of the fouradulterers the periodof the 'Abbasidrule; it was the after fallofthe dynasty. re-inserted of The abominablestoryof the pedigree 'Umar is also quoted from that the shameful Ibn al-Kalbi's Mathdlib.It is noteworthy storyof 04is precededby a peculiarremarkin the the complicated bastardy wa-huwamin of Shi'i compilation al-Majlisi: ... wa-rawd l-kalbiyyu, kdnat Suhdku ahli l-sunnati, kitdbi ....10 This l-mathdlibi, qdla: rijdli fi of and reliability remarkaims, of course,to enhancethe impartiality to emphasize the soundnessof the information Ibn al-Kalbi's and tradition. in of The storyabout the father 'Uthman,as recorded Ibn al-Kalbi's The cases.106 than the two preceding is Mathdlib, not less disgusting the father Abi Bakr: he was of vilification directed was mildest against of the servant 'Abdallahb. Jud'an and calledthe poorofMecca to have at theircharity-meals the table of 'Abdallah. He got, of course,a rewardforthis "duty".'07 paltry Dhakwan of son The story theillegitimate ofUmayyab. 'Abd Shams, (his kunyawas Abfi 'Amr) whose motherTuma was a slave-woman fromSafiiriyya by (Palestine)is reported Ibn al-Kalbi; it fitsin well from thiscomderived and is probably of withthe setting his Mathdlib 101Ibn Tawus, Tara'if CAbdal-Mahmfd, n.p., n.d., p. I56; Muh. Hasan alMuzaffar,Dala'il al-sidq, III, I, 215-2I9; comp. a similar slanderous reportfrom Mathalib bani umayya by Ismcail b. 'Ali al-Samman al-Hanafi, ib., p. 235; and b. comp. on the fatherhoodof CAmr al-'As shared by five persons (... wa-la-qad idda'cka khamsatunmin qurayshinkulluhumyazcumuannaka bnuhu) ib., p. 237. 102 103 104 105 Bihdr al-anwdr,VIII, 311 (lithogr.ed.); and see this story al-Majlisi, op. cit., XXII, 269-27I (new ed., Tehran 1385); Ibn Tawus, op. cit., p. I44; Muh. Hasan al-Muzaffar, cit., III, 2, 84. op. 106 See Ibn Tawus, op. cit., p. I55. Tadhkirat al-khawa.s, al-Najaf I383/I964, p. 202 inf. Ib., p. 203. kdna al-khattabu aban wa-jaddan wa-khdlan li-cumara. ... 107 Ibn Tawis, 25-26 op. cit., p. 123. ORIENS 5 66 M. J. Kisterand M. Plessner Abti 'Ubayda seems to have used the same method of slander pilation.108 in his Mathdlib. Yquit quotes in his Mu'jam al-bulddn109 from Abii 'Ubayda's Mathdlib that Hashim b. 'Abd Manaf bought a black girl, Hayya, at the market of Hubasha. She bore him two sons: Sayfi and Kitdb al-dafd'in 16 and Kitab man qdla shi'ran fa-nusiba ilayhi.117 Al-'Isami mentionsa list of Qurashi judges fromIbn al-Kalbi's Hukkdm Quraysh.118 Of special interestis a compilationof Ibn al-Kalbi not recordedin the 108 Ta'rikh Moskwa I967, f. 4a; Abu al-khulafd',ed. Piotrowski-Graznewych, 1-Baqa', op. cit., f. I2a (Abiu -Baqa' records as well the other version,which is was Umama bint Himyarib. al-Irith H the accepted one: the motherof Abii CAmr of Lakhm; see Mus'ab, op. cit.,p. ioo). timesin Mughultay's Kitdbnawaqilmudar,114 Kitdbal-bulddn,ll Zahr,13 the motherof Sayfi and AbuiSayfi was Hind bint Tha'laba fromKhazraj. This nasab is recordedby Ibn al-Kalbi (Jamhara,7b, inf.).The slanderous traditionsabout the pedigree of al-Ash'ath b. Qays, al-Muhallab b. Abi Sufra, Khalid b. Safwan, al-Jahm b. Badr, Abu Dulaf and Khalid b. 'Abdallah al-Qasri seem to have been recordedfromthe Mathalib of Abf 'Ubayda.11 Ibn al-Kalbi and Abu 'Ubayda both apply the same style of slander directed at the ancestresses,involving accusations of immoral can thus be seen to be in fact nothing conduct and adultery.The mathdlib but a collection of defamatorygenealogical gossip. They are different fromnasab and serve a different purpose. The followingworks of Ibn al-Kalbi seem to be related in subjectmatter to his nasab compilations: Kitdb al-alqab,112mentioned three AbfiSayfi.But Mus'ab givesin his Nasab 110 a rather different version: Ibn Rustah, al-A 'clq al-nafisa,ed. M. J. de Goeje, Leiden 1892, pp. 205-207. See Sezgin, op. cit., I, 271, no. I9. 113 F. 87a (why 'Auf was nicknamed Thumala); f. Io2b (explanation of the nickname Janb; cf. Caskel, op. cit., II, 257); f. 207a (the nickname al-Akhtal). 114 F. I38a (and see Abu l-Baqa', op. cit., f. 36a where a compilation of Kit. al-nawdqilby Abu l-Hasan Muh. b. Muh. al-cAlawiis mentioned); and see above note 35. 112 111 109 S.v. Hubasha. 110 Nasab Quraysh, p. 4, 11. 12-14. 115 116 fimd ruwiyafi l-quburwa-l-dafd'in;Ahmad b. Hanbal, Kit. al-warac,Cairo I340, p. 47: Kit. al-dafd'in). 117 F. I45a, inf.; see Ibn al-Kalbi, al-Asndm, no. 87. qurayshqala ...; rabad 118 Simt al-nujum al-cawali, Cairo I380, op. cit., I, 270, no. I3; see al-Karajaki, F. 33b (the correct reading is Dafd'in, not Daqd'iq as given by Sezgin, Kanz al-fawd'id, n.p., I322, p. I78: fasl Ff. 8b, 9b, Igb, 43a, 45a, 47a, 57a-b, II7b, I96b, 3o6b, 325a. Hyderabad I384/1964, p. 459; and see al-Asndm,no. 64: Ahkam al-cArab (the correctreadingis kukkamas in note 3 ib.). I361/I942, cf. Muh. b. Habib, al-Muhabbar,ed. I. Lichtenstaedter, Hydep. I32; idem, al-Munammaq, ed. Khurshid Ahmad Fariq, I, 213: ... can al-kalbi fZ l-hukkdm min Notes on Caskel's Camharat an-nasab 67 in It list ofhis works. is mentioned Mughultay thefollowing by passage: ... dhakarahu l-shard, l-kalbiyyu kitdbi ta'lifihi: fi wa-md: wa-salld kabbara li-lldhi kabbari119 sallddhawul-'aybiwa-md us This shortpassage of Ibn al-Kalbi's Kit. al-shirdprovides witha and politicalsympathies. of The clue forthe assessment his religious of champion thecause of 'Ali,thecontent personofMiqdad,the famous was of a Shi'i character. The Shi'i symevidencethat the compilation It of al-Kalbi120 and ofIbn al-Kalbi are wellknown.121 is therepathies in an to fore surprising find theJamhara inserted not passageconcerning on inflicted Anas b. Malik forhaving denied having the punishment of in It of heardan utterance the Prophet favour 'All.122 is a well-known Ibn also traditions In spite of his Shi'i sympathies al-Kalbi recorded whichwere not always in favourof 'Ali and the Shi'a.124He was a AlthoughIbn Rustah, op. cit., p. 220, 1. 4 mentionsMuh. b. al-Sa'ib as one of the murji'a. 121 Caskel, op. cit.,I, 73; and see the storytold by Muh. b. al-Sa'ib: ... maridtu mardatanfa-nasftumd kuntua.hfazu fa-ataytuala muhammadin(s) fa-nafathu fi md fiyyafa-hafiztu kuntunasitu-Ibn Abi Hatim al-Razi, Kit. al-jarh wa-l-tac'dl, 120 wa-qdla l-miqdddubnu I-aswadi l-kindiyyuyamda.hu 'aliyyan fimd of the verse and the occasion on which it was uttered-all this bears Shi'i story.123 119 Al-Zahr, f. I17b. And see the traditiontransmitted him that the angel Gabriel used to transmit by the Revelation to 'All in the absence of the Prophet: Ibn Hajar, op. cit., ib.; aled. Safadi, al-Waft bi-l-wafayat, H. Ritter, Wiesbaden I38I/I96I, III, 83; and see the story about the killingof Sacd b. cUbada (cf. al-Husayni, al-Darajdt alrafcta,al-Najaf 1382/I962,p. 334) reportedby al-Kalbi in Yawaqzt al-siyar, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 377I, f. I32a, penult.; al-Dhahabi, Mizdn al-i'tiddl, ed. CAll Muh. al-Bijawi, Cairo I382/I963, III, 557-558; and see ib., IV, 304, ult. on Hisham b. of al-Qurab, p. 148). 122 123 Hyderabad I953, III, 2, 270; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, IX, I79 (no. 266). : Muh. b. al-Sa'ib: wa-qala ibn casdkir rfidi, laysa bi-thiqatin (quoted by the editor Einschub .". Caskel, op. cit.,I, I09: "Ein sonderbarer See al-Majlisi, op. cit., XXXVII, 197-200 (new ed.); Ibn Shahrashfb, Manaqib al Abi Talib, al-Najaf I376/I956, II, I3; Ibn Rustah, op. cit., p. 221. There was however an earlier case which caused a grudge of 'All against Anas; see alMajlisi, op. cit.,LX, 301 (new ed.). 124 See e.g. the traditionthat Khalid b. Sa'id b. al-'As embraced Islam before 'All: Mughultay,op. cit.,f. II7a-b (see on Khalid b. Sa'cd: Mus'ab, op. cit.,p. I74, 1. I5). Al-Kalbi reportsthe following saying of Khalid: "I fearedmy father(thereforeI did not announce my Islam publicly-K), but CAlldid not fearAbfiTalib." And see the favourabletraditionabout Jarirb. 'Abdallah al-Bajali (yatlacucalaykum min hadha l-fajji khayru dhi yamanin calayhi mashatu malikin fa-.talaca jariru bnu 'abdi llahi l-bajaliyyu)-al-Khatlb al-BaghdadI, Miudihauham al-jam' Hyderabad I379/1960, II, 355. And see the traditiontransmittedby wa-l-tafriq, Ibn al-Kalbi (withthe isnad: Ibn al-Kalbi > his father AbuiSalih > Ibn CAbbas) > that the Prophet informed secretlyHIafsathat her father(i.e. 'Umar) will be the 68 Kisterand Plessner,Notes on Caskel's Gamharat an-nasab of and transmitter nasab and akhbdr, he carriedout this vocationwith Besides the Mathdlib compiledbooks in he the utmostresponsibility. was ofArab cultural tradition recorded, thus whicha significant portion valuable information about social life,beliefs, genpoetry, providing on ealogy, wars and alliances of tribes.His compilations genealogy, a constitute solidand masterly monument of amongthemtheJamhara, Arablearning. to We owe a debt of gratitude the late W. Caskel formakingthis book availableto modern scholarship. magnificent Caliph afterAbfi Bakr; Hafsa revealed the secret to 'A'isha-al-Dhahabi, Mzzan Beirut 1385/I966,VII, 57; the tradition al-ictiddl, IV, 305 (see Ibn Kathir, Tafsfr, is recorded with a different isndd. And see al-Tabarsi, Majmac al-bayan, Beirut I380/I96I, XXVIII, I20 inf.; the traditionis recorded without isndd. The tradition is not foundin al-Wahidi's Asbdbal-nuzil and in Suyitl's Lubdb al-nuqilin the chapter of Siirat al-tahrim). 

"God will Never Disgrace thee":The Interpretation of an Early Ḥadīth

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 1/2 (1965): 27-32

"God will Never Disgrace thee":The Interpretation of an Early Ḥadīth

Author:

M. J. Kister

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God will never disgrace thee.pdf GOD WILL NEVER DISGRACE THEE (THE INTERPRETATION OF AN EARLY h a d i t h By M. J. KISTER THE WELL KNOWN TRADITION in al-bukhari, told on the authority of a l z u h r i u r w a a aisha , aisha the conversation between the Prophet and Khadija after he received his first revelation1 contains at the end a phrase variously interpreted by Muslim scholars and translated in modern times in various manners. The contents of the hadith are as follows: After the Prophet had heard the call to prophecy, he came to Khadija with a trembling heart, asking her to cover him. He informed her about his experience and told her of his anxiety for himself. Khadlja encouraged him and assured him, that God would not disgrace him because of his good qualities. N a y by G o d she said, G o d will never disgrace you; you do good unto the kindred, bear the burden of the infirm, bestow alms on the poor, entertain the g u e s t The last phrase of this hadith is: wtuinua l a nananawaibi-haqqin attempt is here made to elucidate the meaning of this obscure phrase, and the problem of the originality of the hadith is briefly discussed. I To start with, there are two interesting variants of this phrase. Al-Maqrizi's version is: wa tuinu a , 2 tuinu hala agnawaibi the l dahrirtunes of time, whereas Ibn Kathir quotes a version nawaibul khairi and interprets it: I f a misfortune befalls some body in a righteous case (idha waqaatnaibatun li ahadin fi khairin), you extend your help and aid him till he finds means of living or sustenance." a l - q a s t a l l a n i i does not quote the version tuinu ala nawaibi l-khairi but interprets the saying in a corresponding manner by giving to the word haqq a meaning similar to that of khair: n n a w a i b means vicissitudes h a w a d i t h she (i.e. Khadija) sainawaibuu l-haqqi because vicissitudes affect the righteous and unrighteous (/i-annahd takimu fi l-haqqi w a l - b a t i l i Labld said: nawaibu min khairin wa-sharrin kilkilahumaa l a '1-khairu mmamdudunn al-qastallanithus contrasts haqq with bdtil; the phrase according to him would mean: you help in vicissitudes. of a righteous case (as opposed to batil an unrighteous one). The verse of Labld, quoted as shahid, does not, however, confirm this interpretation. Labid wanted to say: Vicissitudes of good and evil both (exist), the good is not prolonged, nor the evil lasting-and not vicissitudes in a good or an evil c a u s e La bid's verse can be compared with the one by al-Niibigha al-dhubyani. 5 Wa-ld yabsabiina '1-khaira la sharra badahu: Wa-/d yahsabuna'l·sharra darbata lazibi wa la '1-sharru l a z i b u u 1 Al-Bukhilri: sahih Bab kaifa kana bad'u 1-wabyi, I, 3 (ed. Cairo, A.H. 1286); Muslim: sahih I, 97 (ed. Cairo, A.H. 1334); comp.: Ibn s a d tabaqat I, 195 (ed. Beirut, 1960); al-bakadhuri: ansabbal-ashraf I, 106 (ed. M. h a m i b u l l a h Abil nuaim: d a l a i l al-nubuwwa, p. 68 (ed. Hyderabad A.H. 1320); ai-Slra al-halabiyya, I, 277 (ed. Cairo, A.H. 1351). i m i aal-asma I, 13, inf. (ed. Cairo, 1941). • al-bidaya wa l nihaya III, 7 (ed. Cairo, 1932); and see W. sakakini ummahat al-mmuminin p. 16 (Cairo, n.d.). ' /rshad al-sarl, I, 65 (ed. bulaq A.H. 1323). Dlwiin, p. 12 (ed. m u h Jamal, Beirut, 1929). 28 "GOD WILL NEVER DISGRACE THEE" which conveys the same idea of changes in the conditions of the tribe. The idea of haqq and batil cannot be traced in the verses of either Labid or al-NAbigha. Al- qastallani's interpretation was copied by al-zurqani1 ; al-sira al halabiyya only comments on the word nawaib rendering it hawadith A quite different interpretation of the phrase is given by al kashmiriin his f a i d a l b a r i r i a r i r i i Tu'tuinu alanawaibii-bl haqqi a comprehensive expression for (qualities) mentioned (in this hadith and not mentioned. The banubHhasimgained fame by these features of character. aswaf a n u II Let us turn to the translators: h o u d a s m a r c a i s translate ... "et tu secours les victimes des vicissitues du droit": the words victims of the vicissitudes of right are not, however, found in the text: nawd'ibu '1-baqqi. Sprenger translates 5 : u n d unterstiitzest Leute in unverdientem ungluck," which again can hardly be deduced from the text. Mirza Bashir al-Oin mahmud ahmad's translation reads': a n d you. help those who are in distress," which corresponds to the version of al maqrizi mentioned above. 7 a n unusual rendering is given by W. M. Watt 8 : y o u succour the agents of the t r u t h This translation (although followed by a question mark) is erroneous and was probably caused by confusing nuwwdb with nawd'ib. R. V. C. Bodley's translation': "Hast thou not been loving to thy kinsfolk ... faithful to thy word and ever a defender of the truth" ... merely glosses over the difficulty. III For the elucidation of the phrase under discussion early poetry and prose have to be consulted. A remarkable verse of u r w a b. at-Ward runs as f o l l o w s atahazau minnii an saminta wa-qad tara Bi-jismiya massa11 l-haqqi wa l haqqujahidu The verse is rendered by n o l d e k e "Spottest Du iiber mich dass Du fett geworden. Wlihrend Du an meinen Leibe den Eindruck der pflicht (welche Andern zuerst Nahrung giebt und mir nichts llisst) siehst? Denn die Pfticht greift an." noldeke's rendering is based on the commentary on the words: "Duty is exhausting"; "this means that duties (obligations) come upon him (yatruquhu) and he prefers the fulfilment of duties to his own interest yuthiruh a l a naftihi) and to the interest of his family; he is enduring hunger and drinks cold water. The haqq mentioned means doing good to kindred, bestowing upon the beggar and the kinsman; everybody who practices it is exhausted by it." This meaning of haqq as a social obligation of the noble member of a tribe towards 1 1 sharh al mawahib I, 212-13 (ed. Cairo, A.B. 1325). Op. cit., ib. I, 28-29 (ed. Cairo, 1938). e l b o k h a r i l e straditions islamiques, 3 Die uhn desmohammad I, 333 (Berltn, 1869). Introduction to the Study of the Holy Quran, p. 144 (London, 1949). ' Vide above;; n. 2, p. 27. muhammad at M e c c a (Oxford, 1953). The Messenger, p. 52 (Lahore, 1954). Th. n o l d e k e Die Ge,dichte des 'Urwa b. ai-Ward, p. 41 (Gottingcn, 1863). In h a m a s a shuhuba l haqqi (Freytag, p. 723). Op. cit., p. 78. "GOD WILL NEVER DISGRACE THEE" 29 the poor, the needy and e ~ kinsfolk in the Jdhiliyya is further elucidated by the response of Qays b. Zuhayr, quoted by al-bakri l a tashtumanni ya bna wardinfa-ininnan it a u d ala malil huququ '1-'awd'idu Fa-man yuthiri l haqqa l n n a u b a a takun bihi k h u s a s a t u ujismin wa-hwa tayyanumajidu d o not revile me, o son of Ward for o b l i g a t i o n s which come up again and again are turning upon my property; and whoever prefers to fulfil the recurring obligation, his body will turn hollow shaped; he is hungry b u t n o b l e We have here the expression al haqqual naubu t h e recurring obligation" which explains the phrase of the hadith The same expression is found in a verse of muawiya b. m a l i k the m u a w w i d u l h u k a m a he gained his sobriquet by this verse3 : U'awwidu mithlahd l hukamaaa ba'di: Idhd md '1-baqqufl '1-ashyd'i naba accustom the wise men after me to do the like Whenever obligations come upon the tribal groups" a l a n b a r i gives a pertinent explanation of the word haqq as understood by the Beduins, in which obligations like paying the bloodwit for men, who have no means to pay it, and entertaining guests are included. The translation of haqqby Lyall as "just claims" seems not to be justified. A similar explanation of haqq by al-Anbiiri is found in this commentary on the verse mufaddaliyyat IV, 9, where a herd is described which has been diminished by changes of time and fulfilment of social obligations. muawiya b. malik mentions the idea of recurring obligations in another verse': qala qalatybatu qad ghawaita /i-an r a a t /faqqan yundwibu mdlana wa mufudu "Zunayba said: you err, as she saw that obligations keep recurring upon our property, and deputations (asking our help)" An anonymous verse 5 conveys the same idea of the obligations of a noble man: Wa-ld arbau '1-md/a min bubbihi, wa-ld li-1-fikhdri wa-ld li-1bakhal Wa-ldkin li haqqin idhd nabani, wa-ikramidayfin idhd m a nazal i do not care for property for the love of it or for the sake of boasting, or because of avarice; but only for fulfilling obligations when they come upon me, and to honour a guest should he alight." simt a l l a a l i p. 822 (ed. ai-Maimani). a l q a l i a m a l i II, 204: al naduba (ed. a l m a i m a n i mufaddaliyyat CV, IS (ed. Lyall); ai-Bakri: s i m t 190 (ldhiJ mudilu l hadathani n a b a Ibn h a b i b alqabu '1-shu'arlJ, NawlJdlr al-makhtutlJt, VII, 313 (ed. 'Abd al salam h a r u n a b u Zaid: NawlJdlr, p. 148 (ed. al shartuni Beirut, 1894). 1 I, 68-T. 'A. "GOD WILL NEVER DISGRACE THEE" An Umayyad poet, Shabib b. al barsa uses the expression in a reverse order1 : wa ahbisu fi l haqqi '1-karimata, innama yaqumu bihaqqi'1-nd'ibdti saburuha "And I reserve for obligations the valuable (property); for it is only he who endures that can fulfil the duty of recurring obligations" The same poet mentions this idea in another v e r s e wa li l haqqi min mtili idhd huwa dafani nasibun wa-li-1-nafsi '1-sha'd'i nasibu wa la khayra fiman lti yuwattinu naftahu a l a naibati'1-dahri hina tamibu "A share of my property is for an obligation should it come to me; and a share for the unsettled soul. And no good is in a man who cannot train himself to bear the misfortunes of time when they come (upon him)" The word haqq is joined by another verb (alamma) in a verse the mukhadram poet 'Amr b. al-Ahtam8 : Wa-1-badhlu min. mu'dimiha in alamma bihd haqqun wa-ld yashtakinaman yanadiha "And its poor (of the tribe) give freely when an obligation draws near, and he who calls on them (for help) does not complain of them." In another poem by 'Amr' obligations are mentioned together with misfortunes6 : Wa-inni karimun dhu 'iydlin tuhimmuni Nawa'ibu yaghshti ruz'uhd wa haququ "I am a noble man, with a: household to look after; I take care of misfortunes (entailing) losses, and of obligations." The translation by Lyall of huquq as: "calls for brotherly help" seems to be inaccurate. Poets sometimes boast that the noble men of their tribe fulfil their social obligations towards the poor and the needy, holding lightly their property in their generosity. Rabl'a b. Maqriim, one of the warriors and poets of Qabba, says•: Yuhiniina fi l haqqi amwalahum idha '1-lazibdtu iltahayna '1-musima "They hold lightly their property in fulfilment of their obligations; when barren years wear away the (herds) of the owner of the cattle." Lyall translates: "claims on them." The commentary of al-Anbiiri repeats the explanation of h a q q quoted above as including 1 • mufaddaliyyat Comp. op. cit., aghani (3rd ed.), 12, 275. AI-Amidi: al-Mu'ta/1/, p. 68 (ed. Krenkow). Ibn al-Shajarl, hamasa p. SO (ed. Krenkow). 9, mentioned above. 6. mufaddaliyyat 26; T. 'A., I, comp. the verse of Miskin a l d a r i m i wa in haqqun araniahantuha al-'Askarf: DlwiJn al maani I, 29 (ed. A.H. 1352). "GOD WILL NEVER DISGRACE THEE" 31 the expenditure in order to help in cases of bloodwit, bestowing camels, and entertaining guests. The Umayyad Ibn Rumma says1 : Wa-innd lakhushnrm fi '1-liqd'i a'izzatun wa fi l haqqi waddahuna bidun qalamisu "We are harsh and mighty in battle, and in fulfilling obligations bright, shining and generous." In all these cases haqq means obligation, duty. The verbs attached s u c has 'ard, alamma, taraqa, a d a d a f a n a z a l a denote the appearing of the obligation, and are synonymous with n a b a mentioned in the hadith of 'A'isha. It is clear, then, that the phrase Nawd'ibu l haqq like 'awdi'du l haqq means cases of obligations coming upon the tribe, or the community. The expression t u i n u a l a nawd'ibi l h a q q i is a Jdhiliyya term used in praise of tribe and its leaders and was adopted in Islam. It can now be seen that the commentators and translators did not grasp its correct meaning. It may be· remarked, that the qualities enumerated by Khadija in the tradition discussed here are not attributed to the Prophet alone; we find a similar tradition also about Abu Bakr. When the leader of the a h a b i s h Ibn al-Dughunna met Abii Bakr, who was intending to leave Mecca, he laid stress on his behaviour in his clan and mentioned his qualities. He said3 : "You are tlie splendour of your people, you help them (to overcome) the misfortunes (tu'Inu a l a '1-nawii'ibi), you act righteously, you bestow upon the poor. Return ... etc." There is however another version of this story; and it is striking to find that the text is almost identical to the hadith of 'A'isha discussed here. This version is recorded by al bukhari on the authority of alzuhrii-'urwa-'Aaisha Ibn al-Dughunna says addressing Abu Bakr: ."A man like you should not be driven out. You bestow on the poor, you do good to your kindred, you bear the burden (of the poor, forlorn or needy), you entertain the guest, you help in the fulfilment of obligations (tu'lnu a l a nawii'ibi l h a q q i I am your protector. Return etc The similarity of the hadith about the conversation between Khadija and the Prophet, and the story of the conversation between Ibn al-Dughunna and Abii Bakr in the version of al-Bukhari, suggests that this kind of address was a coined formula of praise, current at that period. We find for instance a description of h a s h i m written in a similar style. Many other descriptions of noble men of the Jdhiliyya emphasize exactly these qualities. In later times, even a mawla could be addressed in the same way. When Jarir came with a group of yarbuites asking the help of Fayriiz h u s a y n (a mawla of Tamim) because the people were driven away by drought, he said: "you are the splendour of the people, you help (to overcome) the misfortune (tu'inu 'aid '1-nd'ibati), you bear the burden (of the Ibn ai-Shajari: h a m a s a p. S4. Comp. al baladhuri a n s a b MS. 102Sa: wa./iJ yadfa'u l haqqa idhiJ nazala bihi. Ibn h i s h a m s i r a II, 12; and see Suhaili: al raud ai-Unuf. I, 231 (ed. Cairo, 1917). $ablb, II, 268; and see: Al-Dhahabi: Ta'rlkh, I, 190; Ibn Kathir: ai-BidiJya, III, 173. It is obvious, that the mention of these qualities is more relevant in the case of Abil Bakr; here his social activity is rightly stressed. 1 wa kana yahmilubna '1-sablll wa-yuaddl'l-haqaiqa . .. al zurqani sharh ai-Mmawahib l, 73. 1 32 "GOD WILL NBVE& DISGRACE THBB" needy and the poor)." 1 fayruz handed over 1,000 dirhems to Jarir. Here the praise used in honour of the Prophet and Abu Bakr is applied to a mawla In conclusion it may be said, that the phrase tu'inu a l a nawaibi l h a q q i is closely connected with the jahiliyya social ideal about the fulfilment of duties towards the poor and the needy and it tallies well in the hadith about the Prophet with the other qualities mentioned in it. The phrase has to be translated: "and thou helpest in cases of recurring obligations." The hadith on the conversation between the Prophet and Khadija shows a striking similarity to the tradition about the conversation between AbU Bakr and Ibn ai-Dughunna; this seems to suggest that we· have here a current panegyrical formula. Al-Baliidhurl: a n s a b MS. 1012b. 

On Strangers and Allies in Mecca

Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 13 (1990): 113-54

On Strangers and Allies in Mecca

Author:

