'Labbayka, Allāhumma, Labbayka…' On a Monotheistic Aspect of a Jāhiliyya Practice

labbayka-full.pdf LABBA YKA, ALLAHUMMA, LABBA YKA ... On a monotheistic aspect of a Jahiliyya practice In memory of Dr. Isaiah Shachar In his article Talbiyat al-Jahiliyya1 S.M. Husain recorded twenty five formulae of ritual invocation, talbiyat, uttered by the tribes in the period of the Jiihiliyya during their pilgrimage to Mecca. He mentions that Abill-'Alii' al-Ma'arr! had given in his Risalat al-ghufran seven such fonnulae of tribal talbiyat, classifying them by prosody and metre. I:Iusain supposes that the labbayka allahumma labbayka "was probably adopted from the first responders to the call of Abraham,,,2 and emphasizes that the Prophet changed the Jahilf fonnula: labbayka allahumma labbayka, la sharlka laka ilia sharlkun huwa laka, tamlikuhu wa-mii malaka ("Here I am, 0 God, here I am; Thou hast no partner except such partner as Thou hast; Thou possessest him and all that is his,,)3 into the Muslim one: labbayka allahumma labbayka, la sharlka laka; inna 1-lJamda wa-l-ni'mata laka wa-l-mulka, la sharlka laka ("Here I am, 0 God, here I am, Thou hast no partner; the praise and Proceedings of the 9th All India Or. Conference, 1937, pp. 361-369. Ibid., p. 362. • See this Jahill talbiya e.g.: Ibn al-KalbI, al-A~nlZm, ed. Al:tmad Zakl Pasha, CaiIo 1343/ 1924, p. 7; al-Azraqr,: AkhblZr Makka, ed. F. Wiistenfeld, p. 134; al-Kala'I, al-IktiflZ' ft maghlZzf rasali lllZhi wa-l-thallZthati l·khulaflZ', ed. Mu~tafa: 'Abd al-Wahid, CaiIo 1387/1968, I, 94; al-Tabar!, Tafslr, ed. ShakiI, CaiIo 1969, XVI, 289, no. 19973; al-SuyotI, al-Du" al·manthar, Cairo 1314, IV, 40, 359; al-BayhaqI, al-Sunan al-kubrlZ, Hyderabad 1352, V, 45 inf.; Ibn i:Iazm, Ijajjat al-wadlZ', ed. Mamdol) i:IaqqI, BeiIut 1966, pp. 349 inf. -350; al-NaysabilrI, GharlZ'ib al-Qur' IZn, ed. IbrahIm 'Atwa 'Awac:I,CaiIo 1384/1965, XVII, 96; al-Khazin, LublZb al-ta'wll, CaiIo 1381, III, 261, V, 13; al-BaghawI, Ma'iilim al-tanzll (on margin of Lubilb a/· ta'wf/), ibid.; al-ShahrastanI, al-Milal wa-l-nihal, ed. Mul:tammad Sayyid KaylanI ,Cairo 1387/ 1967, II, 238, 247; Ibn Sa'Id al-AndalusI, Nashwat al-rarab ft ta'rTkhi jlZhiliyyati l-'arab, Ms. Tiibingen I, fot. 194, inf.; Nor al-DIn al-HaythamI, Majma'al-zawii'id, BeiIut 1967, III, 223; AbO l-'AJa' al-Ma'arrI, RislZlat al-ghufriin, ed. )\'isha 'Abd al-Rahman, Cairo 1382/1963, p. 535 (with an additional hemistich: aM baniitin bi-fadak; it is expfained by Abo I-'Ala' as pointing to the idols that were in that time in Fadak); Ibn al-Athrr, JlZmi' al-u~al, ed. Muhammad /::Iamid al-Fiql, Cairo 1368/1949, III, 444, no. 1377; 'Umar b. Mul:tammad al-MausilI, KitlZb al-waslla, Hyderabad 1392/1973, III", 196; A. Guthrie, The Significance of Abraham, MW, 1955, p. 116. I 2 the grace are Thine and the empire; Thou hast no partner.")" Husain points out that the tribes performing the pilgrimage acknowledged in their talbiydt a supreme God who was the Master of their gods, giving Him such names as al-Rahrnan, al-Ma'bud, al-Dayyan, al-Mustajib, al-Qahhar, al-Sarnad, and emphasizes the Muslim character of some of the utterances of the talbiya. The Prophet used in his prayer the utterance: in taghfir alliihumma taghfir jammd, wa-ayyu 'abdin laka Iii alammd, a phrase which, according to Husain, occurs in the talbiya of the Ash'ariyyun." This idea of the presence of an all-powerful and all-pervading Divinity, concludes Husain, was working amongst the Arabs preparing the field for the propagation of the sublime monotheism as preached by Muhammad. Husain, although he carefully collected and edited the valuable text of the talbiydt, did not, however, record the sources from which he derived his material. It may be of some importance to trace the sources of the talbiyiit and to examine more closely their content and purport. The talbiydt of certain tribes are given in a1-Ya' qiib'i's (d. 248 H) Ta'rlkh.6 Al-Ya' qiib'i's account of the talbiyiit is pre· ceded by a short account of the gods and idols worshipped by the Arabs. More detailed is the account of talbiyiit in Muhammad b. Habib's (d. 145 H) al-Muhabbar," followed by a list of idols worshipped by the different tribes. The complete text of several talbiyiit is given in the commentary to the phrase: ... wajtanibii qaula l-ziiri (Sura XXII, 31) in Muqatil b. Sulayrnan's (d. 150 H) Tafslr8 and this is followed by a list of idols worshipped by the various tribes. Zia' is 4 See the various forms of the Muslim talbiya: AbO Yusuf at-Ansarr, Kitab al-athar, ed. Abu I-Wafa, Cairo 1355, nos. 456-458; al-Shafi'I, al-Umm, Cairo 1321 (reprint 1388/1968) II, 132-133; al-Tayalist, Musnad, Hyderabad 1321, p. 232, no. 1668; Ibn Hazm, Hajjar al. wadtr, p. 350; Nor al-Dtn al-Haytharnt , op. cit., III, 222-223; al-Tahawt, Sharh ma'am l-athar ed. Muhammad ZuhrI l-Najjar, Cairo 1388/1968 II, 124-l25; ibn aI-Athir,JiJmi' al-usal: III, 438-443, nos. 1371-1375; al-Zurqant, Sharh al-muwatta', ed Ibrahtm 'Atwa 'Awad C~iro 1381/1961, III, 34; Arnrn Mahrnud Khattab: Fathu 1-~~IiI'i l-ma'bud, takmilatu I-~anhali I· 'adhbi l-maurud, sharh sunan abI dawud, Cairo 1394/1974, I, 109-111; ai-BayhaqI, al-Sunan al-kubra, V, 44-45; al-Khatlb al-Baghdadt, Ta'rzkh Baghdad, Cairo 1349/1931, V, 55; Muhibb al-Dtn al-TabarI, al-Qira li-qasidi ummi l-qura, ed Mustafa f-Saqa, Cairo 1390/1970, pp. i73175, 415; al-tAyni, 'Umdat al-qart, Cairo 1348, IX, 172-174; al-Qastallant, Irshad al-sarr., Cairo 1323, III, 114-115; Ibn Hajar, Fath al-bart, Cairo 1300, III, 324-326; al-Harbt, Kitab al-manasik, ed, Hamad al-Jasir, al-Riyad 1389/1969, p. 429; 'Umar b. Muhammad alMausilr, op. cit., III", 193-195; IV" 183; Ibn Babuyah al-Qummt, 'Ilal al-shara'i', Najaf 1385/1966, pp, 416-418; Muhammad b. abI l-Qasirn al-Tabarr, Bisharat al-mustafa tt-snt'at al-murtada, Najaf 1383/1963, pp. 213-214; al-Majlisr, Bihar al-anwar, Tehran 1388, XLIX, 92, 93, 183, 339; Murtada l-Zabtdr, Ithaf al-sada al-muttaqtn bi-sharh asrar thya' 'ulurni 1_ din, Cairo 1311, IV, 336; Muhammad Nasir al-Dtn al-AlbanI, Haijat al-nabt , Damascus 1387, p. 60, nos. 14-15; G.E. von Grunebaum, Muhammadan Festivals, New York 1951, p. 28. s Husain,op. cit., pp, 362-364; text no. 3. • Ed. M. Th. Houtsma, Leiden 1883, I, 296-297. 7 Ed. lise Lichtenstaedter, Hyderabad 1361/1942, pp. 311-315; the list of the idols ibid. pp, 315-318. 8 Ms. Ahmet III, 74/11, fols. 22a-24a; the list of the idols is given on fol. 24a, inf.-24b. 34 On a monotheistic aspect of a Jiihiliyya practice rendered by Muqatil by kadhib, lie, and identified with the falsehood inherent in the Jilin talbiyiit, that associate gods and idols with God. Ziir is thus defined as al-shirku fi l-talbiya, 9 attribution of a partner to God in the talbiya. Muqatil's list, in which fifty six forms of talbiya are recorded, is however a composite affair. Several of the talbiyiit are in fact duplicates with certain variations. The first eight talbiyiit give the utterances of the tribes without referring to the names of the gods. The ninth relates the utterances of the women who perform the circumambulation of the Ka' ba while naked. The tenth gives the talbiya of Adam. The following twenty talbiydt (nos. 11-31) are listed by the names of the gods worshipped by the different tribes, without however giving the names of the tribes. This series of talbiyiit is preceded by the heading: talbiyatu l-'arabi Ii l-jdhiliyyati and ends with the phrase: wa-hiidhihi ru'iisu tawdghitihim ... The forms of talbiya which constitute this series correspond to those which occur in the report of Muhammad b. Habib. The close relation between the text of Muqatil and that of Ibn Habib is evident. In the talbiya of the tribes worshipping Sa'lda (no. 23) the last line of the talbiya breaks the chain of sal -rhymes: miyiiha and raqiiha are followed by tii'o. This same wording is recorded in Ibn Habib's alMuhabbar, where however a marginal gloss in the Ms. of al-Muhabbar replaces the last word by al-nasdha. 10 The lacuna in the talbiya of the worshippers of a1Muntabiq (Muqatil, no. 19) can clearly be seen in the Mss., indicating that some phrases of the utterance are missing; the text is identical with that given in alMuhabbar (p. 313, 1.1), but the printed edition of al-Muhabbar has no note about a lacuna in the Ms. The heading missing in the talbiya no. 25 (Muqatil, fo1. 23a sup.): wa-kanat talbiyata man nasaka li-yaghiitha can be supplied from the account of al-Muhabbar (p. 314, 1.1). Furthermore Ibn Habib's account of the idols worshipped by the Arabs also shows close similarity with that of Muqatil, though it is more detailed.'! In another series of talbiyiit (nos. 32-56) only the name of the tribe in which the invocation was used is given, or else both the name of the tribe and that of the idol of the tribe are specified. Three of the talbiya invocations in this series (nos. 33, 34, 36) are reported on the authority of Ibn Ishaq (d. 150 H); one talbiya (no. 35) is recorded on the authority of al-Sha b i (d. 109 H). The divergent versions of the talbiyiit as recorded in the chapter of Muqatil's Tafsir, the variously formulated utterances, the three traditions on the authority of Ibn Ishaq and the one of al-Sha bI - all this seems to indicate that the chapter was put together by the combination of several sources. This conjecture is corroborated by the fact that two out of the five consulted Mss. (Koprulu 143, fols. 175b penult.-176a; Hamidiyya 58, fo1. 255a.-255b) contain only the first ten 9 10 11 Muqatil,op. cit., fol. 22a, sup. Al-Muhabbar, p. 313, note 5. See Muqatil, op. cit., fol. 24b; and see another short account ibid., fol. 210b. 35 talbiyiit. One may venture to say that some parts of the account were inserted by the transmitter of the Tafsir, al-Hudhayl b.Habib al·Dandani.12 An examination of the talbiyiit mentioned above together with a few more from other sources may shed some light on certain Significant aspects of these ritual invocations. The well known Jahili talbiya associating a partner with GOd13 is recorded in Muqatil's account as the talbiya of Quraysh, who were worshippers of Isiif.14 This very talbiya is however recorded as the ritual invocation of the Hums, a group of tribes including Quraysh, Khuza' a, Kinana and 'Amlr b. Sa'sa'a, as stated in this report. IS In another form of the talbiya of the Hums they invoke God, addressing Him as the Lord of Sirius (rabbu I-shi'ra) and ask His aid against the offenders. They address Him as the Lord of Manat, 16 3I.Lat and al~Uzza and as the Lord of the sanctuary of the Ka'ba (rabbu l-ka 'bati l-hariim). They came to Him riding on lean camels - having evidently made an ardous journey - and left the idols forsaken and desolate, (khilwan sifran), as they say in their invocation. I? It is, of course, of some importance to find the talbiya of the Hums, a group closely connected by ties of loyalty and allegiance with the Ka'ba, observing distinctive ritual practices during the IJ.ajj and enjoying a special privileged position in Mecca. While the Jahil] talbiya with regard to associating a partner is usually attibuted to Quraysh, or to Quraysh and Kmana," the latter talbiya attributed to the Hums seems to be congruous with their religious ideas and their duties during the lJajj. The talbiya expounds clearly their belief in the authority of Allah over the principal Arab deities al-Lat, al~Uzza and Manat. God is the Lord of the Kaba and the idols of the gods had been left behind void and insignificant. This may be quite a faithful exposition of their belief. Moreover, the arduous journey fits in well with the fact that they exercised exertions in worship during the lJajj. See Sezgin GAS, I, 37 ( ... "Dieser fiigte an manchem Stellen dem Text von Muqlltil von anderen hinzu "), On the transmission of the Tafstr see al-Khatfb alBaghdadt, Ta'nkh Baghdlld, VII, 143, no. 3591, IX, 426, no. 5039; and see MuqatiI, op. cit., fol, 33a. IS See above, note 3. I. MuqatiI op. cit., fol. 22b (no. 11); Ibn Habtb, al·Mu/Jllbbar, p. 311; al-Ya'qobt, op. cit. I, 296; Husain, op. cit. p. 367, no. 15 (with the addition: aba l-banat bi-fadak , like inAba 1-'AII1' 's Risalat al-ghufran, p. 535). " MuqatiI, op. cit., fol. 22a (no. 1); a following comment says that the partner attachec by the Hums to God referred to the angels worshipped by them; this is the zQr, the falsehood (mentioned in the verse of the Qur'an), •• The phrase in the text: rabbu l-thalithati I-ukhra denotes, of course, Manat. 17 Muqatil op. cit., fol. 23b (no. 45). 18 See the talbiya uttered by Quraysh and Kinana on the Day of 'Arafa, containing the declaration of the associate partner: MuqatiI, op, cit., fol. 23a (no. 32). 