sanctity.pdf SANCTITY JOINT AND DIVIDED: ON HOLY PLACES IN THE ISLAMIC TRADITION M.J. Kister For Professor P. Shinar, with esteem and friendship. At the end of the first century of the hijra there was an almost unanimous consensus of the Muslim community as to the three distinguished mosques which were recommended as sanctuaries to be visited by the believers. It is noteworthy that the consent of the Muslim orthodox scholars to grant validity to the famous utterance of the Prophet: "You shall set out only for the three mosques .... " 1 was reached after a period of discussion among the scholars of Muslim law, after a close scrutiny of the tradition of the Prophet, and after the approval of the orthodox 1 Diya' al-Din Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Wahid al-Maqdisi, Fada'il bayti I-maqdis, ed. Muhammad MutT' al-l:Iafi~(Damascus, 1404/1983), 39-44, nos. 1-7. See the different versions of the tradition. Muhammad N~ir al-Din al-Albani (= al-AlbanI), Silsilat al-af,ladrthi 1-~af,ll/.Ia(Beirut, 1405/1985), II, 732-34, no. 997. Al-l:Iasan b. Muhammad al-$aghani, Mabariq al-azhar /f sharf,li mashariqi l-anwar (sharf,lu bni malik) (Ankara, 1328), I, 219. AI-FakihI, Ta'n"kh Makka, MS Leiden Or. 463, fols. 352a-54b. Abu TaUb Muhammad b. Muhammad b. IbrahIm, al-Ghaylaniyyat, [al-muntaqa], MS Hebrew University, Ar. 8*, 273, p. 7 inf. MS Br. Mus. Or. 3059, fol. 3a. Muhibb al-Din al-Tabari, al-Qira li-qallidi ummi l-qura, ed. Mu~a.Ia I-Saqqa (Cairo, 1390/1970), 655-56. Nur al-Dln al-HaythamI, Mawaridu l-~am'an ila zawa'idi bni f,libban, eel. Muhammad 'Abd al-Razzliq l:Iamza (Cairo, n.d.), 256-57, nos. 1035-42. AI-Tabarani, al·Mu'jamu l-kabrr, ed. l:Iamdi 'Abd al-Majid al-Silafi (n.p., 1404/1983), II, 276-77, nos. 2158-61. AI-Mundhiri, al-Targhrb wa-l-tarhrb, eel. Muhammad Muhyi I-Din 'Abd al-l:Iamid (Cairo, 1380/1961), III, 51-54, nos. 1734, 1737, 1739. And see esp. no. 1740: lIalatun /f masjidr khayrun min alft lIaliitin /fma siwahu mina I-masajidi ilia I-masjida l·aq~a. But the tradition recorded in al-Kattllni; Na~m al-mutanathir mina I-f,ladrthi I-mutawatir (Cairo, 1983), 78, no. 58: lIalatun /f = masjidr hiidha khayrun min alft lIalatin /fma siwahu mina I-masajidi ilia I-masjida 1f,larama. AI-Fasawi, al·Ma'riJa wa-l-ta'n"kh, ed. Diya' al-Din al-'Umari (Beirut, 1401/ 1981), II, 294-95. See the different versions. Al-SuyutI, Jam'u I-jawami' (Cairo, 1978), I, 893. See the different versions. Idem, Fakihat al-lIayJ wa·anis al-dayJ, ed. Mul,lammad Ibrahim Salim (Cairo, 1408/1988), 215. 'Abdallah b. Mul,1ammadb. Abi Shayba [= Ibn AbI Shayba), al-MuliannaJ /f l-a~adfthi wa-l-athar, ed. 'Abd al-Kha.iiq al-AfghllnI, [reprint) (n.p., n.d.), II, 374 inf.-375 sup. AI-QuI1ubi, TaJsfr [= al-Jami' li~kami l-qur'an], eel. MIlliI~a.fll-Saqqa(Cairo, 1387/1967), XIX, 21. AI-Musharraf b. Murajja, Fa4a'il bayti I-maqdis wa-l-khalll, MS Tiibingen 27, fol. 32a inf.-32b. This work has now been publisheel in Ofer Livne-Kafri, ed., Fada'il Bayt al-Maqdis wa al- Khalil wa al-Sham by Abu al-Ma'a.iI al-Musharraf b. al-Murajja b. IbrahIm al-MaqdisI (Shefaram, Israel: al-Mashriq Press, 1995). See also M.J. Kister, "You shall only set out for three mosques: A Study of an Early Tradition." Le Museon 82(1969), 173-96. 1~ Sanctity Joint and Divided 19 heads of the community. Weighing cautiously the opinions of the scholars in the different regions of the Muslim empire, the influential religious leaders, after hesitations and doubts, gradually consented to extend the tradition recommending to set out only to the sanctuary of the Ka'ba/' so as to include the mosque of the Prophet in Medina. 