M. J. Kister

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strangers&allies.pdf ON STRANGERS AND ALLIES IN MECCA To the memory of my student Yehiel Amsallim The role of Quraysh in the commercial activities of Mecca in the period of the Jahiliyya is well known and has been the subject of comprehensive research. There were, however, some non-Qurashi individuals or groups in Mecca, whose role in the social and political life of that city has not been sufficiently assessed. It seems desirable to put together the available data about the vicissitudes of these strangers, their relations with the Meccan clans and their absorption into the Meccan community. It is also important to examine the reports about the struggles among the various factions of Quraysh and the changes which occurred as a result of this strife. This examination of the traditions and the stories may give us a better insight into the history of Mecca in the period of the Jiihiliyya I A case of successful absorption of immigrants into the Meccan community can be seen in the story about Abu Ihab b. 'Aziz b. Qays b. Suwayd b. Rabi'a b. Zayd b. 'Abdallah b. Diirim al- Tamimi. According to the report recorded by Ibn I:Iajar, 'Aziz the father of Abu Ihab came to Mecca, joined the Banu Naufal b. 'Abd Maniif as an ally (/:tallf) and married Fakhita bint 'Amr b. Naufal; she bore him their son Abu Ihiib.1 There are some differences between this report and the one transmitted on the authority of Ibn al-Kalbi. According to the latter it was not 'Aziz who came to Mecca, but an ancestor of 'Aziz, Suwayd b. Rabi'a b. Zayd b. 'Abdallah who sought shelter in Mecca and joined the Banu 1 Ibn I:Iajar al-'Asqaliini, al-/ saba fi tamyizi l-sa/;aba, ed. 'Ali MulJammad al-Bijiiwi, Cairo 1392/1972, VII, 24, no. 9551 114 Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf as an ally. He sought refuge in Mecca because he had killed Malik, the son of al-Mundhir, the king of al-Hira, Malik was entrusted as a child by the king to Zunira b. 'Udus, When he grew up he happened to pass by a camel belonging to Suwayd; he ordered it to be slaughtered and ate its meat with his companions. When he returned from hunting, Suwayd was told of Malik's deed. He attacked the youth and wounded him, .and the youth died shortly afterwards from his wounds. Suwayd escaped and found shelter in Mecca.' For the elucidation of the events it is necessary to provide some details about the background and circumstances of the incident: Suwayd was the son-in-law of Zurara, the powerful leader of Tamim, Zurara was one of the iarrarim: he succeeded in rallying Tamim and other tribes and was their leader on the "Day of Shuwayhit",' He is said to have frequented the court of kisra and was granted a slave girl who bore him children.' He used to visit the court of the king of al-Hira, fought on his side and advised him on matters of peace and war regarding the tribes of the Arab peninsula.' According to a tradition it was Zurara who mediated between the Kindi king al-Harith and the Lakhmi al-Mundhir and thus succeeded in bringing to an end the war between them.6 Zurara's fame survived in Islam. An anecdote says that a Tamimi woman, listening to the call of the muadhdhin; wondered why 2 See e.g. the versions of the story: al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-ashrh], ed. 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Diiri, Beirut l398/1978,IlL 305; Jarir and Farazdaq, al-Naqiiid, ed A. Bevan. Leiden 1905. pp. 652 ult, - 654 (the name of the king: 'Arnr b. al-Mundhir; the name of the entrusted child: As'ad); al-Baladhuri, Ansiib al-ashra], MS. 'Ashir ar, foL 968b. 3 Muhammad b. Habib. ai-Muhabbar, ed. Ilse Lichtenstaedter, Hyderabad 1361/1942, . 247. p 4 Al-Baliidhuri. Ansiib. MS. foL 969a. 5 See e.g, Jarir-Farazdaq, al-Naqdid, p.653. 6 See the commentary of the verse of al-Farazdaq; minna lladhi [amaa t-muliika wa-baynahum: harbun yushabbu sa'iruha bi-dirami, Naqa'i4. p. 266 inf.(L); according to other reports the mediator was the Tamimi Sufyiin b. Mujishi' (see: Naqa'i4. p. 267; Abu l-Baqa', al-Manaqib al-mazyadiyya II akhbari l-muliiki l-asadiyya; MS. Br. Mus. Add 23296. fol. 26a). On strangers and allies in Mecca 115 Zuriira was not mentioned in the shahada together with the Prophet,' One of the features of the close association of Tamim with the kings of al-Hira was the practice of entrusting the children of kings of al-Hira to some noble families of Darim, Hajib b. Zuriira boasted of the fact that his people brought up the children of the kings until their moustaches and beards came out," AI-'Askari records that people reproached Hajib saying: "We never saw a man boasting of his shame except Hajib; a governess is just a servant iai-zi'ru khadimatuni and service is degrading, not uplifting"," It is evident that this opinion is congruent with the views of a later period. Another report may be mentioned: the kings of al-Iraq (i.e, the kings of al-I:Iira) used to fight the kings of Syria; when they intended to march out to Syria they used to leave their families under the protection of the strongest of the Arabs (a'azzu 1-'arab).10 These reports expose clearly the web of mutual relations between the Darim and the rulers of al-Hira, The murder of Malik shattered these relations and brought about the cruel retaliation of the king of al-Hira; the children of Suwayd were brought by Zurara to the court of al-Hira and were executed in his presence; a hundred Tamimis from the branch of Darim were killed or burnt on the order 7 8 Al-Husayn b. 'Ali al-Maghribi, al-ln{lS [i 'ilmi l-ansab, ed. Hamad ed. 'Abd al-Sattar Ahmad al-Jasir, al-Riyad, 1400/1980, p.210. Ibn al-Mu'tazz, Tabaqiu al-shuara, Farraj, Cairo 1375/1956, p. 199: rabbayna boo mili l-muzni wo-bnay muharriqin: 9 ila an bOOaJminhum lihan wa-shawarib: Al-Askari, J amharat ai-amJhiU, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim and 'Abd ai-MaJId Qatamish, Cairo 1384/1964, L 261 10 Jarir-Farazdaq, op. cit, p. 267 inf: ajarna boo mili l-muzni wa-boo muharriqin: jamian wa-sharru l-qauli mil huwa kiidhibu thaliuhatu amliikin thawau [i buyUiinii: ila an badat minhum titian wa-shawaribu: The two verses attributed here to Miskin al-Darirni are in fact the verses (with variants) attributed to Hajib b. Zurara A collection of Miskin's poetry edited by Khalil Ibrahim al-'A~iyyah and 'Abdallah al-Jubiiri, Baghdad 1389/1970 records only the verse (p, 25): thaliuhatu amlakin rubii [i bujurina: kadhibu: fa-hal qa'ilun haqqan ka-man huwa 116 of the king of al-Hira, The event is well known as yaum uwiira.H The daughter of Abu Ihab, Umm YalJ.ya. intended to marry 'Uqba b. al-Harith b. 'Amir al-Naufali; but was prevented from carrying out the plan, because a black slave-maid attested that she had suckled both of them12 Abu Ihab had friendly relations with al-Harith b. 'Amir who was his half-brother from the mother's side," Abu Ihab seems to have been a well-to-do person, with a taste for ease and luxury, fond of wine and singing girls. This can be deduced from the story relating the theft from the Ka'ba of the golden statue of the gazelle. This was stolen by a group of drunkards who attended a drinking party in the tavern of Miqyas b. 'Abd Qays al-Sabmi." The list of the felons and profligate persons who frequented the place includes several quite prominent men of Quraysh: Abu Lahab, al-Hakam b. Abi l-'As. al-Fakih b. al-Mughira, Mulayh b. al-Harith b. al-Sabbaq, al-Harith b. 'Amir b. Naufal, Abu 1Mb and others. On a certain day, when the drunkards failed to provide money for the wine and the supply of wine ran short, they decided to steal the gazelle of the Ka'ba and buy wine from a caravan which arrived in Mecca from Syria. The group which carried out the plan included Abii Lahab, Abii Musafi' and al-Harith b. 'Amir. They sold the statue, bought the wine and drank it at their leisure. When, after a 11 See e.g. al-Husayn b. 'Ali al-Maghribi, at-lnas, pp. 208-210; Muhammad b. Habib, al-Munammaq, ed. Khurshid Ahmad Fariq, Hyderabad 1384/1964, pp. 290-293. 12 Ibn l;Iajar, al-/ $aba, VII, 24, no. 9551, VIII, 324, DO. 12298; Ibn al-Athir, Usd aJ-ghllba fi mdriiai 1-$aJ;iiba. Cairo 1280, VI, 627; Ibn 'Abel al-Barr, aJ-Istiah fi mdrijaii 1-ll$I)iJb, 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijlwi, Cairo 1380/1960, p. 1072, no. ed. 1822 13 See e.g. Ibn Hishiim, al-Slra aJ-nabawiyya, ed. al-Saqqa, al-Abyarl, Shalabi, Cairo 1355/1936, III, 180, ult. (and see ibid. 181, 1. 1); Ibn Kathir, al-Sira al-nabawiyya; ed. Ml1$tafii 'Abd al-Wiil.lid. Cairo 1385/1965, III. 128; Ibn I;Iajar, aJ-/$iIba, II, 263, and Ibn al-Athir, Usd, V, 142 14 But see Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, Hadhf min nasab quraysh; ed. SaliilJ al-Din al-Munajjid, Cairo 1960, p. 84: qaysu bnu 'adiyyi bni sa'di bni sahm kana min ru'asa'i quraysh [i l-jahiliyya, wa-huwa $Qhibul-qiyani lladhi kiina shabQ.bu qurayshin yajtamtima ilayhi [a-amarahum bi-akhdhi ghazlUinmina l-ka'bati, fa-fa'aJu. fa-qtasamahu qiyllnuhu wa-kllna l-ghazlUumin dhahabin. On strangers and allies in Mecca 117 considerable time, the culprits were discovered, the affair stirred unrest and division between the two alliances of the Qurashi clans: the mutayyabin and the ahla]. Some of the culprits were severely punished, others escaped chastisement. Al-Harith b. 'Amir and Abii Ihab were compelled to leave Mecca and they returned only after some ten years. On the eve of the battle of Badr they asked of Quraysh the permission to join the force which was about to march out to fight the Prophet. They got the permission, joined the force and fought at Badr. Al-Harith b. 'Amir was killed in the battlefield by Khubayb; Abii Ihab managed to escape," The cordial relations between Abii Ihab and al-Harith b. 'Amir are reflected in the verses written by Abii Ihab in which al-Harith's generosity in spending on good wine and beautiful women is praised," Al-Harith had friendly relations withAbii Lahab - he married Abii Lahab's daughter Durra!? He shared Abii Lahab's hatred for the Prophet: both are included in the list of the Prophet's enemies" He was the representative of the Banii Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf in the consultation of Quraysh against the Prophet in the dar aJ-nadWa.19 But at some point al-Harith seems to have met the Prophet, had talks with him and was impressed by his words; Quraysh even suspected him to have embraced Islam." On the eve of the battle of Badr he tried to 15 Hassan b. Thabit, Diwtm, eel. Walid N. Arafiit, London 1971, II, 115-127; Ibn l:Iabib, aJ-MU1IlJlfIlTUJ([, 54-57. pp. 16 See a1-BaJadhuri, Ansiib III, 304; Ibn l:Iabib, aJ-MU1IlJlfIlTUJ([,62: P. abligh qusayyan idhiJ jftilhii. - fa-ayya fatan waJladat nau.faJu idhiJ shariba l-khamra aghJa bihil - wa-in jahadat laumahu I-'udhdhalu da'ilJul ita l-shanfi, shanfi l-ghazQ - li hubbun li-khamsiuuuin 'ayraJi li-'athmata hina tarda: lahu : wa-asmda 'a#latin ajmoli. 17 Ibn l:Iabib, al-Muhabbar, p. 65, according to Ibn a1-KaIbi, Jamhara; MS. Br. Mus. fol 116b, Il 4-5. Durra married Abu lhiib. 18 See e.g. al-Maqrizi, Imta' al-asmd bimii li-rasUli lliihi min aJ-anba' wa-l-amwill wa-l-haiada wa-l-maid, ed. Mahmiid Muhammad Shakir, Cairo 194}. L 23, l3 from bottom, 24 ult, 19 Ibn Hishiim op. cit. II, 125. 20 Hassan, b. Thiibit, Diwiln, IL 125, llS persuade Quraysh not to march out against the Prophet," Nevertheless, he joined the Qurashi force and was one of the wealthy Qurashites who took care of food supplies for the forces.22 The Prophet is said to have forbidden the Muslim fighters to kill al-Harith and ordered them to "leave him for the orphans of the Banii Naufal": for he was a generous man and spent on the weak and needy (q,u'afa bani nau.fal).23 He was killed, as mentioned above, in the battle of Badr by Khubayb b. IsM, who did not know him, or, according to another report, by the pious Companion Khubayb b. 'Adiyy.24 The solidarity of the families of Abu Ihab and al-Harith b. 'Amir is seen in the story of the execution of Khubayb: Hujayr b. Abi Ihab bought Khubayb b. 'Adiyy for the husband of his sister, 'Uqba b. al-Harith b. 'Amir in order that he may kill him, avenging the death of his father al-Harith b. Amir, Hujayr and 'Uqba took part in the execution of Khubayb." 'Uqba b. 21 Al-Maqrizi, 1m/a', I, 68, (wa-mii kana ahadun minhum akraha li-l-khurii]! mina 1-1;.iirithi 'iimirin); al-Wilqidi, al-MaghiJzi, ed. Marsden Jones, London 1966, I, bni 36-37; al-Baliidhuri, Ansah, ed. Muhammad Hamidullah, Cairo 1959, I, 292 22 Ibn Hishiim, op. cit. II, 320; al-Maqrizi, Im/ri, I, 69; al-Wiiqidi, op. cit. I, 128, 144. 23 AI-Baliidhuri, Ansah, I, 154 (the report mentions that he helped to annul the document of Quraysh to boycott the Prophet and his family); al-Wiiqidi, op. cit. I, 91; l;Iassiin b. Thiibit, op. cit. I, 269. 24 See e.g. al-Baliidhuri, Ansiib, I, 297; al-Maqrizi, I mta', I, 90, l. 1; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit. II, 442 (wa-kana khubayb qad qataia abiihu yauma badr); Ibn Hajar, al-I ~aba, II, 262; and see Hassan, op. cit. I, 370, note 1 (the comment of the editor); 'Ali b. Burhiin aI-Din al-Halabi, Insan al-'uyim Ii sirtui l-amini l-mdmiin (=al-Sira aJ-J.lalabiyya), Cairo 1382/1962, III, 189, II. 10-11 (and see 114: wa-lau lam yaqtul khubaybu bnu 'adiyyini Hriiritha bna 'iimirin ma kana li-ttiniii iiii l-l;iuith bi-shirdihi wa-qatlihi mdnan) 25 See e.g. al-Maqrizi, Im/rl, I, 176, ll, 1-2 (and see ib. p. 175 penult); Ibn Kathir, al-Sira; III, 128; Ibn Hishiim, op. cit. III, 180 info - 181 sup; Ibn Hajar, al-I saba; 11,263; al-Fasi, al-Tqd al-thamin Ii ta'rikhi l-boladi l-amin; ed. Fu'iid Sayyid, Cairo 1384/1965, VI, '!JJ7; al-Waqidi, op. cit. p. 357; and see E[2, s.v, Khubayb (Wensinck), On strangers and allies in Mecca 119 al-Harith embraced Islam and died in the time of Abii Bakr," Abii Ihab planned to kill the Prophet; Tulayb b. 'Umayr met him, beat him and wounded him."? He later embraced Islam and was the first Muslim after whose death a prayer was said in the mosque of the harami": Hujayr b. Abi Ihab, a respected member of the Quraysh nobility, came with a group of noble Qurashites to Abu Sufyiin and requested that profits from the sales of merchandise transacted by the Qurashi caravan be spent on equipping a Qurashi force against the Prophet and the Muslims for the purpose of avenging the defeat of Badr," He was obviously a wealthy man and was an owner of a court (dar) in Mecca,'? He later embraced Islam" and is included in the list of the Companions of the Prophet." The story of Abii 1Mb gives us some insight into the social and economic conditions prevailing at Mecca in the Jahiliyya period, on the eve of Islam. Al-Harith b. 'Amir, though a hedonist, had a sharp and acute understanding of the economic and political situation of the Meccan body politic. Tradition says that verse 58 in Sicrat al-qasas (siira XXVIII): 'They say: Should we follow the guidance with thee we shall be snatched from our land", (in nattabi' l-huda maaka nutakhauat min ardind) was revealed in connection with a discussion between the Prophet and al-Harith b. 'Amir b. Naufal. Al-Harith conceded that the faith of the Prophet was true tinni: ndlamu anna qauJaka haqqun); but he argued that this faith (the huda; 26 Ibn I:Iajar. aI-lsaba. IV, 578, no. 5596. 27 Ibn I:Iajar. al-Isiiba; III. 541. n i-z, al-Baladhurl, Ansiib, MS. fol 968b (wa-kana abu ihabin dussa li-I-fatki bi-l-nabiyyi (s) [a-laqiyahu tulayb b. 'umayr [a-darabahu bi-IaI}yi jamalin fa-shajjahu); and cf. Mu'arrij al-Sadiisl, op. cit. p. 59. 28 Ibn Hajar, al-Lshba; VII, 24 (quoted from al-Fiikihi); al-Fiikihi, Ta'rikh makkata; MS. Leiden Or. 463, fol 442a. 29 Al-Wiiqidi, op. cit. p. 199. 30 Al-Fakihl, op. cit. MS. fol. 46la, L 9 : _ wa-kanai lahum diiru-l-hujayri bni obi i.hiJbibni 'azizin aI-tamimiyyi halifi l-mutimi bni 'adiyyin: 31 Ibn Hajar, aI-Isaba. II, 40-41, no. 1638. 32 Ibn l:Iibbiinal-Busti, Kitiib aI-thiqat, Hyderabad 1397/1977.I1I,94; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, I, 387; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit. p. 333, no. 489; Ibn Hajar aI-I saba, II, 40 (quoting Ibn Abi I:Iatim that he was a Companion). 120 the right guidance - K) was unacceptable because the Bedouins (al-'arab) would rise against Mecca and "snatch away" the Meccans, putting an end to the Meccan body politic," Al-Harith gladly accepted the family of Abu Ihab, and the marriages between the two families helped to remove the barriers between them: Abu Ihiib became firmly rooted in the Meccan community, Satirical verses composed by Hassan brought to memory the fact that Abu Ihab was a refugee expelled by 'Udus (i.e, by his own family - K).34 Indeed Abu Ihab had the courage to state that he was a haii], an ally; but he demanded to be treated on a par with the members of the family which he had joined," He could dauntlessly answer the influential 'Abdallah b. Jud'an who urged the leaders of Quraysh to punish the thieves of the gazelle, accusing him that his court harboured prostitutes," It is instructive to observe to what extent Meccan society was open to outsiders, enabling an ally to build his home in Mecca and contribute to its economic development One tribal group which attained a high position in Mecca was the group of the Tamimi Usayyid The small group was influential and controlled several divisions of Mudar.'? A report by Ibn al-Kalbi says that Ghuwayy b. Jurwa of the Usayyid used to levy taxes from 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a; after his death his son Salama b. Ghuwayy did the same," Satirical verses by Tufayl al-Ghanawi (or by al-Ashall b. Riya}:t) directed against the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a describe the submissiveness of the 33 See e.g. al-WiiQidi, Asbiib al-nuzUl, Cairo 34 35 36 37 38 1388/1968, p. 228 inf; al-Qurtubi, ai-Jam!" li-ahkiimi I-qur'an (= tafsir al-Qurtubn, Cairo 1387/1967, XIII, 300; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir [i l-tafsir bi-l-mathia, Cairo 1314, V, 135; Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, op. cu. p. 43 (al-hlzrithu bnu 'amiri bni naufali bni 'obdi manafin kana 'azlma l-qadri wa-huwa lIadhi qQJa: in naltabt ...;wa-kana [i lladhina saraqis ghaziila I-ka'bar. : in some sources the name is erroneously given: aI-1.riJTithu bnu 'iahmana: See I:Iassiin. op. cu. I, 227, II, 170-171 Hassan h Thii bit, op. cu. II, 121-122 Hassan b. Thiibit, op. cit. II, 121 O. J ESHO VIII (1965) 144-145. Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara; MS. Br. Mus., Add. 23297, fol. 94a (the tax was paid in cheese [aqit] and melted butter). On strangers and allies in Mecca 121 'Amir and their baseness," Ghuzayy b. Buzayy b. Jurwa b. Usayyid was killed by Dhii l-'ubra Rabi'a b. al-Harith b. Ka'b of the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a, "Ubrd' is explained as "kharzd', a kind of crown worn by the kings," Al-Baladhuri reports about the Tamimi, who levied the taxes (itawa) of the Hawazin, that "he made himself a king over them" (yatamallaku 'alayha).41 Al-Khims b. Rabi' b. Hilal succeeded the Tamimi in collecting the taxes of Hawazin.42 It was thus a conspicuous group who controlled the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a and the Hawazin, It is interesting to note that these tax collectors tried to gain power (yatamaJlaku) and to rule large tribal divisions. To this group belonged a tax collector with the enigmatic name DhU 1-a'wiidY Mughultay records the explanation of the word given by Abii 'Ubayda in his Kitab al-tai: DhU t-dwad is 'Adiyy b. Salama al-Usayyidi, who levied the taxes imposed on Mudar; they used to pay 39 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS. Br. Mus., CoL94a: bani 'lunirin la tadhkuru l-fakhra innakum: mata tadhkurUhu fi l-mdashiri tukdhabu fa-nal)nu mandnakum tamiman wa-antumii sawOltu ilia tuhsinU I-sola tul/rabu AI-Baliidhuri 1177b-1178a): records additional verses (al-Baliidhuri, Ansab, MS. Col. bani 'lunirin la tukhbiru l-nasa [akhrakum: mata tanshurUhu [i l-kirluni tukdhabu [a-innakumii la tansibiina khatlbakum: wa-li: tulimUna l-zilda haua tu'annabu fa-ya'dhira [ ] qabla qad [ ] wa-asbalat: lakum khaylunil mil lam takUnU [ ] wa-nahnu mandndkum tamiman wa-antumu: sawaltu [ ] wa-nohnu IJobasniJkum hifa;an 'alaykumu: wo-kunium unilsan qad rahabtum [ ] fa-lammii khashinil an tasiru li-ghayrinil: nafaynil (-a'1u1i an tul/amil wa-tul)rabu 40 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara MS. Br. Mus. foL 187a. 41 Al-Baladburi, Ansiib, MS. CoL1177b, inf. falayhii refers to Hawazin), 42 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Ms. Br. Mus., CoL187a. 43 See the explanation in L.'A s.v. 'awd. 122 them every year. 'Adiyy grew old so that he had to be carried in a litter passing by the Bedouins at their water-springs while collecting the taxes.44 AI-Fayruzabadi mentioned different members of the Usayyid to whom the name dhit 1-a'wQ.d may refer: a. Ghuwayy b. Salama, b. Rabi'a b. Mukhashin, c. Salama, b. Ghuwayy who had the right to levy the tax from' MUQar, d. it refers to the grandfather of Aktham b. Sayfi (here Faynizabadi gives an account of his virtues);" Abu 'Ubayda's report from the Kitiib al-tiii is recorded by Ibn Abi l-I:ladid.46 This group of Tamim included the clan of al-Nabbash b. Zurara in Mecca. The mother of Baghid b. 'Amir b. Hashim, of the 'Abd Manaf b. 'Abd al-Dar, who wrote the document of the boycott against the Bami Hashim, 47 was a daughter of the Tamimi al-Nabbash b. Zurara of the Usayyid; he was an ally of the 'Abd al-Diir.48 The plot of land which belonged to the clan of Murtafi' (iii al-murtati') was owned before that by the clan of Nabbash (lzl aI-nabbiish b. zurara).49 The mountain of Shayba also belonged to al-Nabbash b. Zurllra.50 A Meccan transmitter, Sulaym al-Makki reports that people in the period of the Jahiliyya used to say: "You are more powerful than the clan of al-Nabbash" tla-anta a'azzu min iili l-nabbash); he pointed with his hand to the houses around the mosque (of the haram - K) and said: 'These were their dwellings" (hi.uihihi kana: ribiluJuun).51 44 Mughultay, al-Zahr al-bOsim [i sirat abi-I-qasim, MS. Leiden Or. 370, fol46a (; kana lahu kharajun 'alii mudara yu'addUnahu kulla 'iunin ...);and see other explanations ibid. fol 45b, info - 46a. 45 AI-Fayriizlioodi, aI-QiimUs aI-mu/:lir, I, 330, sv, 'awd. 46 Ibn Abi l-Hadld, Sharh. nahj aI-boJiigha, ed. Muhammad 47 48 49 50 Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim, Cairo 1962, XV,132 See the comment of the editors: Ibn Hisham op. cit. II, 16, note 2; and see MU$'ab, Nasab quraysh; ed. Levi Provencal, Cairo 1953, p. 254. AI-Zubayr b. Bakkiir,lamharat nasab quraysh; MS. Bodleiana, Marsh 384, fol 88b; Mus'ab Nasab, p. 254. Al-Fakihi, op. cit. MS. fol. 456a, l 2; cf. al-Azraqi, Akhbar makka; ed. F. WiistenfeId, Gottingen 1275/1858, 465, l 3 from bottom. AI-Azraqi,op. cit. p. 490. 51 Al-Fiikihi, op. cit. MS. fol 4S6a, sup. On strangers and allies in Mecca 123 One of the members of this clan was Abii IIDa, the husband of Khadija, There is no unanimity in the tradition as to his name, the name of his child (or children) born by Khadija or the problem whether he was Khadija's first or second husband Ibn al-Kalbi records his name as Abii Hala Hind b. al-Nabbash b. Zuriira b. Waqdiin b. Habib b. Salama b. Ghuwayy b. Jurwa," The exact pedigree of the Tamimi husband of Khadija is indeed important he was a descendant of the powerful Usayyidi who succeeded in controlling the Mudari tribes which yielded to his authority and paid taxes to him According to Ibn al-Kalbi Khadija bore him a son, Hind; this son had in tum a son whom he named Hind; he was thus called Hind b. Hind b. Hind Hind b. Hind attended the battle of Badr ("others say: uhud'); Hind b. Hind b. Hind fought on the side of Ibn al-Zubayr and was killed in battle. According to Ibn al-Kalbi Hind b. Hind b. Abi Hala married Durra bint 'Utba b. Abi Lahab. It is noteworthy that the phrase is: wa-ghtarabat durra bini 'utba b. abi lahab 'inda hind _ Hind b. Hind b. Abi Hala was still considered a gharib, a stranger," The descendants of Abii Hala passed away, leaving no progeny/" Important details about the marriage of Khadija are supplied by Ibn Sa'd; Khadija was "mentioned" to Waraqa b. Naufal; but the plan of the marriage was cancelled and she married Abii Hala Hind b. al-Nabbash, His father was of noble lineage: 55 He alighted in Mecca and joined the 'Abd 52 53 54 55 al-Kalbi, Jamhara; MS. Br. Mus. fol93b inf. - 94a sup. al-Kalbi, J amhara; MS. Br. Mus., fol 11Sa ult,- 11Sb.1 1 al-Kalbi, Jamhara; MS. Br. Mus. fol93b inf - 94a sup. Sa'd, al-Tabaqiu al-kubra; Beirut 137711958, VIIL 14; wa-ki:ma abiihu dhi:l sharafin [i qaumihi. (In text abiiha is an error). The report is on the authority of Ibn al-Kalbi. Ibn Ibn Ibn Ibn 124 al-Dar b. Qusayy as ally. Ibn Sa'd adds a short comment "Quraysh used to intermarry with their .allies" iwa-kima; qurayshun tuzawwi ju halifahumr; this comment is indeed an important clue for the understanding of the position of the allies in Mecca. Khadija bore Abu Hala two sons: Hind and Hala, After Abu Hala, she married 'Atiq b. Abid b. 'Abdallah b. 'Umar b. Makhziim, She bore him a daughter, Hind. who married Sayfi b. Umayya al-Makhziimi and gave birth to a son named Muhammad; the sons of Muhammad were called "the sons of the pure woman", which, of course, referred to Khadija," This family passed away without progeny. Khadija concluded her third marriage with the Prophet, Muhammad b. 'Abdallah and bore him al-Qasim, 'Abdallah (= al-Tahir), al-Tayyib; the female children were: Zaynab, Ruqayya, Umm Kulthiim and Fatima-57 There are divergent, even contradictory, traditions concerning the name of Khadija's Tamimi husband and the names and fate of their children," 56 Ibn Sa'd, op. cu; VIII, 15 sup; and see about Muhammad b. Sayfi b. Umayya; al-Zubayr b. Bakw, Jamharat nasab quraysh, MS. Bodley, fol. 149b iwa-qad inqarada wuldu l'fUIlJammadibni $ayfiyyin). 57 Ibn Sa'd, op. cit; vm. 16. 58 See e.g. al-BaIadhuri, Ansilb, I, 406 info (her first husband was Abu Hala, the second: 'Atiq b. 'Abid; 'Atiq divorced her; then she married Muhammad b. 'Abdallah, the Prophet); Ibn Habib, al-MuJ;abbar, pp. 78 inf. - 79 sup.; Mus'ab, Nasab, pp. 21-23;Ibn Abi l-Hadid, op. cu; XV, 131-132 (the Prophet adopted the young boy Uabanniihu), the son of Abu Hiila); Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'arif, ed. Tharwat 'Ukasha, Cairo 1969,132-133(her first husband 'Atlq, the second Abu Hala; he died in the period of the Jahiliyya; Abu HiiIa's son, Hind, was brought up by the Prophet); Ibn Durayd, al-l shtiqaq, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hliriin, Cairo 1378/1958,p. 142 (al-Nabbash), 208 (Zuriira b. al-Nabbash); he died in Mecca in the period of the Jahiliyya; Hind b. Hind died in Basra; some say that he left progeny; Ibn Hajar, al-/ saba. VI, 557-558, no. 9013 (see the different versions; see the version that his name was Malik b. al-Nabbash); Niir al-Din al-Haythaml, Majma' al-zawiiid, Beirut 1967, VIII, 275 info(al-Nabbash and Malik b. Zurara); al-Diyarbakrf, Ta'rikh ol-khamis; Cairo 1283,I, 263-264 (the first husband 'Atiq; he died and she married Abu Hala; she bore him a male On strangers and allies in Mecca 125 A peculiar tradition says that Khadija bore Abu Hala two sons: al-Harith and Hind," Al-Harith was killed in Mecca during the first period of the Prophet's activity: when the Prophet started to preach openly in the mosque (scil. of the haram - K) at Mecca exhorting his listeners to believe in the one true God and was attacked by the unbelievers. Alarmed, Al-Harith hurried to the mosque and was killed in a scuffle with the unbelievers at the Ka'ba'" There is a tradition mentioning another son of Abu Hala named al-Zubayr; but there is no explicit statement that his mother was Khadija," Ibn Hajar records the name of a transmitter of hadith who was a descendant of Abu Hala; Yazid b. 'Amr Abu 'Abdallah al- Tamimi62 59 60 61 62 offspring and a female one; some traditions say that the first husband was Abu Hala, the second 'Atiq); Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, op. cit. p. 51; Ibn al- Jauzi, al-Wafa bi-a/:lwali l-mustafa; ed. MU$tafa 'Abd al-Wal.tid, Cairo 1386/1966,p. 145 (the marriage of Khadija with Waraqa was cancelled. She married Abu Hala (Hind) (or Malik) and bore him two sons: Hind and Hala, She married afterwards 'Atiq b. 'A'idh and bore him a girl named Hind. Then she married the Prophet and bore him all his children, except Ibrahim}, 'Ali Khiin ai-Madani al-Shirazi al-Husayni, al-Darajiu al-rafia fi (abaqati l-shia, ed. Muhammad Siidiq Bahr al-uliim, Najaf 1381/1962, pp. 407, 411ult, (the name of Abu Hala; Nammiish,or Nabbash, or Malik b. Zurara b. Nabbiish, or Zurara b. al-Nabbiish or Nabbiish b. Zurara); al-Zurqanl, Sharb al-mawahibi Haduniyya; Cairo 1325,I, 199(Abu Hala's name: Malik b. Zuriira, or Hind, or al-Nabbiish; Khadija bore him two male children: Hind and HiiIa. After the death of Abu Hala, Khadija married 'Atiq b. Abid and bore him a daughter, Hind; some say: she bore him a son, Hind}, al-Mausili, Ghiiyat al-wasdi! ita mdriiasi l-awa'it, MS., Cambridge Qq 33(10)fol 37a, inf. - 37b sup. Al-Baladhuri, AnsQb, MS. foll069b. Mughultay, op. cu. MS. Leiden, Or. 370, fol 142b, ult; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba; I. 605; al-Fiisi, al-Tqd oi-thamin; I, 228 penult; al-Ma~li, Ghiiyat oi-wasdil, MS. fol 23a, info Ibn I:Iajar, al-/saba. IL 558,no. 2792. Ibn l:Iajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, Hyderabad 1327,XII, 148,no. 705 L min wuldi abi hiiJata l-nabbashi bni zurarata). 126 To the clan of the Banii Nabbash belonged the poet al-A'sM b. al-Nabbash, who eulogized the unbelievers killed at Badr. He was, like his relatives, an ally of the Banii Naufal of the 'Abd al-D.ir.63 and an influential person in Mecca involved in its internal struggles. The story of the Usayyidi group in Mecca is a convincing example of the skillful policy of the leaders of the Meccan body politic; the Usayyidi newcomers were received in a friendly manner, and due to their experience and energy they managed to acquire property, settle in the centre of Mecca and grow wealthy and influential Their marriages with their allies in Mecca contributed to a considerable degree to their feeling of identity with their new relatives, and with the interests of Mecca and to their loyalty to their Meccan allies. The story of Khabbab b. al-Aratt is not in fact that of an ally; the circumstances of his life and career, and his attitude to the family to which he was attached, resemble however to a great extent the situation of the hulafii', the allies in Mecca. Khabab was a man of obscure origin. His father was sold in Mecca as a slave to a Khuzi'i family who, themselves, were allies of the Banii Zuhra. Khabbab's profession and that of his mother were base and contemptible: she was a professional circumciser, he was a blacksmith. According to a tradition the mother of Khabbab married a Khuza'i, an ally of Zuhra and bore him Sibii'; Khabbab was thus a half-brother of Sibii', whose client he was. This may have granted him a special status in the family of his master and he could persuade them to join the Zuhri family of 'Auf b. 'Abd Auf as allies.64 Khabbab was one of the earliest converts to Islam and as one of the 4u'afii' was exposed to persecution and torture at the hands of the unbelievers; the Prophet used to visit him 63 See on him e.g. Mus'ab, Nasab, pp. 403-404; al-Zubayr b, Bakkar, Jamhara; MS. fol. 185b; al-Tayalisi, Kitiib al-mukiuhara 'inda l-mudhakara; ed. al-Tanji, Ankara 1956, pp. 22-24; al-Amidi, al-Mu'talif wa-l-mukhtalif, ed. 'Abd al-Sattar Farra], Cairo ·1381/1961, p. 21; ai-A'sha wa-i-ashaun ai-akharun, ai-Subh. al-munir [i sm·r abi basir, ed. R. Geyer, London 1928, pp. 272-274 (and see "Anmerkungen", pp. 268-270}' Ibn Durayd, op. cit. pp.142-141 64 See e.g. Ibn Habib, al-Munarnmaq, pp. 294-295. On strangers and allies in Mecca 127 in the midst of his troubles and showed him sympathy/" In Islam he is highly respected and was one of the eminent Companions, taking part in all the battles against the unbelievers. 'Uthman granted him land in Iraq and he became a wealthy man.. He, nevertheless, joined 'Ali and fought in the battle of Siffin on the side of 'Ali. Some Shu sources claim that he signed the document of arbitration at Siffin, He died in 37 AH and 'Ali is said to have prayed over his graVe.66 The story of Khabbab is highly instructive, being the case of an individual of low class origins who gradually rose from the position of a slave to that of a client tmaulii), subsequently becoming an ally (I)alif). He was presumably able to attain this position because his mother was married to one of her masters. But Khabbab also endured hardship and suffering for the openness and courage with which he expressed his genuine opinions and beliefs. Islam granted him full rights in the community and a position of equal footing with all the believers. An eminent person in Mecca in the period of the Prophet was al-Akhnas b. Shariq al-Thaqafi, an ally of the Banii Zuhra. His pedigree is given by Ibn al-Kalbi as follows: Ubayy b. Shariq b. 'Amr b. Wahb b. 'Ilaj, an ally of the Banii Zuhra. He was nicknamed "al-Akhnas" because he diverted the Banii Zuhra from fighting on the Day of Badr,"? Al-Akhnas was a rich man: his clan owned a court (dar, dar al-akhnasi in the lane of the perfumers (zuqaq al-iauarin); they possessed as well a patch of land (lJmiq) in the "night market" (sUq al-layl), which they bought from the 'Amir b. Lu'ayy," In the old days, says al-Fakihi, Abyssinians stayed in the mountain where the gorge of the clan of al-Akhnas was located." The mountain al-Hira (where the 65 Al-Fasi, aI-'f qd ol-thamin; IV, 30L 66 See El2, s.v. Khabbiib b. al-Aratt; and see al-Shibli, MaQ1JSin al-wasdil ila mdrifaii al-awa'il. MS. British Library, Or. 1530, fols. 108b-l09a; Muqatil b. Sulaymiin, Tafsir, ed. 'Abdallah Mahmiid Shabiitah, Cairo 1969, I, 105inf; Abu I-'Arab, Kitab al-mihan, MS. Cambridge Qq 235(8), foIs. 39b-40b (dhikru qatli 'abdi 111lhibni khabOObi bni i-araai wa-l-I:liuithi bni murrah). 67 Ibn al-Kalbi, J amhara; MS, Br. Mus.,foL 1553. 68 Al-Fiikihi, op. cit; MS, foL 457a 128 Prophet received his revelation - K) is located by this gorge. Through this gorge the Prophet entered Mecca on the Day of the Conquest of Mecca. Najda, the Kharijite alighted in this gorge." Al-Akhnas' relations with Quraysh were very close: his mother was Rayta bint 'Abdallah b. Abi Qays al-Qurashi, from the Banii 'Amir b. Lu'ayy," Al-Akhnas married Khalida, the daughter of the noble Abu l-'~i 72 His son, Sa'id, married Sakhra, the daughter of Abu Sufyiin.73 His sister, Thurayya, was the wife of Abu Dhi'b Hisham b. Shu'ba of the Abu Qays b. 'Abd Wudd of Quraysh." Descendants of al-Akhnas continued to intermarry with Quraysh," Al-Akhnas was an implacable opponent of the Prophet. Some patently tendentious traditions state that he did not embrace Islam at alP6 Other traditions report that he embraced Islam and was one of the muallaia quliibuhum; i. e. those whose sympathy for Islam was gained by gifts granted them by the Prophet," A harmonizing report assumes that he embraced Islam and participated in the battle of Hunayn, He probably apostatized later and then converted again to Islam," We have, in fact, some information about the activities of al-Akhnas against the Prophet. A report recorded by al-Baladhuri says that al-Akhnas was a member of the Qurashi delegation which came 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 Al~Fiikihi, op. cit; MS. fol 5OOb. Al-Azraqi, op. cu; p. 492. See Muqiitil. Tafsir, I. 102. Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 101;al-Baladhurl, Ansah, ed. M Schloessinger, IV A., 169. Ibn 1;Iabib, al~Mul)abbar, p. 105; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit; VIII, 240. Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 421 See e.g. Ibn a1~Kalbi, Jomnara; MS. Br. Mus. fol117a Al-Baladburf, Ansah, MS. fol. 1226a; al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, (= al-Jam," li-ai)kami l-qur'iin), Cairo 1387/1967, HI, 15, II 77 Ibn al-Athir, Usd, I, 48. 78 Ibn Hajar, al-I saba, I, 38-39. On strangers and allies in Mecca 129 to Abii Talib asking him to halt the Prophet's missionary activity; al-Akhnas was the speaker of the delegation." Al-Akhnas was involved in another incident: he watched, in the company of unbelievers, how a group of believers went out to the gorge of Abii Dubb in Mecca in order to perform there the ritual ablution (wuq.u1 and prayer (evidently in the first period of Islam, when believers had to conceal their ritual practices - K). The unbelievers attacked and beat them. Ibn Sa'd, one of the believers, seized a camel's jaw and beat them with it until he wounded one of the unbelievers, who were routed tinkasara l-mushrikiin) and left the place.80 The relations in this early period preceding the hijra of the Prophet were probably not explicitly hostile: when the Prophet returned from his journey to al- Ta'if he sent to al-Akhnas asking for his protection (jiwar) in order to enter Mecca; al-Akhnas, however, could not respond; he argued that being himself an ally (l)aIif) he was not authorized to grant protection," The inferior status of the ally (balif) is mentioned only twice: in the case of Abii Ihab with the gazelle and here in the case of the protection withheld from the Prophet It is noteworthy that, according to a tradition, al-Akhnas granted protection to Abii Sabra b. Abi Ruhm'" . A decision made by al-Akhnas on the eve of the Day of Badr happened to be a turning point in the history of the Muslim community: it was a main contributing factor to the Muslim victory on the Day of Badr. Al-Akhnas headed a troop of 300 Zuhri warriors. In the consultations of the Qurashi leaders al-Akhnas opposed the activist 79 Al-BaIadhuri, Ansah, L 23L 80 Al-Baladhuri, Ansah, I, 116;on Shi'b Abi Dubb see l-Bakri, Mu'jam rna stdjam. ed. M~tafii l-Saqqa, Cairo 1364/1945,p. 540. 81 Ibn Hishiim, op. cit. II, 20; al-Tabarsi, l'liim ai-wara bi-dlam ai-Juu:ia, ed. 'Ali Akbar al-Ghaffiiri, Tehran 1379,p.65; Ibn Junghul, Tarlkh; MS. British Library, Or. 5912, I, 203a: the messenger of the Prophet to al-Akhnas was 'Abdallah b. Urayqit, 82 Al-Baliidhuri, Ansah, L 228. 130 attitude of some leaders (like Abu Jahl), proposed to refrain from any military action against the Prophet and his forces and to return to Mecca. He explained to the Zuhri warriors that Muhammad was their nephew (ibn ukht), and that if he was a prophet they should not kill him; if, on the other hand, he was an impostor, they, of all people, should definitely refrain from fighting him," According to another tradition al-Akhnas argued that, as the caravan had already reached its destination safely, the Meccan force should return to Mecca," The Zuhri troop obeyed al-Akhnas and returned to Mecca.85 The Qurashi force was thus reduced from 1000 to 700 and its striking force was seriously impaired. The retreat of the Zuhri troop was an important event, if not the decisive factor, in the victory of the Muslim forces and the defeat of Quraysh," The victory at Badr heralded the triumph of Islam After the battle of Badr, al-Akhnas is said to have visited the court of the Prophet in Medina, engaged him in conversation, feigning willingness to embrace Islam. He assured the Prophet of his love for him and expressed his allegiance to the new faith.. Unaware of the real nature of his thoughts and feelings, the Prophet used to honour him and let him sit in council close to him. It was in connection with this that the verses of Sura II were revealed tal-baqara) 204-205: wa-min at-nasi man yu'jibuka qauluhu _ "and some men there are whose saying upon the present world pleases thee and such a one calls on God to witness what is in his heart, yet he is most stubborn in altercation" (translation: Arberry)," Al-Akhnas afterwards went out, 83 Muqatil, Tatsir, 1, 103. 84 Al-Baladhuri, Ansilb. I, 291; and see Abii l-Faraj, AghQni. Beirut, 1390/1970. IV. 22 reprint; al-Waqidi. op. cit, pp. 44-45. 85 See e.g. al-Azraqi, op. cit, p. 492; Ibn Hishiim, op. cit, II. 271; al-Tabarsi, l'tiim ol-wara; p. 85; Ibn J:lajar. ai-/$iiba, I. 38-39; al-BaIiidhuri. Ansilb. MS. fo11226a; Ibn-Athlr, I. 48; Muqati~ Taisir, MS. 1, fol 146a-b and I, 161 (printed edition). 86 The Zuhra and the 'Adiyy were the only Qurashi divisions which did not pin the Qurashi force; see al-Waqidi. op. cit, p. 45. 87 See e.g. Muqdtll, Tafsir, I, 102; al-Qurtubl, Tafsir, II. 14 inf.; al-Tabari, Tajsir, ed. Mabmiid and Ahmad Shakir. Cairo n.d. IV, 229-230. no. 3961 us« On strangers and allies in Mecca 131 burnt some crops and killed some donkeys," Four verses of Sura LXVIII (Surat al-qalam) 10-13: wa-lii tuti' kulla hallatin mahin, hammazin mashshii'in bi-namim _ "and obey thou not every man swearer, backbiter, going about with slander, hinderer of good. guilty agressor _" are also said to refer to al-Akhnas," Some commentators record traditions saying that the words humaza lumaza in Sura Clv, 1 (Surat al-humazas; "backbiter, slanderer" refer to al-Akhnas," That these interpretations seem to have been widely circulated can be inferred from the following anecdote: al-Kalbi was asked in Mecca about the interpretation of Siira II. 204 (quoted above) and replied that the person intended in the verse was al-Akhnas. One of those present in the council tmailis), a descendant of al-Akhnas, requested al-Kalbi to desist from circulating these interpretations in Mecca," Al-Akhnas' son Abu l-Hakam fought in the battles against the Prophet. He (or his father) is said to have killed Unays b. Qatada at Uhud." Another tradition relates that Abu l-Hakam b. al-Akhnas killed 'Abdallah b. Jahsh'" 88 See e.g, al-WaI)idi. Asbiib al-nuzUl, Cairo 1388/1968, p. 39; al-Tabari, Tafsir, IV, 229; al-Suyiiti, ai-Durr al-manthiir. I. 238; Ibn Kathfr, Tafsir, Beirut 1385/1966. I. 436. 89 See Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, VII. 84 inf; al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, XVIII. 235; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr, VI. 251 info 252 (According to other traditions the verses referred to al-Hakam, the father of Marwan, or to al-Aswad b. 'Abd Yaghiith); Ibn Hisharn, op. cu; I. 386; al-Naysibiiri, Gharllib al-qur'iin wa-raghiiib ai-tUTqan, Cairo 1390/1970, XXIX. 21 1.4 from bottom; al-Tabarsi, Majma' ai-bayan ti tafsiri l-quran, Beirut 1380/1961. XXIX. 27 (referred to al-Walid b. al-Mughira, or to al-Akhnas b. Shariq, or to al-Aswad b. 'Abd Yaghiith), 90 Al-Tabarsi, Majma' al-bayan; XXX, 230 info (refers to al-Akhnas, or to al-Walid b. al-Mughira); al-Samarqandl, Tafsir, MS. Chester Beatty 3668, II, 344b. ll. 1-3 (al-Akhnas or al-Walid b. al-Mughira) ; al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, Xx. 83 sup; al-Suyiiti. al-Durr. VI. 392 91 Al-Suyiiti. aI-DUTroI. 238. 92 Ibn Qudarna al-Maqdisi, ai-Istibsar [i nasabi l-sohaba min ol-ansiir, ed. 'Ali Nuwayhid, Beirut 1391/1971. p. 294, It 1-2; aI-Waqidi, op. cit; p. 301 (killed by Abii l-Hakam); Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cii; p. 113,no. 91 (killed by al-Akhnas), 93 Anonymous, ai-Ta'rikh al-muhkam [i man intasaba ila i-nabiyyi salia ll~ 'aiayhi wa-sallam; MS. Br. Mus. Or. 8653, fol. 214a; Ibn Hajar, ai-Isaba; IV. 37, no. 4586. 132 For years al-Akhnas remained hostile to the Prophet. He attended the execution of Khubayb in Mecca'" and demanded that the Prophet extradite Abii Basir al-Thaqafi, who was a maula of Banii Zuhra," Al-Akhnas died, as a Muslim of course, during the caliphate of 'Uthman," The son of al-Akhnas, al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas, was a sincere and loyal adherent of 'Uthman- and lost his life defending 'Uthman from the attacks of his enemies. The killer, at the time unaware of his victim's identity, on being informed that it was al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas, recalled a dream in which he had seen vessels with boiling water prepared for the man who would kill al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas," After al-Mughira's death, a man of the Banii Zuhra reported to Talha b. 'Ubaydullah: "Al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas has been killed". Talha b. 'Ubaydullah remarked: ''The sayyid of the allies of Quraysh has been killed".98 One of the grandsons of al-Mughira, al-Mughira b. Asad b. Mughira b. al-Akhnas b. Shariq married 'A'isha bint 'Abdallah b. 94 Ibn Hisham, op. cit. Ill, 188;al-Wliqidi, op. cit. P. 361;al-Suyiiti, al-Durr, I, 238. 95 Ibn Hazm, J awaml ol-sira; ed. Ibsan 'Abbas, Nli$ir al-Din al-Asad, Cairo n.d.,p. 210; Ibn Hisham, op. cit. III, 337;al-Wliqidi, op. cit. p. 624; al-Baladhuri, Ansab, I, 211;on Abii Basir see Ibn I:Iajar, ol-lsaba; IV, 433,no. 5401 % Ibn al-Athir, Usd,l, 48. 97 See e.g. Anonymous, al-Tdrikn al-muhkam; fol. 62a-b; AbU l-'Arab, Kitiib al mihan; MS. fol. 18a-b; Muhammad b. Yabyli l-Maliqi, aJ-Tamhid wa-i-bayiin [i maqtali l-shahidi 'whmim, ed. Mahmiid Yiisuf Zliyid, Beirut 1%4, pp. 134,135 (and see index; the report on p. 133 is transmitted by the grandson of al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas); and see on him Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqat, I, 403, III, 66; Ibn al- Athir, Usd, IV, 405-406; al-Fasl, ai-'/ qd al-thamin; VIII, 252-253, no. 2498 (another version of the dream); al-Baladhuri, Ansiib, V, 76, 79 (ed, s.D. Goitein, Jerusalem 1936); Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, op. cit. p. 1444; Ibn Hajar, al-I saba, VI, 1%-197. 98 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit. p. 1444. On strangers and allies in Mecca 133 'Umar," His grandson, Ya'qiib b. 'Utba b. al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas b. Shariq was a trustworthy muhaddith; he was honest and noble, and governors used to send him as tax-collector'?" There-is no need here to comment at length on the story of al-Akhnas b. Shariq. Suffice it to say that it reveals another aspect of Meccan policy towards strangers desirous of joining one of the Meccan clans: newcomers were allowed freedom of action, and opportunities were given them to attain the highest position of leadership. So it came about that an ally made a decision that was to prove momentous to the subsequent history of the Islamic community: it was the Thaqafi hali] al-Akhnas b. Shariq who issued the order of retreat to the Zuhri troop and made the Muslim victory at Badr possible. The list of the arbiters of Quraysh includes the name of a Thaqafite ally of the Banii Zuhra: al-'Alli' b. Jariya (or Haritha) b. Sumayr b. 'Abdallah b. Abi Salama b. 