12 Uberlieferugen 36 On a monotheistic aspect of a Jiihiliyya practice Their invocation of God to aid them against those who transgress seems to point to these tribal groups who did not observe the sanctity of the K~ba and violated the peace of the holy months of the /Jaji No clear answer can be given why their talbiya stressed that Allah was the Lord of Sirius..This very expression occurs in the Qur'an only once (Sura LIII, 49). Early commentators attribute the worship of Sirius to the tribe of Himyar, or to some ancestor of the Prophet or to the tribe of Khuza'a, This could explain the naming of God as the Lord of Sirius, as Khuza'a were a part of the Hums. But the expression "the Lord of Sirius ... the Lord of al-Iiit and al-'Uzza" recurs as well in the talbiya of Madhhij.19 Quite different was the talbiya of Ghassan. They invoke God on behalf of their kings, addressing Him as the Lord of their people.j" In the same vein is cast the very short talbiya of Rabta. They uttered their invocation, addressing God as the Lord of Rabfat al-Qasll'am.21 In both forms of the talbiya God is perceived as the Lord of the tribe. Another version of the talbiya of RabI'a (the worshippers of MuJ:larriq22) reflects sincere devotion and servitude and expresses the request that the pilgrimage be correct and sound: labbayka /Jajjan haqqan tdabbudan wa.riqqan.23 A third relation has some additional phrases describing the race of the pilgrims towards Mecca so that they may shave their heads.2A A fourth version shows some divergence: the Bakr b. ws'u stress in their talbiya on behalf of RabI' a their obedience to the Lord who is not worshipped in a church or in a synagogue. Their idols, they say, they have left protected and safe.25 A fifth report adds to the concise form of the devotion and servitude a phrase stating the Rabl'a did not come to Mecca to ask for gifts nor for reasons of trade. 26 This expression, stating that the pilgrims did not come for trade or profit, recurs in the talbiyiit of other tribes.?" It confirms the early traditions that the tribes refrained from trade activities during their pilgrimage. This was changed by " Muqatil,op. cit., fol. 23b (no. 41); al-Ya'qobI, op. cit., I, 297; and cornp, H.A.R. Gibb, "Pre-Islamic Monotheism in Arabia," Harvard Theological Review, 1962, pp. 275 inf. -276 . • 0 Muql!til, op. cit., fol. 24a (no. 54). '1 Ibn Hisham, Kitab at-ttisn, Hyderabad 1347, p. 219; and see on qash 'am as the sobriquet of RabI'a L 'A, s.v. q sh 'm . •• See Muqatil, op. cit., fol. 24b: we-kana al-muharriq bi-salmanali-bakri bni wa'ilin wa-sa'iri rabt'ata; Ibn l;Iablb,op. cit., p. 317. 23 Muqatil, op. cit., fol. 22b (no. 17); Ibn Habtb, p. 312; Aba 1-'AIl!' al-Ma'arrt, op. cit., p.536. . Muqatil,op. cit., for 23b (no. 38) . •s Muqatil,op. cit., fol. 24a (no. 50) . •• Muqatil,op. cit., fol 22a (no. 4); cf. L 'A, s.v. r q h: some people used to utter in their talbiya in the period of the Jl!hiliyya: ii'nska li-l-na~alJa a-lamna'ti li-l-raqaha. w 2? See e.g. Muqatil, op. cit., fol. 22b (no. 23), fol. 23b (nos. 36, 39,44); Ibn Habtb, op. cit., p. 313. 24 37 th revelation (Siira II, 198) which gave Muslims permission to carry out business transactions during the haii. 28 The description of the hardship of travel during the pilgrimage, the lean camels, the race to reach Mecca, the exertion of performing the haii by foot as exposed in the talbiyar" - all these features are in agreement with the reports about the pilgrimage in the period of the Jahiliyya and with the stories about exertions during the f;aji in Islamic times. The talbiyiit reflect the ideas of the tribes about the supreme God as well as their perception of the relation between the lesser gods and the supreme God. The idea that the gods are inferior and dependent upon God is expressed in the talbiya of Kinda, Hadramaut and Sakiin, To the Jahili talbiya of association (above note 3) they added: ... "Thou possessest him (i.e. the partner - K) whether Thou destroyest or leavest him; Thou art the Forbearing (al-I}al/m), therefore leave him.3o Judham prided themselves in their talbiya of their royal descendance, of their forbearing minds and addressed God as "the God of the idols" (ilahu l-asndmii, naming Him al-Rahman." In the talbiya of Daus God is named "the Lord of the idols" (rabbu l-a~niimi).32 Tamirn mentioned in their talbiya God the Creator; it is He whom they singled out by their invocation (wa-akhlasat /i-rabbiha duCahii).33 Qays 'Aylan describe themselves as being together with their idols, in humble submission to al-Rahrnan.P' Thaqif, asking for forgiveness of their sins, stated that their goddesses, al-Lat and al-' Uzza, were in the hands of God and that the idols yielded obediently to Him.3s Asad named God "the One," "the Subduer" and asserted that they did not worship the idols;36 they also mentioned Him in the talbiya as "al-rabbu l-samad," The meaning of the word al-samad, which occurs only once in the Qur'an,37 as one of God's attributes is usually explained as "the Lord to whom people direct themselves in their needs;,,38 there 28 See e.g. Muqatil, op. cir., I, 31b; Ibn al-tArabt, Ahkam al-qur'an, Cairo 1387/1967, 1,135 inf. -136; al-Tabarr, Ta[Slr, ed. Shakir, IV, 164-168. nos. 3763, 3771, 3775,3777,3781 (noteworthy is the expression of the commentator: [a-rukhkhisa lahum ... "and they were granted concession") 3787 (and see another version of the verse: no. 3766); al-SuYU~I, alDurr an-manthur, I, 222; al-Raghib al-Isfahant, MuJ;adariit al-udaba', Beirut 1961, II, 465; and see JESHO XV (1972) 76, note 4. 29 See e.g. Muqatil, op. cit ; fol. 22a (nos. 3,7), 23a (no. 34), 23b (no. 44), 24a (no. 49). 3. Muqatil,op. cit ; fol. 24a (no. 53); al-Ya'qnbr, op. cit., I, 297, 11.4-5. 31 Muqatil,op. cit., fol. 24a (no. 52); comp. the fragmentary talbiya in al-Ya'qubt, op. cit., 1,297. 32 Muqatil,op. cit., fol, 24a (no. 56). 33 Muqatil,op. cit., fol. 23a (no. 33); cornp. al-Ya'qubt, op. cit., I, 296. 34 Muqatil,op. cit., fol. 23b (no. 37); and comp. the talbiya of 'Akk and the Ash'ariyynn (ib. no. 40): haijun li-l-rahman, dhallat lahu l-asnam. 35 Muql1til,op. cit" fol. 24a (no. 48). 36 Muqatil,op. cit., fol, 23a (no. 35), 37 SOra CXII, 2. 38 See e.g. Abo Mishal, Kitab al-nawadir, ed. 'Izzat Hasan, Damascus 1380/1961, pp. 122-123 (and see the references of the editor, ib., note "35"); L'A s.v, s m d; Ahmad bv Hamdan al-Razt, al-Ztna, edv Husayn al-Hamdant, Cairo 1958, II, 43-45; and comp. linin al-'Aud, 38 On a monotheistic aspect of a Jdhlliy y a practice are however other explanations and some of them seem to have been introduced together with the later ideas about the attributes of God. The talbiya of Himyar is significant. They stress in their invocation that they address God on behalf of the kings and the petty rulers (ani l-muliiki wa-l-aqwdl} [of people - KJ of prudence and forbearing minds, who practise piety towards their kinsmen, staying away from sins by self-withdrawal (from shame - k) and out of Islam (tanazzuhan wa-isldmi. They declare that they humbly submit to the Lord of mankind, yielding to Him on every elevated place [they and their - K] idols and gods.39 The word isliim and its meaning need elucidation. It occurs only once in the talbiyat ; in the quoted invocation of Hirnyar ; it is preceded by the phrase of eschewing sins, coupled with the word tanazzun denoting keeping aloof from shameful and wicked deeds, and followed by the statement of obedience to the God of mankind. It is apparent that the word islam placed between a word which denotes abstention from sin and another one, which talks of submission to God, both terms bearing as they do a religio-ethical connotation, also belongs to the same semantic field. It probably denotes the idea of exclusive devotion to one God, as assumed by the late D.Z. Baneth. In his illuminating discussion of the social and religious background of the Prophet's activity, Baneth made the following observation: ... The fundamental change required by Muhammad was the abandonment of polytheism, to serve one god only, the same god which they had already previously known under the name of Allah. Does not the idea suggest itself to seek this very meaning of adopting monotheism in the words aslama, isliim:>40 This meaning proposed for islam by Baneth, is indeed confirmed by the definition given by Muqatil in his Tafsir: muslim is consistently interpreted by mukhlisun bi-l-tauhidi (or: bi-tauhidi llahi);41 Islam and ikhlds are here given as identical in connotation. H. Ringgren, analyzing the meaning of ikhliis and mukhlis states that "the context indicates that making one's religion khdlis to God is contrary to choosing patrons apart from Him,,,42 and finds fit Bell's translation: "making Him the exclusive object of religion.,,43 One may venture to assume Dtwan, ed, Ahmad Naslm, Cairo 1350/1931, p. 39,1. 12; Ibn Muqbil, Dtwan, ed. 'Izzat Hasan, Damascus 1:,81/ 1962, p. 51, 1. 3; al-Raghib al-Isfahanr, al-Mufradat ft ghartbi l-qur'an, Cairo 1324, p. 288. 39 Muqatil,op. cit., fol. 23b (no. 43). 40 D.Z.H. Baneth, "What did Muhammad mean when he called his religion Isillm? The original rnearning of A slama and its derivatives," Israel Oriental Studies I (1971) 184. 41 See e.g. Muqatil, op. cit ; I, 51a (aslamtu ya'nt akhlastu), I, 57a tkuntum muslimtna ya'nt mukhlistna lahu bi-l-tauhtdii, II, 58b, ult.-59a, 1. 1 tqabla an ya'tunt muslimtna, ya'· nl mukhlistna bi-l-tauhtdii. II, 59b, 1. 3 twa-kunna muslimtna ya'nt mukhlistna bi-l-tauhtdi min qabliha'; II, 61b, 1.4 from bottom, II, 62a, 1. 5 from bottom, II, 73b, II, 83a, b, 1. 2, II, 123a, II, 2Ila, I. 6. 42 H. Ringgren, "The Pure Religion," Oriens XV (1962), 93-96. 43 Ibid., p. 94 inf. 39 that isliim here denotes the idea ascribed to it in the Qur'an. This may change to some extent the accepted views about the beliefs of the people of the Jahiliyya and provide a clue for an evaluation as to how monotheistic ideas were adopted and transmitted from the Jahiliyya period to Islam. The talbiya of Jurhum'" is of an altogether different content and purport. This tribe was already extinct by the advent of Islam, and traditions as to their origin and ancestors were shrouded in a web of miracles and legend. The talbiya of Jurhum is thus merely a reminiscence of an early talbiya of an ancient tribe perpetuated in the invocation of the worshippers of Dhu l-Kaffaynj" this idol was worshipped by Daus'" and Khuza'a.?? Muqatil records two versions of the talbiya of Jurhum: a short one, the talbiya of the worshippers of Dhii l-Kaffayn, who utter the invocation of Jurhum, and a longer one referred to above (note 44), recorded as the talbiya of Jurhum. They invoke God, stating that they are his servants; that people are (like) newly acquired property, while they are (like) the hereditary property of God; that they have dwelt in God's land and caused it to flourish and that to be remote from God is something which one cannot stand. Further they say in their invocation that they are the first to come to God's meeting place; they will oppose anyone who shows hostility towards God until they set the faith straight in His valley/" The first three hemistichs of this rajaz are often quoted in the sources and attributed to 'Arnr b. al-Harith (or 'Arnfr b. al Harith) b. Mu4a(L49 they became incorporated into the talbiya. The concept of man assisting God against His enemies is of considerable antiquity in Islam, recurring as it does in the Qur'an and in early Islamic literature. The contrasting pair of notions "tirf" (or (Urf) and "tiliid", current in ancient Arabic poetry is here interpreted as pointing to the heavenly origin of Jurhum, "tiliiduka", "Thy hereditary property"; their ancestor is said to have been an angel who, having sinned, was sent down to earth. 50 It is noteworthy that al-Tufayl b. 'Amr al-Dausi pulling down the idol of Dhii l-Kaffayn uttered his denunciation of the pagan worship of the idol in the same metre, rajaz, and with the same rhyme. 51 See on this tribe EP, s.v. Djurhum (W.M. Watt). Muqatil,op. cit., fo1. 23a (no. 30) . • 6 Al-Ya'qubr, op. cit., I, 296; al-Baghdadt, Khizanat al-adab (ed. Balaq), III, 246 sup. 47 Muhammad b.l:lablb, op. cit., p. 318. 48 Muqatil,op. cit., fo1. 22a (no. 6); comp. Ibn l:lablb, op. cit 0' p. 314 . •• Al-Tabart, Ta'rtkh, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahtrn, Cairo 1961, II, 285; al-Fast, Shifa' al-gharam, Cairo 1956, I, 357, 374; al-Tsamt, Simt al-nujum al-tawalt ; Cairo 1380, I, 174; al-Mawardt, A'llIm al-nubuwwa, Cairo 1319, p. 120; Abll l-Baqa', al-Manaqib al-mazyadiyya, Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23, 296, fol. 79b. so AI-'I~amI, op. cit., I, 174 inf. - 175. 51 Ibn Hisham, al-Stra al-nabawiyya, ed. al-Saqa, al-Abyart , Shalabt, Cairo 1355/1936, II, 25; al-Kalbt, al-Asnam, p. 37; Ibn Habfb, op. cit., p. 318 (with the variant in the first hemistich: ylI dha l-kaffayni lastu min tiladika): al-Waqidr, al-Maghazt , ed. Marsden Jones, London 1966, p. 923; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, ed. 