3 There seems to have been a strong tendency among orthodox scholars to discourage believers from journeys to sanctuaries honored and revered before Islam where they would perform ritual practices. Tradition says that the Aus and Khazraj used to pray in the direction of Jerusalem two years before the hijra of the Prophet" and it is plausible that they intended to continue to set out to Jerusalem after they had embraced Islam. The opposition to journeys to sanctuaries other than those in Mecca and Medina, journeys undertaken on the authority of certain early traditions, is manifest in reports on the authority of the Prophet, in which he dissuaded believers from carrying out their oath to set out to Jerusalem, and convinced them to perform the planned ritual in the mosque of Medina.P Finally, after the consolidation of Umayyad power and the growth of the influence of Syria, the utterance concerning the three mosques quoted above gained almost unanimous approval. As in the case of the former tradition limiting the recommended journey to two mosques (Mecca and Medina), orthodox scholars tried to dissuade the believers from journeys to sanctuaries other than these three mosques. This can be seen in the widely circulated tradition in which the Companions are enjoined not to journey to the mount of Sinai and to perform their ritual practices in the three recommended mosques." The believers however persisted in their veneration of Tiir Stna: commentaries of the Qur'an report many stories 2 Ibn AbI Shayba, al-Mu~annaf, II, 375, ll. 2-3: 'an 'abdi Ilahi bni aM I-hudhayl qiiia: la tashuddu l-rihiila ilia ila I-bayti I-'atfq. 3Niir al-Dm al-Haythamt, Mawarid al-q:am'an, 252, no. 1023: inn a khayra ma rukibat ilayhi I-rawal}ilu masjidf hadhii wa-I-baytu I-'atfq. 'Ala' al-Din 'All b. Balaban al-Farisr, al-Ihsiin. bi-tartfbi ~al}fl}i bni I}ibban, ed. Kamal. Yusuf al-Hut (Beirut, 1407/ 1987), III, 70, no. 1614. AI-MundhirI, al-Targhfb wa-I-tarhfb, ed. Muhammad Muhyi l-DIn 'Abd al-Hamid (Cairo, 1379/1960), III, 63, no. 1775. 4 Mahmtid Ibrahim, Faq.a'il bayti I-maqdis /f makhtutat 'arabiyya qadfma (alKuwayt, 1406/1985), 365, 1. 3. 5Niir al-Din al-Haythaml, Mawarid al-q:am'an, 256, no. 1035. Al-Tabarant, alMu'jam al-kabfr, VII, 320, no. 7258. Ibn al-Athtr, Jiimi' al-u~Ul min al}adfthi I-rasul [::;1, ed. Muhammad Hamid al-FaqqI (Cairo, 1374/1955), XII, 183, nos. 9092-95. 6Niir al-Dtn al-HaythamI, Mawarid al-q:am' an, 252-53, no. 1024. Al-Tabaranl, al-Mu'jam al-kabfr, II, 276, no. 2157. Al-Zurqanl, SharI} al-muwaHa' (Cairo, 1381/ 1961), I, 329-30, 332. AI-Kha~Ib al-Baghdadr, Talkhf~u I-mutashabih /f I-rasm waI}imayatu ma ashkala minhu 'an bawadiri l-ta~l}ffi wa-I-wahm, ed. Sukayna al-Shihabi (Damascus, 1985), II, 866-67, no. 1422. Ibn AbI Shayba, al-Mu~annaf, II, 274 ult.275 1. 1: sa'altu 'umara: atf I-tura? qala: dati I-tura wa-Ia ta'tiha, wa-qala: Iii tashuddu I-ril}ala ilia ila thalathati masajida. I;>iya' al-Dln al-Maqdist, Faq.a'il bayti I-maqdis, 41. Al-Albant, Silsilat al-a1,ladfthi 1-~al}fI],a,II, 733. 20 M.J. Kister about miracles that occurred on 'fur SIna when the Torah was given to Moses and describe how the mountain split out of awe for God. It was on this occasion that sections of 'fur SIna reached Mecca, Medina and other places; thus the mountains of Uhud, Thabir, Hira', Warqan and Thaur in the Hijaz are splinters of 'fur SIna.7 The traditions speaking of how splinters of 'fur SIna reached Mecca and Medina and how they eventually served as the material out of which the sanctuaries in these cities were built illustrate the idea of the transfer of sanctity and demonstrate its distribution among other holy places. The persistence of the reverence of al-'fur in the popular belief of pious circles is expressed in a question directed to Ibn Hajar al-HaytamI (d. 974 H.), whether Uhud is said to be more holy than Mount SIna.8 ~ufis seem to have continued to journey to Mount SInai al-Junayd is said to have journeyed with a group of ~ufis to 'fur SIna, climbed up the mountain, prayed there, invoked God and a qawwiil chanted such a moving song that the ~ufis who were present could not tell whether they were in heaven or on earth. A Christian monk who was on the mountain was so much impressed by the ritual that convinced by the arguments of the group of Sufis, converted to Islam." AI-'fur is counted among the three places of asylum: Damascus will serve as a refuge for the believers in the period of