'Abd al-'Uzza b. Ghiyara al-Thaqafi, hall] (ally) of the Banii Zuhra'?' It was, of course, unusual for a halit to gain the position of an arbiter on behalf of a tribal divison. He must have been a very respected member of the Meccan community. It is indicative of the Prophet's skill in management that he included al-'Alli in the group of the muallata quJ.Ubuhum, eminent unbelievers whose sympathy for Islam was won by gifts.102 99 Mus'ab, Nasab, p.357. 100 Ibn l:Iajar, Tahdhib al tahdhib, XI, 392, no. 755; al-Bukhiiri, al-Ta'rikh ol-kpbir, VIII, 389,no. 3434. 101 Ibn l:Iabib, aJ-Mul}abbar,p. ill. 102 Ibn Hazm, Jawamt al-sira; p. 246; aI-Wiiqidi, op. cit. p. 946; Ibn Qutayba, ai-Ma'arif, p. 342; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit. II, 153,l. 1; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, p. 1085,no. 1840; al-Tabari, Tarikh; ed. Muhammad Abu l-Pad! Ibrahim, III, 90; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, IV, 7; Ibn I:Iajar, al-Isaba; V, 279, no. 6807; aI-BaIiidhuri, Ansab, MS. foL 1226b;Ibn Hishiim,op. cit. IV, 136;Muqiitil, Tafsir, MS. I, 155a; al-Fiisi, Shifa' aJ-gliarllm,II, 1~ 134 A peculiar case of tribal collaboration between Quraysh and Sulaym is seen in the story of Abii I-A'war al-Sulami, the ally of Abii Sufyan, His family had a close relationship with Quraysb: his mother and his grandmother were from Quraysh (the mother from Sahm, the grandmother from 'Abel Shams).I03His father, Sufyan b. 'Abel Shams, had been an ally of Harb b. Umayya and fought with Quraysh against the Prophet. It was he who killed the father of Djibir b. 'Abdallah and 'Abbas b. 'Ubada on the Day of Ubud.104 In the battle of the Ditch Sufyiin b. 'Abd Shams headed a troop of 700 warriors of Sulaym fighting on the side of Quraysh against the force of the Prophet-" It is noteworthy that the Sulami troop which joined the Prophet in the conquest of Mecca also numbered 700 (or 1000) warriors. It was probably this same group of warriors that went over to their former enemy.l06 The son, Abii l-A'war, 'Amr b. Sufyiin, was a leading figure in Mecca. He took part in a delegation of distinguished Meccans who came to Medina in order to persuade the Prophet that he should acknowledge the power of the idols,"? He seems to have remained hostile towards the Prophet for a very long time; thus the biographical compilations of the Companions state that he cannot be counted among the Companionsl'" However, he played an important role in the reign of Mu'awiyal"? and the latter's plan to appoint him as governor of Egypt only failed on account of a stratagem employed by 'Amr b. al-'As.no 103 See Ibn Hajar, aJ-/sQba,N, 641, no. 5855. 104 See al-Baladhuri, Ansah, I, 331,333; aI-Wiiqidi, op. cit; pp. 258, 266, 302, 306. 105 AI-Wiiqidi,op. cit; p. 441 106 See Ibn Hishiim, op. cit. N, 63; al-Wiiqidi, op. cit. 812 inf.- 811 107 See e.g. al-Nasafi, Tat sir aJ-qur'luI,Cairo n..d.,III, 292; and see J ESHO, XXIV, 258-259, ad notes 76-77. 1~ See e.g. EP, s.v. al-A'war (Lammens); and see Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba; 641, no. 5855; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, V. 138. 109 See e.g. Nasr b. Muzahim, Waq'at siffin, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hiirlin, Cairo 1383, index. 110 See 'Ali b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Hudhayl, 'Ayn al-adab wa-l-siyasa wa-zayn al-hasab wa-I-riyasa, Cairo 138811969,pp. 149-150. On strangers and allies in Mecca 135 Some of the allies were among the earliest converts to Islam. One of them was a Tamimi, Said b. 'Amr, an ally of the Banii Sahm of Quraysh; his half-brother on his mother's side was Tamim b. al-Harith al-Sahmi, who was among the first believers, and is listed among the distinguished group of Muslims who emigrated to Abyssinia (kana min muhajirati l-habashati l-hijrata l-thlmiya); he is said to have been killed in the battle of al-Ajiadayn'" The career of another halit, the Yarbii'i Tamimite Waqid b. 'Abdallah, is also noteworthy. He was sold as a slave to Khattab b. Nufayl of the 'Adiyy, who adopted him. He was called Waqid b. al-Khattab and became an ally of the Banii 'Adiyy. Later he changed his name to Waqid b. 'Abdallah according to the injunction of Siira XXXIII, 6: UtlUhum li-llbllihim, huwa aqsaiu 'inda lliihi ... "Call them by the names of their fathers. That is more equitable in the sight of God". In the first fraternization (mu'akhllt makka) he was paired with Bishr b. al-Bara'J'? He migrated to Medina and was sent by the Prophet to Nakhla with a group of warriors. In the attack of the Muslim group on the caravan of Quraysh, Waqid killed 'Amr b. al-Hadrami, 'Umar b. al-Khattab composed two verses about this event. It has been pointed out that Waqid was the first believer to kill an unbeliever, and was a highly respected person; 'Abdallah b. 'Umar named one of his sons Waqid after Waqid b. 'Abdallah al-Tamimi'" 'Umar included him in the pay-roll (jaraaa.lahu) of his family-'" Waqid died during the caliphate of 'UmarYs 111 Ibn cis; l12 Ibn 113 Ibn 114 Ibn 115 Al- cit. Sa'd, op. cu; IV, 197; Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 401, II. 11-13; Ibn 'Abel al-Barr, op. p. 626, no. 990; Ibn Hajar, aJ-I $Qba, Ill, 114,no. 328L l:Iabib, aJ-Muhobbar, P. 73 inf. Hajar, aJ-I$Qba, VI, 595 info Habib, al-Munammaq; p. 314. BaIadhuri, Ansiib, MS. fol. l000a; and see about him Ibn Abi l-Hadid, op. XV, 130; Ibn Sa'd, TabaqQJ, II, 10, IV, 159. 136 The biography of the Tamimi Ya'lii b. Umayya (or: Ya'la b. Munya) is the story of the meteoric rise to eminence of an ally in Mecca. He was an ally of the Banii Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf he converted to Islam. emigrated to Medina and fought in the battles of Hunayn, al- Ta'if and Tabiik. His sister, Nafisa bint Munya, who was the matchmaker between Khadija and the Prophet, converted early to Islam'" Ya'la's brother, Salama b. Umayya, fought on the Prophet's side in the expedition of Tabiik"? After the death of the Prophet he was appointed by Abii Bakr governor of Hulwan. 'Umar appointed him governor of some districts of the Yemen, but deposed him when he appropriated to himself land property (1)amii li-natsihi himan). He was, nevertheless, highly regarded by 'Uthman, and, on hearing of the latter's assassination, he hurried to Medina and urged that the murder of 'Uthman be avenged. Promising to equip any warrior willing to go out and avenge the murder, he actually equipped 70 warriors of Quraysh and bought the camel 'Askar for 'A'isha. He granted al-Zubayr 400,000 (dirhams - K) to implement the necessary preparations for the expedition. He married two distinguished Qurashi women: the daughter of al-Zubayr and the daughter of Abii Lahab. He died as a respected and wealthy man, a Meccan owning a piece of land (khiua) in Mecea'" Two men of the Usayyidi group of Tamim deserve to be mentioned here. Though there is no indication that they ever came to Mecca, they were certainly converts from the early Medinan period. Hanzala b. al-Rabi' al-Katib and his brother Rabah b. al-Rabi' rose speedily to a high position in the Muslim community and played an important role in the events of that period. Hanzala is said to have Ansab, I, 98; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba; VIII, 143, no. 11816 (Nafisa bint Umayya), 117 AI-Fasawi, ai-Ma'rifa wa-l-tdrikh; L 337. 118 See e.g. Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, op. cit; pp. 1585-1587, no. 2815; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, V, 128-129; al-I;>hahabi, Siyar a'llun ai-nubaia', ed. As'ad Talas, III. 66-67 no. 245; Ibn Hajar, lsaba, VI, 685, no. 9365; Idem, Tahdhib ai-tahdhib, XI, 399, no. 77l:, al-Fasi, al-Tqd al-thamin, VII, 478-480, no. 2753; al-Tabari, Tarikh; ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibriihim, index; al-Baliidhuri, Ansab, MS. foL 99O-991a 116 See e.g. aI-BaIiidhuri, On strangers and allies in Mecca 137 been the secretary of the Prophet, wrote the revelation and was entrusted with the Prophet'sseal iwa-kima mdahu khiaam al-nabiyyi). The Prophet sen. him as a spy to al- Tli.'ifand recommended him highly for his qualities of leadership. ii'tammic bi-mithli hii:dhii: wa-ashbii:hihi). According to Ibn al-Kalbi, Tamim, Asad Ghatafan and Hawazin fought under his banner on the Day of al-Qadisiyya'" He married a woman from a very noble family: a daughter of Naufal b. al-Harith b. 'Abd al-Muttalib.'t? He took part in the battles of the Conquest of Islam and settled in Kiifa; but as 'Uthman was generally spoken of in abusive terms there, Hanzala left the city and settled in Qarqisiyya..He used to visit the court of Mu'iiwiya.who had a high opinion of him. He died during the latter's reign.Tamim claim that the jinn bewailed his death. Al-Baladhuri, who records this information, however, notes that some people believed him to be of obscure provenance (kana da'iyyan).121 His brother RaMI;l(or Riyah) suggested to the Prophet to fix a special day in the week for the Muslim community; they would have their day like the 'Jews and the Christians.The siira: ai-iumua was then revealed and Friday was established as the Day of the Muslim community'> II Some additional details about the alliances in Mecca and the circumstances in which they were concluded may widen our understanding of general conditions in Mecca and the relations existing between allies and the clans which accepted them. In some cases 119 Ibn aI-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS. Br. Mus., foL 93b. 120 Ibn aI-Kalbi, Jamhara; MS. Br. Mus., foL USa. 121 See about him: aI-Bahidhuri, Amab, MS. foL 1069b; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit, p. 379, no. 548; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba; 11,134-135, nos. 1861-1862; Idem, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, III, 60, no. 109; Ibn al-Athir, U sd, II, 58; Khalifa b. Khayyat, al-Tabaqiu. ed. Akram I;>iya' I-'Umari, Baghdad 1387/1967,pp. 43, 129; Ibn 'Asiikir, Tdrikh; ed.. 'Abd aI-Qadir Badriin, Beirut 139911979,V, 13-15. 122 Al-Baladhurl, Amab, MS. foL 1069b; Ibn al-Athir, al-Barr, op. cit. p. 486, no. 744. Usd, II, 160-161; Ibn 'Abd 138 Quraysh welcomed newcomers who applied for allied status. Such was the case of Jahsh b. Ri'ab of the Asad b. Khuzayma In consequence of a blood feud between Asad and Khuza'a a division of Asad requested the aid of Kinana; when these refused, they turned to the Ghatafan, Their request seems, however, to have been rejected.. Ri'ab b. Ya'mur, the father of Jahsh, came to Mecca and applied for allied status with Quraysh. He was invited by Qurashi Asad b. 'Abel al-Uzza to join them as ally and he gladly joined them as hali]. Later, however, people remarked that the Asad b. 'Abel al-'Um were a wretched branch of Quraysh; Ri'ab consequently cancelled the alliance and concluded one with the 'Abd Manaf. When the Banii Jahsh made their hijra to Medina, Abii Sufyan sold their houses and appropriated for himself the proceeds of the transaction. One of the sons of Jahsh complained of this iniquity, stressing that "others" (ie, other branches of Quraysh - K) wanted to affiliate them as allies, but the Banii Jahsh preferred an alliance with Abii Sufyan, 'Abel al-Malik inquired who it was who had offered the Banii Jahsh the alliance and 'Urwa b. al-Zubayr said that his clan had done so, but that Banii Jahsh had preferred to conclude an alliance with Abii Sufylin.123 The verses indicating the purpose of the alliance are significant wa-la-qad da'ani ghayrukum Ia-abaytulur. wa-khabdtukum li-nawliibi l-dahri. The place and time in which the alliance was concluded are also given: wo-aqadtu habli [i hilXdikum: 'inda l-jimiJri 'ashiyyata lrnahri. The attitude towards the Umayyads is expressed in warm words: a-bani umayyata kayla uslamu fikumu: wa-anii bnukum wa-holilukum [i 1-'usri.124 123 Ibn Habib, al-M/.UIIJmITIiUl, 286-288. p. 124 See the story and the verses in al-Fiikihi, Tarikh; fol. 452a-b (with many variants). On strangers and allies in Mecca 139 The close ties existing between the Qurashites and their allies are evident from the circumstance that Jabsh b. Ri'iib married the daughter of 'Abd al-Muttalib/ She bore him three sons and two daughters: Zaynab bint .Jahsh married the Prophet (before that she had been the wife of Zayd b. Haritha); Hamna bint Jahsh married Talha b/Ubaydullah.P! Zaynab (her former name was Barra) was distinguished by special verses revealed about her in the Qur'iinl26 The esteem in which these Asadi companions of the Prophet were held is reflected by the fact that their names were added to the list of the Qurashi Companiona"? A vivid description of the atmosphere in which an alliance was concluded is given in the story of Khalid b. al-Harith of Kiniinii, the father of Qariz, The poet Khalid, a congenial and eloquent person, came to Mecca. Every clan desired to have him as an ally and many people offered him hospitality (an yunzilahu) and the hands of their daughters in marriage. Khiilid asked to be given some time, went up to Hira' in order to worship God (yata'abbadu) and to pray for guidance in making his decision. After 3 days he came down and decided to conclude an alliance with the first person he met, who turned out to be 'Auf b. 'Abd al-Harith of Zuhra b. Kilab, He tied his garment to that of 'Auf, took his hand, and, both of them approached the haram; they stood by the House and affirmed their alliance.'" 125 Al-Baliidhuri, AnsQh,I, 88; Mus'ab, Nasob, p. 19,IL3-10. 126 See e.g. Muhibb al-Din Ahmad b. 'Abdallah al-Tabari, al-Sinq al-thamin [i manaqib ummahilli l-muminin; Cairo n.d., pp.87-92; Ibn Habib, al-Muf)abbar, pp. 85-88. 127 See Anonymous, al-Ta'rikh al-muhkam; MS. Br.Mus. 8653, foL 213a:hadha akhiru ma aradnahu. min nasabi a$/:labi rasidi /lahi (s) wa-akhbarihim; wa-adhkuru mdahum akhhara I-$al}ii.batimin bani asadi bni khuzaymata li-anna minhum bani [ahshin, bani 'ammati i-nabiyyi ts) we-hum mina l-siibiqina l-auwolina wa-l-muhaiirina I-hijratayn, we-hum hu/afa' bani 'abd shams _ ; and see the list ibid. fols. 2l3a-222a; and see the list of the Asadi Companions in Albert Dietrich, 'Abdalmu'rnin b. Xalaf ad-Dimyatinin bir Muhiicirin Listesi, $arkiyat Mecmuasi, Ill, 1959,pp. 136-137. 128 Ibn I:Iabib,al-Munammaq, p. 288. 140 The aim of the alliance of al-Ghaydaq b. 'Abd al-Muttalib with the Sulami Shayban was quite different When al-Ghaydaq was denied his share in his father's heritage, 'Abd al-Muttalib, by his brothers and was not able to secure the aid of his half-brother, 'Auf b. 'Abd 'Auf of the Zuhra, he applied for help to Shayban of Sulaym, who had married Umm Hakim, the daughter of al-Zubayr b. 'Abd al-Muttalib, Al-Ghaydaq's half-brother helped to conclude the alliance. By means of this alliance al-Ghaydaq succeeded in compelling his brothers to grant him his lawful share of the heritage.129 The friendly relations obtaining between the sons of Shayban and the family of 'Abd al-Muttalib seem to have continued: Arwa. the daughter of Rabi'a b. al-Harith b. 'Abd al-Muttalib married 'Abood b. Shayban.130She bore him two daughters (in the period of Islam); one of these daughters married Muhammad b. 'Ali b. Abi TaIib and bore him a son, Ibrahim. Arwa's mother was Umm al-Hakam (not Umm Hakim as in Munammaq) the daughter of al-Zubayr b. 'Abd al-Muttalih'" In some cases an alliance was concluded with two persons; such was the case of Mirdas al-Sulami, who concluded the alliance with both Harb b. Umayya and Abu l-'As b. Umayya; it later broke down.132 In others the effects of the alliance came to fruition after many years: 'Abd al-Rahman b. Sayhan was the ally of the 'Abd Manaf. Mu'awiya ordered his governor in Medina, Marwan, to refrain from punishing 'Abd al-Rahman b. Sayhan for drinking an intoxicating beverage made of raisins (or dates).133 In some cases alliances were merely fictitious. Such was the case of a Persian slave who was set free in Mecca and established his abode there. He was a successful carpenter, sired pretty daughters and 129 See Ibn Habib, ai-MU/UJlfI1T/.Oi/, p. 289; on al-Ghaydaq n 11-12;al-BaIadhuri, Ansah, I, 71, 90. 130 See Ibn Habib, aJ-MU/UJlfI1T/.Oi/, p. 289, ult, l31 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS, Br. Mus. fol116b, inf. see Mus'ab, Nasab, p.l8, 132 Ibn I:Iabib, aJ-MU/UJlfI1T/.Oi/, p. 330. 133 Al-Baladhuri, Ansah, ed. M. Schloessinger, Jerusalem 1971, IVA, pp. 81, 112-114; Ibn I:Iabib, aJ-MU/UJlfI1T/.Oi/, p. 305. On strangers and allies in Mecca 141 gifted sons, and joined Harb b. Umayya as ally.134Ibn Habib rightly remarks that it was in fact not an alliance at all: (wa-qad dakhala ti ahlati qurayshin man laysa lahum bi-haiitin minhum al-hadarima ->.135 That the economic factor had played a decisive role in acceptance of the new ally by Ibn Umayya emerges quite clearly from the outline of al-Hadrami's career: wa-nazala makkata wa-kathura maluhu wa-walada nisdan hisanan wa-rijalan ta-aniabahum, [a-tazawwaja baniihu haythu ahabbii; wa-hum yadddiina hilta harbi bni umayyata, wa-laysa lahum hiliun min ahadin min qurayshini" Al-Hadrami married Umm Talha, the daughter' of Umm Hakim bint 'Abd al-Muttalib, Their son, 'Amr b. al-Hadrami, was killed on the Day of Nakhla,"? Ibn Habib records many cases of alliances which were in fact never formally concluded, but subsequently acquired outward recognition when the daughters of Meccan noblemen married newcomers, who were usually of inferior status. An apparent case of this kind is that of the Byzantine slave Salama b. al-Azraq, His son, Salama "entered" into an alliance with the 'Abd Shams, marrying Amina, the sister of 'Uthman b. 'Affan..138 The clan of 'Amr b. Umayya al-Damri was considered an ally of the Banii Umayya because 'Amr b. Umayya" married Sukhayla bint 'Ubayda b. al-Harith b. 'Abd al-Muttalih'v' Ibn Habib's opinions about fictitious alliances of this kind are instructive: ... [a-dakhalii [i bani 'abdi l-dari bi-l-sihri, wa-laysa lahum hilt _141 sami'tu man yuhaqqiqu hiltahum wa-sami'tu man ... 134 135 136 137 138 l;Iabib, al-Munammaq, pp.320-322 Habib, al-Munammaq; p. 319 ult, Habib, ol-Munammaq, p. 321; and see ibid, p. 322, 15. Mus'ab, Nasob, p. 18, 1113-17; al-Baladhuri, Ansah, L 88, 297. Habib, al-Munammaq, p. 302, 11.6-7; but according to Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 101, II. 8-9 she married a man from Madhhij 139 See on him J ESHO, vol. XXIV, 251, notes 40-41; and see ibid, pp. 262-263 and notes 84-85. 140 Ibn l;Iabib, al-Munammaq, p. 302 141 Ibn l;Iabib, oi-Munammaq; p. 306, I. 8. Ibn Ibn Ibn See Ibn 142 yuwahhinuhu wa-yaqidu: innama dakhaJit bi-arhamihim wa-asharihim [i=bani zuhrar'? In some cases Ibn Habib admits that he does not know the reason for the affiliation of an adopted ally to his clan: ._wa-huwa ya'ia b. umayya; wa-ia dritu sOOOOa dukhidihim fi bani 'abdi l-darit" The allies who attached themselves to the Meccan clans took part in the political events and war activities of Mecca.. This is stated in the report about the fourth war of the Fijir; ''Nobody of the Tamim attended it except (the clans, or groups of Tamim - K) because of the alliance with Quraysh: the clan of Zurara, the clan of Abii Ihab and the clan of Abii Yalta b. Munya".144 III The alliances of Quraysh with great tribal divisions differed in many respects from the alliances of individuals or of small groups with individuals and clans in Mecca. The strangers and small groups accepted into the body politic of Mecca became usually tied by marriage to the Meccan clans, and integrated themselves into Meccan society. They preserved their nisba; which kept the memory of their tribal origin, but were loyal to Meccan interests and Meccan policy. Great tribal divisions could endanger the balance of power between the various tribal units in Mecca and even bring about a situation in which one or more of these foreign elements would, on conclusion of the alliance, secure for themselves predominant positions. These considerations emerge with clarity from the story of the alliance planned between a division of the Aus of Medina with Quraysh. The Aus proposed alliance with Quraysh; Quraysh consented and the alliance between them was signed. It was, however, cancelled when Walid b. al-Mughira (from Makhziim - K) convinced the Meccans that such an alliance may endanger the existence of the 142 Ibn l:fabTh, al-MUfU.lTI1lrI£Uj, p. '!JJ7. 143 Ibn l:fabib, al-MUfU.lTI1lrI£Uj, p. 306. 144 Ibn Habib, al-MUfU.lTI1lrI£Uj, p. 199. On strangers and allies in Mecca 143 Qurashi community in Mecca. Certain expressions in the story may reflect the considerations and reasons for the cancellation of the document: the Aus went out from Yathrib as a jaliya; a group of emigrants (i,e, a group which did not leave their abode of their own free will - K) and alighted in Mecca in the dwellings of Quraysh tnazalat 'ala qurayshr; it was with this group that the Meccans signed the alliance. Al-Walid b. al-Mughira's warning to Quraysh reads as follows: "Never did a people alight in the abode of another people, without depriving them of their honor and inheriting their abodes" (ma nazala qaumun qattu 'ala qaumin ilia akhadhii sharaiahum wa-warithii di yarahum), As a pretext for the cancellation of the document al-Walid proposed to explain to the Aus that the Meccans tend to behave in a licentious manner with women; this may be detrimental for the Aus (sci I. if they decide to live in Mecca - K). The Aus were impressed by the argument and cancelled the alliance.v" The other account of the event (that of Abu 'Ubayda) is similar in outline but contains additional details. These merely record the names of clans who had left Yathrib and came to Mecca: 'Abd al-Ashhal, Zafar, Mu'awiya and people from Riiti~146they went out clandestinely under the pretext of an 'umra. They came to Mecca, alighted in the city, concluded the alliance and stayed there for some days. Then Abu Jahl returned from a journey and was reported about the alliance which had been concluded. It was he who warned the Meccans of the danger that they might be overpowered by the Aus. He proposed to use the aforementioned pretext, which, in the event, proved convincing, and the Aus annulled the document. In the words of Abu 'Ubayda: " .. wa-qad raddadna ilaykum IJilfakum".147 Within the leading group in Mecca there was, however, a tendency to extend their socio-economic activity so as to include within it Medina and al- Ta'if, An important report about the relations 145 Ibn l:Iabib. al-Munammaq, p. 326. 146 Riitij is a locality in Medina (ie, in Yathrib); see Yiiqiit, Mu'jam al-buJdan, s.v. Riitij. 147 Ibn l:Iabib. ol-Munammaq, pp. 327-330. 144 between Mecca and al- Ta'if is recorded by Ibn Habib; When Quraysh increased in number (sci I. in the period of the Jahiliyya - K) they coveted the valley of Wajj ( ... anna qurayshan hina kathurat raghibat Ii wajiin); they suggested to Thaqif (the inhabitants of al- Ta'if) that they should share the haram of Mecca and Wajj on equal terms. Thaqif refused, arguing that Wajj had been built by their ancestors (thus claiming exclusive right of control over the land and the city - K), whilst the haram of Mecca was established by Abraham (and was thus a place open to all - K). Quraysh then threatened to deny Thaqif access to Mecca. Thaqif, fearing war with Quraysh and their allies from Khuzi'a and Bakr b. 'Abd Maruit, were compelled to concede, and entered into alliance with Quraysh. They even persuaded the Daus to sign a treaty of alliance with Quraysh on the same terms'" The stipulation of al-sharika Ii l-dar made by Quraysh was made into an alliance agreed upon by all the parties interested. Thaqif were granted entrance into the Qurashi controlled Hums and intermarried with Quraysh. Quraysh were able to purchase land property in Wajj.149 The two cases of alliances of Mecca with large and cohesive divisions seem to exemplify the socio-economic views held by Quraysh concerning this type of alliance. IV In Mecca itself the tribal factions struggled among themselves for influence and power. Sometimes conflicts led to bloody encounters. Tradition reports such a clash between the Banu Jumah and the Banii Muharib b. Fihr. The date of the event (or even the period) is not given; the report says that the number of Jurnahis killed and heaped on the battlefield was so great that the place was called radm bani juma/:l.150 Conflicts between the various factions brought about 148 Ibn Habib, al-Munammaq, pp. 280-281 149 Comp. JSAI I (1979) 8-10. 150 Al-Bakri, Mu'jarn rna sta'jam, p. 649 (sv, al-radm); ol-basim; MS. fo1183b. Mughultay, al-Zahr On strangers and allies in Mecca 145 alliances of the different groups. The division of the Meccan society into the mutayyabisn and ahla] is quite well known, and so is the story of the hilt al-tu4itl.151 Another tribal grouping, including the Zuhra and the Ghayatil, 152 was called the "alliance of righteousness" (hilt al-salah). The Qurashi tribes gave their consent to it, but did not join the alliance. The Muslims acted according to its tenets in the period of Islam."? 'Ubaydullah b. 'Adiyy b. al-Khiyar of the Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf sat on a council imailis) at which the noble and the people of knowledge would meet. Mu'awiya inquired what happened at this council, which was called "majlis al-qilada', "the council of the necklace'T" Quarrels between families and clans brought about the establishment of temporary or relatively stable tribal alliances in which the weak sought the help of the strong. Such cases are seen in the reports about the Banii Zuhra. Umayya b. 'Abd Shams, says one report, was attacked and beaten because he used to pass by a Zuhri house and peep at the women. The Banii 'Abd Manaf became enraged at the deed of the Zuhra and demanded that they leave Mecca. The Zuhra started to prepare for departure; they were, however, urged to stay with one of their relatives of Sahm. He came with a band of fighting men in order to defend the Zuhra. The Banu 'Abd Manaf recoiled from a confrontation with the Sahmi group and consented to leave the Zuhra in their dwellings.P? Of a similar kind was the alliance between the Sahm and the Banii 'Adiyy, The 'Adiyy clashed with the 'Abd Shams b. 'Abd Manaf. In the fights between them the 'Abd Shams usually had the upper hand. Both parties suffered losses; but when 'Adiyy realized 151 See e.g. E P, s.v. Muhammad nur (E. Tyan), nnr al-Fuc;liil (Ch. Pellat); M. Watt, at Mecca, index, s.v. Mutayyabiin, Al:Iliif,al-Fudiil: and see 152 153 154 155 al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Jamhara; MS. Bodleiana, Marsh 384, foll74b; al-Sinjirl, Manij'il) al-karam bi-akhbari makka wa-l-haram; MS. Leiden, Or. 7018,fol 46a-b, 60b-61b, 148b-149b; al-Mu'iifii b. Zakariyii, al-J ails al-salih; MS. Topkapi Saray III Ahmet, no. 2321,fol170b; al-Baliidhuri, Ansab, MS. foll44a See about them Caske\, Die Gomnara;II, 274, s.v.Gayatil, AI-Zubayr b. Bakkiir, Jamhara; MS. foll06b inf. Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, op. cit; p.42 Ibn Habib, al-MUlIlJ1rIfTUU/, pp.40-42 146 that they were no match for their foes, they decided to conclude an alliance with the Sahm. The 'Adiyy (almost all of them) sold their houses (which were between the Safa and the Ka'ba - K) and moved to the dwellings of Sahm, where they were assigned plots of land (for their houses - K). Al-Khattab (the father of 'Umar) praised the Sahm and thanked them.!" The contest between the Sahm and the 'Abd Shams is referred to in the commentaries of the Qur'an; (Sura ClI, al-Takiuhur): "Gross rivalry diverts you, even till you visit the tombs,"? Traditions report about the help extended to some members of the 'Adiyy in critical situations: al-Khattab, the father of 'Umar, detained a number of women of the Banii Ka'b, who were riding donkeys in the market of Mecca, in order to secure repayment of a debt owed to him by a man of the Ka'b. A group of the 'Abd Maruif hurried to the court of al-Khattab in order to free the women. AI-'As b. Wa'il (the father of 'Amr b. al-'A~) came with haste, chased away the 'Abd Manaf, chided al-Khattab and ordered the women's release. 158 It was al-As b. Wa'il who defended 'Umar, when he was attacked by a group of unbelievers of Quraysh enraged by his public announcement of his conversion to Is1am.159 Some reports talk of bloody clashes between the Banii Khalid b. 'Abd Manaf of the Taym b. Murra and the Banii l-Sabbiiq of the Banii 'Abd al-Dar; it is said to have been the first act of violence and outrage (baghy) in Mecca. They fought each other so violently that they virtually annihilated each other, and only a few of them remained alive. Some of the Banii Sabbiiq left Mecca and joined the 'Akk.160 In another report about the clashes between Khalid b. 'Abd Manaf (called 156 Al-Azraqi, op. cit. pp. 472-473; al-Fakihi, op. cit. MS. fol, 460a-b. 157 AI-Wiibidi, Asbiib al-nuzid, p. 305; Muqiitil, Taf sir, MS. II, fol. 249a; al-Qurtubi, Taisir, 169; al-Fiikihi, op. cit. MS. fol, 507a, IL 7-10. xx. 158 Al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Jamhara; MS. Bodleiana, foL 18Th. 159 AI-Zubayr, b. Bakkiir, Jamhara; MS. fo1.l87a; Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 409, L 4; Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, op. cit. p. 87. 160 Al-Zubayr, b. Bakkar, Jamhara; MS. foL 89b. On strangers and allies in Mecca 147 al-Mashrafiyy) and the Banii l-Sabbaq, al-Zubayr records the verses of Khalid's mother, al-Subay'a, and of 'Abdallah b. Jud'iin..161 Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah al-Zubayri gives a concise assessment of the role of Sahm in relation to other divisions of Quraysh: Qays b. 'Adiyy (of the Sahm) was the man who protected the Banii 'Adiyy b. Ka'b and the Zuhra b. Kilab against the 'Abd Maniif, and also protected the 'Adiyy b. Ka'b against the Jumah, Mus'ab remarks that the Banii Sahm grew in number in Mecca tkathurti) so that they almost equalled the 'Abd Maniif; however, at the time of the Prophet's advent, their numbers were substantially reduced by a plague. 162 A report recorded by al-Fakihi provides important information about a peculiar Sahmi fighting group - the Sahm were the most numerous and the most vigorous group of people in Mecca. They owned a rock at the mountain called Muslim..163 (This is the mountain overlooking the narrow pass of the Humran in Dhii Tuwii).164When they were about to undertake an important matter (idhii arQdu amran) their herald would cry out yo sabal)ilh, and they would reply: asbib layl. Then Quraysh would ask: "What's up with these inauspicious people?", for Quraysh considered them to be inauspicious. From among them was a group named banii ghaytalal'" distinguished by their intemperance (saraf) and violence (baghy).166 161 AI-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Jamhara; MS. fol. 126a-b; comp. Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 293; and see al-Mausili, Ghayat al-wasa'il, MS. fol. 57b (two reports about the violence in Mecca; the violence of the Aqayis mentioned); Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS. Br. Mus, fol 3Oa;and see al-Zubayrb. Bakkar, op. cit. fol89b. 162 Mus'ab, Nasab, pp.400 ull-401 163 The mountain Muslim is mentioned by al-Azraqi iop. cit. p. 501); but there is no mention of the Banii Sahm in this place. 164 See al-Bakri, Mu'jam rna stdjam, p. 896, s.v. Dhii Tuwan, 165 See above, note 152;and see Mus'ab, Nasob, p. 401, II. 6-7; and see al-Fakihi, op. cit. fol. 506b ull-507a sup; Ghaytala married 'Adiyy b. Sahm and bore him al-Harith and Hudhafa; they were numerous (kana [ihimu l-'adadu) and violent (baghy). 166 See al-Fakihl, Of). cit. MS. fol 506b-507a 148 It is noteworthy that when he decided to help the Zuhra, Qays b. 'Adiyy uttered the cry asbih. layl, ordering the Zuhra to stay and commanding his group to be alert and ready for battle,"? The violence of which Sahm was accused refers, probably, to a special section of Sahm staying in the close vicinity of Mecca. This fighting group was savagely violent and terrified the inhabitants of Mecca. which explains why the expression baghy is used in the sources. v A distinctive feature of Meccan society in the period of the Jahiliyya was the diversity of its inhabitants. Members of different tribes frequented Mecca in order to carry out the obligations pertaining to the pilgrimage and the ritual practices at the Ka'ba, Merchants with their wares flocked to the market in the neighbourhood of Mecca and were engaged in selling and buying transactions. Meccan caravans passed the tribal territories with safety due to the pacts concluded with the Arab tribes and the letters of security of the neighbouring countries-" For a very short period the believers debated whether they were allowed to conduct trade during the hajj; Sura II, 198: laysa 'alaykum iunahun an tabtaghii [adlan min rabbikum; "It is no sin for you that you seek the bounty of your Lord" was interpreted as 167 Ibn Babib, aI-MU/IllIrIInlUl,p. 41,L 3. 168 See U. Rubin, "The IIaf of Quraysh," Arabica XXXI, 165-188; and see: Mahmood Ibrahim, Social and Economic Conditions in Pre-Islamic Mecca, Jl MES, 14(1982),343-358;Harnza al-Isfah3ni, al-Durra aI-faJchira fi l-amthiJIi l-sliira, ed. 'Abd al-Majld Qatamish, Cairo 1972,II, 335,no. 557;'Abd al-Qadir al-Baghddl, Khiziinat al-adab, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Muhammad Hariin, Cairo 1397/1977, VI, 15-16; IV, 469-473; al-Qazwini, Athiir al-biliid wa-akhbar aI-'ibad, Beirut 1389/1969, p. 84 penult,-85 sup; al-Azraqi, op. cit, pp. 131-132; MJ. Kister, Studies in Jahiliyya and Early Islam, Variorum, London 1980, L 117-121 and Addenda. About the markets see al-Fasl, Tuhfat al-kiram [i akhbari l-baladi l-hariim; MS. Leiden, Or. 2654, fols. 18Oa-181a; nd see Abu a 'Ubayd, Gharib aI-h.atiith, Hyderabad, 1384/1964,IV, 102-103,s.v. habl, On strangers and allies in Mecca 149 allowing commercial activities during the pilgrimager" the markets then turned again into places of lively commercial activity. Sudden changes in the economy of Mecca during the period of the Jahiliyya, which brought about depression and loss of capital for the merchants led to the establishment of the i'tiiiu: (or ihiitad): the merchants in their hopeless situation would leave for the desert, where they pitched their tents and patiently expected their death. Professor Serjeant informs me that the custom of the i'tifad endured in Arhab until recent times. The reform introduced by Hashim according to which the poor of Mecca had to be attached to the rich in their commercial journeys and thus their share in the profits apparently brought about a favourable change in the social situation in Mecca'?" It is noteworthy that the Qur'an explicitly allowed the "nihd", a kind of collective sharing of common expenses of a group on a journey,'?' It is evident that the verse of Siira: ai-Nur, 61: " ... laysa 'alaykum iunahun an ta'kulu ;anu...• au ashtiuan _ " gave sanction to a an practice which was deeply rooted in the Jahiliyya period. Somewhat separated from the Meccan community lived the zan; ("the black"). 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr had a court (dar) in Qu'ayqi'an in which he placed the zanji slaves iraqiqu zan;in).172The mountain Thabir was called jabal al-zanj; the zan; of Mecca used to pick up firewood and "play" there/" In the place where we nowadays have the dar al-'abbas there used to be in "the old days" the market 169 See e.g. al-Wai)idi, Asbab, p.38: _ kana dlW l-majiu wa-'uka+maijara niisin fi l-jahiliyya, [a-lamma ja'a l-isliimu ka-annahum karihi: dhalika lJaua nazalat : laysa 'alaykum junii/;u.ul [i mawiisimi 1-/,uJjji_ 'an ibm 'abbiisin: _ kanu yauaqiina l-buyu'a wa-l-tiiiirata [i 1-/,uJjji.yaqiditna : ayyiimu dhikri lliihi. fa-anzala lliihu ta'iila:laysa 'olaykum junillJ- . 170 See al-Siilii)i, Subul al-huda wa-l-rashiid [i sirat khayri l-'ibiid (=al-Sira al-shamiyya), ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wai)id, Cairo 1392/1972. I, 317-318; al-Muttawwi'i, Man sahara zafira; MS. Cambridge Or. 1473(10),fol 22a; and see MJ. Kister, op. cit; L 122,Addendum 171 See al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, XIL 317-318; uqatil, Tajsir, MS, IL foL 4la M 172 Al-Azraqi, op. cis; p. 464. 173 Al-Fakihi, op. cit; MS. foL 497a; al-Azraqi, op. cii; p. 486. 150 where slaves were sold, says al-Fakihil?" In the dar al-'ulit;, which belonged to the Makhziim, dwelt the Abyssinians. Some reports say that 'Ati b. Abi Rabah was born in this courtl" One can get some idea of the social status enjoyed by the Abyssinians at this time and of the Muslim community's opinion concerning their morality from the hadith recorded by al-Fakihi. The Prophet was informed that the 'ulis] of the Banii Mughira (ie, the Abyssinians owned by the Banii Makhziim - K) refrained from coming to his court, because they were afraid that the Prophet would drive them away (an taruddahum). The Prophet then said "The Abyssinians are no good: if they are hungry they steal; if they are sated they drink. They do indeed have two good qualities: they feed (the needy -K) and they are brave in wat'.176The alleged haditb reflects indeed the views of some circles with an outspoken hostility towards the Abyssinians (and the Black - K) in the period of Islam, but it is possible to assume that some circles in Mecca entertained similar views about them during the Jahiliyya, Thus they seem to have been ostracized from the community. There was probably also a Christian enclave in Mecca, but no explicit information to this effect occurs in the sources. The existence of a Christian cemetery is, however, mentioned in Dhii Tuwa.177 In the Qurashi population of Mecca there were two divisions: the quraysh a/-+awahir and quraysb a/ birQ.J:z. According to a tradition the quraysh al-zawahir were driven out by their brethren the quraysb ai-bi{alJ, and lived outside Mecca." Small and weak groups of the Qurashi tribes tried to form alliances in order to ensure their own 174 175 176 177 178 Al-Fakihi,op. cit. MS. 448a, lL 5-6. AI-Fakihi, op. cit. MS. foL 458a.. AI-Fakihi,op. cit. MS. foL 458a; al-Suyiiti, aI-JlPru"aI-leahir, Cairo 1978, I, 90. AI-Azraqi, op. cit. p. 50; al-Fakihi, op. cit. MS. foL 506a, L 5 from bottom. Al-Baladhurl, Ansab, I, 51: thumma inna bani kdb b. lu'ayy lammii kathuru akhrajii bU(unan min qurayshin ila ?awahiri makkata, [a-summi: quraysha hawahir. On strangers and allies in Mecca lSI survivat'" The expelled Qurashi clans affiliated themselves to different tribes outside Mecca, but returned at the beginning of Islam and requested that they be reattached to Quraysh.180 An alliance of different Qurashi tribal groups set up against another Qurashi tribal unit is seen in the alliance of Naufal b. 'Abel Manaf with 'Abel Shams b. 'Abel Maruif against Hashim b. 'Abel Maruif and al-Muttalib b. 'Abd Manaf.181 Contests between the factions of Quraysh brought about a search for helpers and allies outside Mecca. Such a case was that of 'Abd al-Muttalib, Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf seized the land property iai-arkiih) owned by 'Abel al-Muttalib, As 'Abel al-Muttalib's people failed to help him, he summoned his relatives in Medina, the Banii Najjar, and they hastened to Mecca threatening the Banii Naufal The Banii Naufal perceived the danger and returned the land property.'v The relationship between 'Abel al-Muttalib and the Banii Najjar was not one of hilt. they, however, behaved faithfully towards each other as one would according to the stipulations of a hilt. The Khuza'a were deeply impressed by the action of the Khazraj and asked 'Abd al-Muttalib and his clan to conclude an alliance with them. He responded favourably, and the document was written down, signed and hung in the Ka'ba.183 When the Khuza'a appealed to the Prophet for help against the unbelievers in Mecca they based their pledge on this very alliance of 'Abel al-Muttalib with their ancestors, stressing that it was still valid184 179 See e.g. MJ. Kister, "Some reports concerning al-Ta'if," ISAl, I (1979) p.14 note 59 and p. 15 note 65. 180 See al-Baladhurl, Ansiib, I, 42-47 (Noteworthy are the expressions: p. 44: .., [a-lamma kimat khilafatu 'uthmana alhaqahum bi-quraysh _ ; p. 45: fa-lam yarjtu haua qama 'uthmanu tr) fa-ataului. fa-athbatahum [i quraysh; fa-kanu [i l-badiyati mda bani shayoona, wa-kitiibatuhum [i quraysh _ ); and see about sarna b. Lu'ayy MJ. Kister, "Some reports concerning al-Ta'if", ISAI, I (1979)15-16,note 66. 181 Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, op. cit. p.41 182 See e.g. al-Baladhurl, Ansiib, I, 69-70. 183 Al-Baladhuri, Ansiib, I, 70-72 184 See EP, Khuza'a (English edition V, 78 inf.), 152 The allegiance to an alliance manifested itself in loyalty to the people one was allied with and in affection for the symbols of the alliance. The banner of Quraysh, which was handed over by QU$aYY to 'Abd al-Dar, remained in their possession for generations. In the battle of Badr this banner was borne by the unbelievers of the 'Abd al-Dar, In the battle of Uhud the Prophet handed over to the commanders of the Muslim army three banners: one of the Aus, one of the Khazraj and one of the Muhajiriin.185The unbelievers went under three banners: one borne by Sufyan b. 'Uwayf; the other was the banner of the Ahabish, borne by one of them; the third was the banner inherited from Qusayy and borne by Talha ibn Abi Talba.186The description of the bearers of the banner of Qusayy, who followed each other to death, is one of the most moving descriptions of loyalty and allegiance. They held the banner with their right hand; when their right hand was cut off, they transferred it to the left; when this was cut off as well, they held it with their arms, When the last bearer of the banners, a maula; could only lift the banner with his arms (as his hands were cut off) he looked at the 'Abd al-Dar and asked them: "Did I do all I could do?~87 When the 'Abd al-Dar converted to Islam they asked for their banner to be given back to them The Prophet refused arguing: "Islam is broader than that" tal-islamu ausa' min dhalikd). The meaning appears to be: there is no room for the banner of a particular group. The banner belongs to the whole Muslim community. There were, of course, special banners adopted by specific groups and divisions; but they distinguished only units which competed among themselves in the battles fought for the cause of Islam This marked a new era in which tribal alliances were forbidden'" 185 Al-Wiiqidi, op. cit; p. 215. 186 Al-Wiiqidi, op. cit; p. 201 187 AI-Wiiqidi, op. cii; 226-227, al-Baladhuri, Ansab I, 54-55. According to the report of aI-BaIiidhuri the last who lifted the banner of the 'Abd al-Dar in this battle was a woman: 'Umra bint al-Harith b. 'Alqama of the 'Abd al-Dar, 188 Cf. aI-Suyiiti, al-Jiuru" al-kabir i, 905, L 4 from bottom; L GoIdziher, Muslim Studies, transL c.R Barber, s.M Stern, London 1967, I, 70, notes 2, 4. On strangers and allies in Mecca 153 It is noteworthy that on the day of Uhud Quraysh were still fighting under the banners of the M14ayyabUn and the Al}1at.I89 There were two separate cemeteries in Mecca (in the period of the Jahiliyya); one of the M14ayyabUn and one of the Ah/at.l90 Due to the marriages of the Meccans with the different tribes, Southern and Northern ones alike, there grew up a Mecean community in which the characteristic features of the various tribal groups survived. The memory of these ancestors remained vivid in the minds of the Meccans; the Prophet prided himself on the fact that "he was born" of twelve ancestresses named 'Atika. The sources record, in fact, twelve ancestresses with this name: two Qurashi, three Sulami, two 'Adwani, one Kinani, one Asadi, one Hudhali, one Qu<;la'i,and one Azdi."! The peculiar blend of Meccan society helped to establish friendly relations with the Arab tribes, who recognized the superiority of Mecca and its leading role. The institution of the halit contributed in large measure to this development The role of Mecca had already been transformed in the early period of Islam: its leadership becoming distinctly spiritual in character. Only some jurists claimed that the position of the Meccans was that of fuJaqa', "the freed" or "manumitted", pointing to the assumption that the population of Mecca was hostile to the Prophet and that Mecca had been conquered by force. 'Umar, according to one tradition, refrained from paying 'afa' to the Meccans and from levying fighting men for military expeditions from among them, on the grounds that the Meccans were fuJaqa'.l92 189 Zubayr b. Bakkir, Jamnara; MS. foL 86b. 190 AI-Fakihi, op. cit. fol. 480a: ... wa-klmat makkata wa-maqbaratu l-aNali bi-asiali maqbaraiu l-miuayyabina bi-dla makkata ., ; and see additional details about the alliances in Mecca: MJ. Kister, ''Some Reports Concerning Mecca",JESHO, XV (1972)81-84. 191 See e.g. L'A, S.v. 'a t k; and see Ibn Hablb, Ummahiu al-nabiyyi ,salla llahu 'aJayhi wa-QJihi wa-saJlam, ed. Husayn 'Ali Mabf~ Baghdad 1372 192 Al-Fakihi, op. cit. MS. foL 417a 154 Quraysh were however the people chosen by God, and in his utterances the Prophet enjoined love and respect them193 In the course of thecenturies, there evolved a large literature of fa4liil makkata and of fa4liil quraysh; extolling the city and its inhabitants, and predicting that on the Day of Resurrection the city and its inhabitants will be saved. The allies of Quraysh will be in their company, for, according to the tradition: 'The ally is a member of the people'?" 193 See e.g. al-Hasan b. 'Arata, Juz', Chester Beatty 4433, fol. 142b: ahibbu qurayshan [a-innahu man ahabbahum ahabbahu llahu _; and see this tradition: Niir al-Din al-Haythami, Majma' ai-zawa'id wo-manbd ai-fawa'id, Beirut 1967,X, 27 inf.; and see Niir al-Din ai-Haythami, op. cit. X, 27 sup; man ahana qurayshan ahimahu Iliihu (and see this tradition: 'Abd al-Razziiq, ai-Musannaf, ed. Habibu l-Rahrnan al-A'zami, Beirut 1392,XI, 58 no. 19905; and see this tradition: al-Fasawi, al-Mdrifa wa-l-ta'rikh, I, 401; and see Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, op. cit. X, 26: _ inna qurayshan ahlu amiuJatin fa-man baghahumu i-'awathira akabbahu lliihu ii-mankharayhi... (and see this tradition: Ibrahim Muhammad ai-l;Iusayni al-Dimashqi, ai-Bayan wo-l-tdrif [i asbilbi wurUdi i-hmiithi l-sharif, Beirut 1400/1980, II, 63, no. 639);and see e.g. al-Muniiwi, FaYQ al-qadlr, shari: aI-jam!' i-,faghir, Beirut 1391/1971, IV, 516, no. 6123: qurayshun wuiatu i-nasi [i l-khayri wa-l-sharri iia yaumi i-qiyiuna _ 194 See 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannai, XI, 56, no. 19897: (the Prophet ordered 'Umar to convoke Quraysh; among them were their nephews, their allies and their mawali) the Prophet said: ibn ukhtina minna wa-huiafa'una minna wa-mawaiina minna ...; and see al-Dariml; Sunan; Dar Ibya' al-sunna I-nabawiyya, n.d., n.p. II, 244, l 1:maula l-qaumi minhum, wa-halifu l-qaumi minhum wa-bnu ukhti l-qaumi minhum: 