'All Muhammad al-BijawI, Cairo 1392/1972, III, 521; al-Dimyatt, al-Mukhtasar ft strati sayyidi l-bashar, Ms. Chester Beatty 3332, fol. l06b. 44 4S 40 On a monotheistic aspect of a Jdhiliy y a practice The phrase "wa-humu l-awwalima 'alii ml'iidika" deserves attention. Although the word ml'iid occurs several times in the Qur 'an, the use of the word with the preposition 'alii is not attested in the Qur an, It occurs however with the preposition 'alii in the famous poem of al-Aswad b. Ya'fur." In the talbiya of Jurhum the word seems to denote an appointed time or an appointed place of meeting; in this case it is the time of the /:lajj as established by God or the place appointed by God for the pilgrimage, Mecca." To the sphere of Jahil'i custom also belongs the invocation by women who used to perform the circumambulation naked. To the usually recorded rajaz - verse 54 Muqatil adds three rajaz hemistichs about the spectators who watch the corpulent women. 55 The body-features mentioned in the last hemistich resemble the details provided about Duba'a when she circumambulated the Ka'ba in the nude.56 II Abu I-'Alii' al-Ma'arri remarks, classifying the different forms of the talbiydt , that there is no talbiya (scil. from the period fo the Jahiliyya - K) cast in one of the qasida - metres. He remarks with caution that talbiyiit may have perhaps been uttered in one of the qasida metres, but they were not recorded by the transmitters. Most of them are utterances cast in saj' or rajaz form. 57 Goldziher analyzed thoroughly the role of sai' and rajaz and their occurrence in invocations, curses, wisdom sayings and in oracular utterances." Gibb succintly referred to sal and rajaz in connection with the style of the Our an, assuming that there was an estab- 52 Al-Dabbl, al-Mufaddaliyyat, ed. Lyall, XCIV, 11, rendered by Lyall: "Now sweep the winds over all their dwellings: empty they lie, as though their lords had been set a time and no more to be"; al-A'sha, Dtwan, ed. Geyer (A'sM Nahshal XVII, II) p.296 (and see the references of the editor). 53 My son, Menahem Kister, provided me with the following note: "The word mo'ed in Hebrew has, in addition to its current meanings in the Scriptures, two other denotations: (1) a holy place, a sanctuary (see e.g. Ps. LXXIV, 4,8, Lam. II, 6; cf. ohel mo'ed in this sense; and cf. plJr m'd in the Ugaritic myths indicating the place of the meeting of the gods); (2) a festival, a holiday (see e.g. Lev. XXIII, 37). One of these two meanings suits perhaps the phrase here. The expression ba'ey mo'ed (Lam. I, 4) which seems to denote "pilgrims" is probably jlerived from one of these 2 meanings (see the commentary of Ibn Ezra on this verse)". I have failed to trace this meaning in the Arabic sources. 54 AI-AzraqI, op. cit., pp. 124-125; al-Tsamt, op. cit., I, 219; cf. the story of Duba'a bint 'Amir: Ibn J:la"bIb, l-Munammaq, ed. Kh~rsheed Ahmad Fariq , Hyderabad 1964, p. 272. a 55 Muqatil, op. cit., fol. 22a (no. 9); cf. Mughultay, al-Zahr al-btisim , Ms. Leiden Or. 370, fol. 100a. 56 Cf. Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VIII, 153 inf.; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, VIII, 6; Mughultay, op. cit., fols. 99b-l00a; al-Wahidt,op. cit., pp. 151-152. 5. 57 Abol~~Ala',op. cit., p. 537. J. Goldziher, Abhandlungen zur Arabischen Philologie , Leiden 1896. 41 lished style of religious discourse in the period of the Jahiliyya.t" Tradition stresses the efficacy of saj' invocations uttered in the haram of Mecca in the period of the Jahiliyya and directed against wrong-doers and oppressors. The Sira of Ibn Ishaq in the transmission of Yiinus b. Bukayr has a special chapter recording cases of this kind.6o In early Islam saj' and rajaz were considered a product of the Bedouin mind and it was deemed especially odious to link the Qur'ii:n with raiaz/" The Prophet is said to have prohibited the use of saj' in mvocauons." Some saj' invocations of the Jahiliyya period were indeed utterly forgotten. According to the report of al-Fakihi the people performing the tawdf between al-Safa and al-Marwa in the period of the Jahiliyya used to utter the following short invocation: al-yauma qirri 'aynd: bi-qari l-marwataynai" This invocation is never encountered again in the Islamic period. some 01 the invocations of the talbiya in their sal or rajaz forms did, however, survive and were adopted by the Prophet; he used to utter them during his pilgrimage. The invocation labbayka hajjan haqqd: taabbudan wa-riqqd mentioned above'" was uttered by the Prophet in his talbiya. 65 Ibn Manziir records the verses uttered by Abu Khirash al-Hudhali (sa' y) between al-Safa and al-Marwa: liihumma hddhii khdmisun in tamma: atammahu llahu wa-qad atammii: during running 59 H.A.R. Gibb, Arabic Literature, Oxford 1963, pp. 14-15, 34-35; idem, "Pre Islamic Monotheism in Arabia," Harvard Theological Review, 1962, pp. 278-279. 6' A. Guillaume, "New Light on the Life of Muhhamad," JSS, Monograph No, 1, Manchester n.d., pp. 15-18 ("The Potency ofInvocations Pronounced in Saj'"). Guillame remarked that he had been unable to find this passage elsewhere. The stories of this passage can, however, be traced in al-Kala'r's al-Iktifa', I, 66~9; Ibn al-Athtr, Usd al-ghaba, BOiaq 1280, III, 150-151; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, IV, 752-753; Ibn Abl I-Dunya, Kitab muiabt l-da'wa, Bombay 1389/1969, pp, 10-14, no. 5; Abo I-Baqa' Muhammad b. al- .t;>iya' al-Makkl al-Adawt, A!JWlll makka wa-l-madtna, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 11865, fols, 119b-121a; Ibn Zuhayra, al-Jami' al-lattf ft fadli makkata wa-ahliha wa-bina'i l-bayti l-shartf, Cairo 1357/1938. p. 61. 61 See al-Baladhurt, Ansab al-ashraf, Ms. fo!. 1211b: .. 'ani l-salti bni dtnarin qala: sam i'tu I-!Jajjllja 'ala minbari wasitin yaqulu: qatala llahu 'abda hudhaylin, wa-llahi ma qara 'a mimma anzala llahu 'alll muhammadin harfan, wa-mil huwa illa rajazu 1- 'arabi, wa-llahi lau adraktuhu la-saqaytu l-arda min damihi; Ibn Abr l-Dunya, al-Ishraf ft manazil al-ashraf, Ms. Chester Beatty 4427, fol. 62b (al-Hajjaj refers to the version of the Qur'an of Ibn Mas'ud). " See L 'A, s.v.s j 'a; 'All al-Qart, al-Asrar al-marfu'a ft l-akhbar al-maudu'a, ed. Muhammad al-Sabbagh, Beirut 1391/1971, p. 140, no. 109 (see the comments of the editor); cf. 'Abd ai-Malik b. HabIb, al-Ta'rtkh, Ms. Bodleian, Marsh. 288, p. 167,1. 17. (. .. qillll; aqbalna min al-fajji t-tamtq na'ummu l-bayta l-tattq: fa qala 'umaru: qad waqa'u ft hadha, ya'nr saj'a l-kalam wa-tahstnahu. " AI-FakihI, Ta'rlkh makka, Ms. Leiden, Or. 463, fo!. 380a, 11. 2-3. 6. Note 22. " Abo 'Abdallah al-Sarr, Juz', Leiden, Or. 2465, fols. 7a-b, 8b; Nor al-Dtn al-Haythamt, op. cit., II, 223; al-Muttaqr I-Hindr, Kanz al-tummal. Hyderabad 1374/1954, V, 16, 77-78, nos. 138, 634~35; Murta"a l-Zabrdr, op. cit., IV 337 inf. 42 On a monotheistic aspect of a Jdhiliy y a practice in taghfiri lliihumma tagfir jammii: wa-ayyu 'abdin laka Iii alammii:66 AI-Tabari who reports on the authority of Mujahid that the people used to circumambulate the Ka 'ba uttering the second verse: in taghfiri lliihuma ... 67 records however another tradition saying that the Prophet recited this verse.t" According to a tradition recorded by Ibn Manziir the second verse (in taghfir ... ) was composed by Umayya b. abi 1_~alt.69 The verse is indeed ascribed to Umayya b. ab'i l-Salt in the Kitiib al-Aghiini and two versions are related about the circumstances in which Umayya composed the verse: according to al-Zuhri he uttered it during the miraculous opening of his breast; according to Thabit b. al-Zubayr he recited it before his death.?" According to a tradition reported by Ibn al-Kalbi the verse was uttered by al-Dayyan (the ancestor of the Bami l-Dayyan)?' during his prayer.72 These verses (with the variant: alliihumma hiidhii wdhidun in tammii ... ) are recorded by Husain as the talbiya of the Ash 'ariyyun. 73 Muqatil records a talk between 'Umar and Abu Burda (the son of Abu Milsa al-Ash'arl) in which he asked him about the talbiya of the Ash'ariyyun. Abu Burda quoted the following form of their Jahili talbiya: alliihumma hiidhii wdhidun innamii: 74 athamahu lliihu wa-qad athimii: in taghfiri lliihumma ... 75 It is thus a divergent version with a different intent: God knows the sins of the men who commit them (and will certainly punish them - K); if God forgives He will forgive them all together, as there is no believer who has not sinned. The four hemistichs seem to have been a widely current popular invocation and their authorship was, as usually in such cases, ascribed to different poets, or recorded as a ritual invocation of individuals or groups.?" •• L:4 s.v. I m m; aI-SUy1ltI, Sharh shawahid al-mughnt , ed. al-Shanqrtt, rev. Ahmad zsfir Kojan, Damascus 1386/1966, p.625, no.388 (with the variant in the first hemistich: hadha rabi'un); Ahmad b. Hamdan aI-Razr, op. cit., II, 15. 67 AI-Tabarl, Tafslr (BOIag) XXVII, 40; al-Suyntt, Sharh shawahid, p. 625. 68 AI-Tabar1, Tafstr, XXVII, 39; al-Qurtubt, Tafslr, XVII, 107; aI-SUy1lt1, al-Durr al-manthui, VI, 127 inf.; al-Munawr, Fayd al-qadtr, Cairo 1391/1972, III, 28, no. 2662; cf. L'A, s.v. jmm. 69 L 'A, s.v. I m m. 70 Aghant (BOlag) III, 190-191; al-Darnrrr, Hayat al-hayawan, Cairo 1383/1963, II, 402403; al-Jumaht, Tabaqat fuhut ai-shu 'ara " ed. Mahmud Shakir, Cairo 1952, pp. 223-224 (and see the references of the editor, p. 224, note 3); and see Sadr aI-DIn al-Basrt, al-Hamasa albasriyya, ed. Mukhtar al-Drn Ahmad, Hyderabad 1383/1964, II, 431, no. 53 (and see the references recorded by the editor); 'Abd al-Qadir al-Baghdadt, Khizanat al-adab, ed. 'Abd alSalam Hartin, Cairo 1388/1968, II, 295-296 (and see the references given by the editor); Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, I, 252. 71 See on him Ibn Hazrn , Jamharat ansab al-tarab, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Haran, Cairo 1962, p.416. 72 Aghant ; X, 146, penult. 73 Husain, op cit., p. 365, no. 3. 74 The metre here is defective. Perhaps: lahumma has to be read. 7S Mugatil,op. cit., 24a (no. 51). "a Cf. 'Abd aI Qadir al-Baghdadt, op. cit., 11,295. 43 The two last hemistichs were adopted by the Prophet and uttered by him in his invocation. This is another instance for the way in which Jahilf pious ideas tainted by a shade of monotheism were taken up by Islam. The delegation of Najran, who journeyed to Medina to meet the Prophet, was preceded by Kurz b. 'Alqama who uttered the following rajaz verses: i/ayka ta'du qaliqan wadinuhii: mu'taridan fi batnihii janinuhii: mukhaztfan dina'l-na~ara dinuha76 Several traditions report that 'Umar recited these verseswhen driving his riding beast swiftly through the Wadi Muhassir during his ~ajj. 77 Another tradition relates that the Prophet uttered these verses when on his ifoqa from 'Arafa." It is quite significant that these rajaz verses, marked as a piece of Yamani poetry, are recorded as the talbiya of the Asad and Ghatafan."" These rajaz-verses are yet another case of the absorption of Jahil'i material, whereby it was transformed into a part of the Muslim ritual invocation. According to current tradition the tribal talbiyiit were prohibited and were substituted by a Muslim formula. This is c1early reflected in the story of 'Amr b. Ma'dfkarib, reported on the authority of Sharqi b. Qutami: the old tribal talbiya, telling about the strenuous efforts of the journey and about the idols left void behind them, was replaced by the prescribed Muslim talbiya.80 The case of the talbiya of Zubayd, as recorded by Muqatil, is however different. The Jahili talbiya mentioned above was replaced by a new one in which God is addressed as "the Lord of the lords" (rabbu l-arbdb) and "the Subduer of every idol and graven image in the land" tqdhiru kulli wathanin wa-sanamin fi l-bilad).81 It is the only , ,. Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., I, 357; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, V, 586, no. 7403; al-Kalil'I, al-Ikti/4, 1,259. 77 Al-Bayhaqt, al-Sunan al-kubra, V, 126; al-Bakrr, Mu'jam mil sta'jam, ed. Mu~~afa l-Saqa, Cairo 1368/1949, pp. 1191 inf. - 1192; Ibn AbI Shayba,al-Mu¥lnflll[. ed. 'Abd alKMliq al-Afghant, Hyderabad 1386/1966, IV, 81; Nor ai-DIn al-Haythamt, op, cit., III, 256; L 'A, s.v, wdn; al-Muttaqt l-Hindt, op. cit.; V, 116, no. 866, 111, no. 837 (with the hemistich: wa·ayyu 'abdin laka III alamma, added); Muhibb al-Dtn al-Tabar I, op. cit., p. 414; Ibn al-Athlr, al-Nihaya, s.v. wdn; cf al-Fakihr,op. cit ; fol. 531a; and see Abo 'Ubayda, Majllz al-Qur'l1n, ed. F. Sezgin, Cairo, 1381/1962, II, 249, no. 898, Murtac;la I-ZabIdI, op. cit., IV, 386. ,8 Ibn al-Athtr, al-Nihaya, s.v. wdn; L'A, s.v. wdn; Mul:tibb al-Drn al-Tabart, op. cit., p. 414; NOr al-Drn al-Haythamr, op. cit., Ill, 156. ,. Muqatil,op. cit., 22a (no. 8). 