"Shaʿbān Is My Month...". A Study of an Early Tradition

Studia orientalia memoriae D.H.Baneth dedicate. Jerusalem: The Magnes Press & Institute of Asian and African Studies (1979): 63-70

"Shaʿbān Is My Month...". A Study of an Early Tradition

Author:

M. J. Kister

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shaban.pdf "SHA'BAN A STUDY IS MY MONTH ... " TRADITION OF AN EARLY "Sha'ban is my month": this utterance attributed to the Prophet is widely current and usually coupled with his statement about the status of Rajab and Ramadan.1 A corroborative utterance, linking the month of Sha'ban with the person of the Prophet, evaluates the status of Sha'ban in relation to other months as follows: "The superiority of Sha'ban over other months is like my superiority over other prophets".2 Peculiar is the commentary of Sura 28:69: "Thy Lord creates whatsoever He will and He chooses ... ", stating that this verse refers to the month of Sha'ban: "God adorns everything by something and He embellished the months by the month of Sha'ban".3 In numerous utterances attributed to the 1 AI-Munawi, Fayd al-qadir, sharb al-jami' al-saghir, Cairo 1391/1972, IV, p. 162, no. 4889; al-'Azizi, al-Siraj al-munir, Cairo 1377/1957, II, p. 369; 'Abd ai-Qadir aIJilllni, al-Ghunya li-!alibi lariqi I-baqq 'azza wa-ja/la, Cairo 1322 A.H., I, p. 211; al-Suyiili, al-La'ali al-masnu'a, Cairo n.d., II, p. 114; al-MajIisi, BiMr ai-an war, Tehran 1388 A.H., XCVII, pp. 68-69, 71, 75-77, 181-183; al-Saffiiri, Nuzhat al· majalis, Beirut n.d., pp. 190, 195 ult.; Ibn Oayba', Tamyiz al-!ayyib min al-khabith, Cairo 1382/1963, p. 81 (and see ibid., p. 91, 1. 1); Ibn Babiiyah, Thawab al-a'mal, Tehran 1375 A.H., p. 60; Id., Amali, Najaf 1389/1970, p. 17; al-Zandawaysiti, Raudat al-'ulama', Ms. BM, Add. 7258, fol. 255b; and see Kister, lOS, 1 (1971), p. 198 note 50. 2 Al·Oaylami, Firdaus al-akhbdr, Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 109b, penult.; al-Zandawaysiti, op. cit., fol. 255b; cf. al-SuYiili, al-Durr al-manthur, Cairo 1314 A.H., III, p. 236: ... sha'banu shahri fa-man 'a •• ama shahra sha'bana fa-qad 'a •• ama amr; wa-man 'a •• ama amr; kuntu lahu farlan wa-dhukhran yauma I-qiyamati ... (the badith is marked as munkar); and see Abmad b, 1:Iijazi, Tubfat al-ikhwan fi fada'il rajab washa'bdn wa-ramadan, Cairo 1308 A.H., p. 41: ... kana rasulu /lahi ($) yaqi1lu idha dakhala sha'bdnu: !ahhiru anfusakum li-sha'bana wa-absinu niyyatakum fihi, fa-inna lIaha 'azza wa-ja/la faddala sha'bdna 'ala sa'iri l-shuhi1ri ka·fadli 'alaykurn ... ; and see lOS, I, p. 199, note 55. 3 AI-Zandawaysiti, op. cit., fol. 255b: qala fi tafsiri hddhih; l-ayati: wa·rabbuka yakhlllqu rna yasha'u wa-yakhtaru rna kana lahurnu l-khiyaratu, inna lIaha ta'ala zayyana ku/la shay'in (on marjin: bi-shay'in) wa-zayyana l-shuhi1ra bi-sha'bdna;fa·kama zayyalla bihi l-shuhi1ra ka-dhalika yatazayyanu l-'abdu bi-l-ta'ati fihi li·l-ghufrani .•• Prophet, he is said to have recommended the devotional practice of fasting, prayer, vigil and supplication during this month, especially on the eve ofthe 15th ofSha'biin (= the night of the 15th of Sha'ban) , Practices of the night of the 15th of Sha'ban, closely resembling those of laylat al-qadr, were scrutinized by A.J. Wensinck, who regarded these two nights as determining a New Year's period of six weeks to two months. This was challenged by K. Wagtendonk, who considered the 15th of'Sha'ban to be "a starting day of a voluntary fast, which arose out of the ascetic tendency of extending the fast of Ramadan". 4 A survey of the traditions on the virtues of the month of Sha'ban may clarify some of the controversies in reports of practices performed during this month, explain diverse tenets of certain circles of Muslim scholars and aid in gaining insight into the ideas of the virtuousness of Sha'biin. I The traditions on the Prophet's fast during the month of Sha'ban are controversial. It is not clear whether the Prophet would fast throughout the entire month of Sha'ban, or whether he would fast only part of the month. The reports on this subject are often vague; some say merely that he used to fast during this month (... kiina yasionu sha'biina); others, ambiguous in style and cast, assert that he would fast most of the month, or the entire month (... kiina yasiimuhu kullahu ilIii qaltlan, hal kiina yasiimuhu kullahu ... ). Still others, unequivocal but contradictory, relate that he fasted the entire month of Sha'ban or, on the contrary, that he never completed an entire month's fasting except in Ramadan (... kiina yasianu sha'biina kullahu ... confronted by: ... wa-lii $iima shahran kiimilan qauu ghayra ramadiina ... ).5 4 EI2 Sha'biin (A.J. Wensinck); A.J. Wensinck, Arabic New Year and the Feast of Tabernacles, VKAW, Afd. Let., N.R. XXV, 2, Amsterdam 1925; K. Wagtendonk, Fasting in the Koran, Leiden 1968, pp. 100-105; S.D. Goitein, Studies in Islamic History, Leiden 1968, pp. 90-110: Ramadan the Muslim Month of Fasting. 5 AI-Nasii'i, Sunan, Beirut n.d. (reprint) IV, pp. 151-153, 199-201 (and see e.g. other versions ibid., in lama shahran maliiman siwa ramaddna batta mar/a li-wajhihi ... ; wa-lam yasum shahran tdmman mundhu atd l-madinata ilia an yakiina ramaddnu etc.); al-Tahawl, Sharh ma'ani I·athar (ed. Muhammad Zuhri l-Najjar), Cairo 1388/1968, II, pp. 82-83; al-Tirmidhl, $abib, Cairo 1350/1931, III, p. 273; Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Mulannaf(ed. 'Abd al-Khaliq al-Afghanl), Hyderabad 1388/1968, III, p. 103 (and see ibid., another version: ... kana yasumu sha'bdna ilia qalilan); Abii Diiwiid, $abib sunan al-mustafti, Cairo 1348 A.H., I, p. 381 inf. -382 sup.; al-Saffurl, op. cit., p. 198; al-Qastallani, Irshdd al-sdri, Cairo 1323 A.H., III, pp. 401-403; 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf (ed. Hablb al-Rahman al-A'zaml), Beirut 1392 A.H., IV, 16 SHA'BAN IS MY MONTH Debate turned on the word kullahu in the tradition relating that the Prophet fasted the entire month of Sha'biin. Muslim scholars tended to limit the connotation of "wholeness" in the word, making it mean a major part. This was the explanation of 'Abdallah b. al-Mubarak (d. 181) as recorded by al-Tirmidhl.f The phrase that the Prophet fasted the entire month (kullahu) conveys in fact that he would fast for the major part of the month (akthara l-shahri), argues Ibn al-Mubarak, basing himself on the Arab manner of speech: when a man says that he spent the whole night in vigiI, he means in fact to say that the major part of the night was spent in vigil. This interpretation indeed clears away the contradiction inherent in the two traditions: the one that the Prophet would fast the entire month (kullahu), and the other that 'A'isha never saw him completing an entire month's fast (... istakmala siyiima shahrin ... ) save Ramadan." The contradiction can thus be removed on the basis of Ibn al-Mubarak's interpretation: the only complete month during which the Prophet would fast was Ramadan; he also fasted for the major part of Sha'ban, Al-Qastallani could rightly remark that the Prophet did not complete an entire month's fasting during Sha'ban, so as to dismiss any thought that the fast of Sha'ban was obligatory.f This interpretation of kull cannot, however, be applied to other traditions in which the Prophet's Sha'ban fast was coupled with that of Ramadan, and in which the account was preceded by a verb or noun denoting wholeness and referring to both months. Certain haduhs relate pp. 292-293, nos. 7858-7861; Ibn Hajar, Fatb at-bart, Cairo 1301 A.H., IV, pp. 186188; Ibn Rajab, Latd'if al-ma'tirif, Cairo 1343 A.H., pp, 127-142; Nur al-Dln alHaythaml, Majma' al-zawd'id, Beirut 1967, III, p. 192; al-Mundhiri, al-Targhlb wa-ltarhib (ed. Muhammad Muhyl ai-Din 'Abd al-Hamid), Cairo 1379/1960, II, pp, 241243, nos. 1481-1486; al-Hakirn, al-Mustadrak, Hyderabad 1342 A.H., I, p. 434; alMuttaqi l-Hindl, Kanz I-'ummtil, Hyderabad 1380/1960, VIII, p. 409, no. 2969; alZurqant, Sharb al-mawdhib al-laduniyya, Cairo 1328 A.H., VIII, pp. 124--126; alBayhaql, al-Sunan al-kubrd, Hyderabad 1352 A.H., II, p. 210; al-Shaukanl, Nayl al-autar, Cairo 1372/1953, IV, pp. 274--277; al-Zurqanl, Sharh muwatta'i mdlik, Cairo 1381/1961, pp. 451-460; aI-Khatib al-Baghdadl, Ta'rikh, Cairo 1349/1931, IV, p. 437; Ibn Wahb, Juz', Ms. Chester Beatty 3497, fol, 37a, inf, (... wa-kdna #ytimuhu fl sha'btin); Ahmad b.l:lijazi, op. cit., p. 42; al-Ghazall, Mukdshafat al-quliib, Cairo n.d., p. 249; Mahmud Muhammad Khattab al-Subkl, al-Manhal al-radhb al-mauriid, sharh' sunan abi dawUd (ed, Amin Mahmud Khattab), Cairo 1394 A.H., X, p. 55. 6 AI-Tirmidhi, op. cit., III, p. 273. 7 'Abd al-Razziiq, op, cit., IV, p. 293, no. 7861; al-Qastallanl, op. cit., III, pp. 401-403; al-'Ayni, 'Umdat al-qart, Cairo 1348 A.H., XI, pp. 82-85; Ibn l:Iajar, Fatb, IV, p, 187. 8 Al-Qastallanl, op. cit., III, p. 401 (... /i'allti yuzanna wujubuhu), 17 that the Prophet did not fast an entire month (shahran komi!an) except Sha'ban, which he concatenated with (the fast of) Ramadanj? other badtths, on the authority of 'A'isha, say: "I did not see the Prophet fasting two consecutive months except Sha'ban and Ramadan't.tv As it was out of the question that the Prophet would fast for only the major part of Ramadan, the interpretation of kull or komi! as "a greater part" (scil. of the month) had to be abandoned. Scholars accepted the explanation of kull as "entire", but found another way to reconcile the contradictory traditions: the Prophet would sometimes fast the entire month of Sha'ban, and sometimes only a part of it. Another explanation tending to soften the contradiction was that the Prophet would fast during different periods of the month of Sha'ban, sometimes at the beginning, sometimes in the middle and sometimes at the end.U It is evident that scholars sought to draw a clear line between the obligatory fast of the entire month of Ramadan and the voluntary fast of Sha'ban, adjusting the controversial traditions to the orthodox view, which approved of fasting for only a part of Sha'ban. Certain reports give the reasons for the Prophet's fast during Sha'biin. The Prophet, says one tradition, would fast during Sha'ban to replace the days of voluntary fast which he had missed over the course of the year. 12 Another tradition held that, as a person's fate is decided in Sha'ban, the Prophet said he would prefer the decision of his fate to be made while he was fasting.t! Slightly different is the utterance of the Prophet in which he defined Sha'ban as a month straddled by the two significant months of Rajab and Ramadan, and remarked that people were heedless of the virtues of this month. It is in Sha'biin that the deeds of men are brought before the Presence of God, and the Prophet said he would prefer his 9 Abu Dawud, op. cit., I, p. 368; al-Dariml, Sunan (ed. 'Abdallah Hashim Yamant), Medina 1386/1966, I, p. 350: ... Umm Salama: md ra'aytu rasiila lldhi (~) sama shahran tdmman illd sha'bdna, fa-innahu kdna yasiluhu bi-ramaddna li-yakiind shahrayni mutatdbi'oyni wa-ktina ya siimu min al-shahri battd naqill ... ; Murtada l-Zabldl, ItM! alsddati l-muttaqin bi-sharhi asrdri ibyd'i 'ulumi l-dtn, Cairo 1311 A.H., IV, p. 257, II. 1-2; ai-Muttaqi I-Hindi, op. cit., VIII, p. 410, no. 2972; Mahmud Khattab al-Subkl, ibid. 10 Al-Tirmidhi, op. cit., III, p. 272; Ibn Majah, SUI/an al-mustafd, Cairo 1349 A.H., I, pp. 505-506: ... kdna yasiimu sha'bdna kullahu battd yasilahu bi-ramaddna. II Al-'Ayni, op. cit., XI, p. 83; al-Qastallanl, op. cit., III, pp. 401-402. 12 Ibn Rajab, op, cit., p. 141; al-Zurqanl, Sharh. al-mawdhib, VIII, p. 125; 13 Al-Khatlb al-Baghdadl, op. cit., IV, p. 437; Ibn Abl Hatim, 'Ilal al-hadtth, Cairo 1343 A.H., I, p. 250, no. 737 (the badith is marked as munkar); Ibn Rajab, op. cit., p. 140; al-Zurqanl, Sharh al-mawdhib, VIII, p. 126; al-Suyiitl, Sharh al-sudar bi-sharh Mli l-mautd wa-l-qubiir, Cairo n.d., p. 22. 18 SHA'BAN IS MY MONTI! deeds to be brought before God while he was fasting.I+ The month of Sha'ban, says one story, complained before God that He had placed it between the significant months of Rajab and Ramadan; God consoled Sha'ban, ordering the reading of the Qur'an during that month. Sha'ban was indeed called "The Month of the Qur'an Readers" (shahr al-qurrii'); during it pious scholars would redouble their efforts in reading the Qur'an.15 As is usual in the "literature of virtues" (al-far/.ii'il), the qualities and merits of deeds, places, times and devotional practices are measured and assessed, and a scale of merit is established. In an utterance attributed to the Prophet, the voluntary fast of Sha'ban is unequivocally set over the fast of Rajab. When he heard of persons fasting in Rajab, the Prophet said: "How far are they from those who fast in the month of Sha'ban" (scil. in rewardjlw This, however, faced a reported statement of the Prophet that the most meritorious fast (apart from Ramadan) was that during Muharram. Scholars explained that the Prophet received knowledge of the superiority of the fast of Muharram only in the last period of his Iife; and though he expressed the preference, there was no time to put fasting in Muharram into practice, or he may have been held up by current affairs.!" The virtue of fasting during Sha'ban was closely linked with the 14 Al-Shaukanl, Nayl, IV, p. 276; ai-Muttaqi I-Hindi, op. cit., VIII, p. 410, no. 2973; al-Mukhallis, Majdlis, Ms. Zilhiriyya, majmu'a 60, fol. 108a; Ibn Qayyim alJauziyya, ['Iiim al-muwaqqi'in (ed. Tahil 'Abd al-Ra'uf Sa'd), Beirut 1973, IV, p. 297; Ibn Rajab, op. cit., pp. 127 inf., 136 ult. - 137 sup.; al-Zurqani, Sharh al-mawdhib, VIII, p. 126 sup.; al-Ghazall, Mukdshafa, p. 249; al-Zandawaysiti, op. cit., fol. 255b; Abu Nu'aym, Hilyat al-auliyd", Beirut 1387/1967 (reprint), IX, p. 18; Mahrnud Khattab al-Subkl, ibid. 15 Ibn Rajab, op. cit., pp. 141 inf. - 142 sup.; cf. al-Zandawaysiti, op. cit., fol. 256a {... 'an anas b. miilik (r) annahu qiila: kiina a shabu rasilli lldhl ($) idhii nazarii ilii hi/iili sha'biina nkabbii 'alii l-masdhifi yaqra'Iinahd wa-akhraja l-mttslimiina zakiita amwtillhlm /i- yataqawwd bihd 1-da'Ifu wa-l-miskinu 'alii siytimi rama ddna wa-da'd l-wuldtu ahla l-sujiini fa-man kdna 'alayhi haddun aqdmii 'alayhi, wa-illd khallau sabtlahu wa-ntalaqa I-tujjiiru (above the line: al-sujjdn) fa-qadau md 'alayhim wa-qtadau md lahum. 16 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., IV, p. 292, no. 7858; al-Shaukanl, Nayl, IV, p. 277; al-Zurqanl, SharI; muwatta' maltk, II, p. 458; Id., Sharh al-mawdhib, VIII, p. 126; Ibn Abi Shayba, op. cit., III, p. 102; Ibn Babuyah, Thawiib, p. 59; al-Majlisl, op. cit., XCVII, p. 77; and see [OS, I, p. 206, note 96. 17 Al-Qastallanl, op. cit., III, p. 402; Al-f.Aynl, op. cit., XI, p. 84; al-Zurqanl, SharI; al-muwatta', II, p. 458; Ibn Hajar, Fath, IV, p. 187 inf.; cf; Ibn Rajab, op. cit., p. 29; al-Shaukani, Nayl, IV, 271 sup.; Nur al-Dln al-Haytharnl, op. cit., III, pp, 190-191; al-Tirmidhl, op. cit., III, pp. 276-277; Ibn Abi Shayba, op. cit., III, p. 103. 19 veneration of Ramadan: to fast in Sha'ban was held to be a means of honouring Ramadan.tf All the traditions but one,19 stress the superiority of Ramadan - the month of obligatory fast - over the other months. Consequently a clear line had to be drawn between Ramadan and the virtuous months of voluntary fast, and a distinction made between Sha'ban and Ramadan. The Prophet indeed is said to have prohibited fasting on the day or two days preceding Ramadan, In other traditions this concept was defined slightly differently: the Prophet is said to have forbidden fasting to be carried over uninterruptedly from Sha'ban to Ramadan; accordingly, a pause in fasting (fasl) between these two months was to be observed.w Some sources record an utterance of the Prophet in which the period forbidden for fasting, between Sha'ban and Ramadan was extended considerably: fasting in Sha'ban was to be suspended from the 15th of the month until the 1st of Ramadan.st The interdiction against fasting on the days immediately preceding Ramadan was, however, affected by the dispensation (ruklz$a) for those who were continuing a fast begun earlier in Sha'ban.22 18 Al-Shaukant, Nayl, IV, p, 275 inf.: ... su'ila rasillu lldhi (~) ayyu l-saumi afdalu ba'da ramaddna; fa-qdla: sha'btinu Ii-tazimi ramaddna; al-Daylarnl, op, cit., Ms. Chester Beatty 4139, fol. 93b; al-Zurqiini, Sharh al-muwatta', II, p, 458; Ibn Abi Shayba, op, cit., III, p, 103; al-Jilanl, op, cit., I, p. 210; al-Munawl, op. cit., II, p, 42, no. 1277; ai-Muttaqi l-Hindl, op. cit., VIII, p. 348, no. 2535; al-Mukhallis, Majdlis, Ms. Zahiriyya, majmii'a 60, fol. 110b; Ibn Biibiiyah, Thawdb, p. 59; al-Majlisl, op, cit., XCVII, p, 77; al-Tahawl, Sharb ma'tini, 11,83 inf.; cf. al-Daylaml, op. cit., Ms. Chester Beatty 4139, fol. 130a: alldhumma bdrik lana fi rajab wa-sha'bdn wa-ballighnd ramat!tin •.. 19 Al-Jllanl, op. cit., I, p, 211: ... wa-khttira min al-shuhiiri arba'atan: rajaba wa-sha'bdna wa-ramaddna wa-l-muharrama, wa-khtdra minhti sha'btina wa-ja'alahu shahra l-nabiyyi (s): fa-kama anna l-nabiyya (~) afdalu l-anbiyd"! ka-dhtilika shahruhu afdalu l-shuhiai, 20 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., IV, pp. 158-160; Ibn Abi Shayba, op. cit., III, pp. 21-22; Niir al-Dln al-Haytharnl, op. cit., III, p. 148; al-Bayhaql, al-Sunan, IV, pp. 207-208; al-Muttaql l-Hindl, op. cit., VIII, p. 310, nos. 2140-2141, 2144; cf. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Badd'i' al-fawii'id, Beirut n.d. (reprint), III, p. 96. 21 Ibn Abi Shayba, op. cit., III, p. 21; 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., IV, p. 161, no. 7325; al-Sakhawl, al-Maqd sid al-hasana (ed. 'Abdallah Muhammad al-Siddlql), Cairo 1375/1956, p. 35, no. 55; al-Dariml, op, cit., I, p. 350; al-Murtada I·Zabidi, op, cit., IV, p. 256; al-Suyutl, Jam' al-jawdmi', Cairo 1391/1971, I, p. 430, nos. 489-490,445 no. 540, 745-746, nos. 1517-1519,760, no. 1566; al-Munawl, op. cit., I, p. 304, no. 494; al-Tirmidhi, op. cit., III, p. 274; Abii Dawud, op. cit., I, p. 368; al-Saffurl, op. cit., p. 198; al-Shaukiini, Nayl, IV, pp. 290-292; al-Bayhaql, al-Sunan, IV, p. 209; Mahmud Khattab al-Subkl, op, cit., X, p. 56. 22 Al-Daraqutnl, Sunan (ed. 'Abdallah Hashim Yamanl), Medina 1386/1966, II, p. 191, no. 57; Ibn Abi Shayba, op. cit., III, p. 23; al-Dariml, op. cit., I, p. 336; Abii 20 SHA'BAN IS MY MONTH The traditions explicitly recommending fasting in the final days of Sha'ban were controversial.U The Prophet is said to have made the folIowing utterance: "He who fasts on the Iast Monday of Sha'ban, God will forgive him for his sins".24 Another tradition of the Prophet promises those who fast on the first and last Thursdays of'Sha'ban entrance into Paradise.25 God will protect from hellfire the body of a believer who fasts even a single day of Sha'ban and he will be granted the company of Yusuf in Paradise and given the reward of Dawiid and Ayyub, If he completes the entire month in fasting, God will ease the pangs of his death, remove the darkness of his grave and hide his shame on the Day of Resurrection.26 Especially stressed were the virtues of devotional observance of the first night of Sha'ban. "He who performs on the first night of Sha'ban 12 prostrations (rak'a), reading during the first of them thefiitil;1a and repeating five times qui huwa ahad, God will grant him the reward of 12,000 martyrs and he will be absolved of his sins, as on the day his mother bore him, and no sin will be reckoned against him for eighty days",27 says a tradition attributed to the Prophet. The month of Sha'ban was considered by the Prophet as protection from the fires of Hell; he enjoined those who sought to meet him in Paradise to fast at least three days in Sha'ban.28 Diiwiid, op. cit., I, p. 368; al-Shaukanl, Nayl, IV, pp. 290-292; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IV, p. 210; ai-MuttaqI I-HindI, op. cit., VIII, p. 310, nos. 2142-2143; Ibn Miijah, op. cit., I, p. 506; al-Tahawl, Sharh ma'iini, II, p. 84; Ahmad b. Hanbal, Musnad (ed. Ahmad Muhammad Shakir), Cairo 1373/1953, XII, p. 188, no. 7199, XIV, 192, no. 7766; Mahmud Khattab al-Subkl, op. cit., X, p. 54. 23 See al-Bahyaqi, Sunan, IV, pp. 210-211; al-Shaukani, op, cit., IV, p. 291; al-ZamakhsharI, al-Fa'iq (ed, 'All Muhammad a~ijiiwI, Muhammad Abii I-FaQI Ibrahim), Cairo 1971, II, p. 171. And see Ibn Rajab, op, cit., pp. 149 inf. - 150 (... wa-kharraja abt; dawud fi biibi taqaddumi ramaddna min hadithi mu'iiwiyata annahu qiila: innt mutaqaddimun al-shahra fa-man shii'a fa-l-yataqaddam: fa-su'ila 'an dhiilika fa-qdla: sami'tu l-nabiyya (~) yaqiilu: ~uma l-shahra wa-slrrahu ..• fa-yakiinu l-mana: ~amu awwala l-shahri wa-dkhirahu, fa-Ii-dhdlika amara mu'iiwiyatu bi- #yiimi iikhirJ l-shahri ... ); Mahmud Khattab al-Subkl, op. cit., X, pp. 45-49; see Lisiin al-t Arab, s.v. srr. 24 Al-Daylaml, op. cit., Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 143a; al-Jllanl, op. cit., I, p. 210 (AI-JIIiinI adds the reservation that this utterance does not apply when this Monday coincides with the last days of Sha'biin during which fasting is forbidden). 25 AHlaffiirI, op. cit., p. 195. 26 Ibid., p. 196. 27 Ibid., p. 195; cf. al-Nazill, Khazinat al-asrdr al-kubrd, Cairo 1349 A.H. (reprint), p. 43 inf. 28 Al-Saffur], op. cit., p. 195. 21 Shi'i tradition does not differ from Sunni in content; it is, however, richer in jarj{J'il - Iore and its stories are of course marked by specific Shi'i features. A lengthy report on a victory of a Muslim expedition against unbelievers during Sha'ban contains an account of a miracle wrought for the Ieaders of the expedition - Zayd b. Haritha, 'Abdallah b. Rawaha and Qays b. 'A~im al-Minqari - on account of their pious deeds at the beginning of Sha'biin. The Prophet, who welcomed the victorious expedition on its return, expounded to the people the virtues of pious deeds on the first day of Sha'biin: aIms-giving, reading the Qur'an, visiting the sick, reconciling husbands and wives, parents and children, praying and fasting and performing other deeds of piety and devotion. Such deeds would afford a hold on a branch of the Paradise-tree of Tubii, to appear on the first day of Sha'biin. Those who perpetrate evil deeds on that day will grasp the branches of the Hell-tree of Zaqiim, which will emerge from Hell. On the first day of Sha'ban God dispatches His angels to guide the people and summon them to perform good deeds, while Iblis sends his accomplices to Iead them astray. The faithful are to be alert and to revere the month of Sha'biin in order to gain happiness.29 Detailed lists of rewards for fasting each day of this month, compiled after the pattern of the lists of rewards for fasting in Rajab, record the graces and rewards to be granted to the pious who exert themselves in the Sha'biin fast.3o Even serious crimes will be forgiven those who fast during Sha'ban.U The two months of fasting prescribed in cases of incidental killing (Sura 4:92) were interpreted as synonymous with the two consecutive months of Sha'ban and RamaQiin.32 The idea of intercession Iinked with the rewards of fasting during this month is remarkable. According to tradition, the Prophet will intercede on the Day of Resurrection for him who fasts even one day of Sha'biin.33 The month itself is called "The Month of Intercession", for the Prophet is to intercede for those who utter the prayer of blessing for the Prophet during this month.w ~9 Al-Majlisl, op. cit., XCVII, pp. 55-65 (from the Tafsir of the Imam aI·'AskarI). 30 AI-Majlisi, op. cit., XCVII, p. 65 ult. - 70; Ibn Biibiiyah, Thawdb, pp. 60-61; Id., Amdlt, pp. 20-22. 31 Al-Majlisl, op. cit., XCVII, p. 74. 32 AI·'Ayyiishi, Tafsir (ed, Hashim al-Rasiili l-Mahallatl), Qumm 1380 A.H., I, p. 266, nos. 232, 235; Ibn Biibiiyah, Thawdb, pp. 57-58. 33 AI·Majlisi, op. cit., XCVII, p. 81, no. 49; Ibn Biibiiyah, Amalt, pp. 17,486. 34 AI-Majlisi, op. cit., XCVII, p. 78: ... wa-summiya shahru sha'btina shahra /. shafii'atl li-anna rasiilakum yashfa'u likulli man yusalli+alayhi flhi. 22 SHA'BAN IS MY MONnI Like Sunnl scholars, Shi'i scholars were concerned with the permissibility of uninterrupted fasting over the two consecutive months of Sha'ban and Ramadan, And as in Sunni sources, the traditions in the Shi'i sources are contradictory or divergent. According to one Shi'i report, the Prophet would fast over the two months without pause (fa$l) between them; however he forbade believers to do this.35 A means of breaking the fast, thus discontinuing a fast of two consecutive months, was provided by advice given by the Imam, to desist from fasting for a single day after the 15th of Sha'ban, and then to continue fasting uninterruptedly.se Some Shi'i traditions recommended fasting the Iast three days of Sha'ban, continuing uninterruptedly into the fast of Ramadan.s? others report that the Prophet would fast three days at the beginning of Sha'ban, three days mid-month, and three days at the end.38 Later Shi'i scholars quoted early traditions concerning Sha'ban, traced back to the Shi'i Imams, in an attempt to reconcile the controversial reports and to establish fixed patterns for the observances and devotions of this month.w Both Shi'i and Sunni traditions are imbued with sincere reverence for Sha'ban and its devotional observances and recommend almost without exceptions? fasting during the month and performance of pious deeds. The only controversy was over the period of fasting during the month and the pause separating the voluntary fast of Sha'ban from the obIigatory month of fasting of Ramadan. II The eve ofthe 15th of Sha'ban is the holiest time of the month and it is recommended to spend the night in vigil prayer and supplication, and the 35 Ibn Biibiiyah, Thawdb, p. 58; al-Majlisl, op. cit., XCVII, p. 76 (from Ibn Biibiiyah). 36 AI-MajIisi, op. cit., XCVII, p. 72, no. 13: ... mii taqiilu fl ~aumi shahri sha'biina? qiila: sumhu, qultu: fa-l-faslul qiila: yaumun ba'da l-ni sfi, thumma stl. 37 AI-MajIisi, op. cit., XCVII, p. 72, no. 16; p. 80, no. 47. 38 Ibn Biibiiyah, 'Uyiin akhbdr al-Ri dii, Najaf 1390/1970, II, p. 70, no. 330; alMajlisi, op. cit., XCVII, p. 73, no. 18. 39 See e.g. al-Bahranl, al-Hadd'iq al-nddira fT ahkdm al-'itra l-tdhira (ed. Muhammad Taqiyy al-Ayrawiini), Najaf 1384 A.H., XIII, pp. 382-386. 40 But see al-Bahranl, op. cit., XIII, p. 383 (quoted from Kulini's al-Wasii'il): ... annahu su'ila ['alayhi I-saliim] 'anhu fa-qdla: md ~iimahu [i.e. Sha'biin - K] rasiilu lliihi (~) wa-lii ahadun min iibii'! ... ; and see the interpretation given by al-Kulinl, ibid.; and see the contradictory traditions, al-Majlisl, op, cit., XCVII, p. 76, nos. 32-33; p. 82, no. 51. 23 morrow in fasting."! At sunset, says a tradition, God would descend to the Iowest heaven, grant His forgiveness to those seeking it, food to those begging for it and health to the sick, and would respond to those imploring His aid for other needs until the break of day.42 A version (recorded in the early compilation of 'Abd al-Razzaq) holds that on the night of mid-Sha'ban God would look upon His servants and grant forgiveness to all people on earth save unbelievers and those bearing a grudge against others. Other versions include drunkards, wizards, prostitutes and sinners of other varieties in the Iist of those denied forgiveness.O The prayers and supplications on the night of mid-Sha'ban are connected with the idea that this is the night when the life and death of all creatures in the world are decided. Some commentators on the Qur'an took verses 2-4 of Sural al-Dukhiin (44): "We have sent it down in a blessed night. . . therein every wise bidding determined as a bidding from Us ... " to refer to the night of the l Sth of Sha'biin. They consequently interpreted the pronominal suffix in anzalniihu, "We have sent it down", as relating to "the bidding", "the order", "the decree". This 41 But see the hadith, reported on the authority of Abii Hurayra, forbidding fasting on the 15th of Sha'ban, al-Suyutl, Jam' al-jawtimi', I, p. 760, no. 1566. 42 Ibn Majah, op. cit., I, p. 421; Ibn Khuzayma, Kittib al-tauhtd (ed. Muhammad Khalil Harras), Cairo 1387/1968, p. 136; al-Suyutl, Jam' al-jawdmi", I, p. 761, no. 1568 (cf. ibid., no. 1567); Id., al-Durr al-manthiir, VI, p. 26 inf.; Ahmad b. Hijazl, op. cit., p. 51; Ibn Rajab, op. cit., pp. 143, 145; al-Zurqani, Sharb al-mawdhib, VII, pp. 412-413; aI-Jamal, al-Futiihdt al-ildhiyya, Cairo n.d., IV, p. 100; al-Fakihl, Ta'rikh Makka, Ms. Leiden Or. 463, fol. 418b; al-Khazin, Tafsir, Cairo 1381 A.H., VI, p. 120; al-Baghawi, Tafsir, VI, p. 119 (on margin of al-Khazin's Tafsir); al-Mundhiri, op. cit., II, p. 244, no. 1491; ai-Muttaqi I-Hindi, op. cit., XVII, p. 143, no. 467; al-Majlisi, op, cit., XCVIII, p, 415; al-Turtushi, al-Hawddith wa-l-bida' (ed. Muhammad al-Talbi), Tunis 1959, p. 118; al-Sha'rani, Lawtiqih al-anwdr al-qudsiyya, Cairo 1381/1961, p. 185; cf. al-Malati, al-Tanblh wa-l-radd 'alii ahli l-ahwti'i wa-l-bida' (ed, Muhammad Zahid al-Kauthari), n.p. 1388/1968, p. 113; Abii Shama, al-Bd'ith 'alii inkdri l-bido'i wa-l-hawddith (ed. Muhammad Fu'ad Minqara), Cairo 1374/1955, p. 26. 43 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., IV, p. 316, ult. no. 7923; Ibn Majah, op. cit., I, p. 422; cf, al-Suyutl, Jam' al-jawiimi', I, p. 761, no. 1659; al-Mundhiri, op. cit., V, p. 123, no. 4007 (and see nos. 4009-4010); Ibn Rajab, op. cit., p. 143 (and see p. 144: the list of sinners, and p. 146: the explanation of the grave sins); Ahmad b. I:Iijazi, op, cit., p. 50; cf. al-Munawl, op. cit., II, p. 316, no. 1942; IV, p. 459, no. 5963; al-Zurqani, Shar/:z al-mawdhib, VII, p. 410 ult. - 411 sup.; Ibn Hajar, al-Kdfi l-shiif fi takhriji a/:ziidithi l-kashshdf, Cairo 1354 A.H., p. 148, nos. 380-381; al-Sha'ranl, op. cit., p. 185; alNaysaburi, Gharii'ib al-Qur'iin (ed. Ibrahim 'Atwa 'AwaQ), Cairo 1393/1973, XXV, p. 65; al-Razl, Tafsir, Cairo 1357/1938, XXVII, p. 238; ai-Muttaqi I-Hindi, op. cit., XVII, p. 143, no. 467; XIII, pp. 269-270, nos. 1481-1482, 1485, 1489, 1491. 24 SHA'BAN IS MY MONTH interpretation was vehemently rejected by commentators asserting that the verses refer to the "laylat al-qadr" and the pronominal suffix to the Qur'an, sent down in Ramadan+t But the widespread popular belief was indeed that the night of the 15th of Sha'ban was the night of decrees concerning Iife and death. Those destined to die would plant trees, set out on pilgrimage, beget children, not knowing that they were to die in the course of the year.s> On this night God would order the Angel of Death to seize the souls of those upon whose death during the following year He had decided.w As the Angel of Death is thus occupied in receiving the decrees of death from God, no one dies between sunset and nightfall of this eve.s? This night is indeed called laylat al-hayiit, laylat al-qisma wa-l-taqdir, laylat al-rahma, 44 See Ahmad b. Hijazf, op. cit., p. 47 inf. - 48; cf. al-Zurqani, Sharh al-mawdhib, VII, p. 414; al-Qurtubi, Tafslr, Cairo 1387/1967, XVI, pp. 126-127; Hasan alMadabighi, Risdla fImd yata'allaqu bi-Iaylati l-nisfi min sha'bdn, Ms. Hebrew University, AP Ar. 80 439, fol. 9b-lOa; al-Luddl, Faydu l-hanndn fi fadli laylati l-nisfi min sha'bdn, Ms. Hebrew University, AP Ar. 80479, fol. 4a: .. .fa-l-hii' fi anzalnd damiru l-amri, ay innd anzalnd amran min 'Indind fl hddhihi l-laylati, qadayndhu wa-qaddarndhu min al-djdli wa-l-arztiqi ... And see contradictory explanations Ibn al-'Arabi, Ahktim al-Qur'dn (ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawi), Cairo 1388/1968, p. 1678: ... fi laylatin mubdrakatin ... ya'ni anna lldha anzala l-qur'tina bi-I-Iayli ... wa-jumhiiru l-t ulamd"i 'alii annahd laylatu l-qadri, wa-minhum man qtila innahd laylatu l-nisfi min sha'bdna, wa-huwa btitilun ... ; Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, Beirut 1385/1966, VI, p. 245; al-Turtushi, op. cit., pp. 118-121; cf. al-Razl, op. cit., XXVII, p. 238. 45 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., IV, p. 317, nos. 7925-7926; cf. al-Tabarl, Tafsir (Bulaq), XXV, p. 65; al-Muttaql l-Hindi, op. cit., XVII, p. 143, no. 468; al-Madabighi, op. cit., fol. 15a-b. 46 Al-Munawl, op, cit., IV, p. 459, no. 5964; Ibn Rajab, op. cit., p. 148, ll. 1-2: al-Suyutl, al-Durr al-manthilr, VI, p. 26; ai-Muttaqi I-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, p, 269, no. 1483. The story of the tree in Paradise (see G.E. von Grunebaum, Muhammadan Festivals, New York 1951, pp. 53-54, quoted from Lane's Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians) is recorded by al-Luddl, op. cit., fol. 5b: The tree at the side of the Throne (al-'arsh), resembling a pomegranate-tree, has as many leaves as there are human beings in the world. On each leaf is written the name of a person. The Angel of Death watches the leaves; when a leaf yellows he perceives that the date of the death of the person is imminent and he dispatches his helpers; when the leaf falls the Angel of Death catches his soul. According to a version of this tradition, when the leaf falls on its back, it denotes a positive decree for the person (I}usn al-khiitima); if it falls on its underside, it denotes an unfortunate decree. Al-Suytitl records the tradition on this tree on the authority of Muhammad b. Juhada in al-Durr al-manthiir, III, p. 15 (commenting on Sura 6:60) and in his compilation Sharh al-sudar, p. 22. 47 Ahmad b. Hijazl, op. cit., p. 48 inf.; al-Luddl, op. cit., fol. 5b inf. - 6a sup.; al-Madabighl, op. cit., fol. 17a. 25 laylat al-ijdba, laylat al-takftr.s» In reference to the forgiving of sins, the current popular name of this night is laylat al-sukiik or laylat al-barii'a, "the night of acquittance".49 It is the "feast of the angels" ('id almala'ika)50 and the "night of intercession" (Iaylat al-shafii' ay; on the 13th of Sha'ban the Prophet pleaded for intercession for a third of his people and this was granted; on the 14th he was granted intercession for a second third and on the 15th of Sha'ban he was granted intercession for his entire people.t! An exceptional night, indeed, distinguished by peculiar virtues. 52 A Iengthy report, recorded on the authority of 'A'isha, gives us details of the origin of the devotions of this night. 'A'isha missed the Prophet in her bedchamber that night and sought him eagerly; she found him prostrated in supplication, praying a most moving prayer. The Prophet explained to 'A'isha the importance of this night, conveying to her the good tidings that God would grant His forgiveness to a countless multitude of believers, as many as the hairs of the flocks of the tribe of Kalb. 53 48 See ai-Jamal, op. cit., IV, p. 100; Ahmad b. l:Iijiizi, op. cit., pp. 48-49; alGhaziili, Mukdshafa, pp. 249-250; al-Luddi, op. cit., fol. 5b-6a. 49 For the expression barii'a as "acquittance", "discharge of sins", see the story about the letter sent by God and found on the breast of'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz during his burial: Ps. Ibn Qutayba, al-Imdma wa-l-siytisa (ed. Tiihii Muharnmad al-Zayni), Cairo 1378/1967, II, p. 102: bi-smi lldhi l-rahmdni l-rabtm, kitabun bi-l-qalami I-jalil, min alldhi 1-'azizi 1-'alim, bard' atun Ii-'umara bni 'abdi 1-'aziz min al-' adhdb i l-alim, And see al-Madiibighi, op. cit., fol. 17b: " .fa-fi laylati l-bard'ati mithlu dhdlika yu'!a l-wdhidu barii'atan, fa-yuqtilu aufayta l-haqqa wa-qumta bi-shara'iti l-'ubudiyyati fa. khudh bard'atan min al-ndri; wa-yuqdlu li-wdhidin istakhfafta bi-haqqi wa-Iam taqum bi-shard'iti l-t ubildiyyatlcfa-khudh barii'ataka min al-jindni. 50 AI-Jiliini, op. cit., I, p. 216; al-Luddi, op, cit., fol. 6a; Ahmad b.l:Iijiizi, op. cit., p. 48 inf.; al-Ghazall, Mukiishafa, p. 249; al-Madiibighi, op, cit., fol. 17a-b. 51 AI-Jamal, op. cit., IV, pp. 100; Ahmad b. Hijazl, op. cit., p. 49; al-Ghaziili, Mukdshafa, p, 250; al-Naysiibiiri, op. cit., XXV, p. 65; al-Riizi, op. cit., xxvn, p. 238. 52 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., IV, p. 317, no. 7927; Ibn 'Asakir, Tahdhib ta'rlkh (ed. 'Abd al-Qadir Badriin), Damascus 1330 A.H., I, p. 47; III, p. 296; Ibn Rajab, op. cit., p. 144 inf.; al-Suyuti, al-Durr al-manthiir, VI, p. 26; al-Zandawaysiti, op. cit., fol. 259a; aI-Jiliini, op. cit., I, p. 215; Ahmad b. Hijazl, op. cit., pp. 48, 51; Ibn Hajar, al-Kdfl l-shdf, p. 148, no. 382; al-Wassabt, al-Baraka fi fadli l-sayt wa-l-haraka, Cairo n.d., p. 78; al-Madabighi, op. cit., fol. 17a. 53 See Ibn Majah, op. cit., I, pp. 421-422; al-Mundhiri, op. cit., II, p. 243, nos. 1488, 1490; V, p. 124, no. 4008, 126, no. 4012; al-Suyuti, al-Durr al-manthiir, VI, pp. 26-27; al-Jllanl, op. cit., I, pp. 213-215; Ibn Rajab, op. cit., p. 143; Ahmad b. l:Iijiizi, op. cit., p. 49; al-Zurqanl, Sharh al-mawdhib, VII, pp. 410-411; al-Majlisi, op. cit., XCVII, pp. 88-89 (no. 16); XCVIII, pp. 416-419 (and see XCVII, p. 86, no. 8): al- 26 SHA'BAN IS MY MONUI Special prayers and supplications were recommended and precious rewards promised to those who would exert themselves in devotion and prayer during this night. Among the numerous rewards were forgiveness of sins and entry into Paradise. Orthodox scholars sharply criticized these hadtths, often branding them as weak or forged.sShi'i sources outdo the Sunni in propagating the virtues of the night of the 15th of Sha'ban; they emphasize that the Imams were singled out by the blessings of this night. God granted the Prophet laylat al-qadr, while He granted the Imams (ahl al-bayt) the night of the 15th of Sha'ban, according to a report transmitted on the authority of al-Baqir.55 A tradition attributed to the Prophet says that the position of 'Ali within the family of the Prophet (iilu muhammadint is like that of the best of the days and nights of Sha'ban, i.e. the night of the 15th of Sha'ban.56 Noteworthy is the tradition recommending a visit to the grave of Husayn on this night; forgiveness of sins will be the assured reward.s? Orthodox Muslim scholars emphasized the superiority of laylat al-qadr over the night of the 15th of Sha'ban, laylat al-barii'a. Although some scholars opined that there is no fixed date for laylat al-qadr and that it Dhahabl, Mtzan al-i'tiddl (ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawi), Cairo 1382/1963, IV, p. 262, no. 9081; al-Zandawaysitl, op. cit., fol. 259b-260b; al-Razl, op. cit., XXVII, p. 238; al-Madabighl, op. cit., fols. 18a-20b; al-Muttaql I-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, p. 270, nos. 1486-1488, 1491. 54 Al-Suyutr, al-Durr al-manthiir, VI, p. 27 inf. - 28 sup.; Abil Talib al-Makkl, Qut al-qullib, Cairo 1351/1932, I, p. 93; al-Muttaql l-Hindl, op. cit., XVII, p. 144, no. 469; Ahmad b. I:Iijazi, op. cit., p. 52 inf. - 53; al-Jilanl, op. cit., I, p. 216; alShaukanl, al-Fawd'id al-majmira fi I-al;liidithi l-maudtra (ed. 'Abd al-Rahman alMu'allamt l-Yamanl), Cairo 1380/1960, pp. SO-51, no. 106; Id., Tuhfa: al-dhakirin bi·'uI#ati I-Min al-hastn min kaldmi sayyid al-mursalin (ed. Muhammad Zabara alHasanl al-San'anl), Cairo 1393/1973, pp. 182-183; al-Saffurl, op. cit., p. 197; aI-Jamal, op. cit., IV, p. 100; al-Majlisl, op. cit., XCVII, pp, 85-86 (nos. 5, 7), 87 (no. 13), 89 (no, 17); XCVIII, pp. 408-418; Ibn Babuyah, 'Uyun akhbiir al-Ridd, I, p. 228; Id., Amalt, p. 24; al-Tusl, Amdll, Najaf 1384/1964, I, p. 303; Ibn al-Jauzl, al·MaurJu'iit (ed. 'Abd al-Rahman Muhammad 'Uthman), Medina 1386/1966, II, pp. 127-130; al-Suyutl, al·La'dli al-masnii:a fi l-ahddithi l-maudaa, Cairo n.d., II, pp. 57-60; Ibn Hajar, alK4fi al-shdf, p. 148, no. 379; al-Wa$$abi, op. cit., pp. 76-78; Ma' al-'Aynayn, Na't al-bidiiyiit wa-taustf al-nihdydt, Fas(?) 1312 A.H" pp. 184-185; al-Nazill, op. cit., pp. 43-44; al-Razl, op. cit., XXVII, p. 238. 55 AI-Tilsi, Amiili, I, p. 303; al-Majlisi, op, cit., XCVII, p. 85, no. 5 (from the Am4/i). S6 AI-Majlisi, op. cit., XCVII, p. 87, no. 9 (from the Tafslr of' al-Imam al·'Askari). 57 AI-Majlisi, op. cit., XCVII, p. 85, no. 4, p. 87, nos. 10-11. 27 can occur on any night throughout the entire year,S8 the majority held that laylat al-qadr is a night of Ramadan, thus inherently excelling any night of the inferior month of Sha'bii.n. The early scholar and judge Ibn Abi Mulayka-? is reported to have sharply rebuked those scholars who held that the reward for observance of the night of the 15th of Sha'ban equals that of laylat al-qadrsv This report indicates that orthodox scholars were reconciled to the veneration of the night of the 15th of Sha'bii.n, and merely stressed the inferiority of this night (laylat al-barii' a) in comparison with laylat al-qadr. Legitimization of laylat al-barii' a was linked with the elaboration of the idea of its virtues and merits as compared with those of laylat al-qadr. Scholars stressed the difference between the two nights, as well as their relationship: the date of laylat al-barii'a was announced and fixed, but that of laylat al-qadr (referring to that during Ramadan - K) is not revealed, for laylat al-barii' a is the night of judgement and decree, while laylat al-qadr is the night of mercy. Were the date of laylat al-qadr divulged and precisely determined, people would abstain from every exertion and rely upon the mercy of GOd.61 A report, recorded on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas, defines the mutuaI, complementary functions of the two nights: God issues His decrees on laylat al-barii'a, but delivers them for execution on lay/at al-qadr/a In another, more detailed version, the copying from the Preserved Tablet commences on laylat al-barii'a and is completed on laylat al-qadr, when the list of sustenances is handed over to the angel Mikii.'il, the list of earthquakes, lightning and wars to Jibril, and the list of deeds (a'miil) to the angel Ismii.'ilwho is in charge oflower Heaven and is an angel of very high rank.63 58 See al-Tahawl, Sharh ma'iini, II, p. 92: ... anna bna mas'iidin qiila: man qdma l-sanata kullahd asdba laylata l-qadri ... (see the contradictory opinion of Ubayy b. Ka'b, ibid.); Ibn 'Asakir, op, cit., II, p. 324; al-'Amili, al-Kashkiil (ed. Tahir Ahmad al-Zawl), Cairo 1380/1961, I, p. 405: ... wa-minhum man qiila: hiyafi majmiri l-sanati, Iii yakhtassu bihd shahru ramaddna wa-ld ghayruhu; ruwiya dhiilika 'ani bni mas' iidin, qdla: man yaqumi l-haula yusibhd. 59 See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, V, p. 306, no. 523; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt, Beirut 1377/1957, V, p. 472; al-Fasl, al-t Iqd al-thamin (ed, Fu'ad Sayyid), Cairo 1385/ 1966, V, p. 204, no. 1570; al-Dhahabi, Tadhkirat al·buffii;, Hyderabad, I, p. 101; Waki', Akhbdr al-quddt (ed. 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Maraghl), Cairo 1366/1947, I, p. 261. 60 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., IV, p. 317, no. 7928; al-Turtushi, op. cit., p. 119. 61 Al-Jllani, op. cit., I, p. 216; al-Saffurl, op. cit., p. 198; cf. al-Zandawaysitl, op. cit., fo1. 273b. 62 AJ-Baghawi, Ta!sir, VI, p. 120, 1. 7; al-Jamal, op. cit, IV, p. 100, 11. 25-26; al-Majlisl, op. cit., XCVIII, p, 414. 63 Al-Jamal, op. cit.,IV,p. 100 inf.; Ahmad b.l:lijazi, op. cit., p. 48 sup.; al-Luddl, op. cit., fol 5b; al-Naysaburl, op, cit., XXV, p. 65; al-Madabighi, op. cit., fol, lOb. 28 SHA'BAN IS MY MONTI! The beginnings of the devotional observance of laylat al-barii'a seem to go back a long way. A legendary report of an expedition sent by Abu 'Ubayda, during his conquest of Syria, contains an interesting passage on laylat al-barii'a. The commander of the expedition, appointed by Abu 'Ubayda, was 'Abdallah b. Ja'far, son of the uncle of the Prophet, the famous martyr Ja'far al-Tayyar, Among the warriors of his troop was the pious Wathila b. al-Asqa'.64 When the troop was about to set out, 'Abdallah noticed the brightness of the moon. Wathila declared that it was the night of the 15th of Sha'ban, the blessed night of great virtue. On that night, he said, sustenances and decrees concerning life and death are set down, sins and wrong deeds are forgiven. Wathila stressed that, regardless of his desire to spend the night in vigil (wa-kuntu aradtu an aqiimahii, scil. in devotional observance - K), setting out to fight for God's sake was preferable. Consequently the troop indeed marched out.65 Some reports relate that certain tiibi'iin in Syria would perform the devotional practices of this night, mentioning specifically Maki}.ii166 Luqman b. 'Amir67 and Khalid b. Ma'dan.68 The well-known scholar Ishaq b. Rahawayhs? adopted their view and was favourable toward the observance of laylat al-bariia. 'Ata' b. Abi Rabai}.,7oIbn Abi Mulayka"! and the majority of the scholars of al-Hijaz opposed these practices; Maliki and Shafi'I scholars followed in their path, severely criticizing the obser64 See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, XI, p. 101, no. 174; Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., II p. 21, no. 120; Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba (ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawl), Cairo 1392/1972, VI, p. 591, no. 9093; Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, al-Istl'tib (ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawl), Cairo 1380/1960, p. 1563, no. 2738. 65 Ps. Waqidi, Futid: al-Shdm, Cairo 1348, I, p. 57. 66 See on him Sezgin, GAS, I, p. 404, no. 5; Safiyy al-Dln al-Khazrajl, Tadhhib tahdhib al-kamdl (ed, Mahmud 'Abd al-Wahhab Fayid), Cairo 1391/1971, III, p. 54, no. 7178. 67 See on him Ibn Hibban al-Bustl, Kitdb al-thiqdt (ed. 'Abd al-Khaliq al-Afghanl, Hyderabad 1388/1968, p. 229; Safiyy al-Dln al-Khazraji, op. cit., II, p. 372, no. 6005. 68 See on him Ibn Hibban al-Bustl, op. cit., p. 55; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, III, p. 118, no. 222; al-Bukharl, Ta'rtkh, III, no. 601; Safiyy al-Dln al-Khazrajl, op. cit., I, p. 284, no. 1802. 69 See on him al-Dhahabl, Tadhkirat al-huffd z, p. 433; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, I, p. 216, no. 408; Ibn Abl Hatim, al-Jarh wa-l-tadtl, Hyderabad 1371/1952, II, p. 209, no. 714; al-Dhahabi, Miziin al-i'tiddl, r, p. 182, no. 733; al-$afadi, al-Wdfi bi-l-wafaydt (ed. Muhammad Yusuf Najrn), Wiesbaden 1391/1971, VIII, p. 386, no. 3825 (and see the references of the editor); al-Subkl, Tabaqiit al-shdfi'tyya (ed. al-Hulw - al-Tanahl), Cairo 1383/1964, II, p. 83, no. 19. 70 See on him Sezgin, GAS, I, p. 31; al-Fasl, al-t Iqd al-thamtn, VI, pp. 84-93. 71 See on him above, note 59. 29 vances, branding them as bid'a. Amongst the Syrian scholars advocating the devotions there were certain differences of opinion concerning the forms of observance: some of them would wear fine garments, scent themselves with incense, anoint their eyes with collyrium and spend the night in the mosque praying and supplicating publicly. Others preferred solitary prayer and devotion in the privacy of their homes. Some persons, says the tradition, refrained from observing this night when they learned that the shcolars and pious men who advocated such veneration based their belief of Isrii'iliyyiit traditions.F There were some extremist opinions, which totally denied the basis of the traditions on the virtues of laylat al-barii'a and branded the reports as forged.P But generally orthodox circles merely reproved the manner of these devotions. A Iate report vividly describes them as practiced in the seventh century of the Hijra. Mosques were lavishly lit and the governor would come to the courtyard of the mosque; firebrands were kindled and the seated governor would act as judge. People would submit complaints against the unjust and wicked, and those convicted were punished on the spot. The adversaries shouting their arguments, the cries of the punished, the barking of the guards (janiidira) and the noise of the crowd turned the mosque into a poI ice-station (diiru shurta), as noted by Ibn aI-I.HiJJ,74The Iatter especially denounced processions to cemeteries, performed on this night by mixed crowds of men and women. Some women sang, some beat tambourines; a sort of cupola-shaped canopy (ka-l-qubba 'alii 'amiid), surrounded by lamps (qanadtt) was carried in the crowd and so the people arrived at the cemetery. Wooden posts were set up on the graves and hung with the clothes of the dead. Relatives sat down on the graves and talked to the dead about their troubles and sorrows, or complained at the graves of scholars and the righteous. Ibn al-Hajj stresses that some of these practices resemble those of the Christians, who would dress their statues and pray before their images.75 A rather Iate date for the introduction of the prayer of the night of the 72 Al-Zurqanl, Sharh al-mawdhib, VII, p. 413; Ibn Rajab, op. cit., p. 144; Ahmad b I;Iijazi, op. cit., p. 52; 'Ali Mahfuz, al-Ibda'li ma ddrr al-ibtidd', Cairo 1388/1968, p.295. 73 See e.g. Ibn 'Arabi, op. cit., IV, p. 1678: ... wa-Iaysa Ii laylati l-nisfi mill sha'bdna badtthun yu'awwalu 'alayhi, la Ii fat/liM wa-Id Ii naskhi I-ajali filla, fa-hi tal/a/ita ilayhd. And see note 44 above. 74 Ibn al-Haj], al-Madkhal, Beirut 1972, I, pp. 302-303. 75 Ibid., pp. 304-307. 30 SIlA'BAN IS MY MONTII 15th of Sha'ban in Jerusalem is recorded by al-Turtushi, According to his report, a man from Nabulus came to Jerusalem in 448 A.H. and performed this prayer in the mosque of al-Aqsa. From then onward the prayer became current and was held in al-Aqsa and in homes, coming to be considered a sunna.l» III The reports on the early origin of the observance of laylat al-barii'a seem to be trustworthy. The favourable attitude of the Syrian tiibi'fm (in the second half of the first century of the Hijra) towards these practices probably points to an earlier tradition, to be traced back to some of the Companions, such as Wathila b. al-Asqa"; indeed Makhul, who championed the observance of laylat al-barii'a, was a student of Wathila and transmitted hadtth on his authority.?? These practices were, as we have said, attributed to the Prophet himself. The observance of the night of the 15th of Sha'ban was not confined to Syria; so much can be deduced from the utterance of Ibn Abi Mulayka, quoted above. Ibn Abi Mulayka was a Qurashite appointed by 'Abdallah b. aI-Zubayr as judge in Ta'if and in Mecca. It is implausible that his utterance (in which he vigorously opposed the idea of granting laylat al-barii'a equal rank with laylat al-qadr) was directed solely against the people of Syria; more probably it was aimed at the people of Mecca and Ta'if, Furthermore, the transmitter of this report is Ayyiib (al-Sakhtiyani)78 who Iived in Basra and may have been interested in knowing the opinion of his teacher on a practice observed in his town, or country, al-Traq. It is to be remarked that the utterance ofIbn Abi Mulayka was directed against a qii$$;79it is well known that the qussiis were obliged to edify and encourage people to exert themselves in devotional practices such as laylat al-barii'a. Finally, a short passage in the biography ofIbn 76 Al-Turtushl, op, cit., p. 121; Abii Shama, op. cit., p. 24 (from al-Turtushi); 'Ali Mahfuz, op. cit., pp. 296-297 (from al-Turtushl); Jamal al-Dln al-Qasiml, l~laf;t al-masdjid min al-bida'i wa-l-iawd'id, Cairo 1341 A.H., p. 106 (from al-Turtusht). 77 Al-Dhahabi, Tadhkirat al·f;tuffli+, I, p. 108, no. 96. 78 See on him Sezgin, GAS, I, p. 87, no. 12. 79 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., IV, 317, no. 7928: ... 'an ma'mar, 'an ayyidr qdla; qila ti-bni abi mulaykata inna ziyddan al-minqariyya (probably: al-namariyya; see alSuyut], Tahdhlr al-khawdss (ed. Muhammad al-Sabbagh), n.p. 1392/1972, p. 179; al-Dhahabi, Miztin al-t'tiddl, II, p. 90, no. 2945), wa-kdna qdssan, yaqiilu inna ajra Iaylati l-ni sfi min sha'bdna mithlu ajri laylati I-qadri, fa-qala: lau sami'tuhu yaqiilu dhdlika, wa-fi yadi 'asan, la-darabtuhu bihli; Abii Sharna, op. cit., p. 25 sup. 31 Abi Mulayka, recorded by Ibn Sa'd, may serve to illuminate his disapproval of putting laylat al-barii' a on a par with laylat al-qadr: Ibn Abi Mulayka used to Iead the prayers of the people in Mecca during RamaQan.80 It is thus clear why he would stress the superiority of laylat al-qadr, celebrated during Ramadan, over the night of the 15th of Sha'ban. The charge that the celebration of the night of the 15th of Sha 'ban was based on Isrii'iliyyiit81 should be taken with reserve; it was not uncommon for scholars to discredit their opponents by ascribing bid'a ideas to them, or accusing them of adopting Isratliyyat traditions. In the same category was the accusation that the lavish lighting of mosques on the night of the 15th of'Sha'ban was an innovation of the Barmakids, who were thus actually advocating fire-worship.V The data stating that the majority of Hijazi scholars objected to the observance of the night of the 15th of Sha'ban seem to be inaccurate, at least as far as the third century of the Hijra is concerned. The account given by al-Fakihi is a detailed and vivid description of the devotional practices performed at Mecca on that night. The entire population of Mecca, says al-Fakihi, would go out to the mosque and spend the night reading the Qur'an, so as to finish the recitation of the entire Qur'an and perform the tawdf; some of them would perform a hundred rak'a, reciting Siirat al-Hamd (i.e. the Fatiha - K) and qui huwa lldhu ahadun (i.e. Siirat al-Ikhliis - K) at every prostration. They would drink the waters of Zamzam, wash (their faces - K) in it and take a supply of the water home to heal their ills through the blessings of this night (combined, of course, with those of the waters themselves - K).83 We have here, indeed, the first reliable information on the prayers of the night of the 15th of Sha'ban, as recorded in the sources.s+ and as performed in 80 Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., V, p. 473 sup. 81 Al-Zurqanl, Sharh al-mawtihib, VII, p. 413: ... wa-'anhum akhadha l-ndsu ta' zimahd, wa-yuqdlu innahum balaghahum fi dhdlika iithiirun isrd'Iliyyatun, fa-Iammd shtahara dhiilika "anhumu khtalafa l-ndsu fihic fa-minhum man qabilahu minhum, waminhum man abiihu .•• 82 Abii Shama, op. cit., p. 25 inf. 83 Al-Fakihl, op. cit., fol 418b: dhikru 'amali ah/i makkata laylata l-ni sfi min sha'biina wa-jtihiidihim fihii li-fadlihd. wa ahlu makkata fimii madd ila l-yaumi, idhii kdnat laylatu l-nisfi min sha'biina kharaja 'ammatu l-rijdli wa-l-nisd'i ua l-masjidi fasallau wa-tdfii wa-ahyau laylatahum /:Iattii 1-~abii/:li bi-l-qirti' ati fi l-masjidi l-hardmi batta yakhtimii I..qur'dna kullahu wa-yusallii, au man $allii minhum tilka l-Iaylata mi'ata rak'atin, yaqra'u fi kulli rak'atin bi-l-hamdi wa-qul huwa lldhu ahad 'ashra marrdtin, waakhadhii min mii'i zamzama tilka l-laylata fa-sharibiihu wa-ghtasalii bihi wa-khaba'lihu 'indahum li-l-mar dd yabtaghiina bi-dhiilika l-barakatafi hddhihi l-laylati. 84 See above note 54; and see Abii Shama, op. cit., pp. 27, 29. 32 SHA'BAN IS MY MONTIl the haram in the third century A.H. The prayer mentioned here is one of the prayers recommended for the night of the 15th of Sha'ban, recorded by Ibn aI-Jauzi and branded by him as forged. Needless to say, the tawiif and drinking of Zamzam water are features peculiar to certain devotional practices and feasts in Mecca. A tradition of the "reward promise" type, recorded by al-Fakihi, belongs to the Iore of current traditions on this subject and is reported by Ibn aI-Jauzi; He who recites a thousand times within a hundred rak'a: qui huwa lldhu ahad, on the night of the 15th of Sha'ban, will not die before God sends him a hundred angels: thirty to bring him good tidings that God is to introduce him into Paradise; thirty to shield him from God's chastisement; thirty to deter him from sin, and ten to aid him against his enemies.s' This indicates how widespread the traditions concerning the virtues of the night of the 15th of Sha'ban were in Mecca and Mecca scholars were considered orthodox and were said to be opposed to public observance of this night. The continuity of the observance of the night of the 15th of Sha'ban can be traced from the second half of the first century A.H. It is attested in. the second century in the traditions recorded by 'Abd al-Razzaq, The passage in al-Fakihi's Ta'rtkh Makka gives a description of the celebration in Mecca in the third century. AI-Zandawaysiti records the virtues of this night in the fourth century. Al-Turtiishi's account refers to the practices witnessed in the fifth century, and Ibn al-Hajj's description depicts the observance at the end of the seventh century. A rich polemical literature concerning this night was produced over the centuries, and numerous !af/a'il treatises were compiled. The night of the 15th of Sha'ban is revered even today, and modern compilations still attack the popular observance, branding it as bid'a and quoting, as usuaI, early sources. The continuity of custom and usage during these celebrations can be illustrated by example. At the end of the seventh century A.H. Ibn all;Iajj mentions the sittings of the governor in the courtyard of the mosque on the night of the 15th of Sha'ban, at which he would judge and punish the guilty. In the fourth century aI-Zandawaysiti includes among the Iaudable deeds of the various classes during Sha'ban the sessions of the rulers, who would summon the imprisoned, punish the guilty and free the innocent.w This practice seems to reflect the idea of God's judgment 85 Al-Fakihl, op. cit, fol. 418b; Ibn al-Jauzl, al-Mau dirdt, II, p. 128; al-Naysaburf op. cit., XXV, p. 65; al-Razl, op. cit., XXVII, p. 238. 86 See above note 15. 33 in this month or during this night. The custom of visiting cemeteries on this night (Shi'i sources promoted visits to the tomb of Husayn) may be related to the hadith' according to which 'A'isha found the Prophet praying in the cemetery of Baqi' al-Gharqad on this night; it was at this spot that he explained to her the virtues of the night of the 15th of Sha'ban, The observances and celebrations of the night of the 15th of Sha'ban seem to be rooted in Jahiliyya belief and rituaI, as rightly assumed by Wensinck.t? When the month of Ramadan became the month of the obligatory fast, however, the night of the 15th of Sha'ban apparently lost its primacy: laylat al-qadr was fixed by the majority of Muslim scholars within Ramadan (usually as the night of the 27th of Ramadans") and became one of the most venerated nights of the Muslim community. But esteem of the night of the 15th of Sha'ban survived and, lacking the support of official scholars, it became a favoured occasion for devotional practices in pious and ascetic circles, as well as a night of popular celebration (including practices disapproved of by zealous conservative scholars). Moderate orthodox scholars strove to reconcile the traditions of the two nights, granting Iegitimacy to the devotions of laylat al-barii'a but establishing the superiority of laylat al-qadr. Also conciliatory was the idea of a division of functions between the two nights: laylat al-bariia was considered as the night of decrees, laylat al-qadr as the night in which God's biddings (or His mercy) were carried out. All this is, of course, a later development; hence Wensinck's theory of two genuine New Year's nights seems to be untenable. Orthodox Muslim scholars, though disapproving of the public celebrations, agreed to private devotional observances on the night of the 15th of Sha'ban.s? On these conditions laylat al-bard'a could gain their approval and became a recommended night of devotional exertion. The fasting of the Prophet over the two consecutive months of Rajab and Sha'ban may be linked with the tahannuth, which he was wont to 87 See Wensinck, op. cit., p. 6 ("This belief is already recorded by Tabarl; it is probably pre-Islamic"). 88 See Wagtendonk, op. cit., pp. 106, 112, note 5. 89 See thefatwa of Abu 'Amr b. !;>aliib,as recorded by Abu Sharna, op. cit., p. 32, 1.5: ... wa-ammd laylatu l-nisfi min sha'biina fa-lahd fa dilatun wa-i/.!ya'lIhd bi-I-'ibddati mustahabbun, wa-ldkin 'ala l-infirtidi min ghayri jamd'atin; wa-ttikhiidhu l-ndsi laha wa-Iaylata l-raghii'ibi mausiman wa-shi' iiran bid'atun munkaratun. 34 SHA'BAN IS MY MONTH observe in the following month of Ramadan.w The tahannuth is said to have been initiated by the Prophet's grandfather, 'Abd al-Muttalib/" and was observed by some people of Quraysh.Ps This socio-religious observance combined the element of charitable deeds with a practice of veneration toward the haram of Mecca. It was observed on Mount Hira' and is sometimes referred to as i'tikaf or jiwdr in the story of the first revelation of the Prophet. Some reports say that the Prophet sojourned on Mount Hira' in solitude, but others explicitly state that he stayed there in the company of his wife Khadija.P! Some details on the jiwiir of the people of Mecca and its purpose are given by al-Azraqi: the Qurashites would leave Shi'b al-Sufiyy and sojourn on Jabal al-Raha "out of veneration of the haram". This practice was followed in summer.sThe place of the jiwiir of 'A'isha95 and its duration are indicated in a report recorded by al-Fakihi. 'A'isha sojourned for two months at a spot between Mount Hira' and Thabir. People would visit her there and converse with her. In the absence of 'Abdallah b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Abi Bakr the prayer was headed by her servant, Dhakwan.ss The two 90 See Goitein, op. cit., p. 93 sup.; Wagtendonk, op. cit., pp. 32-35. 91 See BSOAS, 31 (1968), pp. 232-233. 92 See al-Baliidhuri, Ansdb I, p. 105, no. 192: kdnat qurayshun idhii dakhala ramat!anu kharaja man yuridu l-tahannutha minhd ila hird'«. 93 See BSOAS 31 (1968), p. 225, note 15; p. 227, notes 26-27; and see al-Muttawi'I, Man sabara zafira, Ms. Cambridge, Or. 1473(10), fol. 43b: ... /:latta idhd kana l-shahru lladhi ardda lldhu fihi bihi md ardda min kardmatihi wa-rahmatihi I-'ibiida mill al-sanatl llati ba'athahu lldhu tabdraka wa-taald lihii, wa-dhdlika l-shahru ramaddnu, kharaja rasulu lliihi (i) Ua /:lirli'a kamli kana yakhruju Ii-jlwdrihi wa-maahu ahluhu khadijatu ... A significant version is recorded by al-Fiikihi, op. cit., fol. 499b, ult. - 500a, 11.1-2; the Prophet sojourned on Hira', Khadlja used to come to him from Mecca in the evening. The Prophet descended from the mountain and stayed with her in (the place in which later) the mosque of Shi'b Qunfudh twas erected. - K). In the morning they used to depart. (. .. anna I-nabiyya (i) kdna yakiinu fl birli'a bi-l-nahdri fa-idhd (the verb is missing; perhaps: atli, jd'a or another similar verb has to be supplied) l-laylu nazala mill Mra'a fa-atd I-masjida lladhi Ii l-shi'bi lIadhi khalfa ddri abt 'ubaydata yu'rafu bi-l-khalafiyytn wa-ta'tihi khadijatu (r) min makkata fa-yaltaqiytini Ii l-masjidi lladhi Ii l-shi'bi, fa-idhd qaruba 1-labii(l/I ftaraqd, au nahwahu). About the place, Shi'b iii Qunfudh, see al-Azraql, Akhbiir Makka (ed. F. Wtlstenfeld), p. 491 penult. - 492. 94 Al-Azraql, op. cit., p. 482 inf.: '" Ii-anna qurayshan kdnat Ii l-jdhiltyyatl takhruju min shi'bi l-sufiyyl fa-tabitu f'ihi (the suffix hi refers to al-rdha - K) Ii l-sayfi ta' ziman li-I-masjidi l-hardmi, thumma yakhrujiina fa-yajlisilna fa-yastarlhilna Ii I-jabali ... 95 See Wagtendonk, op. cit., p. 35. 96 Al-Fakihl, op. cit., fol. 486b: ... 'alii bni abt mulaykata qtila: inna 'a'ishata (r) jdwarat bayna Mrli'a wa-thabtrin shahrayni, fa-kunnd na'tihli wa-ya'tlhd ndsun min 35 reports may help us in the evaluation of the jiwiir of the Prophet (apparently identical with tahannuthi: the Prophet, like the people of Shi'b al-Sufiyy, used to leave his home in summer and sojourn on Mount Hira'. Like them h~ did it "out of veneration of the haram of Mecca"; Iike 'A'isha he sojourned there for some fixed time. None of the reports mentions fasting explicitly. The duration of the Prophet's fast during Rajab and Sha'ban was not fixed; it was sporadic and the Prophet broke fast arbitrarily. The hadiths reporting this manner of the Prophet's fastingv? seem to be trustworthy. The reports of his fasting during the month of Sha'ban recorded in early sources are not questioned anywhere, nor doubted by any authority; they are certainly as reliable as the reports of his fasting during Rajab.98 It may be stressed that there were no rules of fasting, nor any regulations; the Prophet's fast was a voluntary, pious observance, the duration of which he fixed at his own discretion. In Medina, after his hijra, the Prophet was faced with the task of establishing a code of Iaw and ritual. One of the injunctions of this code was to fast. The verses of the Qur'an imposing the fast of Ramadan upon the emerging Muslim community were revealed against the background of the confrontation with the Jewish community.P? the encounter with the hostile Meccan unbelievers and their allies and the victory won on the battlefield of Badr. Even if affected by Jewish, Christian or other influences, these rules formed a genuine independent trend in the nascent body of Iaw for the Muslim community.l00 The injunction of the fast of Ramadan did not, however, abolish voluntary fasting during Rajab or Sha'ban, Some of the controversial traditions concerning the change in the Prophet's fast during Sha'ban after his arrival in Medina may facilitate a better insight into the persistence of this voluntary fast. Some scholars asserted that the Prophet, while in Mecca, fasted only some parts of the month of Sha'ban; after his arrival in Medina, however, he fasted the entire month. Al-Qastallani refutes this report, basing himself on the hadtth of 'A'isha, who stated qurayshin yatahaddathiina ilayhti, fa-idhti lam yakun thamma 'abdu lldhi bnu 'abdi l-rahmdni bni abt bakrin (r) ~a/la biha ghulamuha dhakwdnu abii 'amrin (r); Ibn Sa'd, op, cit., V, pp. 295-296. 97 See e.g. al-Nasa'I, op, cit., IV, pp. 150-151: ... kdna rasiilu /Iiihi (~) yasiimu batta naqillu Iii yuftiru, wa-yuftiru batta naqiilu Iii yasiimu ... 98 See Goitein, op. cit., pp. 93-94. 99 See ibid., pp. 95-102. 100 See Wagtendonk, op. cit" p. 144 inf. 36 SHA'BAN IS MY MONTII that the Prophet, after his arrival in Medina, never fasted any full month, except Ramadan." 01 This tradition transmitted on the authority of 'A'isha deserves our trust. The phrase in this haduh of 'A'isha "mundhu qadima l-madtnata" gives us a clue in assessing the change at Medina. 'A'isha is indeed a reliable witness of the Prophet's Iife in Medina, and her hadtth with the quoted phrase, limiting it to Medina, is apparently sound. The voluntary fast of Sha'ban was now transfigured into an obligatory fast, that of Ramadan, the month of the Prophet's own devotional exertions, the month of his tahannuth in Mecca. This fast became a distinctive mark of the Muslim community and one of the pillars ofIslam. The importance of the fast during Sha'ban consequently declined, but it never Iost its virtuous position as a recommended voluntary fast, observed over the ages and revered especially by pious and devout Muslims; the night of the 15th of Sha'ban became the culmination of the month's devotions. The observances of Sha'ban were finally approved of and legitimized by moderate orthodox scholars. The high esteem of Sha'ban was clearly expressed in the utterance attributed to the Prophet: "Rajab is the month of God, Sha'ban is my month, Ramadan is the month of my community". 101 Al-Zurqani, Sharh al-mawdhib, VIIJ, p, 125. 37 