80 Al-Tabarant, al-Mu'jam al-sagbtr, ed. 'Abd al-Rahrnan 'Uthman, Cairo 1388/1968, I, 59; Nor al-Dtn al-Haythamt, op. cit., III, 111; al-Tahawr, SharlJ ma'ant l-athar, II, 124-125; Ibn al-Athtr, Usd ai-ghaba, IV, 133; Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba, IV, 690; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isn'ab, ed. 'All Muhammad al-Bijawt, Cairo 1380/1960, p. 1203; aI-Kha~Ib ai-BaghdadI, Ta'rlkh, V,282. 81 Muqatil,op. cit., 24a (no.49). 44 On a monotheistic aspect of a Jiihiliyya practice case in which a separate talbiya of a tribe is mentioned in the period of Islam. It is interesting to note that this talbiya stresses the struggle of God against the gods and the idols and His subjugation of them, thus giving a clear idea how Islam was conceived by the tribes in its nascent period. The animosities between the tribes are reflected in the talbiyiit of 'Abd al-Qays and Qays 'Aylan. The Qays 'Aylan in their talbiya make the complaint that Bakr (scil. b. Wa)il) interpose between them and God; people obey God, while Bakr disbelieve Him. Were it not for Bakr b. Wa)il people would set out in crowds for the pilgrimage.82 The worshippers of Dhii I·LIba (i.e. the 'Abd al-Qays) invoke God that He may turn Mudar away from them, make the journey safe and relieve them from the lords of Hajar.83 The complaint of the 'Abd al-Qays recurs in fact in another setting: when the delegation of 'Abd al-Qays came to the Prophet they complained that they were unable to reach Medina, save during the holy months, because the Mudartribes stood in their way. 84 • Different in content and in setting is the talbiya of Adam. Adam mentions that God created him with His own hand, bestowed on him graces and attests that God is the Lord of the House (i.e. the Ka'ba).85 It is apparent that this talbiya, in contradistinction to the other Jiihili ones, is rooted in the Muslim concept of the role of Adam and of other prophets in establishing the lJajj and its rites. Adam built the Ka'ba;86 he is said to have performed the lJajj from India seventy times.87 Prophets 82 Muqatil, op. cit., fol. 22a (no. 5), 22b (no. 22, given as the talbiya of the worshippers of Manat; and so Ibn Habrb, al·Mul}abbar p. 313); see AbQ I-'Ala',op. cit., p. 536 (recorded as the talbiya of Tamtm). 8' Muqatil,op. cit., fol. 23a (no. 27); Ibn HabIb,al-Muhabbar, p. 314 . •• See e.g. al-Zurqanl, Sharh al-mawahib al-laduniyya, Cairo 1327, IV, 13-14; Ibn Kaunr, al-Stra al-nabawiyya, ed. Mu~tafa 'Abd al-WaJ:tid,Cairo 1385/1966, IV, 88; 'AIr b. Burhan al-Dtn, Insan al-tuyan (= al-Stra al-halabiyyar, Cairo, 1382/1962, III, 251. The animosity between TamIm and RabI'a was reflected in certain I}a//-practices: the tribes used to rally in al-Muhassab and would leave according to an established order, to avoid clashes among them. Ibn 'Abbas remarked that Tamtm and RabI'a used to fear each other (kanat banu tamtmin wa-rabt'atu takhafu ba'duha ba'dan). See al-Fakiht, op. cit.; fol. 481b. 85 Muqatil,op. cit., fol, 22b (no. 10) . •• See e.g, Muhibb al-Dtn al-TabarI, op. cit., p. 47 inf.; al-$aliJ:tI,Subul al-huda wa-l-rashad, ed. Mu~tafa 'Abd al-WaJ;1.id 167 (1.4 from bottom) I, 167, 168 (1.3 from bottom), 168, I, (1.3 from bottom), 171-172; al-Khuwarizmt, Itharatu l-targhtb wa-l-tashwtq illJ l-masaiidi l-thalathati wa-ila l-bayti l-tattq, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 4584, fol. 17a, 1.4; cf. Murta~a 1-ZabldI, op. cit., IV, 356 sup. 87 AI-Isfara'Inr, Zubdatu l-a'mal, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3034, fol. 35a (or 40 times as Ibid., fol, 36a); Muhibb al-Dtn al-Tabart, op. cit., p. 48 sup.; al~aliJ:tI. op. cit., 1,242-243; and see al-Daylamt, Firdaus, Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 117a, inf.: qad aUllldamu hadha l-bayta alfa utyatin mina l-hindi 'allJ riilayhi, 10m yarkab [thinna min dhalika thalntha mi'ati !la/jatin wa-sab'a mi'ati 'umratin, wa-awwalu !lajjatin haiiahlllldamu wa-huwa waqifun bi-tarafatin atahu jibrtlu fa-qala yll adamu burra nuskuka, amll inna qad tufna bi-hadha l-bayti qabla an tukhlaqa bi-khamstna alfa sana tin. . 45 and saints used since then to perform the pilgrimage, mostly walking, and used to utter the talbiya in various fonns.88 It is evident that the Muslim talbiya is, according to Muslim concepts, an adequate extension of the talbiyiit uttered by the prophets while performing their /:lajj to the Ka'ba in Mecca. III Muslim scholars differ in their assessment of the position of the talbiya: whether it has to be considered a sunna, an obligatory practice (wiijib), a recommended practice imandiibv, or an essential part of the ihrdm: 119 Neither are they unanimous concerning the form of the talbiya: some of them approve of an addition to the widely circulated talbiya of the Prophet and adduce various versions of the talbiya, others recommend to adhere to the accepted wording of the talbiya.i" A rather liberal opinion is given by al-Harbi: the muhrim utters his talbiya in whatever way he likes." According to a widely current tradition the Prophet was ordered by the angel Jibrfl to enjoin his Companions to utter the talbiya in a loud voice; the best pilgrimage was considered to be one which combined the loud cry of the talbiya with the slaughter of the sacrifice (afdalu l-lJajj al-'ajj wa-l-thajj). The Companions used to recite it in such a loud voice that they would become hoarse.92 There •• See e.g. Ahmad b. Hanbal, Kttab al-zuhd, Beirut 1396/1976, pp. 58, 74, 87; aI-BayhaqI, al-Sunan al-kubra, V, 42; al-~alil;1I, op. cit., I, 243-247; Muhibb at-urn aI-Tabarl, op. cit., pp, 49-56; al-Mundhirt, al-Tarhtb, ed. Muhammad Mul;1yr I-DIn 'Abd al-Harnld, Cairo 1380/ 1961, III, 20-22, nos. 1657-1662; ai-MuttaqI l-Hindt, op. cit., V, 78, no. 636; al-Qastallant, [rshad ai-sarI, III, 115; Nur aI-DIn al-Haythamt, op. cit ; III, 220-222; al..'Aynl, op. cit., IX, 173; al-Nuwayrt, Nihl1yat at-arab, Cairo n.d. I, 309-310; al-Majlisl, Bif;l1r al-anwar, XCIX, 44, no. 33; Ibn Babliyah, 'Ilal al-shara'i', pp. 418419 . •0 Al-Zurqant, Sharf; al-muwatta', III, 44, al-Shaukant, Nayl al-autar, Cairo 1380/1961, IV, 359 ult. - 360; Amrn Mahrned Khattab, op. cit., 1,111-112 sup.; al-'Aynl, op. cit., IX, 17linf.;al-Qastallanl,op. cit., III, 113;lbn i:lajar,Fatf;, III, 326 inf. - 327. O. AI-Shafi'I, op. cit., II, 132-133, 186; al-Zurqant, Sharf; al-muwatta', III, 34-37; Nor ai-DIn al-Haythamt, op. cit., III, 222; al-Shaukant, op. cit., IV, 359; Muhibb aI-DIn al-Tabarr, op. cit., pp. 173-174 (and see pp. 424,430);AmIn Mahmud Kha~~ab,op. cit., 1,109,112-113; aI-'Aynl, op. cit., IX, 173; Ibn Hajar, Fath, III, 325-326; al-Qastallant, op. cit., III, 114-115. 0' Al-Harbt, op. cit., p. 429: ... wa-kayfama sha'a l-muhrimu an yulabbiya labba. Ol See e.g. Abo Yosuf, op. cit., p. 95, no. 459; aI-Shafi'l, op. cit., 11,133; al-Harbt, op. cit., p. 429; al-Shaukant, op. cit., IV, 360 inf. -361; Muhibb aI-DIn al-Tabarr, op. cit., pp. 171-172; AmIn Ma.l;!mod aI-KhaHab, op. cit., I, 114-115; al-Zurqanr, Sharf; al-muwana', III, 4445; al-MundhirI, op. cit., III, 23 (no. 1663), 25 (nos. 1667-1668, 1670); al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, I, 450451; al-Munawt, Fayd al-qadtr, II, 31, no. 1248; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, ['111m al-muwaqqi'tn, Beirut 1973, IV, i99; Ibn al-Athtr, al-Nihaya, s.v. 'ajj; Ibn Hajar, Fath, III, 324; alQastallanj, op. cit., III, 113; L 'A, s.v. th j j, 'a j j; Murtada I-ZabIdl, op. cit., IV, 338; cf. Muhammad Na~ al-Albant, Silsilat al-ahadtth al·~af;I':a, Damascus 1392/1972, p. 504, no. 830; and see Gaudefroy Demornbynes, op. cit., p. 184. 46 On a monotheistic aspect of a Jdhiliy y a practice were, however, other traditions, mitigating ones, which warned of too loud cries which might cause harm to the pilgrims. It was recommended that the pilgrim utter the talbiya at every spot and in various positions: riding, alighting, Iying, ascending a hill or a mountain, descending into a valley, at meeting of caravans, in markets and in mosques; some scholars however tried to confine the permission to utter the talbiya to certain mosques in Mecca. It is advisable, according to some, that the talbiya be followed by an invocation for the Prophet (al-~aliit 'alii l-nabiyyi, ~allii lldhu 'alayhi wa-sallam). 93 It was permitted to utter the talbiya in foreign Ianguages too, even by a person with a good knowledge of Arabic." Scholars were not unanimous with regard to the place where the Prophet commenced the utterance of the talbiya nor about the time and the place where he concluded it.95 The divergencies of scholarly opinions about the various practices of the talbiya bear evidence that the mandatory forms of the talbiya had not been established by the end of the second century of the hijra, as already pointed out by Gaudefroy Dernombynes.P' The talbiya was however incorporated in the rites of the pilgrimage by the unanimous opinion of Muslim scholars, and its merits and reo wards were recorded in the compilations of hadith, 97 IV The chapter of the talbiyiit in Muqatil's Tafsir gives us a clue for a better understanding of the religious ideas of the tribes during the period of the Jahiliyya. The tribes of course had their gods and the places of worship of these gods were usually shared by other tribes allied with them or living in their neighbourhood. They believed however in a supreme God, who had His House in Mecca. On their pilgrimage to Mecca they directed themselves to this God, who held supremacy over their tribal gods. The relation between God and their gods, as perceived by the tribes, is reflected in the report of al-Ya'qnbt: when intending to perform the .3 Al-Shafi't, op. cit., II, 133-134, 186; al-Zurqant, Sharh al-muwatta', III, 46; Muhibb al-Drn al-Tabart, op. cit., pp. 172-180; al-Harbr, op. cit., p. 429; Amrn Mahmnd Khattab, op. cit., I, 11 i, 115; and see Gaudefroy Demombynes, op. cit., 181, 183-184; Murtada I-ZabldY, op. cit., IV, 339 . •• Arntn Mahmod Khattab, op. cit., I, 111; Gaudefroy Dernombynes, op. cit., p. 180. 95 See e.g. Ibn I:Iajar"Fat~, III, 317 inf. -318; al-Aynt, op. cit., IX, 159-160; al-Zurqant, Shar~ al-muwatta', III, 37-38, 43; Nor al-Dtn al-Haythamj, op. cit., III, 221; al-Tahawt, Sharh ma'ani t-amar, II, 120-123; al-Shaukant, op. cit., IV, 360-361; Muhibb al-Dtn al-Taban: op. cit., pp. 180-184 (and see pp. 415416); Amtn MaJ:tmod Khattab, op. cit., 1,31-35, 116-121; Gaudefroy Dernombynes, op. cit., pp. 181-183 . •• Gaudefroy Demombynes, op. cit., p, 183. 9? See e.g, al-Mundhirt, op. cit., III, 24-26, nos. 1665-1666, 1669, 1671; al-Hakim, op, cit., I, 451; al-Tibrtzt, MishklJt al-ma~bll}, Karachi 1350, p. 223 inf.; N11ral-Dtn al Haythaml, op. cit., III, 223 uIt.; Mul,tibb al-Dtn al-TabarI.op. cit., pp. 41, 70; see al-DayIamI, Firdaus, Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 157b: man labba sab'tna marratan ft ilJrlJmihiashhada llahu 'azza wa-jallasab'tna alfa malakin lahu bi-bara'atin min al-nari wa-barn'atin min al-nifiiqi. 47 pilgrimage to the Sanctuary at Mecca every tribe would come to ( the abode of) their idol and pray there; then they would set out uttering the talbiya (on their journey - K) until they reached Mecca." This report demonstrates to what extent there prevailed harmonious co-existence and co-operation between the tribal deities and the supreme God of Mecca. The Jahiliyya tribes cannot be said to have been straightforward polytheists; they were mushrikiin, i.e. while accepting and admitting the existence and supreme authority of God, they associated other deities with Him. The talbiyiit expose a remarkably rich religious vocabulary and termino .. logy. The attributes of God are well attested in the two monotheistic faiths pre .... ceding Isiam and are recurring in the Qur"an.99 It is the merit of Brockelmann, who in his study of the religious terms in the extant compilations of ancient Arabic poetry, adduced an abundant body of references to Allah and Rahman in the Jahi.. Ii poetry. Brockelmann also pointed out the various expressions pertaining to the conception of Allah in the Jahiliyya: God the Creator, the Lord of the creatures, the Omnipotent; God punishes and grants rewards; this is why He ought to be feared, revered, and praised. Brockelmann shows that expressions like hamd, khashya, hudii, taqwii occurring in the JIihiII poetry suggest a kind of religious perception of a High God akin to that of EI-' Olam and EI-'Elyon. Admitting that some details of the Genesis-story of creation might have reached Arabia, Broc.. kelmann refutes definitely the assumption that the concept of Allah might have been borrowed from one of the religions of Revelation or originated from animism.lOO Gibb, starting from a quite different point and using different material arrives at a rather similar conclusion, stressing the original Arabian concepts of monotheism which developed in the Arab peninsula and denying the hypothesis of a Jewish or Christian source for the Qur'an.101 In another article Gibb analyses the process of the rededication of the Jahili religious symbolism and the re..nter .. i pretation of the religious terms of the Jahiliyya into the monotheistic, Muslim ones.102 They are moulded in the genuine old Arabic forms of sa;' and rajaz and expose the belief in the supreme God of the Ka'ba, Allah, associated with tribal gods; this was an indigenous religious tradition, developed in the Arabian peninsula, •• AI-Ya'qnbI,Op. cit., I, 296 . •• See W. Montgomery Watt, "Belief in a 'High God' in Pre-Islamic Mecca," JSS 16(1971) pp. 35-40; the assumption on p. 40 about the pre-nomadic agriculture times in which the deities represented the neutral forces, thus forming "a vigorous paganism" in contradistinction to the Bedouin for whom "it was not incongruous that AUah rather than the pagan deities should send rain and supply man with his rizq or provision," seems, however, not to be based on solid textual evidence. 100 C. Brockelmann, "Allah und die Gotzen, der Ursprung des islamischen Monotheismus," Archiv fur Religionswissenschaft 21 (1922) 99-121. 101 H.A.R. Gibb, "Pre-Islamic Monotheism in Arabia", pp.269, 271, 277 inf.-278; and see idem. Studies on the Civilization of Islam, ed. S.J. Shaw and W.R. Polk, Boston 1962, p. 192; cr. C. Torrey, The Jewish Foundation of Islam, New York 1933, pp. 54-56; W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Mecca. Oxford 1953, pp. 158-161. 102 H.A.R. Gibb, Studies on the Civilization of Islam. pp, 176-192. 48 On a monotheistic aspect of a liihiliyya practice and reflecting the peculiar setting of co-operation between the tribes and Mecca. It was against the people who recited these talbiyiit, the mushrikiin, that Muhammad preached his exclusive monotheistic ideas. It is thus not surprising that some of the expressions and terms in these talbiydt found their way into the Qur'an. Reiriterpreted and transformed they coalesced with other elements to form the body of ideas represented by the religious literature of Islam. Addenda Note 3: See: al-Samarqandi, Tafstr, Ms. Chester Beatty 3668/11, fol. 37a; Muqatil, Tafstr, Ms. Ahmet III, 74/11, fol. 78a; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Ighiithat al-lahfan min masayid al-shaytan, ed. Muhammad Hamid al-Fiqi, Cairo 1358/1939, II, 210, 245. Note 4: See Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Badii't al-fawl/id, Beirut, n.d. (repr.) II, 214-215; Ibn Abf Uitim al-Razr, 'Ilal al-hadtth. , ed. Muhibb al-Dm al-Khatrb, Cairo 1343, I, nos. 842, 843, 876, 888; al-Nawawr, al-Adhkdr, Cairo 1324, p. 87; Ghulam Tha'lab, Juz", Ms. Chester Beatty 3495 (mojrnifa), fol. 96b; Abu Nu'aym, Ifilyat al-auliyd", IX, 28; al-Tabarf', Tafsfr, ed. Shakir, XIII, 512, No. 16000; alTabarani. al.Mu'jam al-~aghfr, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman 'Uthman, al-Madina almunawwara 1388/1968, I, 87. Note 38: See F. Rosenthal, "Some Minor Problems in the Qur'an", The Joshua Starr Memorial Volume, New York 1953, pp. 72-83; Rudi Paret, "Der Ausdruck samad in Sure 112,2," Der Islam 1979, pp. 294-295. Note 55: Cf. Ibn Abr l-Dunya, al-Ishriif manazil al-ashraf, Ms. Chester Beatty 4427, fol. 43a: ... kiinat imra'atun jiihiliyyatun tatufu bi-l-bayti wa-lahd sittatu banina yasturunahii min at-nasi wa-hiya taqidu tawa[iha ... tr tr Note 76: Cf. Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, V, 586, No. 7403. Note 80: See Ibn Athlr, Usd al-ghiiba, IV, 133. 49 ‫ﻡﻟﻢﺝ ﻡ ﻭ ﻡ ﻡ0 ﻡ ﻭﺍﺑﻤﺘﺐ ﺍﻗﻮﻝﺍﻟﺰﻭﺭ ، ﻳﻘﻮﻝ . ﺍﺗﻘﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﺬﺏ ، ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻙ < ﺣﺪ~ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻌﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻝ ﺣﺪﺛﻨﻲ :ﺑﻲ ﻗﺎﻝ ﺣﺪﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻢ ﻣﺬﻳﻞ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﺗﻞ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺒﻮﺍ ﻗﻮﻝﺍﻟﺰﻭﺭ ﻗﺎﻝ . ﺍﻟﻜﺬﺏ ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ «‬ ‫) « ( ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻥ~ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺲ ،ﻗﺮﻳﺸﺎﻭﺧﺰﺍﻋﺖﻭﻛﻤﺎﻣﺖﺍ ﻭﻋﺎﻣﺮ ﺑﻦﻣﻌﺼﻌﺖ ، ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻫﻠﻴﺔﺍﻛﺎﻧﺮﺍ ﻳﻘﻮﻟﻮﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔﺍ 0 ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﻻ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻻ ﺷﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻟﻚ ﺗﻤﻠﻚ ﻭﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﻚ . ﻳﻌﻤﻮﻥ ﺷﻜﺖ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺒﺪ . ﻫﺬﺍ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺰﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﻮﻟﻬﻢ . ﺍﻻ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﻫﻮ ﻟﻚ <‬ ‫) « ﻟﻢ ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻫﻠﻴﺔﺍ ﻳﻘﻮﻟﻮﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔﺍ . ﻣﺤﻦ ﻏﺮﺍﺑﺎ «‬ ‫ﺍ~ﻻﺹ‬ ‫ﻋﻚ، ﻣﺚ ﺍﻟﺒﻚ ( ﻋﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻙ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﺎﻣﻴﻪ ، ﻛﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺤﺞ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﻪ ، ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺟﻴﻪ <‬ ‫) ﻩ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻤﻴﻢ « ﺗﻘﻮﻝ . ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺭﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺮﻩ ، ﺍﺩﻻﺟﻪ ﻭﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﺣﺮﻩ ،‬ ‫ﻻﻣﺘﻘﻲ ﻣﺘﻴﺜﺄ «ﻭﻻﻣﺼﺮﻩ ، ﺣﺠﺎ ﻟﺮﺏ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻩ <‬ ‫) ( ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖﻭﻳﺒﻌﺖ ﺗﻘﻮﻝ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﺣﺠﺎ ﺣﻔﺎ، ﺗﻌﺒﺪﺍ ﻭﺭ( ، ﻟﻢ ﻧﺄﺗﻚ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺼﺎﺣﻪ ، « ﻭﻻ ﺣﺒﺎ « ﻟﻠﺮﺑﺎ~ «‬ ‫) ﻩ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﻗﻴﺲ ﻣﻴﺔ ﺭ ﺗﻘﻮﻝ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﻟﻮﻻ :ﻥ ﺑﻜﺮﺍ ﺃﻭﻣﻜﺎ ، « ﺑﻤﻮ ﻏﻔﺎﺭ «‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻢ ﻳﻠﻮﻣﻚ ، ﻻ ﺑﻴﺮﺙ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺱﻭﻳﻔﺠﺮﻭﻣﻜﺎ ، ﻣﺎﺯﺍﻝ ﻣﻤﺎ ﻋﺠﻴﺞ ( ﻳﺄﺗﻮﻣﻜﺎ «‬ ‫) 6 ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺟﺮﻫﻢ ﺗﻘﻮﻝ . ﻟﻴﻨﻚ ﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻫﻤﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻙ ، ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺎﺱﻃﺮﻑ ﻭﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺩﻙ ، ´ « ﻭﻫﻢ ﻟﻌﻤﺮﻱﻋﻤﺮﻭﺍ ﺑﻼﺩﻙ ، ﻻﻳﻄﺎﻕ ﺭﺑﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺎﺩﻙ ، ﻭﻫﻢ ﺍﻻ~ﻭﻟﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻌﺎﺩﻙ ، ﻓﺎﻥ )ﺇ (ﻳﻌﺎﺩﻭﺍ « ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻌﺎﺩﻙ ، ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻘﻴﻤﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﺩﻙ < ﻻ‬ ‫ﺃﻟﺮﻣﻮﺯ.‬ ‫.ﻡ ﻡ ﻭﻡ000 ﻡ ﻭﻡ ﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺭﻡﺭﻯ _ ..~‬ ‫0 ﺭﻡ ﺭﺭﺡ _ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻩ»ﺭ‬ ‫ﺡ‬ ‫85 »ﻻﻻﺃ 9 1ﺍ» 7‬ ‫ﺁﺍ‬ ‫71 ﺗﺎﺍﺍﻷﻵﻻ .ﻻ « ﻣﺲ‬ ‫)ﺍ( ) ﺍ ( < ﻗﺎﺭﻥ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﺒﻲ ، ﺍﻻﻣﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮ ﻡ .‬ ‫) « ( ﺍ ﻙﻭﺭ . ﻣﺨﺰ ﺍﻡﻣﺤﻜﺎ: ﺱ ﻭﻣﺲ ﻭ(ﺡ . ﻣﺤﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻚ > ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻤﺮ ﻣﺮ ﺀﺍﺀ. « ﺍﻟﺒﻚ _ﻣﺤﺪﺭﺀ ﻣﻰ ﻙ ﻭ ﻭ .‬ ‫) ﻻ ( » ﻓﻲ ﻙ ﻭﺡ . ﻭﻛﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﻢ « ﻣﻰ ﻙﻭﺡ . ﺳﺎ ﻭﻻ ﺑﻨﺮﻩ.‬ ‫) ( ( < ﻓﻲ~ ﻡ ﻭ:ﻟﻠﻤﻤﺎﺏ . . . . ﻟﻠﺮﻓﺎ~ ، ﻭﻣﻤﺪﻭ ﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻭﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻤﺮ ﻭ (<ﻡ ، ﺍﻟﻄﺮ ﺍﻻﺣﻴﻰ > ﻟﻠﻤﻴﺎﺱ .< .. ﻟﻠﺮﻣﺎ~ .‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻥ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﻢ ﻡ ،ﻩ،ﻩ ﻡ . ﺀ ﺃﺡ ﻭﻣﺮﻭﻣﺲ . ﻭﻻﺣﺎ.‬ ‫) ﻩ ( < ﺍﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﺎ ﻣﻲ ´ﺡ ﻭﻣﺲ ﻭﺱ:ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﺎﻭﺭﺩﻣﺎ« ﻣﺮ ﻙﻭﻯ‬ ‫« ﻛﺬﺍ ﻣﻲ ﻙﻭﺡ . ﻭﻗﺎﺭﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ (« ﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ . ﻣﻤﻲ ﻓﻄﻔﺎﻥ . ﻡ ﻣﻰ ﻙﻭﺭ . ﻣﻼﻙ‬ ‫ﻡ ﻣﻲ ﻙ ﻭ ﺭ:ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﻴﺤﺎ:ﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﺮ:ﺣﺖ ، ﻣﻤﺮ : ﺑﻰﻭﺳﺎﻟﺖﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﺮﺍﺭ . ﺳﻮ . ﻭﺍﻣﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻮ~ . ﻋﺸﺮ .‬ ‫ﺍ ﺍﻧﻪ ( < ﻣﻰ ﻙﻭﺭ . ﻭﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺩﻙ ﻭﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﻣﺮ ﺳﻤﻞ ﺍ ؟ ﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﻙ . «‬ ‫0‬ ‫ﻣﺮ ﻙﻭﺭ . ﻭﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺎﺩﻭﺍ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺮ ﻋﺎﺩﺍﻙ . ﻡ ﻣﻰ ﻙﺡ . ﻣﻰ ﻣﺎﺩﻙ ﻭﻻ ﻣﻪ ﻭﺭﻣﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﺎﻋﺖﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻝ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﻞﻭﺍﻻﺣﺮﺍﻡ ، ﺍﺭﺣﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺃ ﻣﺒﺪ ﻡ‬ ‫) ﻡ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ~ﻡ ، ﺃﺗﻮﻙ ﻳﻤﺘﻨﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻗﺪﺍﻡ >‬ ‫) ﻡ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ :ﺳﺪ ﻭﻏﻄﻔﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻝ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﻣﻬﺎ ﺑﺸﻌﺮ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﻦ« . ﻟﺘﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﻴﻚ ﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﻭ ﻗﻠﻘﺎ ﻭﻓﻴﻨﻬﺎ ، ﻣﻌﺘﺮﻓﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻄﻬﺎ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎ ، ﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎ ﻟﺪﻳﻦ ( ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﺴﺎ .‬ ‫0 ﻳﻄﻔﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﺒﺖ « ﻋﺮﺍﺓ ، ﺗﺄﺧﺬ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﻫﻦ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﺔ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺗﺴﺘﺘﺮ‬ ‫) ﻭ ( ﻭﻛﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎ‬ ‫~‬ ‫ﻩ ﻭﺗﻘﻮﻝ . ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺑﻌﻒ ﺃﻭﻛﻼ، ﻭﻣﺎ « ﺑﺪﺍ ﺳﺮ ﻓﺔ ﺍ~ ، ﻛﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻻ‬ ‫ﻯﻟﻮﻳﻀﻠﻰ،ﻭﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﻡ ﻳﻤﻈﺮﻓﻤﺎ ~، ﻓﻴﺨﻢﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺠﺜﻢ ﻩ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻇﻠﺚ <‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺩ22 _()01 ( ﻭﻻﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔﺍ~ﺩﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ« .ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﻳﺒﺪﻳﻚ ، ﻛﺮﻣﺖ ﻓﺄ ﻋﻄﻴﺔ ، ﺗﺮﺑﺖ ﻓﺄﺩﻣﻴﺖ ، ﺗﺒﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ، ﺃﻧﺖ ﺭﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺖ <‬ ‫ﻓﺄﻣﺮﻝ ﺍﻟﻠﻮ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ > ﻭﺍﺟﺘﻨﺒﻮﺍ ﻗﻮﻝﺍﻟﺰﻭﺭ ﺣﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻮﺍ . ﻻ ﺛﺮﻳﻚ ﻟﻚ ﺍﻻ ﺛﺮﺑﻜﺎ ﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﻟﻚ ، ﻧﻤﻠﻚﻭﻣﺎﻣﻠﻚ < «‬ ‫< ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻫﻠﻴﺔ <‬ ‫) »« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖﻗﺮﻳﻨﺜﺮ ﺗﺴﻚﻻﺳﺎﻑ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﺎ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ >‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﻻﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﻟﻚ ، ﺍﻻﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﻫﻮ ﻟﻚ ، ﺗﻤﻠﻜﻲﻭﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﻚ <‬ ‫) (« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﻟﻠﻌﺰﻯ > ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ «‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺪﻳﻚ،ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﻣﺎ ﺃﺣﺒﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻚ <‬ ‫) ﻡ« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖﺗﻠﺒﻴﻮﻙ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻚ ﺍﻻﺕ 0 . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻛﻔﻰ « ﻣﻴﻴﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻮ ، ﻟﻴﺴﺮ ﺑﻤﺠﻮﺭ ﻭﻻ ~ ، ﻟﻜﻤﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺮﺑﺔﺍ ﺯﻛﻴﻪ ، :ﻭﺑﺎﺑﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻣﻠﺢ ﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻳﻪ <‬ ‫) (« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﻬﻴﺔﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﻟﺠﻬﺎﺭ. ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻤﻴﻚ،« ﺍﺟﻌﻞ ﺫﻣﻮﺑﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺎﺭﺍ ،ﻭﺍﻫﺪﻧﺎ ﻻﻣﻠﺢﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺭﺍ«، ﻭﻣﺘﻌﻨﺎ ﻭﻣﻠﻨﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﺭﺍ< ﻡ‬ ‫) 7 ﺍ ﺍ ~ﻙ ﻭﺹ . ﺗﺴﺪ . ﻭﻓﻰ ﻙﻭﺀ . ´ﻣﻤﺪ ، ﻓﺎﺭ، :ﺩﻁ ﺩ ﺭﻡ 64‬ ‫ﺡ‬ ‫) / ( < ﺑﺸﻤﺮ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﺭﻑ ﻓﻲ ﻙﻭﺡ. « ﺍﻟﻴﻚ ﺣﺬ~ ﻓﻲ1 ﺡﻭﺱ ﻭﺣﻰ .