The Seven Odes: Some Notes on the Compilation of the Muʿallaqāt

Rivista degli Studi Orientali 44 (1969): 27-36

The Seven Odes: Some Notes on the Compilation of the Muʿallaqāt

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M. J. Kister

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seven odes.pdf THE SEVEN ODES SOME NOTES ON THE COMPILATION OF THE Mu'allaqat The meaning of the word mu'allaqat by which the Seven ]ahili Odes were entitled by some transmitters and commentators has been discussed at Iength by scholars and several suggestions have been put forward for the interpretation of the word The story that the Odes were suspended in the Ka'ba has been rejected by the majority of the scholars, but they have almost unanimously agreed, although with some reservations, that "the man responsible in the first instance for selecting the seven poems and making them into a separate anthology was a certain Hammad, called al-Rawiya (the Transmitter) "2, This statement is indeed based on reports of early authorities who describe the literary activity of H ammad under Yazid b. 'Abd aI-Malik and Hisham b. 'Abd aI-Malik 3 and record the tradition told on the authority I, T. NOLDEKE:Beitrage zur Kenntniss der Poesie der alten Araber, Hannover 1864, XVII-XXIII; R. A. NICHOLSON: Literary History of the Arabs, Cambridge 1956, A 101-103; C. BERNREIMER:L'Arabia Antica e la sua poesia, Napoli 1960, 85-86; Bulletin des Etudes Arabes, Alger 1946, 152-158; CR. PELLAT:Langue et Litterature Arabes, Paris 1952, 68; H. A. R. GIBB:Arabic Literature, Oxford 1963,22-24; CR. J. LYALL: ranslations of A ncient Arabian Poetry, London 1930, XLIV; N a ~ira I-D in T al-Asad: M~adir al-shi'r al-jtihili, Cairo 1962, 169-17I;'Abd al-SalamHariinin his Introduction to al-AnbarI's SharlJu l-qasii'idi l-sab'i l-!iwali, Cairo 1963, 11·-13; J. M. 'A b d a 1- J a I I I: Breve Histoire de la Litterature Arabe, Paris 1946, 37; Sib a' I Bay y ii m I: Ta'rikh al-adab al-'arabi, Cairo, n.d., I, 153-155; A I).mad M u 1).. a l-I;I auf I: AI-lJayiit al-'arabiyya min al-shi'r al-jtihili, Cairo 1962, 200-212; '0 mar Far r ii k h; Ta'rikh al--adab al-'arabi, Beirut 1965, 75; N a jIb M u 1).. a l- Bah bIt I: Ta'rikh al-shi'r al-'arabi, Cairo 1961, 194-195; S h a u q i :0 a y f: Ta'rikh al--adab al-'arabi, al-'ap- al-/iihili, Cairo 19/)5, 140-141; 1;1 ann a a l- Fa k h ii r I: Ta'rikh al-adab al-'arabi, Beirut 1960, 65-66; R. BLACRERE: Histoire de la Litterature Arabe, Paris 1952, I, 143-147; G. WIET: Introduction a la Litterature Arabe, Paris 1966, 29-31; F. GABRIELI: a Letteratura Araba, Firenze 1967, L 24, 34-44; A. J. ARBERRY:The Seven Odes, London 1957, 16-24, 232, 244-254. 2 A. J. ARBERRY,of cit., 16. 3 Ya q ii t: Mujam al-udabii', ed. Al).mad FarId Rifa'i, Cairo 1938, X, 258-266; Ibn K hall i k an: Wafayiit al-a'yiin, ed. Al).mad FarId Rifa'I, Cairo 1936, V, I 28 of al-Nahhas (d. 337 H) r according to which Hammad collected (jama'a) the Seven Long Odes AI- jumahi (d. 23 I H) states that Hamrnad was the first who collected the poems of the Arabs and recorded the stories of these poems (wa-kana awwala man jama'a ash'ara l-'arabi wa-saqa a!zadithaha f:lammadun al-rawiyatu). He adds, however, that he was not trustworthy (wa-kana ghayra mauthuqin bihi) 3. The records about the collection of the Seven Long Odes 4 by Hammad al-Rawiya are contradicted by an account of 'Abd al-Qadir al-Baghdadi (d. 1093 H), that 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan (d. 86 H) "discarded the poems of four of them and established in their place four (other poets)" (wa-qad tara!za 'Abdu l-Maliki bnu Marwana shi'ra arba'atin minhum wa-athbatrr makanahum arba'atan) 5. If this report were true there must have existed a collection of the Seven Odes in the times of 'Abd al-Malik. This fact was pointed out by Nasir al-Dln al-Asad, who quotes as well a saying of Mu'awiya, reported by 'Abd al-Qadir al-Baghdadi 6 that" the qa#da of 'Amr b. Kulthum and the qasida of al-Harith b. Hilliza are among the prideworthy creations 2. 119-129; a l-' I s ami: Sim,t al-nujilm al-'awiili, Cairo 1380 .1, III, 216-217; al-Aghiini, index; al-Marzubant: Nur al-qabas, ed. R. Sellheim, Wiesbaden 1964, index; A b ii l - T a y y i b a l - Lug haw i: Mariitib al-nal;wiyyin, ed. Muh. Abii I-FaQ.I Ibrahim, Cairo 1955, 72-73; H am z a a l- I s fa han i : al-Tanbih 'alii I}uduth al-ta~l}if, ed. Muh, Hasan Al Yasln, Baghdad 1967, 38, 125, 186; a l - 'A s k a r i: SharI} md yaqa'u fihi l-t~l}if, ed. 'Abd al-'Aziz Ahmad, Cairo 1963, 141-143. See on him Y a q ii t, oj. cit., IV, 224-230; Ibn K h a II i k a n, oj. cit., 1,209-211; aI-Qifti: Inbiih al-ruwiih, ed. Muh, Abii I-FaQ.I Ibrahim, Cairo 1950, I, 101-104 (and see the references of the editor). 2 Y a q ii t, oj. cit., X, 266; Ibn K h a II i k a n, oj. cit., V, 120; J. W. FUCK, E.l! s.v. Hamrnad al-Rawiya. 3 M u h. b. Sa II a m a l- J u rn a h l : Tabaqiitful}ul al=shu'ard", ed. Mahmiid Muh, Shakir, Cairo 1952,40-41; aI-Marzubani, oj. cit., 185. 4 The early sources mention the Seven Odes as al-sab'u l-mashhuriit(M. SCHLOSSINGER: Ibn Kaisiin's Commentar zur Mo'allaqa des 'Amr ibn Kullum nach einer Berliner Handschrijt, ZA, XXVI, 19, note I); al-sab'u l-.tiwiil al-jiihiliyyiit (ib., 18), al-sumu! (A b ii Z a y d a 1- Q u r ash t : Jamharat ash'iir al-'arab, Beirut 1963, 80); almudhahhabiit (I b n 'A b d R a b b i hi: al-'Iqd ai-farid, ed. Ahmad Arnin, Ahmad al-Zayn, Ibrahim al-Abyarr, Cairo 1965, V, 269); al--mu'allaqiit (ib., wa-qad yuqiilu lahii l-mu'allaqiit). A poem from the collection of the Seven Odes was referred to as al-wiil}ida (see a l - J u m a h i, oj. cit., I 15); the poets of the Odes were called asl}iibal-Wiil}ida (ib., 128), as rightly explained by the Editor (ib., note 3). See the discussion of this problem al=Haufl, oj. cit., 202-206. 5 Khiziinat al-adab, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Harun, Cairo 1967, I, 127. 6 Khiziinat al-adab, Cairo 1299 H, I, 519. I The Seven Odes 29 of the Arabs (mz"n majakhz"rz"l-'arabz"); they were suspended for a long time in the Ka'ba" and concludes that "people knew about the mu'allaqat and their being suspended in the Ka'ba a long time before Hammad " '. A new light on the time of the compilation of the Seven Odes, the identity of their collectc. s, the purpose of the compilation and the changes it underwent, is shed in a significant passage of Ahmad b. Abi Tahir Tayfur's (d. 280 H) K£tab al-manthur wa-l-man?um 2. According to a tradition told on the authority of al-Hirmazt 3 Mu'awiya ordered the transmitters of poetry 4 to choose for him poems (qa-ia'Z"d)which he would teach his son to recite; they chose for him twelve poems (qa-ia'z"d): I. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. Qifa nabkz" mz"n dhz"kra lzabibin wa-manzZ"li Lz"-Khaulata aflalun bz"-burqa# Thahmadi A-mz"n Ummz" Auja dz"mnatun lam takallami Adhanatna bZ"-baynz"haAsma'u 'AjaN l-dz"yaru malzalluha ja-muqamuha Ala hubbi bi--ialznz"kz" ja--ibaMna In buddzlat 5 mz"n ahlz"ha wulzushan Basatat 6 Rabz"'atu l-lzabla lana Ya ddra Mayyata bz"-l- 'Alya'z" ja-l-Sanadi Ya ddra 'Ablata bz"-l-jz"wa'z" (takallami) that he thinks (Imru l--Qays) (Tarafa) (Zuhayr) (al-Harith b. Hilliza) (Labid) ('Amr b. Kulthfim) ('Abid b. aI- Abras) (Suwayd b. Abi Kahil) (al-Nabigha) (,Antara) that the two Al-Hirmazi remarks additional poems were: I I. 12. (wa-a?unnu) Waddi' Hurayrata inna l-rakba murtalzzlu (A-)sa'alta rasma l-darz" am lam tas'ali by al-A'sha by Hassan b. Thabit 7 r Ma;iidir al-shi'r al-jahili, 170-171; comp. Abu I-Baqa' Hibatu llah: al-Manaqib al-mazyadiyya, Ms. Br. Mus. f. 38b: wa-qalii: ma/tikhiru l-'arabi thaltithatun: qa#datu l-,lfarithi bni ,lfillizata I-Yashkuriyyi ... sua-qastdat« 'Amri bni Kulthumin I-Taghlibiyyi ... uia-oasidatu Tarafata bni I-'Abdi ... 2 Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 18532, ff. 49a-5oa; on Ai). mad b. A biT a hi r see FUAT SEZGIN:Geschichtedes Arabischen Schrifttums, Leiden 1967 I, 348-349. 3 A j ; I:I a san b. 'A I i a l- I:I i r m a z i. See on him a I-M a r z u ban i, op. cit., 208-2IO; Y a q u t, op. cit., IX, 24-27. 4 In the text: qala l-,lfirmaziyyu: wa-qad ruwiya anna Mu'awiyata min alruwati an yantakhibu lahu qa;a'ida yurawwilui bnahu; I read: amara l-ruwata ... 5 In the text: in tubuddilat. 6 In the text: nashaiat, 7 Ai).mad h. Abi Tahir Tayfur, op. cit., f. 50a. 30 Another tradition told on the authority of al=Hirmazi traced back to some scholars (... annahu qdla: dhakara Ii ghayru wa(ddz"n mz"n al-'ulama'z" ... ) gives a valuable report about the selection of the Seven Odes carried out by 'Abd al-Malik. "The number of seven odes", states al-Hirmazr, "was fixed by 'Abd aI-Malik and he collected them" (anna l-sab'a l-qa~a'z"da llati sabba'aha 'Abdu I-Malz"kz' bnu Marwana wa-jama'aha). No one in the j ahiliyya ever collected them (wa-Iam yakun fi l-jahz"lzyyatz" man jama'aha qajju). People consider, says al-Hirmazi, that in the Jahiliyya period they were made use of in prayer (wa-I-nasu yarauna annahu kana yu~alla bz"ha l-jahzliyyati), . fi Al-Hjrmazf records six odes chosen by 'Abd al-Malik in the following order: I. Ala hubbi bz"-~a!mikz"a-~ba!zina f Adhanatna bz"-baynz"haAsma'u 2. 3. Basatat Rabi'atu l-babla lana 4. A-min aI-manum' (wa-)raybz"ha tatawajja'u 5. In buddilat min ahlz"ha wubushan 6. Ya ddra 'A blata bz"-l-j£wa' z"2 takallami by 'Amr b. Kulthum by al-Harith b. I:Iilliza by Suwayd b. Abi Kahil by Abu Dhu'ayb al-Hudhali by 'Abid b. alAbras by 'Antara Al-Hirmazi continues: "Th -n 'Abd al-Malik stumbled and came to a halt in the choice of the seventh ode (qala: thumma urtzja 'ala 'Abdz" l-Malz"kz"l-sabz" 'atu). At that moment his son, Sulayman, then a young boy, entered into his presence and recited the poem of Aus b. Maghra' in which the poet says: Mubammadun 3 khayru man yamshi 'ala qadamz"n wa-~abibahu wa-' Uthmanu bnu 'Affana 4. Muhammad is the best of those who walk on feet and his two Companions and 'Uthman b. 'Affan, r This expression is not clear; it may probably denote that they were venerated, esteemed and respected by the people of the j ahiliyva. 2 In Ms. bi-Liwti'in. 3 4 A l _. J u m a h I, oj. cit., 410 records some verses of this poem. But the verse quoted by Ibn Abi Tahir consists of the first hemistich of verse four and the second hemistich of verse two, as recorded by al- In Ms. MulJammadun eallti lltihu 'alayhi wa-tilihi. J umahi. The verses of Aus The Seven Odes 31 'Abd al-Malik became impassioned in favour of the poem (wata'assaba laha) and said maghghiruha i.e. include the poem of Ibn Maghra' in with them (i.e. with the six afore-mentioned ones - fa-qdla 'Abdu l-MaHki, wa-ta'agaba laha, maghghiruha ay adkhilu qa~idata bni M aghra'a jiM) There is no reason to cast a doubt about the authenticity of these two accounts of al-Hirrnazr. The deep interest of Mu'awiya in poetry, his close contacts with contemporary poets and the high esteem in which he held them are well attested 'Abd al-Malik's familiarity with poetry was not less than that of Mu'awiya 3. The circumstances mentioned for the composition of the collection by Mu'awiya for the prince (it was probably Yaztd) are quite plausible: Mu'awiya wanted to give him a literary education in the manner of Arab society, to teach him the poems which were considered the best and probably most widely discussed and recited in the circles of chiefs and governors. whom he had I. 2. b. Maghra' are mentioned by al- J umahi in connection with the story of a contest between al-Akhtal and Jarir in the prcsence of al-Walid b. 'Abd al-Malik. When al-Akhtal r=cited the poem of 'Amp b. Kulthiirn - al-Walid urged J arir to recite the poem of Aus b. Maghra' saying, exactly as in the text of Ibn A biT a h i r, maghghir yii farir. L'A, s.v. m gh r mentions that 'Abd al-Malik bade Jarir to recite the verses of Ibn Maghra' saying maghghir (but the verses are not quoted). Comp. al-Z a m a k h s h a r i: al-Fd'i«, ed. al-Bijawr-Muh. Abu I-Fad l Ibrahim, Cairo 1948, III, 40 ('ABD AL-MALIK: maghghir ya Jarir). Ibn Hajar al='Asqalanl in his Isdoa, Cairo 1323 H, I, 118, n. 495 records the verse as quoted in the Ms. and mentions the opinion of Ibn Abi Tahir about the poem of Aus b. Maghra': "nobody composed a poem nicer than this". On Aus b. Maghra' see: al-A~ma'i: Fuf;ulat ai-shu'ard', ed. Khafaji-Zayni, 1953,44; al-Baladhuri: Ansab ai-ashrdf. Ms., f. 1046b; IBN QUTAYBA: al-shi'r wa-l-shu'ara', ed. M. J. de Gocje, Leiden 1904, 432; al-Bakri: Sim: ai-la' ali, ed. al-Maymani, Cairo 1936, 795; al-Aghani, index; Shauqi Dayf: al-Ta!awwur wa-l-tajdid fi l-shi'r al-umawi, Cairo 1965, 20. On the daughter of Aus b. Maghra', Zaynab, see al=Baladhurt, oj. cit., Ms. f. 397a. On the son of Aus b. Maghra', Wabr, see Naqa'ir;l, ed. A. A. Bevan, Leiden Cairo 1909, 717-718; M. NALLINO: An-Nabigah al-Ga'di e ie sue joesie, RSO, 1934,393-399; idem: Le joesie di an-Nabigah al-Ga'di, Roma 1953, 135-136. I Ibn A biT a h i r, oj. cit., f. 5oa. I-Dtn See e.g. Aghani, index; al-S u y uti: Ta'rikh al-khulafa', ed. Muh, Muhyi 'Abd al=Hamld, Cairo 1952, 202-203; Ibn A b i 1- I;I ad i d: Sharf; nahj al-balagha, ed. Muh, Abu l=Fad l Ibrahim, Cairo 1964, XX, 156; al-B a lad h uri, 2 364b-365b, 367b, 370a-b, etc. 3 See e.g. Aghani, index; al-S u y uti, oj. cit., 220-221; Ibn A b i l- I;I ad I d, oj. cit., XX, 161-165; KUTHAY_YIR'AZZA: Diiod», ed. H. Peres, Algcr 1930, index. 4 See J. OBERMANN: Early Islam (in R. C. Dentan's -ed.- The Idea of History in the Ancient Near East, Yale University Press 1966, 289): " ... genealogy and poetry oj. cit., Ms. ff. 348b, 349a, 350a, 352a, 354b, 355a, 357b, 359a, 361a-363b, 32 to meet. It was the heritage of Arabism which he had to absorb and display. It was probably the same aim that 'Abd al-Malik pursued when he decided to compile his anthology: to educate the crown prince within the Arabic tradition of poetry. It was evidently the same reason which caused al-Mansur to employ al-Mufaddal al-1;:>abbIand to engage him to compile the anthology of the Mujar/r/alz"yyat I. Ibn AbI Tahir furnishes us with important details about the Seven Long Odes (al-qa~a'z'du l-sab'u l-/uwalu), current in his period, in the third century of the Hijra. He records two lists. In the first list he enumerates eight poems in the following order: I. 2. 3. 4. S. 6. 7. 8. Imru I-Qays: QiJa nabki min dhikra !zabibin wa-manzili Tarafa: Li-Khaulata a#a/un bi-burqati Thahmadi 'Abld b. al-Abras: Aqfara min ahlz"hi Mal!zubu Zuhayr b. AbI Sulma 'Antara 2 Labid 2 'Amr b. Kulthilm 2 Al-Harith b. Hilliza 2 2 Ibn AbI Tahir attempts an assessment of the merits of the odes. He mentions the opinion of scholars that the Seven Odes surpassed all other poems because of the many themes which they contained; they had no match. The qa~ida of Imru I-Qays contained themes superior to those of other (poets); other poets derived theirs from him and based their poems on his poetry. The qasida of Tarafa is one of the best odes written by one of the A~!zab al-wa!zida 3. He closed it with the most eloquent proverb: sa-tubdi laka l-ayyamu ma kunta jaMlan: wa-ya'tika bi-l-akhbari man lam tuzawwidi. Some poets of the period of the j ahiliyya tried to compose a poem like this, but without success. must be seen to enjoy far greater popularity in the early Islamic era than Koran and Hadij ": and see S h a u q i :0 a y f, op. cit., 145-146. See R. SELLHEIM: rophet, Chaiif und Geschichte, Oriens, 18-19, 1967, 41: P " Natiirlich musste der junge Prinz als kiinftiger Regent des islamischen Reiches, als hochster Vertreter der muslimischen Gemeinde, als Verwandter des Propheten mit der Kultur und Geschichte der arabischen Ahnen vertraut sein ": 2 The poem is not mentioned. 3 See note 4, p. 28, above. I The Seven Odes 33 No one in the ]ahiliyya, except Dhu l-I~ba' al-r.Adwanl, composed a poem in the metre and 'arutj of the poem of 'Abid b. al-Abras: aqfara min ahlihi Mal!zubu '; this poem of Dhu l-Tsba' is more likely to be an eloquent speech than a qasida, The qa#da of Zuhayr has no match in its description of the war, III what he says about peace, in the manner he made reproaches and III the proverbs he used. The qasida of 'Antara surpassed other poems by the use of descriptive passages and by expressions of bravery. Every poet borrowed from it. The qa{ida of Labid is the best of his poems (,aynu shi'rihi) and contains beautiful themes. It was therefore incorporated into the col1ection of the odes though Labid is not like them (i.e. he is inferior to the poets of the odes). The qasidas of 'Amr b. Kulthnrn and al-Harith b. Hilliza are concerned with approximately the same theme, they produced fine poems, but they are not like the preceding ones (i.e. they are inferior to them). Some people, continues Ahmad b. AbI Tahir, added to the Seven Odes the qa-Fida of al-Nabigha concerning the subject of apology; it is unique in this matter. As this qa-Fzdais the best of al-Nabigha's poetry, some people incorporated this poem: Ya ddra Mayyata bz"-l'Alya'i wa-I-Sanadi into the (col1ection of) Seven Odes. The author quotes a saying of Abu 'Amr b. al-'Ala' stating that Zuhayr does not deserve to be a hireling of al-Nabigha, remarks however that, in his opinion, Abu 'Amr erred 2. The qa-Fzdaof al-A'sha: Waddi' Hurayrata inna l-rakba murta!zilu is excellently done but it stands in no relation to the afore-mentioned odes. "General consent", concludes Ibn AbI Tahir, " is in accordance with what we ha ve said" (i.e. about the eight odes, without the additional ones) 3. In another passage Ibn AbI Tahir records the second list of the Seven Odes. Here only seven poems are mentioned. The order of the poems is different. "We found the transmitters agreed upon the Seven Long ]ahilI Odes ", says Ibn AbI Tahir (wa-IladhZ wajadna 'alayhi l-ruwata mujtami"ina jz qa-Fa'ida l-sab'u l-/uwalu l-jahzlzyyatu): See on the metre of this qtl!ida the note of Lyall in his edition of the Diwan of 'Abld, Leyden I9I3, 5, note 1. 2 See this saying quoted: ibn A b r 1- H a d r d, oj. cit., XX, I61. 3 Ibn A b r T it h i r, oj. cit., f. 49a-49b. I 34 I. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. Imru I-Qays: Qzfii nabki Zuhayr: A-min Ummi AU/ii Tarafa: Li-Khaulata a/liilun 'Amr b. Kulthnm: Alii hubbi 'Antara: Hal ghiidara l-shu'arii'u Labid: 'A/a# l-diyiiru Al-Harith b. Hilliza: Adhanatnii bi-baynz"hii Asmii'u (wa-minhum man Some people, says Ibn Abi Tahir, incorporated adkhala) into the collection: 1. 2. 'Abid: Aqfara min ahlihi Mal!zubu Al-A'sha: Waddie Hurayrata inna l-rakba murta!zzlu 3. Al-Nabigha: Yii diira Mayyata bi-l-'Alyii'i wa-l-Sanadi " We have not found them", concludes Ibn AbI Tahir, " mentioning other poems except these, composed by these first class poets in accordance with what we have mentioned about their selection" (wa-lam na}z"dhumdhakaru ghayra hiidhz"hz"-qa~ii'z"di/z"-hii'ulii'i l-mutaqaddimina l !i-mii dhakarnii min ikh#yiirihz"m) The ten poets of these j ahiliyya Odes are considered by Abu 'Ubayda the excelling poets of the Jahiliyya (wa-qiila Abu 'Ubaydata: ash'aru shu'arii'i l-jiihz"!iyya# 'asharatun, awwaluhum Imru l-Qaysi ... etc.) I. 2. The account of Ibn AbI Tahir shows clearly that the collectors of the odes started almost immediately with the establishment of the Umayyad rule. The collection of Mu'awiya contained twelve odes and was intended as an anthology for the education of his son (apparently the crown prince). The expression yurawwihii bnahu does not make it possible to decide whether these odes were written down or not. The anthology of Mu'awiya contained indeed the ten poems which form te collection of the mu'allaqiit. The two additional poems were of two contemporaries: Suwayd b. AbI Kahil and Hassan b. Thabit, Suwayd b. Abi Kahil was a famous poet 3 and his qa~ida was known lb., f. 50a; for the variants of al-mutaqaddimin see e.g. Ibn Qutayba, oj. cit., 141, "a" (al-ma'dadin and al-muqaddamin). Al-'Abbas b. 'Ali al-l;Iusayni a1-Miisawi: Nuzhatu l-jalis wa--munyatu l-adib I-ants, Najaf 1968, II, 182; and comp. Ibn S h a r a f a 1Q a y raw ani: Rasti'il al-intiqtid (in Kurd 'Ali's Rasti'il al-bulaghti', Cairo 1946, 314-316). 3 See on him: Ibn Qutayba, oj. cit., 92,141,250-251; Aghtini, XI, 165-167; a l- B a k r i: Simi al-la'tili, 313; Ibn I;Ia jar: al-I,tiba, III, 172, no. I 2 The Seven Odes 35 as al-yatima in the time of -the j ahiliyya: it contained many !zikam and was probably therefore incorporated into the collection Hassan b. Thabit was an adherent of 'Uthrnan and favoured Mu'awiya. The poem itself is a Jahili one and is therefore considered a fine one 2. 'Abd al-Malik reduced the number of the odes from twelve to seven. He included however among these seven odes two odes which were not contained in the selection of Mu'awiya: the qa~ida of Abu Dhu'ayb and the qa~ida of Aus b. Maghra', both poets who composed their poems in the period of Isl am. The tendency of 'Abd aI-Malik in his incorporation of the qasida of Aus is obvious and can be gauged from the verse recited by his son Sulayman: the Prophet is mentioned with his two Companions (i.e. Abu Bakr and 'Umar) and 'Uthman b. 'Affan. 'Ali is not mentioned. This was in perfect harmony with the Umayyad idea of the legitimacy of the Muslim government. The q4$ida of Abu Dhu'ayb was included in the anthology of 'Abd aI-Malik because of its popularity: already Mu'awiya, according to tradition, recited verses of this qa~ida before his death 3. The tradition about the compilation of the anthology of the Seven Odes, begun by Mu'awiya and concluded by 'Abd al-Malik, fell into oblivion probably due to the fall of the Urnayyad dynasty and the victory of the Abbasids. Scholars of a later period apparently were not satisfied with the selection of 'Abd al-Malik and returned to the I. 37I6; IBN DURAYD:al-Ishtiqaq, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hartin, Cairo 1958, 340-34 I; al-Mufa¢¢aliyyat, ed. Lyall, Introduction, p. XIV; S a d r a l- DIn a 1- B a ~ r I, al-f:lamasa ai-basriyya, ed. Mukhtar al-Dtn Ahmad, Hyderabad 1964, I, 94; IBN QUTAYBA: 'Uyun al-akhbar, Cairo I928, II, 10; a l- Bag h dad I: Khizanat al-adab, Cairo I299 H, II, 546-548; A b ii I;I ani f a a l- Din a war i: al-Akhbtir al-/iwal, ed. 'Abd al-Muri'im 'A.mir-Jamal al-Din al-Shayyal, Cairo I960, y8; M u I). 'A l Y a n a I-M a r z ii q I: Mashtihid ai=insdf 'ala shawtihid al-kashshtif, Cairo 1354 H, 72 (appended to al=Zamakhsharr's Kashshaf); M u I). B a q ira 1Sharif: al-Jami' al-shawahid, Isbahan I380H, II, 25; al-An~ari: Mughni I-laMb 'an kutub al-a'arib, ed. Muh, Muh yi l=Din 'Abd al=Hamld, Cairo, al-Maktaba al-tijariyya, n.d., I, 328, n. 533; idem: Shudhur al-dhahab fi ma'rifati kalam al-'arab, ed. Muh, Muhyi I-Dtn 'Abd al-Hamld, Cairo 1942, 138, no. 63. See the contradictory opinions of OMARA. FARRUKH: as Bild des Fruhislam D in der Arabischen Dichtung - von der Higra bis zum Tode 'Umar's, Leipzig 1937, 22: 50, 98, IIO and S h a u q i I:;> a y f: al-Tatawwur wa-l-tajdld fi i-shi'r al-umawi, p. 20 about whether this qasrda is a JahilI one or it is influenced by the teachings of Islam. See the opinion of a l - A ~ m a 'I: htidha f:lassanu bnu Thtibitin faJ;.lun min fuJ;.uli l-jahiliyyati fa-lamma jti'a l-islamu saoata shi'ruhu (Ibn Qutayba: al-Shi'r wa-l-shu'ara', I70). 3 See a l- B a I ad h u r I, oj. cit., f. 380a. I 2 anthology of Mu'jiwiya. They confined themselves to the Seven j ahili Odes upon which" the scholars unanimously agreed" and which form the popular anthology of the seven mu'allaqat to the present day. The odes of Suwayd b. Abi Kahil and Hassan b. Thabit were eliminated. The three additional odes of the collection of Mu'awiya ('Abid, alNabigha, al-A'sha) were in fact incorporated in a wider anthology already in the third century of the Hijra, as attested by Ibn Abi Tahir; this was the collection of the Ten Odes which is in fact transmitted even today. The merit of Hammad seems to have been that he transmitted the Seven j ahili Odes derived from the collection of Mu'awiya and that he discarded the collection of 'Abd al-Malik, Later literary tradition attributed the selection to Hammad. In the third century these Odes gained wide acclaim and children were taught them in the kuttab I. I Ibn A biT a. h i r, op. cit., f. 49b. 