‬ ‫ﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻙﻭﺡ > ﻓﻲ ﺑﻄﻤﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﻓﻌﺎ ﺣﻨﻴﻬﺎ. 4 ﻓﻲ ﻭﻣﺮﻭﺣﺲ . ﻟﺬﻱﺍﻟﻌﺼﺎﺭﻯ .‬ ‫ﺃﺡ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﻙﻭﺡ . ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻤﻬﺎ ﻩ‬ ‫) 5 (« ﻓﻲ ﻙﻭﺡ > ﺑﺎﻟﻴﺒﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻠﺐﻝ. ﻟﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻙﻭﺡ > ﻓﻤﺎ. ﻩ ´´ﻣﻦ´´ ﺣﺪﻑ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻙﻭﺡ ﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻙﻭﺡ . ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻇﻰ ﻩ ﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺃ ﺡ ﺣﺲ> ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻢ:ﻙ ﻭ ﺡ ﻫﻦ »ﻝ_)< (‬ ‫ﻭﺱ‬ ‫) .« ( ﻓﻲ ﻙ ﻭ ﺡ .ﺍﺩﻡ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻠﻪ ﻋﻠﺐ ﻭﺳﻠﻢ « ﻓﻲ ﻙﻭﺡ . ﻓﺎﻣﺰﻝ ﺍ~‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺟﺘﺘﺒﻮﺍ ﻛﻮﻝ ﺍﺍﺯﻭﺭﻡ ﻭﻫﻮﺍﻟﻨﺮﻙ ﺩﺭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﺒﺔ ،ﺣﺪﺗﻤﺎ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻠﻪ ﻗﺎﻝ . ﺣﺪﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﻲ ﻗﺎﻝ ،‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺛﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺰﻳﻞ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﺗﻞ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻮﻝ ﺍ~ ﻋﺰﻭ ﺟﻞ .ﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺒﻮﺍ ﻓﻮﻝﺍﻟﺰﻭﺭ ﻗﺎﻝ:‬ ‫ﻳﻘﺎﻝ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻋﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺮﻛﻴﻦ ، ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻋﻴﻦ ) ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻰ > ﺍﻟﺴﻌﺎ ﻣﻴﻦ ( ﻭﻧﻤﻴﺮﻩ ، ﻓﺬﻟﻚ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻠﻪ ﻟﻠﺤﻤﺲ . ﺍﺟﺘﺒﻮﺍ ﻓﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﻉ ﺣﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻟﻮﺍ . ﺍﻻﺗﺤﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻟﻚ • ﻭﺃﻣﻈﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺗﻞ‬ ‫ﺍ ﺡ ﻭﻡ(ﺏ «‬ ‫)«« ( « ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺣﺪﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺡ ﻭﺱ ﻭﺣﺲ.ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﻣﻰ < «ﻡ «‬ ‫)ﻻ« ( «ﻓﻲ ﺃﺡ`ﻭﺱ ﻭﺣﺮ . ﻟﻼ~ . « ﻓﻲ1 ﺡ ﻭﺱ ﻭﺳﻰ. ﻛﻌﺎ . ﻡ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮﺹ «»ﻡ . ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﺤﻲ «‬ ‫)ﺀ« ( « ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﻫﺮ ﻻ«ﻻ . .< ﻩ ﻟﺒﻨﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﺣﻌﻞ < « ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ.‬ ‫ﺣﺒﺎﺭ ، ﻭﺍﻫﺪﻧﺎﻻﻭﺿﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺭ . ﻻ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ . ﻭﻣﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﺤﻬﺎﺭ <‬ ‫15‬ ‫) ﻩ« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻨﺰ ﻓﻠﺒﺒﺄ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻤﻚ ﻟﺴﺮﺍﻉ . ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ~ﻧﺒﺘﺎ«‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻚ ، ﻣﻤﻮﺍﻋﺎ ﻃﻠﺒﻦ « ﺍﻟﺒﻚ «‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‬ ‫) «» ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻨﺰ ﻙ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﻟﻠﺸﺲ « _ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ، ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺮ« ﻭﻓﺮﻩ، ﻻﻧﺸﻔﻲ ﺷﺜﺎﻭﻻﻧﻀﺮﻩ، ﺣﺠﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻔﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻩ<«‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺮﻩ، ﺍﺩﻻﺟﻪ‬ ‫) ﻫﺎ« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻨﺰ ﻧﻠﺒﺒﺄﺍ ﻣﻦﻧﺴﻚ ﻟﻤﺤﺮﻥ - ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺣﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﺎ ، ﻓﻔﺒﺪﺍﻭﺭﻓﺎ <‬ ‫) ﻭ« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻨﺰ ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚﻟﻮﺙ . ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﻴﺒﻚ ﻣﻌﺬﺭﻩ ﺁﻟﺒﺒﻚ.‬ ‫) ﻭ« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴﻚ ﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﺼﻪ 0 _ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﻟﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﻟﺒﻚ . «‬ ‫) <« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﻓﻠﺒﺒﺄ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﻟﻤﻨﻄﺒﻦ . ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ < «‬ ‫) «« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪ ﻋﻚ3 ﺍﺫﺍ ﺑﻠﻐﻮﺍ ﻙ ﺑﺒﻌﻨﻮﻥ ﻏﻼﺑﺒﻦ ﺑﺴﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻮﻛﻴﻦ ﻓﺪ ﺟﺮﺩﺍ ﻋﺮﺍﺑﺎ ، « ﻓﺔ ﺑﺰﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻥ ﺑﻔﻮﻻ . ﻣﺤﻦ ﻏﺮﺍﺑﺎ « ﻋﺚ ، ﻓﺎﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﻐﻼﻣﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﻚﻣﻤﺎﺡ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻠﻔﻬﻤﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻚ . ﻋﻚ ﺍﻟﺒﻚ ﻋﺎﻣﺐ ، ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻙ ﺍﻟﺒﻤﺎﻣﺐ،‬ ‫ﻛﺒﻤﺎﻣﺤﺞ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻋﺐ، ﻋﻠﻰ ﺹ ﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺟﺐ < ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺔ‬ ‫)ﻡ«( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻨﺰ ﻧﻠﺒﺄ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻚ ﻣﻨﺎﻩ - ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ،ﻟﺒﺒﻚﻟﻮﻻ ﺍﻥﺑﻜﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﻧﻜﺎ،‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻔﺠﺮﻭﻣﻜﺎ ، « ﻣﺎ ﺯﺍﻝ ﻣﻨﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﺠﺎﺀﻹﻧﻮﺗﻜﺎ«‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻲ ﻏﻄﻔﺎﻥ ﻭﻫﻢ ﺑﻠﻮﻣﻜﺎ ،« ﻧﺒﺮﻙ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺎﻭﻧﻨﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻭﻣﻜﺎ <‬ ‫) ﻡ« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻨﺰ ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴﻚ ﻟﺴﻌﺒﺪ « _ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ، ﻟﻢ ﻣﺄﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﺒﺎﺣﻪ،« ﻭﻻﻟﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﺣﻪ، « ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺟﺌﻨﺎﻙ ﻟﻠﻄﺎﻋﺔ < ﻩ‬ ‫)ﻩ ﺍ ( « ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻤﺮﺹ ﻻ«ﻻ . ﺍﺑﻨﺎ ﻩ ﻟﻢ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﺰﻥ ﻟﺤﻠﺒﻰ ﻩ‬ ‫0 ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺳﺦ . ´´ ﻳﻮﺣﺬ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻼﻩ ﺍﻻﺗﻲ ﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺲ‬ ‫)«« ( » ﻓﻲ ﻫﺎﻣﺶ ﺃ »ﻻﺣﻈﺖ‬ ‫ﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎ ﻭﺛﻦ ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻴﻢ ﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺗﺐ ´´ < ﺀ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮﻫﻰ ﻩ» 7 . ﺣﺠﺎ ﻟﺮﺏ ﻣﺴﺘﻔﻴﻢ‬ ‫)«<(‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺮﺍ ﻟﻴﻚ.‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻟﻤﺒﺮﻣﺮ«ﺩ«ﻣﺮ ﺍ > ..< ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ، ﻟﻤﻤﻚ .‬ ‫).(( »‬ ‫)>(( » ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﻣﺮﻡ<( . ..< ﺗﺪ ﺣﺮﺩﺍ ﻣﻤﻤﺎ ﻣﺮﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﺭ (ﺭﺍ ﻭﻭﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺲ . ﻣﺮﺍﻳﺎ. ( ﻣﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ > ﻣﻠﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﺮﺍﺃ . 4 .ﺍﺣﺮ ﻣﻠﻴﺒﺖ ﻣﻚ 0 ﺍﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻠﺒﺪ،ﺍﻻﺳﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﻡ .‬ ‫)ﻟﻢ ﺀ( <~ ﺑﺐ ﻣﻄﺎﻥ ﻭﻣﻢ ﻳﻠﻮﻣﺔ ´´ ﻣﺤﺬﻭﻑ ﻣﺪ ﻣﻤﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺮ ﻭ «ﺍﻡ .‬ ‫« ﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ. ﻡﻳﻤﺠﺮﻭﻣﻚ < ﻻ ﻓﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ . ﻣﺎ ،ﺍﻝ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺮ ،ﻭﺍﻅ.ﻻﺣﻸ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺍ~ ﺭﻑ ﻡ . ﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ . ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻭﺍﻫﻤﻢ ، ﻭﺗﺎﻡ ﻥ.ﻣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭ~~~ .‬ ‫)ﻡﻟﻢ( < ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺮ ﻣﺮ «>( . ﻟﺴﻴﺪﺓ < ﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺭ ﻭﻣﺮ ﻭﻣﺮ. ﻟﻠﻤﻴﺎ-.‬ ‫ﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺮ .ﻟﻠﻤﻴﺎ- ﻭﻻ ﻫﻠﺒﺎ ﻟﻠﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ، ﻭﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﻣﺮ ﺍﻻﻫﻮ . ﻡ ﺁﻅ‬ ‫.ﻻﺣﻈﺖ ﺭﻑ ﻩ ﻟﻤﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻼ .‬ ‫ﻣﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﻭ «<ﻡ > ﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻐﻠﻤﺔ> . ﺀ ﻣﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ . ﺑﻤﺎ ﻣﻮ‬ ‫ﺍ‬ ‫.>ﻩ ﺀﺩﻩ‬ ‫) ﻭﻡ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﻟﻴﻌﻮﻕ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ،ﻟﺒﻴﻚﺑﻐﺾ ﺍﻟﻴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﺩﻭﺣﺒﺐ ﺍﻟﻴﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﺨﻴﺮ، ﻭﻻﻧﺒﻄﺮ« ﻓﻨﺄﺷﺮ « «‬ ‫)ﻩ ﻡ( )ﻭﻡ«ﺃ(ﺍﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔﻣﻦﻧﺴﻚﻟﻴﻐﻮﺙ(«0 ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﻚ، ﺍﺣﻴﻨﺎ ﻟﺪﻳﻚ،ﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﺤﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻙ ﻗﺪ ﻣﺮﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻚ <‬ ‫)6« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﻟﻤﺲ 0 ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ،ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻣﺘﺎ ﻋﻴﺒﺎ ،‬ ‫ﻭﻛﻨﺎﻣﻴﺴﺮ » ﻋﺘﻴﺪ ،ﻡ ﻭﺃﻣﺖ ﺭﺑﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﻴﺪ ، ﺍﺭﺩﺩﻧﺎ ﻩ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻴﺪ <‬ ‫) ﻣﺎ( ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﻴﺒﺄﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﺎ .ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ، ﺭ( ﻣﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺜﺎﻣﻀﺮ ، ﻭﺳﻠﻢ « ﻟﻨﺎ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺮ ، ﻭﺍﺭﺳﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺰﺩﺟﺮ ، « ﺛﻢ ﺍﻛﻔﺎ ﻩ ﺍﻟﻠﻤﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻫﺠﺮ<‬ ‫) ﻡ ﻡ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴﻚ ﻟﻤﺮﺣﺐ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﺍﻣﺘﺎ ﻟﺪﻳﻚ ،‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺣﺒﺒﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻚ «‬ ‫)5«( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻦﻧﺴﻚ ﻟﺬﺭﻳﺢ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ،ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﻃﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﺩ،‬ ‫ﻭﻛﻄﺎﻟﻨﻌﻤﺖ ﺟﺤﻮﺩ ، ﻓﺎﻛﻔﺎ ﻛﻞ ﺣﻴﺔﺭﻋﻮﺩ <‬ ‫) <ﻡ ﻟﻢ ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﻦ . ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭﻫﻢ ﺗﻼﺩﻙ،ﻭﻣﺤﻦ:ﻭﻟﻰﺑﻮﻻﺷﻚ < »‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻫﻤﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻙ ، ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫) »ﻩ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﻫﺒﻞ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻤﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﺛﻨﺎ ﻟﻘﺎﺡ.‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻣﺘﻨﺎ)ﻋﻠﻰ(« ﺃﻋﻨﺖﺍﻟﺮﻣﺎﺡ ، ﻳﺤﺴﺪﻧﺎ ( ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻉ <‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺬﻩﺭﻭﺀﻭﺱ ﻃﻮﺍﻏﻴﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻮﺍ ﻳﻘﺼﺪﻭﻥ ﻩ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺠﻬﻢ ﻭﻻ ﻳﺄﺗﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻮﺗﻬﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻤﺮﻭﺍ ﺑﻬﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻌﻈﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﻭﻳﺘﻘﺮﺑﻮﻥ 0 ﻟﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﻳﻨﺴﻜﻮﺍ ( ﻟﻢ«( ﻟﻤﺎ « ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺴﺠﺪﻭﻥ ﻟﻬﺎ «‬ ‫) «ﻡ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻛﻌﺎﻧﺖﺍ ﻭﻗﺮﻳﺜﺮ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﻳﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻑ ، « ﻟﻤﻴﻚ ﻻ ﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻟﻚ ﺍﻻﺷﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻟﻚ ، ﺗﻤﻠﻚ ﻭﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﻚ <‬ ‫) ﻡ«( ﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻧﻔﺎﺣﻨﺎ ﺑﻌﻨﺎﺭ ﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻩ7 ﺍ « ﺍ ( ﻣﺤﺪﺭﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺡ، ﺣﺲ، ﻭﺍﻟﺰﺑﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺺ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮﺹ 4 «ﻩ‬ ‫ﺱ‬ ‫ﺍ~ : ﺍﺣﺒﻨﺎﺑﺼﺎ ﻟﺪﺑﻚ ﻩ‬ ‫( ﻓﺐ‬ ‫0 :ﻓﻲ1 ﺡﻡﻭﺱ ﻭﺣﺲ .ﻋﺒﺒﺪ ، ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ_‬ ‫)6«( « ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﻣﻰ 4«ﻻﺩ ﻣﺒﻤﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺒﺄ < ﻩ ﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ > ﺍﺭﺩﺃ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎ <‬ ‫) 7«( ´ « ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﺹ 4«ﻻ . ﺭﺙ ﻓﺎﻫﻮﻓﻦ ﻋﻨﺎ ﻣﻀﺮﻭﻣﻄﻤﻦ <<< ﻟﻢ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ . ﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﺎ ﻓﺒﻬﻢ ﻟﻤﺰﺩﺟﺮ ﻩ ﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ . ﻭﺍﻛﺨﺎ «‬ ‫) «ﻻ( « ﺏ ﺍﺡ ﻭﻭ ﻭﺣﺲ« ﻭﻧﺤﻦ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺑﻬﻢ ﺍﻭﻻﻣﻚ، ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺺ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺩﻣﺎ«‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺧﻮﺫ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻤﺮ ﻣﻰ ( <ﻡ، ﺍﻟﺴﻄﺮ ﺍﻻﺧﻴﺮ _ﻣﻰ ﻫﺪﻡ ﺱ » <‬ ‫ﺍ~ ﻣﻰ ﻩ«ﻻ .7ﻫﺐ1 ﺡ ﻭﺣﺲ ﻭﺱ . ﻟﺤﺴﺪﻧﻨﺎ~‬ ‫) «ﻩ( ﻡ)ﻋﻠﻰﻟﻢ_ ﺍﻟﺰﺑﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫7 ﻓﺎﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﻫﺮ 5 »ﻩ ﺱ« . ﻣﻤﺪﺭﺭﻥ ﺁﻟﺒﺒﻬﺎ « 4 ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ . ﻓﺒﻌﻈﻤﻮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﺘﻔﺮﺑﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎ ﻭﺑﻨﺴﻜﻮﺍﻟﻬﺎ_´´ ﺑﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺴﺤﺪﻭﻥ ﻟﻬﺎ ´´ ﻟﻢﺑﺒﻰ ﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻤﺮ <‬ ‫)23 ( » ﻅﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﻔﻮﺑﻲ ، ﻓﺎﺭﺑﺦﺝ»ﻣﻰ6 ﻫﻢ ﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﻣﻰ4«ﻻ:ﻭﻻ ﻧﺒﻄﺮﻧﺎ ﻩ « ﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﺟﻤﻚ ﺯﺍﺋﺪﻩ‬ ‫) ﻡ ﻡ ﻟﻢ ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺳﺤﻖ . ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺖ ﺗﻤﻴﻢ ﻭﺃ ﺳﺪ ﻭﻣﺰﻳﻤﺖ، ﻓﻜﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺒﺔﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﻴﻢ ﺗﻘﻮﻝ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻤﻴﻢ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﻗﺪ ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﺍﻭﺛﺎﺳﻬﺎﻭﺭﺍﻫﺎ ،‬ ‫ﻭﺃﺧﻠﻤﺖ ﻟﺮﺛﻬﺎ ﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ، ﻗﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺩﺕ ﺣﺞ )ﺑﺎ ( ﻟﻤﻦﺑﺮﺍﻫﺎ ، ﻗﺪ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﺑﺘﻨﺎﻫﺎ ،‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺖ ﻟﻠﺮﺏ ﻭﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻫﺎ < «‬ ‫) ﻭﻡ ( ﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﻣﺤﻖ . ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺧﻨﺪﻕ ، ﺗﻤﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻣﺪ ﻭﻣﺰﻳﻤﺖ،ﻳﻌﻈﻤﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻤﺮﻩ، ﻻﻳﺘﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺒﻞ ﻭﻳﻘﻮﻟﻮﻥ . ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻣﺎﻣﻬﺎﺭﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺮﻩ ، ﺍﺩﻻﺟﻪ ﻭﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﻀﺮ« ، ﺣﺠﺎ ﻟﺮﺏ ﺳﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻩ < 0‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺌﺎ‬ ‫) ﻩ ﻩ ( ﻗﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻲ . ﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﺪ ﺍﺫﺍ ﺣﺠﻮﺍ . ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ‬ ‫0 ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻠﺪ ، ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﻴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﺍﻟﻴﻚ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻗﺒﻠﺖ ﺑﻨﻮ ﺍﺳﺪ ، :ﻫﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﻤﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻨﺮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺪﺩ ، ﻭ:ﻧﺖ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻌﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ، ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﻌﺒﺪ ﺍﻻﻭﺛﺎﻥ ﻣﻊ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺪ ﻋﺒﺪ « 0‬ ‫)ﻩ ﻩ( ﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺳﺤﻖ . ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻞﺍﻭ ﻩ« ﺏ ﺳﻮﺍﻋﺎﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﻢ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻙ ﻫﺰﻳﻞ ، ﺣﺞ ﺍﻟﻴﻚ ﻛﺎﻟﺤﻴﻞ ،ﻧﺼﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﻴﻞ ، ﻟﻢ ﻣﺄﺕ ﻟﻠﻤﻴﺎﺣﻮ ، «‬ ‫ﻭﺟﺜﻤﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺎﺣﻪ < «‬ ‫) ﻩ ﻩ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﻗﻴﺲ ﻯﻻﻥ ﺗﻌﻈﻢﺍﻻﻟﺖ،ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﺫﺍ ﺍﻫﻠﻮﺍ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻠﻤﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ، ﺃﺗﺘﻚ ﻗﻴﺲ ﻯﻻﻥ ، ﺭﺍﺟﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻛﺒﺎﻥ « ﻭﻧﻤﻴﺨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻟﺪﺍﻥ ، ﺫﻟﻴﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻻﻭﺛﺎﻥ « «‬ ‫ﺍ ﻡ ﻡ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔﻭﻳﺒﻌﺖﺍ ﺑﻦﻣﺰﺍﺭ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺣﺠﺎ ﺣﻔﺎ ، ﺗﻌﺒﺪﺍ ﻭﺭﻓﺎ.‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺀﻭﺱ ﺣﻠﻘﺎ «‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻛﺐ ﻃﺮﻗﺎ، ﺳﺘﺒﻘﻴﻰ ﻣﺒﻘﺎ ، ﻟﺤﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﻚ‬ ‫) ﻭﻩ ( ﻗﺎﻝ ،ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻚ . ﻻﺣﺞ ﺍﻻ ﺣﺠﻚ ، ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻚ ﻭﺳﺘﻐﻴﺚ ﺑﻚ ،‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺳﻖ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﺭﺑﻤﺎ ﻓﻜﺎ ، 0 ﻭﺯﺍﺩﺯﻛﺎ ، ﻟﻢ ﻣﺄﺕ ﻟﻠﺮﻗﺎﺣﻪ.ﻭﺍﻭﺟﺒﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺣﻪ <‬ ‫)< (( ﻗﺎﻝ .ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻚ ﻭﺍﻻﺷﺮﺑﻴﻦ ،« ﺍﺫﺍ ﺣﺠﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﻴﺒﺖ .ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ، ﺣﺞ ﻟﻠﺮﺣﻤﻦ ، ﺯﻟﺖ ~ ﺍﻻﺳﻤﺎﻡ ، ﻓﺎﻧﻤﻔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﻴﺖﻣﻤﺎ ﻣﺪﺩﺍ <‬ ‫) « ﻭ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﺬﺣﺞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻫﻠﻴﺔﺍ ،ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻮﺍ ﻳﻌﻈﻤﻮﻥ ﻳﻐﻮﺙ ﻭﺳﻞﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻮ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺮﻯ ، ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻰ ، ﺭﺏ (ﺍﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺰﻯ < 0‬ ‫ﻭﻯ‬ ‫)ﻻﻻ( 0 ﻓﺎﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻴﻌﻔﻮﻣﻲ ، ﺗﺎ.ﻳﺦ ﻫﺮ 65ﻟﻢ ، ﺗﻠﻌﺒﺖﺍ ﻣﻤﻲ ﻣﻤﻴﻢ .‬ ‫)4 ﻻ( ´« ﺍﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻓﻢ ﻻ ﺍﻋﻼﻩ ﺩ‬ ‫)ﻩﻻ( « ﻗﺎﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﻌﻮﻣﻲ ، ﺗﺎﺭﻣﺢ ﺹ 65 ( ، ﺗﻠﻴﺐ ﻣﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺪ 0 ﻭﺃﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ، ﻓﻠﻤﺒﺎﺕ ﻫﻰ ﻩ6ﻻ ﺭﻓﻢ ﻻ .‬ ‫)«ﻡ( ﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺡ ، ﺣﺲ ﻭﺱ . ﻟﻠﻨﻴﺎﺣﻪ ﺩ ( ﻗﺎ.ﻥ ﺍﻟﻴﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ، ﺗﺎﺭﻣﺢ‬ ‫ﻫﻰ652 ﻭﺣﺒﻦ ، ﺗﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻰ /6 ﻻﺭﻓﻢ ﻻ«.‬ ‫)ﻻﻩ( « ﺍﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﻴﻌﺤﻮﺑﻲ ﺹ «5 «. « ﻓﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﺣﻴﻦ ،‬ ‫ﻓﻠﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺍﻟﻢ > . . . ﺳﺸﻴﺨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻟﺪﺍﻥ ، ﻣﺬﻟﻠﺖ ﻟﻸﻳﺎﻥ .‬ ‫)5 ﻩ( « ﻛﺪﺍ ﺍﺡﻭﺱ ﻭﺣﺲ:ﻭﻟﻌﻠﻪ . ﻣﻨﻜﺎ .‬ ‫) . ( ( ﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺡ ﻭﺱ ﻭﺣﺲ.ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺴﺮﻣﻮﻥ .‬ ‫)«4 ( » ﻓﻲ ﺍﺡ ﻭﺱ ﻭﺣﺲ0 . . . . ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺍ . . . ﺍﻟﻌﻼ .. . ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺰﺍ .‬ ‫) «ﻭ ( ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﻡ ﻭﺧﻮﻻﻥ ! ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻤﺪﺍﻥ « ﺗﻌﻈﻢ ﻳﻌﻮﻕ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﻢ . ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﺎﻥ ، ﻫﺬﺍ ﺣﺠﻴﺞ ﻣﻤﺪﺍﻥ ، ﻗﺪ ﺃﺗﺎﻙ ﻭﻛﺒﺎﻥ ، ﺗﺮﻳﺪ ﺭﺏ‬ ‫ﻏﻔﺮﺍﻥ ، ﻗﺪ ﺃﻭﺟﺒﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﺎ~ <‬ ‫) ﻩﻭ ( ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔﺍ ﺣﻤﻴﺮ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻌﺒﺪ ﻧﺴﺮﺍ 0 ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﻗﻮﺍﻝ « ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻰ ﻭﺍﻻﺣﻼﻡ ، ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺍﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﺭﺣﺎﻡ ، ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﺮﺑﻮﺍ « ﻟﺔﺷﺎﻡ ، 2ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﻼﻡ ،ﺯﻟﻮﺍ ﻟﺮﺏ ﺍﻻﻣﺎﻡ ، ﻡ ﺩﺍﻣﻮﺍ ﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ، ﺃﻭﻧﺂﻧﻢ ﻭﺍﻻﻣﻨﺎﻡ .ﻭ‬ ‫) ﻭﻭ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﻢ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺣﻤﻴﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﻤﺎ ﺳﺮ ، ﻗﺪ ﺃﺗﺘﻚ ﺷﻌﺜﺎ ﻋﺎﻧﺲ ، ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻼﺹ ﻧﺎﺳﺮ ، ﻛﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﺤﺞ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻣﻴﻪ ، ﻟﻢ ﻧﺄﺕ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺮﺑﺎ~.ﻭﺍﻭﺟﺒﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﺎﺣﻪ <‬ ‫) ﻩ( ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔﺍ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺲ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻧﺖ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻤﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﻯ ، ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻟﺜﺖ ﺍﻻﺧﺮﻯ ، ﻭﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺰﻯ ، ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻌﺒﺖ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺍﻧﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺪﻋﺎ ، ﺟﺌﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺨﺶ > ﺗﻬﺪﻱ ﺑﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻀﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ، ﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻔﻮﺍ ﺍﻻﻭﺛﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﻮﺍﺻﻔﺮﺍ <‬ ‫ﺗﻀﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫) «ﻭ ( ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﻌﺐ)ﺍ(ﺑﻦ ﻭﺑﺮﺓ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻌﺒﺪ ﻭﺩﺍ ، ﻭﺗﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﻢ ﻭﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ ، ﺍﻏﻔﺮ ﺧﻄﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻋﺒﺪ ﻭﺍﻡ ، :ﺗﻮﻙ ﻳﻤﺸﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻗﺪﺍﻡ <‬ ‫)ﻩ ﻭ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻭ (( ﺍ ( ﺣﺎﻣﺖ 0 ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ، ﺯﻟﺖ ﻟﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﻋﻪ ، ﺳﻌﺎ ﻟﻪ ﻭﻃﺎ~ ، ﻳﻘﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﻭﺩﺍﻯ <‬ ‫) ﻡﻭ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺖﺍ ﺛﻘﻴﻒ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻫﻠﻴﺔ . ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻳﺎﺩ «‬ ‫ﻗﺪ ﺃﺗﻮﻙ ، ﻗﺪ ﻣﻤﻄﻠﻮﺍ 2 ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺪ ﺭﺟﺮﻙ ،ﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺰﻯ ﻓﻲ ﻳﺪﻳﻚ > ( ﺩﺍﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﻚ ﺍﻻﺻﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﻈﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻚ ، ﻗﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﻨﺖ ﺑﺴﻠﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻚ ، ﻓﺎﻏﻔﺮ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻩ ﻓﻄﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻔﻮﺕ. «‬ ‫) 5 ( ( ﻗﺎﻝ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻥﻋﻤﺮﻭ ﺑﻦ ﻣﻌﺪﻳﻜﺮﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ.ﻟﻘﺪﺭﺍﻳﺘﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺤﻦ ﺍﺫﺍ ﺣﺠﺠﻨﺎ ﻧﻘﻮﻝ:ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺗﻌﻈﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻚ ﻋﺬﺭﺃ«ﻫﺬﻩ ﺯﺑﻴﺄ ﻗﺪ ﺍﺗﺘﻚ ﻗﺼﺮﺍ ، ﺗﻌﺪﻭ «‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺎ ﻣﻀﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺰﺭﺍ ، ﻳﻘﻄﻌﻦ ﺧﺒﺘﺎ ﻭﺟﺒﺎﻻ ﻭﻋﺮﺍ ، ﻗﺪ ﺣﻠﻔﻮﺍ ﺍﻻﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﻠﻮﺍ ﻣﻔﺮﺍ:‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﺪ ~ ، ﻣﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ، ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺖ ﺻﺪﻕ ، ﻟﺒﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺤﻦ،‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ، ﺭﺏ ﺍﻻﺭﺑﺎﺏ ، ﺗﻌﺪﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺳﺮﺭ ﻏﺔﺏ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﻣﺨﻠﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﺠﻮﺍﺏ ، ﺍﻟﻌﺠﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻣﺎ~ ﻭﺍﻻﻣﺒﺎﺏ ، ﻗﺎﻫﺮ ﻛﻞ ﻭﺛﻦ ﻭﻣﻨﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺐﻻﺩ ﻩ‬ ‫) <ﻩ ( ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺑﻜﺮ ﺑﻦ ﻭﺍﺛﻞ . ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﻋﻦ ﺭﺑﺴﺮ ،ﺳﺎﻣﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺴﺮ ، ﻟﺮﺏ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﺒﺪ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻴﺴﺮ ﻭﻳﺴﺮ ، ﻗﺪ ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﺃﻭﺷﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺼﻤﺔ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ <«‬ ‫)«4 ( « ﻭﻣﺮﻭﺣﺲ . ﻓﻤﺬﺍﻥ <‬ ‫ﺍﺡ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻴﻮﺭﻗﻢ <« . ﻭﺍﻻﻗﻴﺎﻝ . ﺀ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ . ﻻﻳﺘﺮﺑﻮﻥ‬ ‫)ﻻﻡ( « ﻓﻲ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻻ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ . ﻫﻺﻡ ( ´´ﺩﺍﻣﻮﺍ <<.<<<<<<ﻭﺍﻻﻣﻨﺎﻡ ´´_ﻟﻢ ﻳﺮﺩ ﻓﻴﻨﺺ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ <‬ ‫)ﻡ ﻭ( ﻡ ﺍﻟﻴﻴﻘﻮﻣﺒﻲ ﺹ ﻭﻭ« . ﺍﻥ ﺛﻌﻴﻌﺎﻗﺪﺍﺗﻮﻙ < « ﺍﻟﻴﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ - ﻭﺍﺧﻠﻔﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ • ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻭ . ﻭﻗﺪ ﻣﻈﻤﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﻩ « ﺍﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻧﺺ ﺍﻟﻴﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ « 4‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺒﻦ . ﻋﺰﺍﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻼﺕ ﻓﻴﻴﺪﻳﻚ . ﻩ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ:ﻟﻬﺎﺩ 6 ﺣﺴﻴﻦ.ﻏﻔﺮﺕ .‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺎﺡ . ﻧﻘﺪﻭﺍ <‬ ‫)5 ﻭ( »‬ ‫)<ﻩ( « ﻗﺎﺭﻥ . ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ، ﻓﻠﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﻗﻢ «ﺩﻭﺍﻟﻴﻌﻘﻮﺑﻴﺺ ﻭﻭ« <‬ ‫) ﻡ ﻭ ﻟﻢ ﻭﻓﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ ﺭﻓﻲ ﺍ~ ﻋﻤﻪ 8ﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻦ ﺍﺑﻲﻣﻮﻣﺲ‬ ‫ﺃﻧﺪﺭﻱ ﻛﺒﻒ ﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﻙ ﻓﻮﻣﻚ « ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻫﻠﺒﺄﺍ ( ﻓﺎﻝ _ ﻛﺎﻣﻮﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﻟﻮﻥ . ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻫﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﻧﻤﺎ ، ﺃﺛﻤﻮ ﺍ~ ﻭﻓﺪ ﺃﻧﻤﺎ ، ( ﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﻔﺮﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻧﻐﻔﺮﺟﻮ ﻭﺃﻯ ﻋﺒﺪ ﻟﻚ ﻻﺃﻟﺜﺎ <‬ ‫) ﻡ ﻭ ( ﻭﻛﺎ~ ﻓﻠﺒﺒﺒﻮ ﺟﺬﺍﻡ . ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﻋﻦ ﺟﺬﺍﻡ ﺫﻭﻱ «‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺲ ﻭﺍﻻﺣﻼﻡ ، ﺑﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﺎﻡ ، ﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻭﻉﻭﺍﻻﻋﻼﻡ ، ﻭﺍﻧﻮﺍ ﺍ~ﺍﻻﻣﻨﺎﻡ.‬ ‫ﺗﺘﻤﺎﺳﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻛﺒﺎﻥ، ﻓﻔﻈﺒﻤﺎ ﻟﻠﺮﺣﻤﻦ < ﻡ‬ ‫) ﻡ ﻩ ( ﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﺣﻀﺮﻣﻮﻧﺬ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻮﻥ « _ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ،ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﻻ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺒﺐ 0ﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺑﺒﻚ ﻟﻚ ، ﺍﻻ ﺗﺘﺮﺑﻜﺎ ﻧﻤﻠﻚ ، « ﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﻠﻜﻪ ﺃﻭ ﻧﻨﺮﻙ ، :ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻟﺤﻠﺒﻢ « ﻓﺎﻧﺰﻛﻪ <‬ ‫)ﺍ ﻭﻩ ( ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪ ﻏﺴﺎﻥ . ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﻣﻠﻮﻛﻤﺎ« ﻓﺄﻣﻨﺬ ﻓﻮﻣﻤﺎ،‬ ‫ﺭﺏ‬ ‫ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺍ،ﻭﻋﺘﺒﺘﻤﺎﻭﻧﺤﻨﺎﻭﺣﺠﻨﺎ <‬ ‫~ . ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﻋﻦ ﺑﺠﺒﻼ ، ﻓﺎﺳﻬﺎ ﻟﻌﻤﻨﺬ ﺍﻟﻔﺒﺒﻠﻮﺀ«‬ ‫) ﻩ ﻩ ( ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻨﻨﻰ ﻧﺰﻯ ﻃﺎﺋﻔﻪﺍﺑﻜﻌﺒﻪ ﻙ~، ﻓﺪ ﺧﻠﻔﻨﺬ :ﻭﻧﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﻣﻂ ﺍ~ «ﻡ‬ ‫) «ﻩ ( ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪﺍ ﺩﻭﺱ . ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻻﻣﻤﺎﻡ ، ﺗﺘﻤﺎﻧﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻛﺒﺎﻥ ،‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﻓﻄﺴﺮ <‬ ‫:ﻧﻨﻼ ﺩﻭﺱﺳﺎﻣﻌﺎﺍ ~،ﻭﺭﺏ ﻛﻞ ﻭﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫0ﺍ ﺑﻤﺨﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻻﺳﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻠﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ .ﻻﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ . ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻯ ﺷﺠﺮ‬ ‫)ﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻭﺛﻦ ﻓﻐﺒﺪﻫﺎ ﻏﻄﻔﺎﻥ ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻨﺰ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭﺑﺎﻫﻼﺍ ﻓﻔﺒﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻡﻝﻭ ﻭ«ﺏ(ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻭﺛﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻔﻄﺴﺎ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﻟﺒﺪ ﻭﺣﻤﻮ ﺍﻟﻠﻮ < ﻭﻛﺎﺳﺮ ﺍﺍﻻ: ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺎﺋﻒ ﻟﻨﻔﺒﻒ ﻓﺒﻌﻨﺰ ﺍﻟﺒﻲ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍ~ ﻋﻠﺒﻰ ﻭﺳﻠﻢ ﺃﺑﺎ ﻣﻤﻨﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻐﺒﺮﻩ ﺑﻦ ﺷﺐﺍ ﻓﻬﺪﻣﺎﻫﺎ، ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﺟﻬﺎﺭ ﻟﻬﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺑﻌﻜﺎﻅ<‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﺳﻮﺍﻉ ﺑﻤﻌﻌﺎﻥ « ﺗﻌﺒﺪﻩ )« ( ﻛﺎﻥﺍ ﻭﻫﺬﺑﻞﻭﻣﺰﺑﺖﻭﺣﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺒﺲﻣﺐﻻﻥ < ﻭﻛﺎﺳﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺘﻤﺲ ﻟﺒﻨﻲ ﺗﻤﺒﺞ ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻨﺰ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﺒﻨﺰ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﺗﻌﺒﺪﻩ )« ( ﺑﻤﻮ ﻩ ﻭﺩ ﻛﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﻓﺴﺰﻭﻧﻨﻬﺒﻢ ﻭﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﻮﺭ ﻭﻋﻜﻞ « ﻭﻛﺎﻥﻭﺙ ﻟﺒﻨﻲ ﻭﺑﺮﻩﺍ ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻮ~ﺑﺪﻭﻣﻨﻪﺍ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻝ < ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﻰ ﺑﻤﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻋﺼﺎﺭﻭ:ﺯﺩ 0 ﻩﺍﻭﻏﺒﺮﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺯﺩ ﺑﻌﺒﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺛﻨﻤﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﻔﺒﺪﻩ 0.ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺑﺒﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺒﺪ < ﻭﻛﺎ~‬ ‫ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺰﺍ، ﺍﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻩﺍ ﻭﻛﺎﻥ )« ( ﺑﺴﺒﻒ ( ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ )« ( < ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﺳﺪ ﻫﺬﺑﻢ (ﺃ ﻭﺳﺎﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻲ ﻭﺑﺮﻩ ، ﺑﻌﺒﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺪﻩﺍ ﻭﻣﻨﺎﻩﺍ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻻﺯﺩ ﺑﻌﺒﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺪ0ﺍ< ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺫﻭ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﻮﻣﺸﺬ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺑﻨﻮ ﻫﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻟﻮ ﺑﺒﻨﺖ ﺑﻌﺪﻩﺳﺠﺒﺒﻚﺍ ﻭﺧﻨﻔﻢ ﻭﺣﺎﺭﻧﺬ ﺑﻦ ﻛﻌﺐ ﻭﺟﺮﻡ ﻭﺯﺑﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻰﻋﻤﺎﺭﻩﺍ < ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻐﻮﻧﺰ ﻟﻤﺬﺣﺞ < ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﻮﻥ ﻟﺨﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ < ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺗﺴﺮ ﻩ ﻟﺤﻤﺒﺮ‬ ‫«ﻓﻴﺎﺡ ﻭﺱ ﻭﺣﻰ- ﻓﻮﻡ ! ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺎﻣﻨﻨﻰ ﺃﺡ « ﻓﻮﺹ « «‬ ‫)«ﻩ(‬ ‫:~ﺍ~ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻧﻨﻬﺎ «‬ ‫.ﻓﻢ ﻩ . ﻓﺬﺍﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎ ،‬ ‫ﺍ«ﻩ( « ﻣﻲ:ﺡ ﻭﺣﺲ .ﺩﻱ « « ﻓﺎﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺨﻮﺑﻰﻫﻰﻻ«( «‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺣﻀﺮﻣﻮﺕ ﻩ « ﺍﻟﺒﻌﻔﻮﺑﻲ _ﻻ ﻧﻨﻰ ﺑﻚ‬ ‫)ﻡ ﻩ( « ﺍﻟﺒﻌﻔﻮﺑﻲ ﺹ ﻩ5« - ﻛﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻟﻚ ﻧﻨﻬﻠﻜﻮﺃﻭﻧﻬﻠﻜﻪ. ﻩ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ «‬ ‫0«‬ ‫0 ﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﻥ ﻭﻣﺨﺒﻠﻮ‬ ‫)ﻩ ﻩ( « ﻅﺭﻥ ﺃﻟﻴﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﻰ ﻩ5« » ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﻋﻦ ﺑﺠﻴﻠﻮ‬ ‫0 ﺃﻟﻐﻔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰ«ﻡ ﻭ .‬ ‫~ « ﻧﺒﻴﺎﻧﺬ ،ﻓﻢ ﻩ ﻭﺭﺳﺎﻷ‬ ‫2 ﻅﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻗﻤﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﻤﻦ < ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺫﻭ ﻩ ﻟﺒﺎ ﻟﻤﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺲ . ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺮﻕ ﺑﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻡ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻜﺮ ﺑﻦ ﻭﺍﺛﻞ ﺭﻳﺒﻌﺖ~ < ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻜﻤﺪﺓﺍ ﺫﺭﻳﻊ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺠﻴﺮ « ﺑﺎﻟﻴﻤﻦ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﻮﺕ.‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻒ ﻭﻟﻌﻚ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﻌﺮﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻤﺎ ﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺤﺎﺱ ﻳﺘﻜﻠﻤﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻮﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻼﻡ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺴﻤﻊ ﺑﻤﺜﻠﻮ . ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺴﺎﻕ ﻭﻋﺎﺛﻚﺍ ﻟﻘﺮﻳﺜﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﻻﺣﺎ ﻳﺒﺶ < ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﺒﻞ ﻟﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺮ ﻭﻣﻠﻚ ﻭﻣﻠﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺛﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﻧﺔ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺒﺪ ﻣﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﻨﺎﻧﺔ ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﺪ ﻣﺎﺣﺐ ﺗﺮﻳﺶ.‬ ‫ﺍ() ﺃﺝ « ﻭ <«« ﺏ ﺍﻭﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﺃ ﺍﻻﻟﻬﺖﺍ ﻓﺄ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺙ ﻣﻠﻜﻠﺐ ﺑﺪﻭﻣﺔﺍ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺪﻝ ﻭﺃ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻬﺬﻳﻞ ﺑﻤﻤﺎﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮ ، ﻭﺃﻣﺎ ﻳﻐﻮﺙ ﻓﻠﺒﻨﻲﻣﺨﻄﻴﻒ ﻭﻫﻢ 0 ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ، ﻭﺃﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﻬﻤﺪﺍﻥ ، ﻭﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺮ ﻓﻠﺤﻤﻴﺮ ﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﻼﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻤﻴﺮ ، ﻓﻜﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﻟﻬﺔ ﻳﻌﺒﺪﻫﺎ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻧﻮﺡ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﻫﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ • ﻭﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻼﺕ ﻓﻠﺘﺘﻔﻴﻖ ﻭﺃ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﻏﻄﻔﺎﻥﻭﺣﺸﻢ ﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺼﺮ ﺑﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﺑﺔ ﻭﺳﻌﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺑﻜﺮ <ﻭﺃﻣﺎ،ﻣﻨﺎﺓ ﻓﻜﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻘﺪﻳﺪ « ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﻜﺖ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔﺍ « ﻭﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺒﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺴﺎﻕ ﻭﻣﺎﺛﻠﺖ ﻭﻫﺒﻞ ﻻﻫﻞ ﻣﻜﻪﺍ 0 ﻓﻜﺎﻥ ﻳﺴﺎﻕ ﺣﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﺮ ﺍﻻﺳﺮﺩ ، ﻭﻣﺎﺛﻠﺖﺍ ﺣﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ، ﻭﻫﺒﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻮﻑ ﺍﻟﻜﻌﺒﺔ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﻩ ﻓﻤﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻋﺸﺮ ﺫﺭﺍﻋﺎ < ﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﺍﺍ )« ( ﻓﻲ ﺃﺡ > ﻭﻧﻤﺘﻢ . ﻭﺍﻧﻄﺮ . ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺳﻲ ،ﻓﻤﺤﺎﻧﺄ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺍﻡ ﺡ « ﻫﻰ «/«ﺱ ﻩ‬ ‫)7 ( ﻓﻲ ﺃﺡ > ﻟﻘﺪﻣﺪ ﻩ )ﻻ( ﺭﺍﺣﻊ . ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻯ، ﺗﻌﺴﺒﺮ )ﻣﻮﻻﻕ ﻻﻻﻣﻰ4 ﻻ_6ﻻ‬ ‫(ﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻴﻮﻛﻠﻲ ، ﺍﻟﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻮﺭ ﺝ ﻩ ﺹ««»_ﻻ«« ! ﺍﻟﺮﺭﻓﺎﻣﻲ ، ﻧﻤﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍ~ ﺍﻟﻠﺪﻣﻤﺖ‬ ‫)ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓﺍ ﻩ(ﻻ» ( ﺝ ﻡ ﻣﻰ ﻻ(ﻩ _ ﻭ(ﻻ ، ﺡ ﻩ ﻣﻰ ﻻ( ، (ﻩ _ (ﻩ : ﺍﻟﺼﺎﻟﺤﻰ ، ﺳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍ~ﻯ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺙ ﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺳﺒﺮﺓ ﺣﺒﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﺩ ، ﺝ«ﺹ (4« ~ 4 (ﻟﻢ ! ﺍﻣﻰ ﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﺑﺄ، ﺳﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻥ ، )ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻣﻮ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﻞ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻫﻤﻢ ، ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻩ/ﻻ«/ 691 ( ﺡ«‬ ‫ﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻰ 5»« _ ﻩﻻﻟﻢ ! ﻟﺤﺒﻰ ، ﺗﻔﻴﺮ ﺝ /« ﻫﻰ ﻻﻩ ﻻ~ ﻩ«ﻻ ﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﻡ.‬