'Labbayka, Allāhumma, Labbayka…' On a Monotheistic Aspect of a Jāhiliyya Practice

Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 2 (1980): 33-57

'Labbayka, Allāhumma, Labbayka…' On a Monotheistic Aspect of a Jāhiliyya Practice

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M. J. Kister

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labbayka-full.pdf LABBA YKA, ALLAHUMMA, LABBA YKA ... On a monotheistic aspect of a Jahiliyya practice In memory of Dr. Isaiah Shachar In his article Talbiyat al-Jahiliyya1 S.M. Husain recorded twenty five formulae of ritual invocation, talbiyat, uttered by the tribes in the period of the Jiihiliyya during their pilgrimage to Mecca. He mentions that Abill-'Alii' al-Ma'arr! had given in his Risalat al-ghufran seven such fonnulae of tribal talbiyat, classifying them by prosody and metre. I:Iusain supposes that the labbayka allahumma labbayka "was probably adopted from the first responders to the call of Abraham,,,2 and emphasizes that the Prophet changed the Jahilf fonnula: labbayka allahumma labbayka, la sharlka laka ilia sharlkun huwa laka, tamlikuhu wa-mii malaka ("Here I am, 0 God, here I am; Thou hast no partner except such partner as Thou hast; Thou possessest him and all that is his,,)3 into the Muslim one: labbayka allahumma labbayka, la sharlka laka; inna 1-lJamda wa-l-ni'mata laka wa-l-mulka, la sharlka laka ("Here I am, 0 God, here I am, Thou hast no partner; the praise and Proceedings of the 9th All India Or. Conference, 1937, pp. 361-369. Ibid., p. 362. • See this Jahill talbiya e.g.: Ibn al-KalbI, al-A~nlZm, ed. Al:tmad Zakl Pasha, CaiIo 1343/ 1924, p. 7; al-Azraqr,: AkhblZr Makka, ed. F. Wiistenfeld, p. 134; al-Kala'I, al-IktiflZ' ft maghlZzf rasali lllZhi wa-l-thallZthati l·khulaflZ', ed. Mu~tafa: 'Abd al-Wahid, CaiIo 1387/1968, I, 94; al-Tabar!, Tafslr, ed. ShakiI, CaiIo 1969, XVI, 289, no. 19973; al-SuyotI, al-Du" al·manthar, Cairo 1314, IV, 40, 359; al-BayhaqI, al-Sunan al-kubrlZ, Hyderabad 1352, V, 45 inf.; Ibn i:Iazm, Ijajjat al-wadlZ', ed. Mamdol) i:IaqqI, BeiIut 1966, pp. 349 inf. -350; al-NaysabilrI, GharlZ'ib al-Qur' IZn, ed. IbrahIm 'Atwa 'Awac:I,CaiIo 1384/1965, XVII, 96; al-Khazin, LublZb al-ta'wll, CaiIo 1381, III, 261, V, 13; al-BaghawI, Ma'iilim al-tanzll (on margin of Lubilb a/· ta'wf/), ibid.; al-ShahrastanI, al-Milal wa-l-nihal, ed. Mul:tammad Sayyid KaylanI ,Cairo 1387/ 1967, II, 238, 247; Ibn Sa'Id al-AndalusI, Nashwat al-rarab ft ta'rTkhi jlZhiliyyati l-'arab, Ms. Tiibingen I, fot. 194, inf.; Nor al-DIn al-HaythamI, Majma'al-zawii'id, BeiIut 1967, III, 223; AbO l-'AJa' al-Ma'arrI, RislZlat al-ghufriin, ed. )\'isha 'Abd al-Rahman, Cairo 1382/1963, p. 535 (with an additional hemistich: aM baniitin bi-fadak; it is expfained by Abo I-'Ala' as pointing to the idols that were in that time in Fadak); Ibn al-Athrr, JlZmi' al-u~al, ed. Muhammad /::Iamid al-Fiql, Cairo 1368/1949, III, 444, no. 1377; 'Umar b. Mul:tammad al-MausilI, KitlZb al-waslla, Hyderabad 1392/1973, III", 196; A. Guthrie, The Significance of Abraham, MW, 1955, p. 116. I 2 the grace are Thine and the empire; Thou hast no partner.")" Husain points out that the tribes performing the pilgrimage acknowledged in their talbiydt a supreme God who was the Master of their gods, giving Him such names as al-Rahrnan, al-Ma'bud, al-Dayyan, al-Mustajib, al-Qahhar, al-Sarnad, and emphasizes the Muslim character of some of the utterances of the talbiya. The Prophet used in his prayer the utterance: in taghfir alliihumma taghfir jammd, wa-ayyu 'abdin laka Iii alammd, a phrase which, according to Husain, occurs in the talbiya of the Ash'ariyyun." This idea of the presence of an all-powerful and all-pervading Divinity, concludes Husain, was working amongst the Arabs preparing the field for the propagation of the sublime monotheism as preached by Muhammad. Husain, although he carefully collected and edited the valuable text of the talbiydt, did not, however, record the sources from which he derived his material. It may be of some importance to trace the sources of the talbiyiit and to examine more closely their content and purport. The talbiydt of certain tribes are given in a1-Ya' qiib'i's (d. 248 H) Ta'rlkh.6 Al-Ya' qiib'i's account of the talbiyiit is pre· ceded by a short account of the gods and idols worshipped by the Arabs. More detailed is the account of talbiyiit in Muhammad b. Habib's (d. 145 H) al-Muhabbar," followed by a list of idols worshipped by the different tribes. The complete text of several talbiyiit is given in the commentary to the phrase: ... wajtanibii qaula l-ziiri (Sura XXII, 31) in Muqatil b. Sulayrnan's (d. 150 H) Tafslr8 and this is followed by a list of idols worshipped by the various tribes. Zia' is 4 See the various forms of the Muslim talbiya: AbO Yusuf at-Ansarr, Kitab al-athar, ed. Abu I-Wafa, Cairo 1355, nos. 456-458; al-Shafi'I, al-Umm, Cairo 1321 (reprint 1388/1968) II, 132-133; al-Tayalist, Musnad, Hyderabad 1321, p. 232, no. 1668; Ibn Hazm, Hajjar al. wadtr, p. 350; Nor al-Dtn al-Haytharnt , op. cit., III, 222-223; al-Tahawt, Sharh ma'am l-athar ed. Muhammad ZuhrI l-Najjar, Cairo 1388/1968 II, 124-l25; ibn aI-Athir,JiJmi' al-usal: III, 438-443, nos. 1371-1375; al-Zurqant, Sharh al-muwatta', ed Ibrahtm 'Atwa 'Awad C~iro 1381/1961, III, 34; Arnrn Mahrnud Khattab: Fathu 1-~~IiI'i l-ma'bud, takmilatu I-~anhali I· 'adhbi l-maurud, sharh sunan abI dawud, Cairo 1394/1974, I, 109-111; ai-BayhaqI, al-Sunan al-kubra, V, 44-45; al-Khatlb al-Baghdadt, Ta'rzkh Baghdad, Cairo 1349/1931, V, 55; Muhibb al-Dtn al-TabarI, al-Qira li-qasidi ummi l-qura, ed Mustafa f-Saqa, Cairo 1390/1970, pp. i73175, 415; al-tAyni, 'Umdat al-qart, Cairo 1348, IX, 172-174; al-Qastallant, Irshad al-sarr., Cairo 1323, III, 114-115; Ibn Hajar, Fath al-bart, Cairo 1300, III, 324-326; al-Harbt, Kitab al-manasik, ed, Hamad al-Jasir, al-Riyad 1389/1969, p. 429; 'Umar b. Muhammad alMausilr, op. cit., III", 193-195; IV" 183; Ibn Babuyah al-Qummt, 'Ilal al-shara'i', Najaf 1385/1966, pp, 416-418; Muhammad b. abI l-Qasirn al-Tabarr, Bisharat al-mustafa tt-snt'at al-murtada, Najaf 1383/1963, pp. 213-214; al-Majlisr, Bihar al-anwar, Tehran 1388, XLIX, 92, 93, 183, 339; Murtada l-Zabtdr, Ithaf al-sada al-muttaqtn bi-sharh asrar thya' 'ulurni 1_ din, Cairo 1311, IV, 336; Muhammad Nasir al-Dtn al-AlbanI, Haijat al-nabt , Damascus 1387, p. 60, nos. 14-15; G.E. von Grunebaum, Muhammadan Festivals, New York 1951, p. 28. s Husain,op. cit., pp, 362-364; text no. 3. • Ed. M. Th. Houtsma, Leiden 1883, I, 296-297. 7 Ed. lise Lichtenstaedter, Hyderabad 1361/1942, pp. 311-315; the list of the idols ibid. pp, 315-318. 8 Ms. Ahmet III, 74/11, fols. 22a-24a; the list of the idols is given on fol. 24a, inf.-24b. 34 On a monotheistic aspect of a Jiihiliyya practice rendered by Muqatil by kadhib, lie, and identified with the falsehood inherent in the Jilin talbiyiit, that associate gods and idols with God. Ziir is thus defined as al-shirku fi l-talbiya, 9 attribution of a partner to God in the talbiya. Muqatil's list, in which fifty six forms of talbiya are recorded, is however a composite affair. Several of the talbiyiit are in fact duplicates with certain variations. The first eight talbiyiit give the utterances of the tribes without referring to the names of the gods. The ninth relates the utterances of the women who perform the circumambulation of the Ka' ba while naked. The tenth gives the talbiya of Adam. The following twenty talbiydt (nos. 11-31) are listed by the names of the gods worshipped by the different tribes, without however giving the names of the tribes. This series of talbiyiit is preceded by the heading: talbiyatu l-'arabi Ii l-jdhiliyyati and ends with the phrase: wa-hiidhihi ru'iisu tawdghitihim ... The forms of talbiya which constitute this series correspond to those which occur in the report of Muhammad b. Habib. The close relation between the text of Muqatil and that of Ibn Habib is evident. In the talbiya of the tribes worshipping Sa'lda (no. 23) the last line of the talbiya breaks the chain of sal -rhymes: miyiiha and raqiiha are followed by tii'o. This same wording is recorded in Ibn Habib's alMuhabbar, where however a marginal gloss in the Ms. of al-Muhabbar replaces the last word by al-nasdha. 10 The lacuna in the talbiya of the worshippers of a1Muntabiq (Muqatil, no. 19) can clearly be seen in the Mss., indicating that some phrases of the utterance are missing; the text is identical with that given in alMuhabbar (p. 313, 1.1), but the printed edition of al-Muhabbar has no note about a lacuna in the Ms. The heading missing in the talbiya no. 25 (Muqatil, fo1. 23a sup.): wa-kanat talbiyata man nasaka li-yaghiitha can be supplied from the account of al-Muhabbar (p. 314, 1.1). Furthermore Ibn Habib's account of the idols worshipped by the Arabs also shows close similarity with that of Muqatil, though it is more detailed.'! In another series of talbiyiit (nos. 32-56) only the name of the tribe in which the invocation was used is given, or else both the name of the tribe and that of the idol of the tribe are specified. Three of the talbiya invocations in this series (nos. 33, 34, 36) are reported on the authority of Ibn Ishaq (d. 150 H); one talbiya (no. 35) is recorded on the authority of al-Sha b i (d. 109 H). The divergent versions of the talbiyiit as recorded in the chapter of Muqatil's Tafsir, the variously formulated utterances, the three traditions on the authority of Ibn Ishaq and the one of al-Sha bI - all this seems to indicate that the chapter was put together by the combination of several sources. This conjecture is corroborated by the fact that two out of the five consulted Mss. (Koprulu 143, fols. 175b penult.-176a; Hamidiyya 58, fo1. 255a.-255b) contain only the first ten 9 10 11 Muqatil,op. cit., fol. 22a, sup. Al-Muhabbar, p. 313, note 5. See Muqatil, op. cit., fol. 24b; and see another short account ibid., fol. 210b. 35 talbiyiit. One may venture to say that some parts of the account were inserted by the transmitter of the Tafsir, al-Hudhayl b.Habib al·Dandani.12 An examination of the talbiyiit mentioned above together with a few more from other sources may shed some light on certain Significant aspects of these ritual invocations. The well known Jahili talbiya associating a partner with GOd13 is recorded in Muqatil's account as the talbiya of Quraysh, who were worshippers of Isiif.14 This very talbiya is however recorded as the ritual invocation of the Hums, a group of tribes including Quraysh, Khuza' a, Kinana and 'Amlr b. Sa'sa'a, as stated in this report. IS In another form of the talbiya of the Hums they invoke God, addressing Him as the Lord of Sirius (rabbu I-shi'ra) and ask His aid against the offenders. They address Him as the Lord of Manat, 16 3I.Lat and al~Uzza and as the Lord of the sanctuary of the Ka'ba (rabbu l-ka 'bati l-hariim). They came to Him riding on lean camels - having evidently made an ardous journey - and left the idols forsaken and desolate, (khilwan sifran), as they say in their invocation. I? It is, of course, of some importance to find the talbiya of the Hums, a group closely connected by ties of loyalty and allegiance with the Ka'ba, observing distinctive ritual practices during the IJ.ajj and enjoying a special privileged position in Mecca. While the Jahil] talbiya with regard to associating a partner is usually attibuted to Quraysh, or to Quraysh and Kmana," the latter talbiya attributed to the Hums seems to be congruous with their religious ideas and their duties during the lJajj. The talbiya expounds clearly their belief in the authority of Allah over the principal Arab deities al-Lat, al~Uzza and Manat. God is the Lord of the Kaba and the idols of the gods had been left behind void and insignificant. This may be quite a faithful exposition of their belief. Moreover, the arduous journey fits in well with the fact that they exercised exertions in worship during the lJajj. See Sezgin GAS, I, 37 ( ... "Dieser fiigte an manchem Stellen dem Text von Muqlltil von anderen hinzu "), On the transmission of the Tafstr see al-Khatfb alBaghdadt, Ta'nkh Baghdlld, VII, 143, no. 3591, IX, 426, no. 5039; and see MuqatiI, op. cit., fol, 33a. IS See above, note 3. I. MuqatiI op. cit., fol. 22b (no. 11); Ibn Habtb, al·Mu/Jllbbar, p. 311; al-Ya'qobt, op. cit. I, 296; Husain, op. cit. p. 367, no. 15 (with the addition: aba l-banat bi-fadak , like inAba 1-'AII1' 's Risalat al-ghufran, p. 535). " MuqatiI, op. cit., fol. 22a (no. 1); a following comment says that the partner attachec by the Hums to God referred to the angels worshipped by them; this is the zQr, the falsehood (mentioned in the verse of the Qur'an), •• The phrase in the text: rabbu l-thalithati I-ukhra denotes, of course, Manat. 17 Muqatil op. cit., fol. 23b (no. 45). 18 See the talbiya uttered by Quraysh and Kinana on the Day of 'Arafa, containing the declaration of the associate partner: MuqatiI, op, cit., fol. 23a (no. 32). 12 Uberlieferugen 36 On a monotheistic aspect of a Jiihiliyya practice Their invocation of God to aid them against those who transgress seems to point to these tribal groups who did not observe the sanctity of the K~ba and violated the peace of the holy months of the /Jaji No clear answer can be given why their talbiya stressed that Allah was the Lord of Sirius..This very expression occurs in the Qur'an only once (Sura LIII, 49). Early commentators attribute the worship of Sirius to the tribe of Himyar, or to some ancestor of the Prophet or to the tribe of Khuza'a, This could explain the naming of God as the Lord of Sirius, as Khuza'a were a part of the Hums. But the expression "the Lord of Sirius ... the Lord of al-Iiit and al-'Uzza" recurs as well in the talbiya of Madhhij.19 Quite different was the talbiya of Ghassan. They invoke God on behalf of their kings, addressing Him as the Lord of their people.j" In the same vein is cast the very short talbiya of Rabta. They uttered their invocation, addressing God as the Lord of Rabfat al-Qasll'am.21 In both forms of the talbiya God is perceived as the Lord of the tribe. Another version of the talbiya of RabI'a (the worshippers of MuJ:larriq22) reflects sincere devotion and servitude and expresses the request that the pilgrimage be correct and sound: labbayka /Jajjan haqqan tdabbudan wa.riqqan.23 A third relation has some additional phrases describing the race of the pilgrims towards Mecca so that they may shave their heads.2A A fourth version shows some divergence: the Bakr b. ws'u stress in their talbiya on behalf of RabI' a their obedience to the Lord who is not worshipped in a church or in a synagogue. Their idols, they say, they have left protected and safe.25 A fifth report adds to the concise form of the devotion and servitude a phrase stating the Rabl'a did not come to Mecca to ask for gifts nor for reasons of trade. 26 This expression, stating that the pilgrims did not come for trade or profit, recurs in the talbiyiit of other tribes.?" It confirms the early traditions that the tribes refrained from trade activities during their pilgrimage. This was changed by " Muqatil,op. cit., fol. 23b (no. 41); al-Ya'qobI, op. cit., I, 297; and cornp, H.A.R. Gibb, "Pre-Islamic Monotheism in Arabia," Harvard Theological Review, 1962, pp. 275 inf. -276 . • 0 Muql!til, op. cit., fol. 24a (no. 54). '1 Ibn Hisham, Kitab at-ttisn, Hyderabad 1347, p. 219; and see on qash 'am as the sobriquet of RabI'a L 'A, s.v. q sh 'm . •• See Muqatil, op. cit., fol. 24b: we-kana al-muharriq bi-salmanali-bakri bni wa'ilin wa-sa'iri rabt'ata; Ibn l;Iablb,op. cit., p. 317. 23 Muqatil, op. cit., fol. 22b (no. 17); Ibn Habtb, p. 312; Aba 1-'AIl!' al-Ma'arrt, op. cit., p.536. . Muqatil,op. cit., for 23b (no. 38) . •s Muqatil,op. cit., fol. 24a (no. 50) . •• Muqatil,op. cit., fol 22a (no. 4); cf. L 'A, s.v. r q h: some people used to utter in their talbiya in the period of the Jl!hiliyya: ii'nska li-l-na~alJa a-lamna'ti li-l-raqaha. w 2? See e.g. Muqatil, op. cit., fol. 22b (no. 23), fol. 23b (nos. 36, 39,44); Ibn Habtb, op. cit., p. 313. 24 37 th revelation (Siira II, 198) which gave Muslims permission to carry out business transactions during the haii. 28 The description of the hardship of travel during the pilgrimage, the lean camels, the race to reach Mecca, the exertion of performing the haii by foot as exposed in the talbiyar" - all these features are in agreement with the reports about the pilgrimage in the period of the Jahiliyya and with the stories about exertions during the f;aji in Islamic times. The talbiyiit reflect the ideas of the tribes about the supreme God as well as their perception of the relation between the lesser gods and the supreme God. The idea that the gods are inferior and dependent upon God is expressed in the talbiya of Kinda, Hadramaut and Sakiin, To the Jahili talbiya of association (above note 3) they added: ... "Thou possessest him (i.e. the partner - K) whether Thou destroyest or leavest him; Thou art the Forbearing (al-I}al/m), therefore leave him.3o Judham prided themselves in their talbiya of their royal descendance, of their forbearing minds and addressed God as "the God of the idols" (ilahu l-asndmii, naming Him al-Rahman." In the talbiya of Daus God is named "the Lord of the idols" (rabbu l-a~niimi).32 Tamirn mentioned in their talbiya God the Creator; it is He whom they singled out by their invocation (wa-akhlasat /i-rabbiha duCahii).33 Qays 'Aylan describe themselves as being together with their idols, in humble submission to al-Rahrnan.P' Thaqif, asking for forgiveness of their sins, stated that their goddesses, al-Lat and al-' Uzza, were in the hands of God and that the idols yielded obediently to Him.3s Asad named God "the One," "the Subduer" and asserted that they did not worship the idols;36 they also mentioned Him in the talbiya as "al-rabbu l-samad," The meaning of the word al-samad, which occurs only once in the Qur'an,37 as one of God's attributes is usually explained as "the Lord to whom people direct themselves in their needs;,,38 there 28 See e.g. Muqatil, op. cir., I, 31b; Ibn al-tArabt, Ahkam al-qur'an, Cairo 1387/1967, 1,135 inf. -136; al-Tabarr, Ta[Slr, ed. Shakir, IV, 164-168. nos. 3763, 3771, 3775,3777,3781 (noteworthy is the expression of the commentator: [a-rukhkhisa lahum ... "and they were granted concession") 3787 (and see another version of the verse: no. 3766); al-SuYU~I, alDurr an-manthur, I, 222; al-Raghib al-Isfahant, MuJ;adariit al-udaba', Beirut 1961, II, 465; and see JESHO XV (1972) 76, note 4. 29 See e.g. Muqatil, op. cit ; fol. 22a (nos. 3,7), 23a (no. 34), 23b (no. 44), 24a (no. 49). 3. Muqatil,op. cit ; fol. 24a (no. 53); al-Ya'qnbr, op. cit., I, 297, 11.4-5. 31 Muqatil,op. cit., fol. 24a (no. 52); comp. the fragmentary talbiya in al-Ya'qubt, op. cit., 1,297. 32 Muqatil,op. cit., fol, 24a (no. 56). 33 Muqatil,op. cit., fol. 23a (no. 33); cornp. al-Ya'qubt, op. cit., I, 296. 34 Muqatil,op. cit., fol. 23b (no. 37); and comp. the talbiya of 'Akk and the Ash'ariyynn (ib. no. 40): haijun li-l-rahman, dhallat lahu l-asnam. 35 Muql1til,op. cit" fol. 24a (no. 48). 36 Muqatil,op. cit., fol, 23a (no. 35), 37 SOra CXII, 2. 38 See e.g. Abo Mishal, Kitab al-nawadir, ed. 'Izzat Hasan, Damascus 1380/1961, pp. 122-123 (and see the references of the editor, ib., note "35"); L'A s.v, s m d; Ahmad bv Hamdan al-Razt, al-Ztna, edv Husayn al-Hamdant, Cairo 1958, II, 43-45; and comp. linin al-'Aud, 38 On a monotheistic aspect of a Jdhlliy y a practice are however other explanations and some of them seem to have been introduced together with the later ideas about the attributes of God. The talbiya of Himyar is significant. They stress in their invocation that they address God on behalf of the kings and the petty rulers (ani l-muliiki wa-l-aqwdl} [of people - KJ of prudence and forbearing minds, who practise piety towards their kinsmen, staying away from sins by self-withdrawal (from shame - k) and out of Islam (tanazzuhan wa-isldmi. They declare that they humbly submit to the Lord of mankind, yielding to Him on every elevated place [they and their - K] idols and gods.39 The word isliim and its meaning need elucidation. It occurs only once in the talbiyat ; in the quoted invocation of Hirnyar ; it is preceded by the phrase of eschewing sins, coupled with the word tanazzun denoting keeping aloof from shameful and wicked deeds, and followed by the statement of obedience to the God of mankind. It is apparent that the word islam placed between a word which denotes abstention from sin and another one, which talks of submission to God, both terms bearing as they do a religio-ethical connotation, also belongs to the same semantic field. It probably denotes the idea of exclusive devotion to one God, as assumed by the late D.Z. Baneth. In his illuminating discussion of the social and religious background of the Prophet's activity, Baneth made the following observation: ... The fundamental change required by Muhammad was the abandonment of polytheism, to serve one god only, the same god which they had already previously known under the name of Allah. Does not the idea suggest itself to seek this very meaning of adopting monotheism in the words aslama, isliim:>40 This meaning proposed for islam by Baneth, is indeed confirmed by the definition given by Muqatil in his Tafsir: muslim is consistently interpreted by mukhlisun bi-l-tauhidi (or: bi-tauhidi llahi);41 Islam and ikhlds are here given as identical in connotation. H. Ringgren, analyzing the meaning of ikhliis and mukhlis states that "the context indicates that making one's religion khdlis to God is contrary to choosing patrons apart from Him,,,42 and finds fit Bell's translation: "making Him the exclusive object of religion.,,43 One may venture to assume Dtwan, ed, Ahmad Naslm, Cairo 1350/1931, p. 39,1. 12; Ibn Muqbil, Dtwan, ed. 'Izzat Hasan, Damascus 1:,81/ 1962, p. 51, 1. 3; al-Raghib al-Isfahanr, al-Mufradat ft ghartbi l-qur'an, Cairo 1324, p. 288. 39 Muqatil,op. cit., fol. 23b (no. 43). 40 D.Z.H. Baneth, "What did Muhammad mean when he called his religion Isillm? The original rnearning of A slama and its derivatives," Israel Oriental Studies I (1971) 184. 41 See e.g. Muqatil, op. cit ; I, 51a (aslamtu ya'nt akhlastu), I, 57a tkuntum muslimtna ya'nt mukhlistna lahu bi-l-tauhtdii, II, 58b, ult.-59a, 1. 1 tqabla an ya'tunt muslimtna, ya'· nl mukhlistna bi-l-tauhtdii. II, 59b, 1. 3 twa-kunna muslimtna ya'nt mukhlistna bi-l-tauhtdi min qabliha'; II, 61b, 1.4 from bottom, II, 62a, 1. 5 from bottom, II, 73b, II, 83a, b, 1. 2, II, 123a, II, 2Ila, I. 6. 42 H. Ringgren, "The Pure Religion," Oriens XV (1962), 93-96. 43 Ibid., p. 94 inf. 39 that isliim here denotes the idea ascribed to it in the Qur'an. This may change to some extent the accepted views about the beliefs of the people of the Jahiliyya and provide a clue for an evaluation as to how monotheistic ideas were adopted and transmitted from the Jahiliyya period to Islam. The talbiya of Jurhum'" is of an altogether different content and purport. This tribe was already extinct by the advent of Islam, and traditions as to their origin and ancestors were shrouded in a web of miracles and legend. The talbiya of Jurhum is thus merely a reminiscence of an early talbiya of an ancient tribe perpetuated in the invocation of the worshippers of Dhu l-Kaffaynj" this idol was worshipped by Daus'" and Khuza'a.?? Muqatil records two versions of the talbiya of Jurhum: a short one, the talbiya of the worshippers of Dhii l-Kaffayn, who utter the invocation of Jurhum, and a longer one referred to above (note 44), recorded as the talbiya of Jurhum. They invoke God, stating that they are his servants; that people are (like) newly acquired property, while they are (like) the hereditary property of God; that they have dwelt in God's land and caused it to flourish and that to be remote from God is something which one cannot stand. Further they say in their invocation that they are the first to come to God's meeting place; they will oppose anyone who shows hostility towards God until they set the faith straight in His valley/" The first three hemistichs of this rajaz are often quoted in the sources and attributed to 'Arnr b. al-Harith (or 'Arnfr b. al Harith) b. Mu4a(L49 they became incorporated into the talbiya. The concept of man assisting God against His enemies is of considerable antiquity in Islam, recurring as it does in the Qur'an and in early Islamic literature. The contrasting pair of notions "tirf" (or (Urf) and "tiliid", current in ancient Arabic poetry is here interpreted as pointing to the heavenly origin of Jurhum, "tiliiduka", "Thy hereditary property"; their ancestor is said to have been an angel who, having sinned, was sent down to earth. 50 It is noteworthy that al-Tufayl b. 'Amr al-Dausi pulling down the idol of Dhii l-Kaffayn uttered his denunciation of the pagan worship of the idol in the same metre, rajaz, and with the same rhyme. 51 See on this tribe EP, s.v. Djurhum (W.M. Watt). Muqatil,op. cit., fo1. 23a (no. 30) . • 6 Al-Ya'qubr, op. cit., I, 296; al-Baghdadt, Khizanat al-adab (ed. Balaq), III, 246 sup. 47 Muhammad b.l:lablb, op. cit., p. 318. 48 Muqatil,op. cit., fo1. 22a (no. 6); comp. Ibn l:lablb, op. cit 0' p. 314 . •• Al-Tabart, Ta'rtkh, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahtrn, Cairo 1961, II, 285; al-Fast, Shifa' al-gharam, Cairo 1956, I, 357, 374; al-Tsamt, Simt al-nujum al-tawalt ; Cairo 1380, I, 174; al-Mawardt, A'llIm al-nubuwwa, Cairo 1319, p. 120; Abll l-Baqa', al-Manaqib al-mazyadiyya, Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23, 296, fol. 79b. so AI-'I~amI, op. cit., I, 174 inf. - 175. 51 Ibn Hisham, al-Stra al-nabawiyya, ed. al-Saqa, al-Abyart , Shalabt, Cairo 1355/1936, II, 25; al-Kalbt, al-Asnam, p. 37; Ibn Habfb, op. cit., p. 318 (with the variant in the first hemistich: ylI dha l-kaffayni lastu min tiladika): al-Waqidr, al-Maghazt , ed. Marsden Jones, London 1966, p. 923; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, ed. 'All Muhammad al-BijawI, Cairo 1392/1972, III, 521; al-Dimyatt, al-Mukhtasar ft strati sayyidi l-bashar, Ms. Chester Beatty 3332, fol. l06b. 44 4S 40 On a monotheistic aspect of a Jdhiliy y a practice The phrase "wa-humu l-awwalima 'alii ml'iidika" deserves attention. Although the word ml'iid occurs several times in the Qur 'an, the use of the word with the preposition 'alii is not attested in the Qur an, It occurs however with the preposition 'alii in the famous poem of al-Aswad b. Ya'fur." In the talbiya of Jurhum the word seems to denote an appointed time or an appointed place of meeting; in this case it is the time of the /:lajj as established by God or the place appointed by God for the pilgrimage, Mecca." To the sphere of Jahil'i custom also belongs the invocation by women who used to perform the circumambulation naked. To the usually recorded rajaz - verse 54 Muqatil adds three rajaz hemistichs about the spectators who watch the corpulent women. 55 The body-features mentioned in the last hemistich resemble the details provided about Duba'a when she circumambulated the Ka'ba in the nude.56 II Abu I-'Alii' al-Ma'arri remarks, classifying the different forms of the talbiydt , that there is no talbiya (scil. from the period fo the Jahiliyya - K) cast in one of the qasida - metres. He remarks with caution that talbiyiit may have perhaps been uttered in one of the qasida metres, but they were not recorded by the transmitters. Most of them are utterances cast in saj' or rajaz form. 57 Goldziher analyzed thoroughly the role of sai' and rajaz and their occurrence in invocations, curses, wisdom sayings and in oracular utterances." Gibb succintly referred to sal and rajaz in connection with the style of the Our an, assuming that there was an estab- 52 Al-Dabbl, al-Mufaddaliyyat, ed. Lyall, XCIV, 11, rendered by Lyall: "Now sweep the winds over all their dwellings: empty they lie, as though their lords had been set a time and no more to be"; al-A'sha, Dtwan, ed. Geyer (A'sM Nahshal XVII, II) p.296 (and see the references of the editor). 53 My son, Menahem Kister, provided me with the following note: "The word mo'ed in Hebrew has, in addition to its current meanings in the Scriptures, two other denotations: (1) a holy place, a sanctuary (see e.g. Ps. LXXIV, 4,8, Lam. II, 6; cf. ohel mo'ed in this sense; and cf. plJr m'd in the Ugaritic myths indicating the place of the meeting of the gods); (2) a festival, a holiday (see e.g. Lev. XXIII, 37). One of these two meanings suits perhaps the phrase here. The expression ba'ey mo'ed (Lam. I, 4) which seems to denote "pilgrims" is probably jlerived from one of these 2 meanings (see the commentary of Ibn Ezra on this verse)". I have failed to trace this meaning in the Arabic sources. 54 AI-AzraqI, op. cit., pp. 124-125; al-Tsamt, op. cit., I, 219; cf. the story of Duba'a bint 'Amir: Ibn J:la"bIb, l-Munammaq, ed. Kh~rsheed Ahmad Fariq , Hyderabad 1964, p. 272. a 55 Muqatil, op. cit., fol. 22a (no. 9); cf. Mughultay, al-Zahr al-btisim , Ms. Leiden Or. 370, fol. 100a. 56 Cf. Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VIII, 153 inf.; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, VIII, 6; Mughultay, op. cit., fols. 99b-l00a; al-Wahidt,op. cit., pp. 151-152. 5. 57 Abol~~Ala',op. cit., p. 537. J. Goldziher, Abhandlungen zur Arabischen Philologie , Leiden 1896. 41 lished style of religious discourse in the period of the Jahiliyya.t" Tradition stresses the efficacy of saj' invocations uttered in the haram of Mecca in the period of the Jahiliyya and directed against wrong-doers and oppressors. The Sira of Ibn Ishaq in the transmission of Yiinus b. Bukayr has a special chapter recording cases of this kind.6o In early Islam saj' and rajaz were considered a product of the Bedouin mind and it was deemed especially odious to link the Qur'ii:n with raiaz/" The Prophet is said to have prohibited the use of saj' in mvocauons." Some saj' invocations of the Jahiliyya period were indeed utterly forgotten. According to the report of al-Fakihi the people performing the tawdf between al-Safa and al-Marwa in the period of the Jahiliyya used to utter the following short invocation: al-yauma qirri 'aynd: bi-qari l-marwataynai" This invocation is never encountered again in the Islamic period. some 01 the invocations of the talbiya in their sal or rajaz forms did, however, survive and were adopted by the Prophet; he used to utter them during his pilgrimage. The invocation labbayka hajjan haqqd: taabbudan wa-riqqd mentioned above'" was uttered by the Prophet in his talbiya. 65 Ibn Manziir records the verses uttered by Abu Khirash al-Hudhali (sa' y) between al-Safa and al-Marwa: liihumma hddhii khdmisun in tamma: atammahu llahu wa-qad atammii: during running 59 H.A.R. Gibb, Arabic Literature, Oxford 1963, pp. 14-15, 34-35; idem, "Pre Islamic Monotheism in Arabia," Harvard Theological Review, 1962, pp. 278-279. 6' A. Guillaume, "New Light on the Life of Muhhamad," JSS, Monograph No, 1, Manchester n.d., pp. 15-18 ("The Potency ofInvocations Pronounced in Saj'"). Guillame remarked that he had been unable to find this passage elsewhere. The stories of this passage can, however, be traced in al-Kala'r's al-Iktifa', I, 66~9; Ibn al-Athtr, Usd al-ghaba, BOiaq 1280, III, 150-151; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, IV, 752-753; Ibn Abl I-Dunya, Kitab muiabt l-da'wa, Bombay 1389/1969, pp, 10-14, no. 5; Abo I-Baqa' Muhammad b. al- .t;>iya' al-Makkl al-Adawt, A!JWlll makka wa-l-madtna, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 11865, fols, 119b-121a; Ibn Zuhayra, al-Jami' al-lattf ft fadli makkata wa-ahliha wa-bina'i l-bayti l-shartf, Cairo 1357/1938. p. 61. 61 See al-Baladhurt, Ansab al-ashraf, Ms. fo!. 1211b: .. 'ani l-salti bni dtnarin qala: sam i'tu I-!Jajjllja 'ala minbari wasitin yaqulu: qatala llahu 'abda hudhaylin, wa-llahi ma qara 'a mimma anzala llahu 'alll muhammadin harfan, wa-mil huwa illa rajazu 1- 'arabi, wa-llahi lau adraktuhu la-saqaytu l-arda min damihi; Ibn Abr l-Dunya, al-Ishraf ft manazil al-ashraf, Ms. Chester Beatty 4427, fol. 62b (al-Hajjaj refers to the version of the Qur'an of Ibn Mas'ud). " See L 'A, s.v.s j 'a; 'All al-Qart, al-Asrar al-marfu'a ft l-akhbar al-maudu'a, ed. Muhammad al-Sabbagh, Beirut 1391/1971, p. 140, no. 109 (see the comments of the editor); cf. 'Abd ai-Malik b. HabIb, al-Ta'rtkh, Ms. Bodleian, Marsh. 288, p. 167,1. 17. (. .. qillll; aqbalna min al-fajji t-tamtq na'ummu l-bayta l-tattq: fa qala 'umaru: qad waqa'u ft hadha, ya'nr saj'a l-kalam wa-tahstnahu. " AI-FakihI, Ta'rlkh makka, Ms. Leiden, Or. 463, fo!. 380a, 11. 2-3. 6. Note 22. " Abo 'Abdallah al-Sarr, Juz', Leiden, Or. 2465, fols. 7a-b, 8b; Nor al-Dtn al-Haythamt, op. cit., II, 223; al-Muttaqr I-Hindr, Kanz al-tummal. Hyderabad 1374/1954, V, 16, 77-78, nos. 138, 634~35; Murta"a l-Zabrdr, op. cit., IV 337 inf. 42 On a monotheistic aspect of a Jdhiliy y a practice in taghfiri lliihumma tagfir jammii: wa-ayyu 'abdin laka Iii alammii:66 AI-Tabari who reports on the authority of Mujahid that the people used to circumambulate the Ka 'ba uttering the second verse: in taghfiri lliihuma ... 67 records however another tradition saying that the Prophet recited this verse.t" According to a tradition recorded by Ibn Manziir the second verse (in taghfir ... ) was composed by Umayya b. abi 1_~alt.69 The verse is indeed ascribed to Umayya b. ab'i l-Salt in the Kitiib al-Aghiini and two versions are related about the circumstances in which Umayya composed the verse: according to al-Zuhri he uttered it during the miraculous opening of his breast; according to Thabit b. al-Zubayr he recited it before his death.?" According to a tradition reported by Ibn al-Kalbi the verse was uttered by al-Dayyan (the ancestor of the Bami l-Dayyan)?' during his prayer.72 These verses (with the variant: alliihumma hiidhii wdhidun in tammii ... ) are recorded by Husain as the talbiya of the Ash 'ariyyun. 73 Muqatil records a talk between 'Umar and Abu Burda (the son of Abu Milsa al-Ash'arl) in which he asked him about the talbiya of the Ash'ariyyun. Abu Burda quoted the following form of their Jahili talbiya: alliihumma hiidhii wdhidun innamii: 74 athamahu lliihu wa-qad athimii: in taghfiri lliihumma ... 75 It is thus a divergent version with a different intent: God knows the sins of the men who commit them (and will certainly punish them - K); if God forgives He will forgive them all together, as there is no believer who has not sinned. The four hemistichs seem to have been a widely current popular invocation and their authorship was, as usually in such cases, ascribed to different poets, or recorded as a ritual invocation of individuals or groups.?" •• L:4 s.v. I m m; aI-SUy1ltI, Sharh shawahid al-mughnt , ed. al-Shanqrtt, rev. Ahmad zsfir Kojan, Damascus 1386/1966, p.625, no.388 (with the variant in the first hemistich: hadha rabi'un); Ahmad b. Hamdan aI-Razr, op. cit., II, 15. 67 AI-Tabarl, Tafslr (BOIag) XXVII, 40; al-Suyntt, Sharh shawahid, p. 625. 68 AI-Tabar1, Tafstr, XXVII, 39; al-Qurtubt, Tafslr, XVII, 107; aI-SUy1lt1, al-Durr al-manthui, VI, 127 inf.; al-Munawr, Fayd al-qadtr, Cairo 1391/1972, III, 28, no. 2662; cf. L'A, s.v. jmm. 69 L 'A, s.v. I m m. 70 Aghant (BOlag) III, 190-191; al-Darnrrr, Hayat al-hayawan, Cairo 1383/1963, II, 402403; al-Jumaht, Tabaqat fuhut ai-shu 'ara " ed. Mahmud Shakir, Cairo 1952, pp. 223-224 (and see the references of the editor, p. 224, note 3); and see Sadr aI-DIn al-Basrt, al-Hamasa albasriyya, ed. Mukhtar al-Drn Ahmad, Hyderabad 1383/1964, II, 431, no. 53 (and see the references recorded by the editor); 'Abd al-Qadir al-Baghdadt, Khizanat al-adab, ed. 'Abd alSalam Hartin, Cairo 1388/1968, II, 295-296 (and see the references given by the editor); Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, I, 252. 71 See on him Ibn Hazrn , Jamharat ansab al-tarab, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Haran, Cairo 1962, p.416. 72 Aghant ; X, 146, penult. 73 Husain, op cit., p. 365, no. 3. 74 The metre here is defective. Perhaps: lahumma has to be read. 7S Mugatil,op. cit., 24a (no. 51). "a Cf. 'Abd aI Qadir al-Baghdadt, op. cit., 11,295. 43 The two last hemistichs were adopted by the Prophet and uttered by him in his invocation. This is another instance for the way in which Jahilf pious ideas tainted by a shade of monotheism were taken up by Islam. The delegation of Najran, who journeyed to Medina to meet the Prophet, was preceded by Kurz b. 'Alqama who uttered the following rajaz verses: i/ayka ta'du qaliqan wadinuhii: mu'taridan fi batnihii janinuhii: mukhaztfan dina'l-na~ara dinuha76 Several traditions report that 'Umar recited these verseswhen driving his riding beast swiftly through the Wadi Muhassir during his ~ajj. 77 Another tradition relates that the Prophet uttered these verses when on his ifoqa from 'Arafa." It is quite significant that these rajaz verses, marked as a piece of Yamani poetry, are recorded as the talbiya of the Asad and Ghatafan."" These rajaz-verses are yet another case of the absorption of Jahil'i material, whereby it was transformed into a part of the Muslim ritual invocation. According to current tradition the tribal talbiyiit were prohibited and were substituted by a Muslim formula. This is c1early reflected in the story of 'Amr b. Ma'dfkarib, reported on the authority of Sharqi b. Qutami: the old tribal talbiya, telling about the strenuous efforts of the journey and about the idols left void behind them, was replaced by the prescribed Muslim talbiya.80 The case of the talbiya of Zubayd, as recorded by Muqatil, is however different. The Jahili talbiya mentioned above was replaced by a new one in which God is addressed as "the Lord of the lords" (rabbu l-arbdb) and "the Subduer of every idol and graven image in the land" tqdhiru kulli wathanin wa-sanamin fi l-bilad).81 It is the only , ,. Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., I, 357; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, V, 586, no. 7403; al-Kalil'I, al-Ikti/4, 1,259. 77 Al-Bayhaqt, al-Sunan al-kubra, V, 126; al-Bakrr, Mu'jam mil sta'jam, ed. Mu~~afa l-Saqa, Cairo 1368/1949, pp. 1191 inf. - 1192; Ibn AbI Shayba,al-Mu¥lnflll[. ed. 'Abd alKMliq al-Afghant, Hyderabad 1386/1966, IV, 81; Nor ai-DIn al-Haythamt, op, cit., III, 256; L 'A, s.v, wdn; al-Muttaqt l-Hindt, op. cit.; V, 116, no. 866, 111, no. 837 (with the hemistich: wa·ayyu 'abdin laka III alamma, added); Muhibb al-Dtn al-Tabar I, op. cit., p. 414; Ibn al-Athlr, al-Nihaya, s.v. wdn; cf al-Fakihr,op. cit ; fol. 531a; and see Abo 'Ubayda, Majllz al-Qur'l1n, ed. F. Sezgin, Cairo, 1381/1962, II, 249, no. 898, Murtac;la I-ZabIdI, op. cit., IV, 386. ,8 Ibn al-Athtr, al-Nihaya, s.v. wdn; L'A, s.v. wdn; Mul:tibb al-Drn al-Tabart, op. cit., p. 414; NOr al-Drn al-Haythamr, op. cit., Ill, 156. ,. Muqatil,op. cit., 22a (no. 8). 80 Al-Tabarant, al-Mu'jam al-sagbtr, ed. 'Abd al-Rahrnan 'Uthman, Cairo 1388/1968, I, 59; Nor al-Dtn al-Haythamt, op. cit., III, 111; al-Tahawr, SharlJ ma'ant l-athar, II, 124-125; Ibn al-Athtr, Usd ai-ghaba, IV, 133; Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba, IV, 690; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isn'ab, ed. 'All Muhammad al-Bijawt, Cairo 1380/1960, p. 1203; aI-Kha~Ib ai-BaghdadI, Ta'rlkh, V,282. 81 Muqatil,op. cit., 24a (no.49). 44 On a monotheistic aspect of a Jiihiliyya practice case in which a separate talbiya of a tribe is mentioned in the period of Islam. It is interesting to note that this talbiya stresses the struggle of God against the gods and the idols and His subjugation of them, thus giving a clear idea how Islam was conceived by the tribes in its nascent period. The animosities between the tribes are reflected in the talbiyiit of 'Abd al-Qays and Qays 'Aylan. The Qays 'Aylan in their talbiya make the complaint that Bakr (scil. b. Wa)il) interpose between them and God; people obey God, while Bakr disbelieve Him. Were it not for Bakr b. Wa)il people would set out in crowds for the pilgrimage.82 The worshippers of Dhii I·LIba (i.e. the 'Abd al-Qays) invoke God that He may turn Mudar away from them, make the journey safe and relieve them from the lords of Hajar.83 The complaint of the 'Abd al-Qays recurs in fact in another setting: when the delegation of 'Abd al-Qays came to the Prophet they complained that they were unable to reach Medina, save during the holy months, because the Mudartribes stood in their way. 84 • Different in content and in setting is the talbiya of Adam. Adam mentions that God created him with His own hand, bestowed on him graces and attests that God is the Lord of the House (i.e. the Ka'ba).85 It is apparent that this talbiya, in contradistinction to the other Jiihili ones, is rooted in the Muslim concept of the role of Adam and of other prophets in establishing the lJajj and its rites. Adam built the Ka'ba;86 he is said to have performed the lJajj from India seventy times.87 Prophets 82 Muqatil, op. cit., fol. 22a (no. 5), 22b (no. 22, given as the talbiya of the worshippers of Manat; and so Ibn Habrb, al·Mul}abbar p. 313); see AbQ I-'Ala',op. cit., p. 536 (recorded as the talbiya of Tamtm). 8' Muqatil,op. cit., fol. 23a (no. 27); Ibn HabIb,al-Muhabbar, p. 314 . •• See e.g. al-Zurqanl, Sharh al-mawahib al-laduniyya, Cairo 1327, IV, 13-14; Ibn Kaunr, al-Stra al-nabawiyya, ed. Mu~tafa 'Abd al-WaJ:tid,Cairo 1385/1966, IV, 88; 'AIr b. Burhan al-Dtn, Insan al-tuyan (= al-Stra al-halabiyyar, Cairo, 1382/1962, III, 251. The animosity between TamIm and RabI'a was reflected in certain I}a//-practices: the tribes used to rally in al-Muhassab and would leave according to an established order, to avoid clashes among them. Ibn 'Abbas remarked that Tamtm and RabI'a used to fear each other (kanat banu tamtmin wa-rabt'atu takhafu ba'duha ba'dan). See al-Fakiht, op. cit.; fol. 481b. 85 Muqatil,op. cit., fol, 22b (no. 10) . •• See e.g, Muhibb al-Dtn al-TabarI, op. cit., p. 47 inf.; al-$aliJ:tI,Subul al-huda wa-l-rashad, ed. Mu~tafa 'Abd al-WaJ;1.id 167 (1.4 from bottom) I, 167, 168 (1.3 from bottom), 168, I, (1.3 from bottom), 171-172; al-Khuwarizmt, Itharatu l-targhtb wa-l-tashwtq illJ l-masaiidi l-thalathati wa-ila l-bayti l-tattq, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 4584, fol. 17a, 1.4; cf. Murta~a 1-ZabldI, op. cit., IV, 356 sup. 87 AI-Isfara'Inr, Zubdatu l-a'mal, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3034, fol. 35a (or 40 times as Ibid., fol, 36a); Muhibb al-Dtn al-Tabart, op. cit., p. 48 sup.; al~aliJ:tI. op. cit., 1,242-243; and see al-Daylamt, Firdaus, Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 117a, inf.: qad aUllldamu hadha l-bayta alfa utyatin mina l-hindi 'allJ riilayhi, 10m yarkab [thinna min dhalika thalntha mi'ati !la/jatin wa-sab'a mi'ati 'umratin, wa-awwalu !lajjatin haiiahlllldamu wa-huwa waqifun bi-tarafatin atahu jibrtlu fa-qala yll adamu burra nuskuka, amll inna qad tufna bi-hadha l-bayti qabla an tukhlaqa bi-khamstna alfa sana tin. . 45 and saints used since then to perform the pilgrimage, mostly walking, and used to utter the talbiya in various fonns.88 It is evident that the Muslim talbiya is, according to Muslim concepts, an adequate extension of the talbiyiit uttered by the prophets while performing their /:lajj to the Ka'ba in Mecca. III Muslim scholars differ in their assessment of the position of the talbiya: whether it has to be considered a sunna, an obligatory practice (wiijib), a recommended practice imandiibv, or an essential part of the ihrdm: 119 Neither are they unanimous concerning the form of the talbiya: some of them approve of an addition to the widely circulated talbiya of the Prophet and adduce various versions of the talbiya, others recommend to adhere to the accepted wording of the talbiya.i" A rather liberal opinion is given by al-Harbi: the muhrim utters his talbiya in whatever way he likes." According to a widely current tradition the Prophet was ordered by the angel Jibrfl to enjoin his Companions to utter the talbiya in a loud voice; the best pilgrimage was considered to be one which combined the loud cry of the talbiya with the slaughter of the sacrifice (afdalu l-lJajj al-'ajj wa-l-thajj). The Companions used to recite it in such a loud voice that they would become hoarse.92 There •• See e.g. Ahmad b. Hanbal, Kttab al-zuhd, Beirut 1396/1976, pp. 58, 74, 87; aI-BayhaqI, al-Sunan al-kubra, V, 42; al-~alil;1I, op. cit., I, 243-247; Muhibb at-urn aI-Tabarl, op. cit., pp, 49-56; al-Mundhirt, al-Tarhtb, ed. Muhammad Mul;1yr I-DIn 'Abd al-Harnld, Cairo 1380/ 1961, III, 20-22, nos. 1657-1662; ai-MuttaqI l-Hindt, op. cit., V, 78, no. 636; al-Qastallant, [rshad ai-sarI, III, 115; Nur aI-DIn al-Haythamt, op. cit ; III, 220-222; al..'Aynl, op. cit., IX, 173; al-Nuwayrt, Nihl1yat at-arab, Cairo n.d. I, 309-310; al-Majlisl, Bif;l1r al-anwar, XCIX, 44, no. 33; Ibn Babliyah, 'Ilal al-shara'i', pp. 418419 . •0 Al-Zurqant, Sharf; al-muwatta', III, 44, al-Shaukant, Nayl al-autar, Cairo 1380/1961, IV, 359 ult. - 360; Amrn Mahrned Khattab, op. cit., 1,111-112 sup.; al-'Aynl, op. cit., IX, 17linf.;al-Qastallanl,op. cit., III, 113;lbn i:lajar,Fatf;, III, 326 inf. - 327. O. AI-Shafi'I, op. cit., II, 132-133, 186; al-Zurqant, Sharf; al-muwatta', III, 34-37; Nor ai-DIn al-Haythamt, op. cit., III, 222; al-Shaukant, op. cit., IV, 359; Muhibb aI-DIn al-Tabarr, op. cit., pp. 173-174 (and see pp. 424,430);AmIn Mahmud Kha~~ab,op. cit., 1,109,112-113; aI-'Aynl, op. cit., IX, 173; Ibn Hajar, Fath, III, 325-326; al-Qastallant, op. cit., III, 114-115. 0' Al-Harbt, op. cit., p. 429: ... wa-kayfama sha'a l-muhrimu an yulabbiya labba. Ol See e.g. Abo Yosuf, op. cit., p. 95, no. 459; aI-Shafi'l, op. cit., 11,133; al-Harbt, op. cit., p. 429; al-Shaukant, op. cit., IV, 360 inf. -361; Muhibb aI-DIn al-Tabarr, op. cit., pp. 171-172; AmIn Ma.l;!mod aI-KhaHab, op. cit., I, 114-115; al-Zurqanr, Sharf; al-muwana', III, 4445; al-MundhirI, op. cit., III, 23 (no. 1663), 25 (nos. 1667-1668, 1670); al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, I, 450451; al-Munawt, Fayd al-qadtr, II, 31, no. 1248; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, ['111m al-muwaqqi'tn, Beirut 1973, IV, i99; Ibn al-Athtr, al-Nihaya, s.v. 'ajj; Ibn Hajar, Fath, III, 324; alQastallanj, op. cit., III, 113; L 'A, s.v. th j j, 'a j j; Murtada I-ZabIdl, op. cit., IV, 338; cf. Muhammad Na~ al-Albant, Silsilat al-ahadtth al·~af;I':a, Damascus 1392/1972, p. 504, no. 830; and see Gaudefroy Demornbynes, op. cit., p. 184. 46 On a monotheistic aspect of a Jdhiliy y a practice were, however, other traditions, mitigating ones, which warned of too loud cries which might cause harm to the pilgrims. It was recommended that the pilgrim utter the talbiya at every spot and in various positions: riding, alighting, Iying, ascending a hill or a mountain, descending into a valley, at meeting of caravans, in markets and in mosques; some scholars however tried to confine the permission to utter the talbiya to certain mosques in Mecca. It is advisable, according to some, that the talbiya be followed by an invocation for the Prophet (al-~aliit 'alii l-nabiyyi, ~allii lldhu 'alayhi wa-sallam). 93 It was permitted to utter the talbiya in foreign Ianguages too, even by a person with a good knowledge of Arabic." Scholars were not unanimous with regard to the place where the Prophet commenced the utterance of the talbiya nor about the time and the place where he concluded it.95 The divergencies of scholarly opinions about the various practices of the talbiya bear evidence that the mandatory forms of the talbiya had not been established by the end of the second century of the hijra, as already pointed out by Gaudefroy Dernombynes.P' The talbiya was however incorporated in the rites of the pilgrimage by the unanimous opinion of Muslim scholars, and its merits and reo wards were recorded in the compilations of hadith, 97 IV The chapter of the talbiyiit in Muqatil's Tafsir gives us a clue for a better understanding of the religious ideas of the tribes during the period of the Jahiliyya. The tribes of course had their gods and the places of worship of these gods were usually shared by other tribes allied with them or living in their neighbourhood. They believed however in a supreme God, who had His House in Mecca. On their pilgrimage to Mecca they directed themselves to this God, who held supremacy over their tribal gods. The relation between God and their gods, as perceived by the tribes, is reflected in the report of al-Ya'qnbt: when intending to perform the .3 Al-Shafi't, op. cit., II, 133-134, 186; al-Zurqant, Sharh al-muwatta', III, 46; Muhibb al-Drn al-Tabart, op. cit., pp. 172-180; al-Harbr, op. cit., p. 429; Amrn Mahmnd Khattab, op. cit., I, 11 i, 115; and see Gaudefroy Demombynes, op. cit., 181, 183-184; Murtada I-ZabldY, op. cit., IV, 339 . •• Arntn Mahmod Khattab, op. cit., I, 111; Gaudefroy Dernombynes, op. cit., p. 180. 95 See e.g. Ibn I:Iajar"Fat~, III, 317 inf. -318; al-Aynt, op. cit., IX, 159-160; al-Zurqant, Shar~ al-muwatta', III, 37-38, 43; Nor al-Dtn al-Haythamj, op. cit., III, 221; al-Tahawt, Sharh ma'ani t-amar, II, 120-123; al-Shaukant, op. cit., IV, 360-361; Muhibb al-Dtn al-Taban: op. cit., pp. 180-184 (and see pp. 415416); Amtn MaJ:tmod Khattab, op. cit., 1,31-35, 116-121; Gaudefroy Dernombynes, op. cit., pp. 181-183 . •• Gaudefroy Demombynes, op. cit., p, 183. 9? See e.g, al-Mundhirt, op. cit., III, 24-26, nos. 1665-1666, 1669, 1671; al-Hakim, op, cit., I, 451; al-Tibrtzt, MishklJt al-ma~bll}, Karachi 1350, p. 223 inf.; N11ral-Dtn al Haythaml, op. cit., III, 223 uIt.; Mul,tibb al-Dtn al-TabarI.op. cit., pp. 41, 70; see al-DayIamI, Firdaus, Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 157b: man labba sab'tna marratan ft ilJrlJmihiashhada llahu 'azza wa-jallasab'tna alfa malakin lahu bi-bara'atin min al-nari wa-barn'atin min al-nifiiqi. 47 pilgrimage to the Sanctuary at Mecca every tribe would come to ( the abode of) their idol and pray there; then they would set out uttering the talbiya (on their journey - K) until they reached Mecca." This report demonstrates to what extent there prevailed harmonious co-existence and co-operation between the tribal deities and the supreme God of Mecca. The Jahiliyya tribes cannot be said to have been straightforward polytheists; they were mushrikiin, i.e. while accepting and admitting the existence and supreme authority of God, they associated other deities with Him. The talbiyiit expose a remarkably rich religious vocabulary and termino .. logy. The attributes of God are well attested in the two monotheistic faiths pre .... ceding Isiam and are recurring in the Qur"an.99 It is the merit of Brockelmann, who in his study of the religious terms in the extant compilations of ancient Arabic poetry, adduced an abundant body of references to Allah and Rahman in the Jahi.. Ii poetry. Brockelmann also pointed out the various expressions pertaining to the conception of Allah in the Jahiliyya: God the Creator, the Lord of the creatures, the Omnipotent; God punishes and grants rewards; this is why He ought to be feared, revered, and praised. Brockelmann shows that expressions like hamd, khashya, hudii, taqwii occurring in the JIihiII poetry suggest a kind of religious perception of a High God akin to that of EI-' Olam and EI-'Elyon. Admitting that some details of the Genesis-story of creation might have reached Arabia, Broc.. kelmann refutes definitely the assumption that the concept of Allah might have been borrowed from one of the religions of Revelation or originated from animism.lOO Gibb, starting from a quite different point and using different material arrives at a rather similar conclusion, stressing the original Arabian concepts of monotheism which developed in the Arab peninsula and denying the hypothesis of a Jewish or Christian source for the Qur'an.101 In another article Gibb analyses the process of the rededication of the Jahili religious symbolism and the re..nter .. i pretation of the religious terms of the Jahiliyya into the monotheistic, Muslim ones.102 They are moulded in the genuine old Arabic forms of sa;' and rajaz and expose the belief in the supreme God of the Ka'ba, Allah, associated with tribal gods; this was an indigenous religious tradition, developed in the Arabian peninsula, •• AI-Ya'qnbI,Op. cit., I, 296 . •• See W. Montgomery Watt, "Belief in a 'High God' in Pre-Islamic Mecca," JSS 16(1971) pp. 35-40; the assumption on p. 40 about the pre-nomadic agriculture times in which the deities represented the neutral forces, thus forming "a vigorous paganism" in contradistinction to the Bedouin for whom "it was not incongruous that AUah rather than the pagan deities should send rain and supply man with his rizq or provision," seems, however, not to be based on solid textual evidence. 100 C. Brockelmann, "Allah und die Gotzen, der Ursprung des islamischen Monotheismus," Archiv fur Religionswissenschaft 21 (1922) 99-121. 101 H.A.R. Gibb, "Pre-Islamic Monotheism in Arabia", pp.269, 271, 277 inf.-278; and see idem. Studies on the Civilization of Islam, ed. S.J. Shaw and W.R. Polk, Boston 1962, p. 192; cr. C. Torrey, The Jewish Foundation of Islam, New York 1933, pp. 54-56; W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Mecca. Oxford 1953, pp. 158-161. 102 H.A.R. Gibb, Studies on the Civilization of Islam. pp, 176-192. 48 On a monotheistic aspect of a liihiliyya practice and reflecting the peculiar setting of co-operation between the tribes and Mecca. It was against the people who recited these talbiyiit, the mushrikiin, that Muhammad preached his exclusive monotheistic ideas. It is thus not surprising that some of the expressions and terms in these talbiydt found their way into the Qur'an. Reiriterpreted and transformed they coalesced with other elements to form the body of ideas represented by the religious literature of Islam. Addenda Note 3: See: al-Samarqandi, Tafstr, Ms. Chester Beatty 3668/11, fol. 37a; Muqatil, Tafstr, Ms. Ahmet III, 74/11, fol. 78a; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Ighiithat al-lahfan min masayid al-shaytan, ed. Muhammad Hamid al-Fiqi, Cairo 1358/1939, II, 210, 245. Note 4: See Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Badii't al-fawl/id, Beirut, n.d. (repr.) II, 214-215; Ibn Abf Uitim al-Razr, 'Ilal al-hadtth. , ed. Muhibb al-Dm al-Khatrb, Cairo 1343, I, nos. 842, 843, 876, 888; al-Nawawr, al-Adhkdr, Cairo 1324, p. 87; Ghulam Tha'lab, Juz", Ms. Chester Beatty 3495 (mojrnifa), fol. 96b; Abu Nu'aym, Ifilyat al-auliyd", IX, 28; al-Tabarf', Tafsfr, ed. Shakir, XIII, 512, No. 16000; alTabarani. al.Mu'jam al-~aghfr, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman 'Uthman, al-Madina almunawwara 1388/1968, I, 87. Note 38: See F. Rosenthal, "Some Minor Problems in the Qur'an", The Joshua Starr Memorial Volume, New York 1953, pp. 72-83; Rudi Paret, "Der Ausdruck samad in Sure 112,2," Der Islam 1979, pp. 294-295. Note 55: Cf. Ibn Abr l-Dunya, al-Ishriif manazil al-ashraf, Ms. Chester Beatty 4427, fol. 43a: ... kiinat imra'atun jiihiliyyatun tatufu bi-l-bayti wa-lahd sittatu banina yasturunahii min at-nasi wa-hiya taqidu tawa[iha ... tr tr Note 76: Cf. Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, V, 586, No. 7403. Note 80: See Ibn Athlr, Usd al-ghiiba, IV, 133. 49 ‫ﻡﻟﻢﺝ ﻡ ﻭ ﻡ ﻡ0 ﻡ ﻭﺍﺑﻤﺘﺐ ﺍﻗﻮﻝﺍﻟﺰﻭﺭ ، ﻳﻘﻮﻝ . ﺍﺗﻘﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﺬﺏ ، ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻙ < ﺣﺪ~ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻌﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻝ ﺣﺪﺛﻨﻲ :ﺑﻲ ﻗﺎﻝ ﺣﺪﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻢ ﻣﺬﻳﻞ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﺗﻞ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺒﻮﺍ ﻗﻮﻝﺍﻟﺰﻭﺭ ﻗﺎﻝ . ﺍﻟﻜﺬﺏ ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ «‬ ‫) « ( ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻥ~ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺲ ،ﻗﺮﻳﺸﺎﻭﺧﺰﺍﻋﺖﻭﻛﻤﺎﻣﺖﺍ ﻭﻋﺎﻣﺮ ﺑﻦﻣﻌﺼﻌﺖ ، ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻫﻠﻴﺔﺍﻛﺎﻧﺮﺍ ﻳﻘﻮﻟﻮﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔﺍ 0 ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﻻ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻻ ﺷﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻟﻚ ﺗﻤﻠﻚ ﻭﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﻚ . ﻳﻌﻤﻮﻥ ﺷﻜﺖ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺒﺪ . ﻫﺬﺍ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺰﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﻮﻟﻬﻢ . ﺍﻻ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﻫﻮ ﻟﻚ <‬ ‫) « ﻟﻢ ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻫﻠﻴﺔﺍ ﻳﻘﻮﻟﻮﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔﺍ . ﻣﺤﻦ ﻏﺮﺍﺑﺎ «‬ ‫ﺍ~ﻻﺹ‬ ‫ﻋﻚ، ﻣﺚ ﺍﻟﺒﻚ ( ﻋﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻙ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﺎﻣﻴﻪ ، ﻛﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺤﺞ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﻪ ، ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺟﻴﻪ <‬ ‫) ﻩ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻤﻴﻢ « ﺗﻘﻮﻝ . ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺭﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺮﻩ ، ﺍﺩﻻﺟﻪ ﻭﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﺣﺮﻩ ،‬ ‫ﻻﻣﺘﻘﻲ ﻣﺘﻴﺜﺄ «ﻭﻻﻣﺼﺮﻩ ، ﺣﺠﺎ ﻟﺮﺏ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻩ <‬ ‫) ( ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖﻭﻳﺒﻌﺖ ﺗﻘﻮﻝ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﺣﺠﺎ ﺣﻔﺎ، ﺗﻌﺒﺪﺍ ﻭﺭ( ، ﻟﻢ ﻧﺄﺗﻚ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺼﺎﺣﻪ ، « ﻭﻻ ﺣﺒﺎ « ﻟﻠﺮﺑﺎ~ «‬ ‫) ﻩ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﻗﻴﺲ ﻣﻴﺔ ﺭ ﺗﻘﻮﻝ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﻟﻮﻻ :ﻥ ﺑﻜﺮﺍ ﺃﻭﻣﻜﺎ ، « ﺑﻤﻮ ﻏﻔﺎﺭ «‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻢ ﻳﻠﻮﻣﻚ ، ﻻ ﺑﻴﺮﺙ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺱﻭﻳﻔﺠﺮﻭﻣﻜﺎ ، ﻣﺎﺯﺍﻝ ﻣﻤﺎ ﻋﺠﻴﺞ ( ﻳﺄﺗﻮﻣﻜﺎ «‬ ‫) 6 ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺟﺮﻫﻢ ﺗﻘﻮﻝ . ﻟﻴﻨﻚ ﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻫﻤﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻙ ، ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺎﺱﻃﺮﻑ ﻭﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺩﻙ ، ´ « ﻭﻫﻢ ﻟﻌﻤﺮﻱﻋﻤﺮﻭﺍ ﺑﻼﺩﻙ ، ﻻﻳﻄﺎﻕ ﺭﺑﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺎﺩﻙ ، ﻭﻫﻢ ﺍﻻ~ﻭﻟﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻌﺎﺩﻙ ، ﻓﺎﻥ )ﺇ (ﻳﻌﺎﺩﻭﺍ « ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻌﺎﺩﻙ ، ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻘﻴﻤﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﺩﻙ < ﻻ‬ ‫ﺃﻟﺮﻣﻮﺯ.‬ ‫.ﻡ ﻡ ﻭﻡ000 ﻡ ﻭﻡ ﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺭﻡﺭﻯ _ ..~‬ ‫0 ﺭﻡ ﺭﺭﺡ _ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻩ»ﺭ‬ ‫ﺡ‬ ‫85 »ﻻﻻﺃ 9 1ﺍ» 7‬ ‫ﺁﺍ‬ ‫71 ﺗﺎﺍﺍﻷﻵﻻ .ﻻ « ﻣﺲ‬ ‫)ﺍ( ) ﺍ ( < ﻗﺎﺭﻥ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﺒﻲ ، ﺍﻻﻣﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮ ﻡ .‬ ‫) « ( ﺍ ﻙﻭﺭ . ﻣﺨﺰ ﺍﻡﻣﺤﻜﺎ: ﺱ ﻭﻣﺲ ﻭ(ﺡ . ﻣﺤﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻚ > ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻤﺮ ﻣﺮ ﺀﺍﺀ. « ﺍﻟﺒﻚ _ﻣﺤﺪﺭﺀ ﻣﻰ ﻙ ﻭ ﻭ .‬ ‫) ﻻ ( » ﻓﻲ ﻙ ﻭﺡ . ﻭﻛﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﻢ « ﻣﻰ ﻙﻭﺡ . ﺳﺎ ﻭﻻ ﺑﻨﺮﻩ.‬ ‫) ( ( < ﻓﻲ~ ﻡ ﻭ:ﻟﻠﻤﻤﺎﺏ . . . . ﻟﻠﺮﻓﺎ~ ، ﻭﻣﻤﺪﻭ ﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻭﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻤﺮ ﻭ (<ﻡ ، ﺍﻟﻄﺮ ﺍﻻﺣﻴﻰ > ﻟﻠﻤﻴﺎﺱ .< .. ﻟﻠﺮﻣﺎ~ .‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻥ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﻢ ﻡ ،ﻩ،ﻩ ﻡ . ﺀ ﺃﺡ ﻭﻣﺮﻭﻣﺲ . ﻭﻻﺣﺎ.‬ ‫) ﻩ ( < ﺍﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﺎ ﻣﻲ ´ﺡ ﻭﻣﺲ ﻭﺱ:ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﺎﻭﺭﺩﻣﺎ« ﻣﺮ ﻙﻭﻯ‬ ‫« ﻛﺬﺍ ﻣﻲ ﻙﻭﺡ . ﻭﻗﺎﺭﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ (« ﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ . ﻣﻤﻲ ﻓﻄﻔﺎﻥ . ﻡ ﻣﻰ ﻙﻭﺭ . ﻣﻼﻙ‬ ‫ﻡ ﻣﻲ ﻙ ﻭ ﺭ:ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﻴﺤﺎ:ﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﺮ:ﺣﺖ ، ﻣﻤﺮ : ﺑﻰﻭﺳﺎﻟﺖﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﺮﺍﺭ . ﺳﻮ . ﻭﺍﻣﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻮ~ . ﻋﺸﺮ .‬ ‫ﺍ ﺍﻧﻪ ( < ﻣﻰ ﻙﻭﺭ . ﻭﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺩﻙ ﻭﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﻣﺮ ﺳﻤﻞ ﺍ ؟ ﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﻙ . «‬ ‫0‬ ‫ﻣﺮ ﻙﻭﺭ . ﻭﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺎﺩﻭﺍ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺮ ﻋﺎﺩﺍﻙ . ﻡ ﻣﻰ ﻙﺡ . ﻣﻰ ﻣﺎﺩﻙ ﻭﻻ ﻣﻪ ﻭﺭﻣﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﺎﻋﺖﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻝ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﻞﻭﺍﻻﺣﺮﺍﻡ ، ﺍﺭﺣﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺃ ﻣﺒﺪ ﻡ‬ ‫) ﻡ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ~ﻡ ، ﺃﺗﻮﻙ ﻳﻤﺘﻨﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻗﺪﺍﻡ >‬ ‫) ﻡ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ :ﺳﺪ ﻭﻏﻄﻔﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻝ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﻣﻬﺎ ﺑﺸﻌﺮ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﻦ« . ﻟﺘﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﻴﻚ ﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﻭ ﻗﻠﻘﺎ ﻭﻓﻴﻨﻬﺎ ، ﻣﻌﺘﺮﻓﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻄﻬﺎ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎ ، ﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎ ﻟﺪﻳﻦ ( ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﺴﺎ .‬ ‫0 ﻳﻄﻔﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﺒﺖ « ﻋﺮﺍﺓ ، ﺗﺄﺧﺬ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﻫﻦ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﺔ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺗﺴﺘﺘﺮ‬ ‫) ﻭ ( ﻭﻛﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎ‬ ‫~‬ ‫ﻩ ﻭﺗﻘﻮﻝ . ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺑﻌﻒ ﺃﻭﻛﻼ، ﻭﻣﺎ « ﺑﺪﺍ ﺳﺮ ﻓﺔ ﺍ~ ، ﻛﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻻ‬ ‫ﻯﻟﻮﻳﻀﻠﻰ،ﻭﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﻡ ﻳﻤﻈﺮﻓﻤﺎ ~، ﻓﻴﺨﻢﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺠﺜﻢ ﻩ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻇﻠﺚ <‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺩ22 _()01 ( ﻭﻻﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔﺍ~ﺩﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ« .ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﻳﺒﺪﻳﻚ ، ﻛﺮﻣﺖ ﻓﺄ ﻋﻄﻴﺔ ، ﺗﺮﺑﺖ ﻓﺄﺩﻣﻴﺖ ، ﺗﺒﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ، ﺃﻧﺖ ﺭﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺖ <‬ ‫ﻓﺄﻣﺮﻝ ﺍﻟﻠﻮ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ > ﻭﺍﺟﺘﻨﺒﻮﺍ ﻗﻮﻝﺍﻟﺰﻭﺭ ﺣﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻮﺍ . ﻻ ﺛﺮﻳﻚ ﻟﻚ ﺍﻻ ﺛﺮﺑﻜﺎ ﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﻟﻚ ، ﻧﻤﻠﻚﻭﻣﺎﻣﻠﻚ < «‬ ‫< ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻫﻠﻴﺔ <‬ ‫) »« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖﻗﺮﻳﻨﺜﺮ ﺗﺴﻚﻻﺳﺎﻑ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﺎ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ >‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﻻﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﻟﻚ ، ﺍﻻﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﻫﻮ ﻟﻚ ، ﺗﻤﻠﻜﻲﻭﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﻚ <‬ ‫) (« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﻟﻠﻌﺰﻯ > ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ «‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺪﻳﻚ،ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﻣﺎ ﺃﺣﺒﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻚ <‬ ‫) ﻡ« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖﺗﻠﺒﻴﻮﻙ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻚ ﺍﻻﺕ 0 . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻛﻔﻰ « ﻣﻴﻴﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻮ ، ﻟﻴﺴﺮ ﺑﻤﺠﻮﺭ ﻭﻻ ~ ، ﻟﻜﻤﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺮﺑﺔﺍ ﺯﻛﻴﻪ ، :ﻭﺑﺎﺑﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻣﻠﺢ ﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻳﻪ <‬ ‫) (« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﻬﻴﺔﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﻟﺠﻬﺎﺭ. ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻤﻴﻚ،« ﺍﺟﻌﻞ ﺫﻣﻮﺑﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺎﺭﺍ ،ﻭﺍﻫﺪﻧﺎ ﻻﻣﻠﺢﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺭﺍ«، ﻭﻣﺘﻌﻨﺎ ﻭﻣﻠﻨﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﺭﺍ< ﻡ‬ ‫) 7 ﺍ ﺍ ~ﻙ ﻭﺹ . ﺗﺴﺪ . ﻭﻓﻰ ﻙﻭﺀ . ´ﻣﻤﺪ ، ﻓﺎﺭ، :ﺩﻁ ﺩ ﺭﻡ 64‬ ‫ﺡ‬ ‫) / ( < ﺑﺸﻤﺮ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﺭﻑ ﻓﻲ ﻙﻭﺡ. « ﺍﻟﻴﻚ ﺣﺬ~ ﻓﻲ1 ﺡﻭﺱ ﻭﺣﻰ .‬ ‫ﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻙﻭﺡ > ﻓﻲ ﺑﻄﻤﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﻓﻌﺎ ﺣﻨﻴﻬﺎ. 4 ﻓﻲ ﻭﻣﺮﻭﺣﺲ . ﻟﺬﻱﺍﻟﻌﺼﺎﺭﻯ .‬ ‫ﺃﺡ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﻙﻭﺡ . ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻤﻬﺎ ﻩ‬ ‫) 5 (« ﻓﻲ ﻙﻭﺡ > ﺑﺎﻟﻴﺒﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻠﺐﻝ. ﻟﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻙﻭﺡ > ﻓﻤﺎ. ﻩ ´´ﻣﻦ´´ ﺣﺪﻑ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻙﻭﺡ ﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻙﻭﺡ . ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻇﻰ ﻩ ﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺃ ﺡ ﺣﺲ> ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻢ:ﻙ ﻭ ﺡ ﻫﻦ »ﻝ_)< (‬ ‫ﻭﺱ‬ ‫) .« ( ﻓﻲ ﻙ ﻭ ﺡ .ﺍﺩﻡ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻠﻪ ﻋﻠﺐ ﻭﺳﻠﻢ « ﻓﻲ ﻙﻭﺡ . ﻓﺎﻣﺰﻝ ﺍ~‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺟﺘﺘﺒﻮﺍ ﻛﻮﻝ ﺍﺍﺯﻭﺭﻡ ﻭﻫﻮﺍﻟﻨﺮﻙ ﺩﺭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﺒﺔ ،ﺣﺪﺗﻤﺎ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻠﻪ ﻗﺎﻝ . ﺣﺪﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﻲ ﻗﺎﻝ ،‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺛﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺰﻳﻞ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﺗﻞ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻮﻝ ﺍ~ ﻋﺰﻭ ﺟﻞ .ﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺒﻮﺍ ﻓﻮﻝﺍﻟﺰﻭﺭ ﻗﺎﻝ:‬ ‫ﻳﻘﺎﻝ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻋﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺮﻛﻴﻦ ، ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻋﻴﻦ ) ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻰ > ﺍﻟﺴﻌﺎ ﻣﻴﻦ ( ﻭﻧﻤﻴﺮﻩ ، ﻓﺬﻟﻚ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻠﻪ ﻟﻠﺤﻤﺲ . ﺍﺟﺘﺒﻮﺍ ﻓﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﻉ ﺣﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻟﻮﺍ . ﺍﻻﺗﺤﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻟﻚ • ﻭﺃﻣﻈﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺗﻞ‬ ‫ﺍ ﺡ ﻭﻡ(ﺏ «‬ ‫)«« ( « ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺣﺪﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺡ ﻭﺱ ﻭﺣﺲ.ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﻣﻰ < «ﻡ «‬ ‫)ﻻ« ( «ﻓﻲ ﺃﺡ`ﻭﺱ ﻭﺣﺮ . ﻟﻼ~ . « ﻓﻲ1 ﺡ ﻭﺱ ﻭﺳﻰ. ﻛﻌﺎ . ﻡ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮﺹ «»ﻡ . ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﺤﻲ «‬ ‫)ﺀ« ( « ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﻫﺮ ﻻ«ﻻ . .< ﻩ ﻟﺒﻨﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﺣﻌﻞ < « ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ.‬ ‫ﺣﺒﺎﺭ ، ﻭﺍﻫﺪﻧﺎﻻﻭﺿﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺭ . ﻻ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ . ﻭﻣﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﺤﻬﺎﺭ <‬ ‫15‬ ‫) ﻩ« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻨﺰ ﻓﻠﺒﺒﺄ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻤﻚ ﻟﺴﺮﺍﻉ . ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ~ﻧﺒﺘﺎ«‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻚ ، ﻣﻤﻮﺍﻋﺎ ﻃﻠﺒﻦ « ﺍﻟﺒﻚ «‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‬ ‫) «» ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻨﺰ ﻙ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﻟﻠﺸﺲ « _ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ، ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺮ« ﻭﻓﺮﻩ، ﻻﻧﺸﻔﻲ ﺷﺜﺎﻭﻻﻧﻀﺮﻩ، ﺣﺠﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻔﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻩ<«‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺮﻩ، ﺍﺩﻻﺟﻪ‬ ‫) ﻫﺎ« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻨﺰ ﻧﻠﺒﺒﺄﺍ ﻣﻦﻧﺴﻚ ﻟﻤﺤﺮﻥ - ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺣﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﺎ ، ﻓﻔﺒﺪﺍﻭﺭﻓﺎ <‬ ‫) ﻭ« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻨﺰ ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚﻟﻮﺙ . ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﻴﺒﻚ ﻣﻌﺬﺭﻩ ﺁﻟﺒﺒﻚ.‬ ‫) ﻭ« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴﻚ ﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﺼﻪ 0 _ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﻟﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﻟﺒﻚ . «‬ ‫) <« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﻓﻠﺒﺒﺄ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﻟﻤﻨﻄﺒﻦ . ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ < «‬ ‫) «« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪ ﻋﻚ3 ﺍﺫﺍ ﺑﻠﻐﻮﺍ ﻙ ﺑﺒﻌﻨﻮﻥ ﻏﻼﺑﺒﻦ ﺑﺴﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻮﻛﻴﻦ ﻓﺪ ﺟﺮﺩﺍ ﻋﺮﺍﺑﺎ ، « ﻓﺔ ﺑﺰﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻥ ﺑﻔﻮﻻ . ﻣﺤﻦ ﻏﺮﺍﺑﺎ « ﻋﺚ ، ﻓﺎﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﻐﻼﻣﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﻚﻣﻤﺎﺡ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻠﻔﻬﻤﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻚ . ﻋﻚ ﺍﻟﺒﻚ ﻋﺎﻣﺐ ، ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻙ ﺍﻟﺒﻤﺎﻣﺐ،‬ ‫ﻛﺒﻤﺎﻣﺤﺞ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻋﺐ، ﻋﻠﻰ ﺹ ﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺟﺐ < ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺔ‬ ‫)ﻡ«( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻨﺰ ﻧﻠﺒﺄ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻚ ﻣﻨﺎﻩ - ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ،ﻟﺒﺒﻚﻟﻮﻻ ﺍﻥﺑﻜﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﻧﻜﺎ،‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻔﺠﺮﻭﻣﻜﺎ ، « ﻣﺎ ﺯﺍﻝ ﻣﻨﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﺠﺎﺀﻹﻧﻮﺗﻜﺎ«‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻲ ﻏﻄﻔﺎﻥ ﻭﻫﻢ ﺑﻠﻮﻣﻜﺎ ،« ﻧﺒﺮﻙ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺎﻭﻧﻨﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻭﻣﻜﺎ <‬ ‫) ﻡ« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻨﺰ ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴﻚ ﻟﺴﻌﺒﺪ « _ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ، ﻟﻢ ﻣﺄﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﺒﺎﺣﻪ،« ﻭﻻﻟﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﺣﻪ، « ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺟﺌﻨﺎﻙ ﻟﻠﻄﺎﻋﺔ < ﻩ‬ ‫)ﻩ ﺍ ( « ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻤﺮﺹ ﻻ«ﻻ . ﺍﺑﻨﺎ ﻩ ﻟﻢ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﺰﻥ ﻟﺤﻠﺒﻰ ﻩ‬ ‫0 ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺳﺦ . ´´ ﻳﻮﺣﺬ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻼﻩ ﺍﻻﺗﻲ ﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺲ‬ ‫)«« ( » ﻓﻲ ﻫﺎﻣﺶ ﺃ »ﻻﺣﻈﺖ‬ ‫ﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎ ﻭﺛﻦ ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻴﻢ ﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺗﺐ ´´ < ﺀ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮﻫﻰ ﻩ» 7 . ﺣﺠﺎ ﻟﺮﺏ ﻣﺴﺘﻔﻴﻢ‬ ‫)«<(‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺮﺍ ﻟﻴﻚ.‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻟﻤﺒﺮﻣﺮ«ﺩ«ﻣﺮ ﺍ > ..< ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ، ﻟﻤﻤﻚ .‬ ‫).(( »‬ ‫)>(( » ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﻣﺮﻡ<( . ..< ﺗﺪ ﺣﺮﺩﺍ ﻣﻤﻤﺎ ﻣﺮﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﺭ (ﺭﺍ ﻭﻭﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺲ . ﻣﺮﺍﻳﺎ. ( ﻣﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ > ﻣﻠﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﺮﺍﺃ . 4 .ﺍﺣﺮ ﻣﻠﻴﺒﺖ ﻣﻚ 0 ﺍﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻠﺒﺪ،ﺍﻻﺳﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﻡ .‬ ‫)ﻟﻢ ﺀ( <~ ﺑﺐ ﻣﻄﺎﻥ ﻭﻣﻢ ﻳﻠﻮﻣﺔ ´´ ﻣﺤﺬﻭﻑ ﻣﺪ ﻣﻤﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺮ ﻭ «ﺍﻡ .‬ ‫« ﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ. ﻡﻳﻤﺠﺮﻭﻣﻚ < ﻻ ﻓﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ . ﻣﺎ ،ﺍﻝ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺮ ،ﻭﺍﻅ.ﻻﺣﻸ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺍ~ ﺭﻑ ﻡ . ﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ . ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻭﺍﻫﻤﻢ ، ﻭﺗﺎﻡ ﻥ.ﻣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭ~~~ .‬ ‫)ﻡﻟﻢ( < ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺮ ﻣﺮ «>( . ﻟﺴﻴﺪﺓ < ﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺭ ﻭﻣﺮ ﻭﻣﺮ. ﻟﻠﻤﻴﺎ-.‬ ‫ﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺮ .ﻟﻠﻤﻴﺎ- ﻭﻻ ﻫﻠﺒﺎ ﻟﻠﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ، ﻭﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﻣﺮ ﺍﻻﻫﻮ . ﻡ ﺁﻅ‬ ‫.ﻻﺣﻈﺖ ﺭﻑ ﻩ ﻟﻤﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻼ .‬ ‫ﻣﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﻭ «<ﻡ > ﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻐﻠﻤﺔ> . ﺀ ﻣﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ . ﺑﻤﺎ ﻣﻮ‬ ‫ﺍ‬ ‫.>ﻩ ﺀﺩﻩ‬ ‫) ﻭﻡ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﻟﻴﻌﻮﻕ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ،ﻟﺒﻴﻚﺑﻐﺾ ﺍﻟﻴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﺩﻭﺣﺒﺐ ﺍﻟﻴﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﺨﻴﺮ، ﻭﻻﻧﺒﻄﺮ« ﻓﻨﺄﺷﺮ « «‬ ‫)ﻩ ﻡ( )ﻭﻡ«ﺃ(ﺍﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔﻣﻦﻧﺴﻚﻟﻴﻐﻮﺙ(«0 ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﻚ، ﺍﺣﻴﻨﺎ ﻟﺪﻳﻚ،ﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﺤﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻙ ﻗﺪ ﻣﺮﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻚ <‬ ‫)6« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﻟﻤﺲ 0 ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ،ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻣﺘﺎ ﻋﻴﺒﺎ ،‬ ‫ﻭﻛﻨﺎﻣﻴﺴﺮ » ﻋﺘﻴﺪ ،ﻡ ﻭﺃﻣﺖ ﺭﺑﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﻴﺪ ، ﺍﺭﺩﺩﻧﺎ ﻩ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻴﺪ <‬ ‫) ﻣﺎ( ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﻴﺒﺄﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﺎ .ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ، ﺭ( ﻣﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺜﺎﻣﻀﺮ ، ﻭﺳﻠﻢ « ﻟﻨﺎ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺮ ، ﻭﺍﺭﺳﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺰﺩﺟﺮ ، « ﺛﻢ ﺍﻛﻔﺎ ﻩ ﺍﻟﻠﻤﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻫﺠﺮ<‬ ‫) ﻡ ﻡ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴﻚ ﻟﻤﺮﺣﺐ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﺍﻣﺘﺎ ﻟﺪﻳﻚ ،‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺣﺒﺒﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻚ «‬ ‫)5«( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻦﻧﺴﻚ ﻟﺬﺭﻳﺢ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ،ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﻃﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﺩ،‬ ‫ﻭﻛﻄﺎﻟﻨﻌﻤﺖ ﺟﺤﻮﺩ ، ﻓﺎﻛﻔﺎ ﻛﻞ ﺣﻴﺔﺭﻋﻮﺩ <‬ ‫) <ﻡ ﻟﻢ ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﻦ . ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭﻫﻢ ﺗﻼﺩﻙ،ﻭﻣﺤﻦ:ﻭﻟﻰﺑﻮﻻﺷﻚ < »‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻫﻤﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻙ ، ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫) »ﻩ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﻫﺒﻞ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻤﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﺛﻨﺎ ﻟﻘﺎﺡ.‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻣﺘﻨﺎ)ﻋﻠﻰ(« ﺃﻋﻨﺖﺍﻟﺮﻣﺎﺡ ، ﻳﺤﺴﺪﻧﺎ ( ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻉ <‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺬﻩﺭﻭﺀﻭﺱ ﻃﻮﺍﻏﻴﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻮﺍ ﻳﻘﺼﺪﻭﻥ ﻩ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺠﻬﻢ ﻭﻻ ﻳﺄﺗﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻮﺗﻬﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻤﺮﻭﺍ ﺑﻬﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻌﻈﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﻭﻳﺘﻘﺮﺑﻮﻥ 0 ﻟﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﻳﻨﺴﻜﻮﺍ ( ﻟﻢ«( ﻟﻤﺎ « ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺴﺠﺪﻭﻥ ﻟﻬﺎ «‬ ‫) «ﻡ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻛﻌﺎﻧﺖﺍ ﻭﻗﺮﻳﺜﺮ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﻳﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻑ ، « ﻟﻤﻴﻚ ﻻ ﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻟﻚ ﺍﻻﺷﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻟﻚ ، ﺗﻤﻠﻚ ﻭﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﻚ <‬ ‫) ﻡ«( ﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻧﻔﺎﺣﻨﺎ ﺑﻌﻨﺎﺭ ﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻩ7 ﺍ « ﺍ ( ﻣﺤﺪﺭﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺡ، ﺣﺲ، ﻭﺍﻟﺰﺑﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺺ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮﺹ 4 «ﻩ‬ ‫ﺱ‬ ‫ﺍ~ : ﺍﺣﺒﻨﺎﺑﺼﺎ ﻟﺪﺑﻚ ﻩ‬ ‫( ﻓﺐ‬ ‫0 :ﻓﻲ1 ﺡﻡﻭﺱ ﻭﺣﺲ .ﻋﺒﺒﺪ ، ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ_‬ ‫)6«( « ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﻣﻰ 4«ﻻﺩ ﻣﺒﻤﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺒﺄ < ﻩ ﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ > ﺍﺭﺩﺃ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎ <‬ ‫) 7«( ´ « ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﺹ 4«ﻻ . ﺭﺙ ﻓﺎﻫﻮﻓﻦ ﻋﻨﺎ ﻣﻀﺮﻭﻣﻄﻤﻦ <<< ﻟﻢ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ . ﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﺎ ﻓﺒﻬﻢ ﻟﻤﺰﺩﺟﺮ ﻩ ﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ . ﻭﺍﻛﺨﺎ «‬ ‫) «ﻻ( « ﺏ ﺍﺡ ﻭﻭ ﻭﺣﺲ« ﻭﻧﺤﻦ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺑﻬﻢ ﺍﻭﻻﻣﻚ، ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺺ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺩﻣﺎ«‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺧﻮﺫ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻤﺮ ﻣﻰ ( <ﻡ، ﺍﻟﺴﻄﺮ ﺍﻻﺧﻴﺮ _ﻣﻰ ﻫﺪﻡ ﺱ » <‬ ‫ﺍ~ ﻣﻰ ﻩ«ﻻ .7ﻫﺐ1 ﺡ ﻭﺣﺲ ﻭﺱ . ﻟﺤﺴﺪﻧﻨﺎ~‬ ‫) «ﻩ( ﻡ)ﻋﻠﻰﻟﻢ_ ﺍﻟﺰﺑﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫7 ﻓﺎﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﻫﺮ 5 »ﻩ ﺱ« . ﻣﻤﺪﺭﺭﻥ ﺁﻟﺒﺒﻬﺎ « 4 ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ . ﻓﺒﻌﻈﻤﻮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﺘﻔﺮﺑﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎ ﻭﺑﻨﺴﻜﻮﺍﻟﻬﺎ_´´ ﺑﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺴﺤﺪﻭﻥ ﻟﻬﺎ ´´ ﻟﻢﺑﺒﻰ ﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻤﺮ <‬ ‫)23 ( » ﻅﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﻔﻮﺑﻲ ، ﻓﺎﺭﺑﺦﺝ»ﻣﻰ6 ﻫﻢ ﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﻣﻰ4«ﻻ:ﻭﻻ ﻧﺒﻄﺮﻧﺎ ﻩ « ﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﺟﻤﻚ ﺯﺍﺋﺪﻩ‬ ‫) ﻡ ﻡ ﻟﻢ ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺳﺤﻖ . ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺖ ﺗﻤﻴﻢ ﻭﺃ ﺳﺪ ﻭﻣﺰﻳﻤﺖ، ﻓﻜﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺒﺔﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﻴﻢ ﺗﻘﻮﻝ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻤﻴﻢ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﻗﺪ ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﺍﻭﺛﺎﺳﻬﺎﻭﺭﺍﻫﺎ ،‬ ‫ﻭﺃﺧﻠﻤﺖ ﻟﺮﺛﻬﺎ ﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ، ﻗﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺩﺕ ﺣﺞ )ﺑﺎ ( ﻟﻤﻦﺑﺮﺍﻫﺎ ، ﻗﺪ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﺑﺘﻨﺎﻫﺎ ،‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺖ ﻟﻠﺮﺏ ﻭﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻫﺎ < «‬ ‫) ﻭﻡ ( ﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﻣﺤﻖ . ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺧﻨﺪﻕ ، ﺗﻤﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻣﺪ ﻭﻣﺰﻳﻤﺖ،ﻳﻌﻈﻤﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻤﺮﻩ، ﻻﻳﺘﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺒﻞ ﻭﻳﻘﻮﻟﻮﻥ . ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻣﺎﻣﻬﺎﺭﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺮﻩ ، ﺍﺩﻻﺟﻪ ﻭﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﻀﺮ« ، ﺣﺠﺎ ﻟﺮﺏ ﺳﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻩ < 0‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺌﺎ‬ ‫) ﻩ ﻩ ( ﻗﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻲ . ﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﺪ ﺍﺫﺍ ﺣﺠﻮﺍ . ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ‬ ‫0 ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻠﺪ ، ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﻴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﺍﻟﻴﻚ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻗﺒﻠﺖ ﺑﻨﻮ ﺍﺳﺪ ، :ﻫﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﻤﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻨﺮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺪﺩ ، ﻭ:ﻧﺖ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻌﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ، ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﻌﺒﺪ ﺍﻻﻭﺛﺎﻥ ﻣﻊ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺪ ﻋﺒﺪ « 0‬ ‫)ﻩ ﻩ( ﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺳﺤﻖ . ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻞﺍﻭ ﻩ« ﺏ ﺳﻮﺍﻋﺎﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﻢ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻙ ﻫﺰﻳﻞ ، ﺣﺞ ﺍﻟﻴﻚ ﻛﺎﻟﺤﻴﻞ ،ﻧﺼﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﻴﻞ ، ﻟﻢ ﻣﺄﺕ ﻟﻠﻤﻴﺎﺣﻮ ، «‬ ‫ﻭﺟﺜﻤﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺎﺣﻪ < «‬ ‫) ﻩ ﻩ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﻗﻴﺲ ﻯﻻﻥ ﺗﻌﻈﻢﺍﻻﻟﺖ،ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﺫﺍ ﺍﻫﻠﻮﺍ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻠﻤﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ، ﺃﺗﺘﻚ ﻗﻴﺲ ﻯﻻﻥ ، ﺭﺍﺟﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻛﺒﺎﻥ « ﻭﻧﻤﻴﺨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻟﺪﺍﻥ ، ﺫﻟﻴﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻻﻭﺛﺎﻥ « «‬ ‫ﺍ ﻡ ﻡ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔﻭﻳﺒﻌﺖﺍ ﺑﻦﻣﺰﺍﺭ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺣﺠﺎ ﺣﻔﺎ ، ﺗﻌﺒﺪﺍ ﻭﺭﻓﺎ.‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺀﻭﺱ ﺣﻠﻘﺎ «‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻛﺐ ﻃﺮﻗﺎ، ﺳﺘﺒﻘﻴﻰ ﻣﺒﻘﺎ ، ﻟﺤﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﻚ‬ ‫) ﻭﻩ ( ﻗﺎﻝ ،ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻚ . ﻻﺣﺞ ﺍﻻ ﺣﺠﻚ ، ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻚ ﻭﺳﺘﻐﻴﺚ ﺑﻚ ،‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺳﻖ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﺭﺑﻤﺎ ﻓﻜﺎ ، 0 ﻭﺯﺍﺩﺯﻛﺎ ، ﻟﻢ ﻣﺄﺕ ﻟﻠﺮﻗﺎﺣﻪ.ﻭﺍﻭﺟﺒﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺣﻪ <‬ ‫)< (( ﻗﺎﻝ .ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻚ ﻭﺍﻻﺷﺮﺑﻴﻦ ،« ﺍﺫﺍ ﺣﺠﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﻴﺒﺖ .ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ، ﺣﺞ ﻟﻠﺮﺣﻤﻦ ، ﺯﻟﺖ ~ ﺍﻻﺳﻤﺎﻡ ، ﻓﺎﻧﻤﻔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﻴﺖﻣﻤﺎ ﻣﺪﺩﺍ <‬ ‫) « ﻭ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﺬﺣﺞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻫﻠﻴﺔﺍ ،ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻮﺍ ﻳﻌﻈﻤﻮﻥ ﻳﻐﻮﺙ ﻭﺳﻞﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻮ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺮﻯ ، ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻰ ، ﺭﺏ (ﺍﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺰﻯ < 0‬ ‫ﻭﻯ‬ ‫)ﻻﻻ( 0 ﻓﺎﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻴﻌﻔﻮﻣﻲ ، ﺗﺎ.ﻳﺦ ﻫﺮ 65ﻟﻢ ، ﺗﻠﻌﺒﺖﺍ ﻣﻤﻲ ﻣﻤﻴﻢ .‬ ‫)4 ﻻ( ´« ﺍﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻓﻢ ﻻ ﺍﻋﻼﻩ ﺩ‬ ‫)ﻩﻻ( « ﻗﺎﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﻌﻮﻣﻲ ، ﺗﺎﺭﻣﺢ ﺹ 65 ( ، ﺗﻠﻴﺐ ﻣﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺪ 0 ﻭﺃﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ، ﻓﻠﻤﺒﺎﺕ ﻫﻰ ﻩ6ﻻ ﺭﻓﻢ ﻻ .‬ ‫)«ﻡ( ﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺡ ، ﺣﺲ ﻭﺱ . ﻟﻠﻨﻴﺎﺣﻪ ﺩ ( ﻗﺎ.ﻥ ﺍﻟﻴﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ، ﺗﺎﺭﻣﺢ‬ ‫ﻫﻰ652 ﻭﺣﺒﻦ ، ﺗﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻰ /6 ﻻﺭﻓﻢ ﻻ«.‬ ‫)ﻻﻩ( « ﺍﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﻴﻌﺤﻮﺑﻲ ﺹ «5 «. « ﻓﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﺣﻴﻦ ،‬ ‫ﻓﻠﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺍﻟﻢ > . . . ﺳﺸﻴﺨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻟﺪﺍﻥ ، ﻣﺬﻟﻠﺖ ﻟﻸﻳﺎﻥ .‬ ‫)5 ﻩ( « ﻛﺪﺍ ﺍﺡﻭﺱ ﻭﺣﺲ:ﻭﻟﻌﻠﻪ . ﻣﻨﻜﺎ .‬ ‫) . ( ( ﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺡ ﻭﺱ ﻭﺣﺲ.ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺴﺮﻣﻮﻥ .‬ ‫)«4 ( » ﻓﻲ ﺍﺡ ﻭﺱ ﻭﺣﺲ0 . . . . ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺍ . . . ﺍﻟﻌﻼ .. . ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺰﺍ .‬ ‫) «ﻭ ( ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﻡ ﻭﺧﻮﻻﻥ ! ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻤﺪﺍﻥ « ﺗﻌﻈﻢ ﻳﻌﻮﻕ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﻢ . ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﺎﻥ ، ﻫﺬﺍ ﺣﺠﻴﺞ ﻣﻤﺪﺍﻥ ، ﻗﺪ ﺃﺗﺎﻙ ﻭﻛﺒﺎﻥ ، ﺗﺮﻳﺪ ﺭﺏ‬ ‫ﻏﻔﺮﺍﻥ ، ﻗﺪ ﺃﻭﺟﺒﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﺎ~ <‬ ‫) ﻩﻭ ( ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔﺍ ﺣﻤﻴﺮ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻌﺒﺪ ﻧﺴﺮﺍ 0 ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﻗﻮﺍﻝ « ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻰ ﻭﺍﻻﺣﻼﻡ ، ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺍﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﺭﺣﺎﻡ ، ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﺮﺑﻮﺍ « ﻟﺔﺷﺎﻡ ، 2ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﻼﻡ ،ﺯﻟﻮﺍ ﻟﺮﺏ ﺍﻻﻣﺎﻡ ، ﻡ ﺩﺍﻣﻮﺍ ﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ، ﺃﻭﻧﺂﻧﻢ ﻭﺍﻻﻣﻨﺎﻡ .ﻭ‬ ‫) ﻭﻭ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﻢ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺣﻤﻴﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﻤﺎ ﺳﺮ ، ﻗﺪ ﺃﺗﺘﻚ ﺷﻌﺜﺎ ﻋﺎﻧﺲ ، ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻼﺹ ﻧﺎﺳﺮ ، ﻛﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﺤﺞ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻣﻴﻪ ، ﻟﻢ ﻧﺄﺕ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺮﺑﺎ~.ﻭﺍﻭﺟﺒﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﺎﺣﻪ <‬ ‫) ﻩ( ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔﺍ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺲ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻧﺖ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻤﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﻯ ، ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻟﺜﺖ ﺍﻻﺧﺮﻯ ، ﻭﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺰﻯ ، ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻌﺒﺖ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺍﻧﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺪﻋﺎ ، ﺟﺌﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺨﺶ > ﺗﻬﺪﻱ ﺑﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻀﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ، ﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻔﻮﺍ ﺍﻻﻭﺛﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﻮﺍﺻﻔﺮﺍ <‬ ‫ﺗﻀﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫) «ﻭ ( ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﻌﺐ)ﺍ(ﺑﻦ ﻭﺑﺮﺓ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻌﺒﺪ ﻭﺩﺍ ، ﻭﺗﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﻢ ﻭﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ ، ﺍﻏﻔﺮ ﺧﻄﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻋﺒﺪ ﻭﺍﻡ ، :ﺗﻮﻙ ﻳﻤﺸﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻗﺪﺍﻡ <‬ ‫)ﻩ ﻭ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻭ (( ﺍ ( ﺣﺎﻣﺖ 0 ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ، ﺯﻟﺖ ﻟﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﻋﻪ ، ﺳﻌﺎ ﻟﻪ ﻭﻃﺎ~ ، ﻳﻘﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﻭﺩﺍﻯ <‬ ‫) ﻡﻭ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺖﺍ ﺛﻘﻴﻒ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻫﻠﻴﺔ . ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻳﺎﺩ «‬ ‫ﻗﺪ ﺃﺗﻮﻙ ، ﻗﺪ ﻣﻤﻄﻠﻮﺍ 2 ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺪ ﺭﺟﺮﻙ ،ﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺰﻯ ﻓﻲ ﻳﺪﻳﻚ > ( ﺩﺍﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﻚ ﺍﻻﺻﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﻈﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻚ ، ﻗﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﻨﺖ ﺑﺴﻠﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻚ ، ﻓﺎﻏﻔﺮ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻩ ﻓﻄﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻔﻮﺕ. «‬ ‫) 5 ( ( ﻗﺎﻝ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻥﻋﻤﺮﻭ ﺑﻦ ﻣﻌﺪﻳﻜﺮﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ.ﻟﻘﺪﺭﺍﻳﺘﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺤﻦ ﺍﺫﺍ ﺣﺠﺠﻨﺎ ﻧﻘﻮﻝ:ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺗﻌﻈﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻚ ﻋﺬﺭﺃ«ﻫﺬﻩ ﺯﺑﻴﺄ ﻗﺪ ﺍﺗﺘﻚ ﻗﺼﺮﺍ ، ﺗﻌﺪﻭ «‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺎ ﻣﻀﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺰﺭﺍ ، ﻳﻘﻄﻌﻦ ﺧﺒﺘﺎ ﻭﺟﺒﺎﻻ ﻭﻋﺮﺍ ، ﻗﺪ ﺣﻠﻔﻮﺍ ﺍﻻﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﻠﻮﺍ ﻣﻔﺮﺍ:‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﺪ ~ ، ﻣﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ، ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺖ ﺻﺪﻕ ، ﻟﺒﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺤﻦ،‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ، ﺭﺏ ﺍﻻﺭﺑﺎﺏ ، ﺗﻌﺪﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺳﺮﺭ ﻏﺔﺏ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﻣﺨﻠﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﺠﻮﺍﺏ ، ﺍﻟﻌﺠﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻣﺎ~ ﻭﺍﻻﻣﺒﺎﺏ ، ﻗﺎﻫﺮ ﻛﻞ ﻭﺛﻦ ﻭﻣﻨﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺐﻻﺩ ﻩ‬ ‫) <ﻩ ( ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺑﻜﺮ ﺑﻦ ﻭﺍﺛﻞ . ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﻋﻦ ﺭﺑﺴﺮ ،ﺳﺎﻣﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺴﺮ ، ﻟﺮﺏ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﺒﺪ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻴﺴﺮ ﻭﻳﺴﺮ ، ﻗﺪ ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﺃﻭﺷﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺼﻤﺔ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ <«‬ ‫)«4 ( « ﻭﻣﺮﻭﺣﺲ . ﻓﻤﺬﺍﻥ <‬ ‫ﺍﺡ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻴﻮﺭﻗﻢ <« . ﻭﺍﻻﻗﻴﺎﻝ . ﺀ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ . ﻻﻳﺘﺮﺑﻮﻥ‬ ‫)ﻻﻡ( « ﻓﻲ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻻ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ . ﻫﻺﻡ ( ´´ﺩﺍﻣﻮﺍ <<.<<<<<<ﻭﺍﻻﻣﻨﺎﻡ ´´_ﻟﻢ ﻳﺮﺩ ﻓﻴﻨﺺ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ <‬ ‫)ﻡ ﻭ( ﻡ ﺍﻟﻴﻴﻘﻮﻣﺒﻲ ﺹ ﻭﻭ« . ﺍﻥ ﺛﻌﻴﻌﺎﻗﺪﺍﺗﻮﻙ < « ﺍﻟﻴﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ - ﻭﺍﺧﻠﻔﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ • ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻭ . ﻭﻗﺪ ﻣﻈﻤﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﻩ « ﺍﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻧﺺ ﺍﻟﻴﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ « 4‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺒﻦ . ﻋﺰﺍﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻼﺕ ﻓﻴﻴﺪﻳﻚ . ﻩ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ:ﻟﻬﺎﺩ 6 ﺣﺴﻴﻦ.ﻏﻔﺮﺕ .‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺎﺡ . ﻧﻘﺪﻭﺍ <‬ ‫)5 ﻭ( »‬ ‫)<ﻩ( « ﻗﺎﺭﻥ . ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ، ﻓﻠﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﻗﻢ «ﺩﻭﺍﻟﻴﻌﻘﻮﺑﻴﺺ ﻭﻭ« <‬ ‫) ﻡ ﻭ ﻟﻢ ﻭﻓﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ ﺭﻓﻲ ﺍ~ ﻋﻤﻪ 8ﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻦ ﺍﺑﻲﻣﻮﻣﺲ‬ ‫ﺃﻧﺪﺭﻱ ﻛﺒﻒ ﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﻙ ﻓﻮﻣﻚ « ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻫﻠﺒﺄﺍ ( ﻓﺎﻝ _ ﻛﺎﻣﻮﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﻟﻮﻥ . ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻫﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﻧﻤﺎ ، ﺃﺛﻤﻮ ﺍ~ ﻭﻓﺪ ﺃﻧﻤﺎ ، ( ﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﻔﺮﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻧﻐﻔﺮﺟﻮ ﻭﺃﻯ ﻋﺒﺪ ﻟﻚ ﻻﺃﻟﺜﺎ <‬ ‫) ﻡ ﻭ ( ﻭﻛﺎ~ ﻓﻠﺒﺒﺒﻮ ﺟﺬﺍﻡ . ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﻋﻦ ﺟﺬﺍﻡ ﺫﻭﻱ «‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺲ ﻭﺍﻻﺣﻼﻡ ، ﺑﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﺎﻡ ، ﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻭﻉﻭﺍﻻﻋﻼﻡ ، ﻭﺍﻧﻮﺍ ﺍ~ﺍﻻﻣﻨﺎﻡ.‬ ‫ﺗﺘﻤﺎﺳﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻛﺒﺎﻥ، ﻓﻔﻈﺒﻤﺎ ﻟﻠﺮﺣﻤﻦ < ﻡ‬ ‫) ﻡ ﻩ ( ﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﺣﻀﺮﻣﻮﻧﺬ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻮﻥ « _ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ،ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﻻ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺒﺐ 0ﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺑﺒﻚ ﻟﻚ ، ﺍﻻ ﺗﺘﺮﺑﻜﺎ ﻧﻤﻠﻚ ، « ﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﻠﻜﻪ ﺃﻭ ﻧﻨﺮﻙ ، :ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻟﺤﻠﺒﻢ « ﻓﺎﻧﺰﻛﻪ <‬ ‫)ﺍ ﻭﻩ ( ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪ ﻏﺴﺎﻥ . ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﻣﻠﻮﻛﻤﺎ« ﻓﺄﻣﻨﺬ ﻓﻮﻣﻤﺎ،‬ ‫ﺭﺏ‬ ‫ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺍ،ﻭﻋﺘﺒﺘﻤﺎﻭﻧﺤﻨﺎﻭﺣﺠﻨﺎ <‬ ‫~ . ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﻋﻦ ﺑﺠﺒﻼ ، ﻓﺎﺳﻬﺎ ﻟﻌﻤﻨﺬ ﺍﻟﻔﺒﺒﻠﻮﺀ«‬ ‫) ﻩ ﻩ ( ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻨﻨﻰ ﻧﺰﻯ ﻃﺎﺋﻔﻪﺍﺑﻜﻌﺒﻪ ﻙ~، ﻓﺪ ﺧﻠﻔﻨﺬ :ﻭﻧﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﻣﻂ ﺍ~ «ﻡ‬ ‫) «ﻩ ( ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪﺍ ﺩﻭﺱ . ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻻﻣﻤﺎﻡ ، ﺗﺘﻤﺎﻧﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻛﺒﺎﻥ ،‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﻓﻄﺴﺮ <‬ ‫:ﻧﻨﻼ ﺩﻭﺱﺳﺎﻣﻌﺎﺍ ~،ﻭﺭﺏ ﻛﻞ ﻭﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫0ﺍ ﺑﻤﺨﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻻﺳﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻠﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ .ﻻﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ . ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻯ ﺷﺠﺮ‬ ‫)ﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻭﺛﻦ ﻓﻐﺒﺪﻫﺎ ﻏﻄﻔﺎﻥ ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻨﺰ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭﺑﺎﻫﻼﺍ ﻓﻔﺒﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻡﻝﻭ ﻭ«ﺏ(ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻭﺛﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻔﻄﺴﺎ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﻟﺒﺪ ﻭﺣﻤﻮ ﺍﻟﻠﻮ < ﻭﻛﺎﺳﺮ ﺍﺍﻻ: ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺎﺋﻒ ﻟﻨﻔﺒﻒ ﻓﺒﻌﻨﺰ ﺍﻟﺒﻲ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍ~ ﻋﻠﺒﻰ ﻭﺳﻠﻢ ﺃﺑﺎ ﻣﻤﻨﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻐﺒﺮﻩ ﺑﻦ ﺷﺐﺍ ﻓﻬﺪﻣﺎﻫﺎ، ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﺟﻬﺎﺭ ﻟﻬﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺑﻌﻜﺎﻅ<‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﺳﻮﺍﻉ ﺑﻤﻌﻌﺎﻥ « ﺗﻌﺒﺪﻩ )« ( ﻛﺎﻥﺍ ﻭﻫﺬﺑﻞﻭﻣﺰﺑﺖﻭﺣﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺒﺲﻣﺐﻻﻥ < ﻭﻛﺎﺳﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺘﻤﺲ ﻟﺒﻨﻲ ﺗﻤﺒﺞ ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻨﺰ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﺒﻨﺰ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﺗﻌﺒﺪﻩ )« ( ﺑﻤﻮ ﻩ ﻭﺩ ﻛﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﻓﺴﺰﻭﻧﻨﻬﺒﻢ ﻭﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﻮﺭ ﻭﻋﻜﻞ « ﻭﻛﺎﻥﻭﺙ ﻟﺒﻨﻲ ﻭﺑﺮﻩﺍ ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻮ~ﺑﺪﻭﻣﻨﻪﺍ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻝ < ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﻰ ﺑﻤﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻋﺼﺎﺭﻭ:ﺯﺩ 0 ﻩﺍﻭﻏﺒﺮﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺯﺩ ﺑﻌﺒﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺛﻨﻤﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﻔﺒﺪﻩ 0.ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺑﺒﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺒﺪ < ﻭﻛﺎ~‬ ‫ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺰﺍ، ﺍﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻩﺍ ﻭﻛﺎﻥ )« ( ﺑﺴﺒﻒ ( ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ )« ( < ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﺳﺪ ﻫﺬﺑﻢ (ﺃ ﻭﺳﺎﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻲ ﻭﺑﺮﻩ ، ﺑﻌﺒﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺪﻩﺍ ﻭﻣﻨﺎﻩﺍ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻻﺯﺩ ﺑﻌﺒﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺪ0ﺍ< ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺫﻭ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﻮﻣﺸﺬ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺑﻨﻮ ﻫﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻟﻮ ﺑﺒﻨﺖ ﺑﻌﺪﻩﺳﺠﺒﺒﻚﺍ ﻭﺧﻨﻔﻢ ﻭﺣﺎﺭﻧﺬ ﺑﻦ ﻛﻌﺐ ﻭﺟﺮﻡ ﻭﺯﺑﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻰﻋﻤﺎﺭﻩﺍ < ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻐﻮﻧﺰ ﻟﻤﺬﺣﺞ < ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﻮﻥ ﻟﺨﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ < ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺗﺴﺮ ﻩ ﻟﺤﻤﺒﺮ‬ ‫«ﻓﻴﺎﺡ ﻭﺱ ﻭﺣﻰ- ﻓﻮﻡ ! ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺎﻣﻨﻨﻰ ﺃﺡ « ﻓﻮﺹ « «‬ ‫)«ﻩ(‬ ‫:~ﺍ~ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻧﻨﻬﺎ «‬ ‫.ﻓﻢ ﻩ . ﻓﺬﺍﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎ ،‬ ‫ﺍ«ﻩ( « ﻣﻲ:ﺡ ﻭﺣﺲ .ﺩﻱ « « ﻓﺎﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺨﻮﺑﻰﻫﻰﻻ«( «‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺣﻀﺮﻣﻮﺕ ﻩ « ﺍﻟﺒﻌﻔﻮﺑﻲ _ﻻ ﻧﻨﻰ ﺑﻚ‬ ‫)ﻡ ﻩ( « ﺍﻟﺒﻌﻔﻮﺑﻲ ﺹ ﻩ5« - ﻛﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻟﻚ ﻧﻨﻬﻠﻜﻮﺃﻭﻧﻬﻠﻜﻪ. ﻩ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ «‬ ‫0«‬ ‫0 ﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﻥ ﻭﻣﺨﺒﻠﻮ‬ ‫)ﻩ ﻩ( « ﻅﺭﻥ ﺃﻟﻴﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﻰ ﻩ5« » ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﻋﻦ ﺑﺠﻴﻠﻮ‬ ‫0 ﺃﻟﻐﻔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰ«ﻡ ﻭ .‬ ‫~ « ﻧﺒﻴﺎﻧﺬ ،ﻓﻢ ﻩ ﻭﺭﺳﺎﻷ‬ ‫2 ﻅﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻗﻤﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﻤﻦ < ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺫﻭ ﻩ ﻟﺒﺎ ﻟﻤﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺲ . ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺮﻕ ﺑﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻡ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻜﺮ ﺑﻦ ﻭﺍﺛﻞ ﺭﻳﺒﻌﺖ~ < ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻜﻤﺪﺓﺍ ﺫﺭﻳﻊ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺠﻴﺮ « ﺑﺎﻟﻴﻤﻦ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﻮﺕ.‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻒ ﻭﻟﻌﻚ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﻌﺮﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻤﺎ ﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺤﺎﺱ ﻳﺘﻜﻠﻤﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻮﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻼﻡ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺴﻤﻊ ﺑﻤﺜﻠﻮ . ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺴﺎﻕ ﻭﻋﺎﺛﻚﺍ ﻟﻘﺮﻳﺜﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﻻﺣﺎ ﻳﺒﺶ < ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﺒﻞ ﻟﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺮ ﻭﻣﻠﻚ ﻭﻣﻠﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺛﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﻧﺔ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺒﺪ ﻣﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﻨﺎﻧﺔ ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﺪ ﻣﺎﺣﺐ ﺗﺮﻳﺶ.‬ ‫ﺍ() ﺃﺝ « ﻭ <«« ﺏ ﺍﻭﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﺃ ﺍﻻﻟﻬﺖﺍ ﻓﺄ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺙ ﻣﻠﻜﻠﺐ ﺑﺪﻭﻣﺔﺍ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺪﻝ ﻭﺃ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻬﺬﻳﻞ ﺑﻤﻤﺎﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮ ، ﻭﺃﻣﺎ ﻳﻐﻮﺙ ﻓﻠﺒﻨﻲﻣﺨﻄﻴﻒ ﻭﻫﻢ 0 ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ، ﻭﺃﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﻬﻤﺪﺍﻥ ، ﻭﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺮ ﻓﻠﺤﻤﻴﺮ ﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﻼﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻤﻴﺮ ، ﻓﻜﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﻟﻬﺔ ﻳﻌﺒﺪﻫﺎ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻧﻮﺡ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﻫﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ • ﻭﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻼﺕ ﻓﻠﺘﺘﻔﻴﻖ ﻭﺃ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﻏﻄﻔﺎﻥﻭﺣﺸﻢ ﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺼﺮ ﺑﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﺑﺔ ﻭﺳﻌﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺑﻜﺮ <ﻭﺃﻣﺎ،ﻣﻨﺎﺓ ﻓﻜﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻘﺪﻳﺪ « ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﻜﺖ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔﺍ « ﻭﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺒﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺴﺎﻕ ﻭﻣﺎﺛﻠﺖ ﻭﻫﺒﻞ ﻻﻫﻞ ﻣﻜﻪﺍ 0 ﻓﻜﺎﻥ ﻳﺴﺎﻕ ﺣﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﺮ ﺍﻻﺳﺮﺩ ، ﻭﻣﺎﺛﻠﺖﺍ ﺣﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ، ﻭﻫﺒﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻮﻑ ﺍﻟﻜﻌﺒﺔ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﻩ ﻓﻤﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻋﺸﺮ ﺫﺭﺍﻋﺎ < ﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﺍﺍ )« ( ﻓﻲ ﺃﺡ > ﻭﻧﻤﺘﻢ . ﻭﺍﻧﻄﺮ . ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺳﻲ ،ﻓﻤﺤﺎﻧﺄ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺍﻡ ﺡ « ﻫﻰ «/«ﺱ ﻩ‬ ‫)7 ( ﻓﻲ ﺃﺡ > ﻟﻘﺪﻣﺪ ﻩ )ﻻ( ﺭﺍﺣﻊ . ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻯ، ﺗﻌﺴﺒﺮ )ﻣﻮﻻﻕ ﻻﻻﻣﻰ4 ﻻ_6ﻻ‬ ‫(ﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻴﻮﻛﻠﻲ ، ﺍﻟﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻮﺭ ﺝ ﻩ ﺹ««»_ﻻ«« ! ﺍﻟﺮﺭﻓﺎﻣﻲ ، ﻧﻤﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍ~ ﺍﻟﻠﺪﻣﻤﺖ‬ ‫)ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓﺍ ﻩ(ﻻ» ( ﺝ ﻡ ﻣﻰ ﻻ(ﻩ _ ﻭ(ﻻ ، ﺡ ﻩ ﻣﻰ ﻻ( ، (ﻩ _ (ﻩ : ﺍﻟﺼﺎﻟﺤﻰ ، ﺳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍ~ﻯ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺙ ﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺳﺒﺮﺓ ﺣﺒﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﺩ ، ﺝ«ﺹ (4« ~ 4 (ﻟﻢ ! ﺍﻣﻰ ﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﺑﺄ، ﺳﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻥ ، )ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻣﻮ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﻞ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻫﻤﻢ ، ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻩ/ﻻ«/ 691 ( ﺡ«‬ ‫ﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻰ 5»« _ ﻩﻻﻟﻢ ! ﻟﺤﺒﻰ ، ﺗﻔﻴﺮ ﺝ /« ﻫﻰ ﻻﻩ ﻻ~ ﻩ«ﻻ ﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﻡ.‬ 

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