the bloody wars (maliif},im), Jerusalem will shelter them in the period of the false Messiah (dajjiil), al- 'fur will be their refuge in the time of Yajuj and Majuj.lO The status of a sanctuary was often enhanced by assigning it an additional name referring to a biblical personality or to a holy place already existing in the pre-Islamic period, or by giving it a second name borrowed from a celebrated Muslim sanctuary. The name of Medina, for example, is said to have been al-Makkatiinill or al-Masjid al-aq/?ii.12 Mecca, says a tradition, was called $ahyun;13 this name of course refers 7 See al-Suyutr, al-Durr ol-manthiir jf l-tofsir bi-I-ma'thn» (Cairo, 1314 [reprint Tehran]), III, 119. AI-MajlisT, Bil}ii.r al-anwii.r (Tehran, 1386), XIII, 217, 224, LX, 223, no. 56. 8 Ibn Hajar al-HaytamT, al-Fatii.wii. 1-l}adlthiyya (Cairo, 1390/1970), 187. 9Ibn al-'ArabT, al- Wa~ii.yii. (Beirut, n.d.), 282-83. 10 Al-Suyutr, Jam' al-jawii.mi', I, 744 sup. 11 Muhammad b. Yusuf al-Salihf l-Shaml, 8ubulu l-hudii. uia-l-rashiid jf strati khayri l-'ibii.d l= al-Sira al-shii.miyya], ed.'Abd al-'AzTz 'Abd al-Haqq Hilmi (Cairo, 1395/ 1975), ill, 424, no. 85. 12 Al-Samhndt, Wafii.'u l-wafii. bi-akhbii.ri dii.ri l-musiafii, ed. Muhammad Muhyi lDIn 'Abd al-Hamrd (Cairo, 1374/1975), I, 23, no. 77. Al-Saliht, ai-Stra al-shii.miyya, ill, 424, no. 78. 13 'AlI b. Burhan al-Dm al-Halabi, Insii.nu l-'uyun jf szmti l-amzni l-ma'mun l= alSira al-I}alabiyya] (Cairo, 1382/1962), I, 240 inf. 'AlI b. Rabban al-Tabart, al-Din wa-l-daula, ed. 'AlI Nuwayhid (Beirut, 1393/1973), 140 sup. And see Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Hidii.yat al-I}ayii.rii., 71: inna lliiha subl}ii.nahu a~hara min ~ahyun ikh/Uan Sanctity Joint and Divided 21 to the celebrated spot mentioned in the Psalms. Another locality identified with Mecca was Faran; it was the place which God provided as lodging for Hajar and her son Isma'I1.14 The mountains of Mecca are said to have been named Faran.15 An additional name attached to Mecca was Kutha, the name of Araham's birthplace.!" Damascus gained a prominent position among the cities frequented by the believers very early on in Islamic times, becoming in effect the fourth holy sanctuary. The status of Damascus and of al-Shiim was established in the opinion of the Muslim community through several predictions and utterances extolling al-Shiim attributed to the Prophet. He is said to have urged the believers to join the fighting forces during the conquest of al-Sluim, stressed the qualities of the people of Sham and the virtues of the various localities in Sham, and called upon the believers to settle in Sham, which, according to the definition of the period, included the area of Syria, Jordan and Filastrn.!" Some commentators of the Qur'an stated that the rabuia mentioned in the Quran (Sura 28, 50) refers to the Ghuta of Damascus.l" Other commentators ascribed the word rabuia to the locality Ramla in Sham, or more precisely in Filastrn.l? The virtues of this locality were further enhanced by stories concerning prophets who were persecuted and who tried to find refuge in Ramla. Such was the case of the prophet Salih , who sojourned for some time in Ramla.r'' the story of the seventy prophets who were driven out of Jerusalem in the period following the refers to Muhammad: al-Kazaruni, Sira, fol. 19a, ll. 5-6. Al-Qurtubl, al-T'liim. bi-ma fi dfni I-na~ara mina I-fasadi wa-I- auham, ed. Ahmad I.IijazI al-Saqqa, 265: sua-Iii khtilafa anna farana makkatu wa-qad qiila fi l-touriiti: inn a llaha askana hajara uia-bnuhii isma'fla [iiriitui: and see 274. Yaqllt , Mu'jam al-buldiin; s.v. Faran. Ibn Taymiyya, al-Jauiiib al-~al}ll} Ii-man baddala dfna l-masih, iii, 300-1, 304-6, 312,326,331. 15 Yaqut, Mu'jam, s.v. Paran: qila: huwa ismun li-jibiili makka .. , wa-fi l-tauriiti: mal}mudan 14 ja'a lliihu min sfna'a wa-ashraqa min sa'fr wa-sta'lana min farana; majf'uhu min sfna'a taklimutn: li-miisii 'alayhi l-saliim; uia-ishriiquliu min sa'fra, wa-hiya jibiilu jilas!fna, huwa inzaluhu l-injfla 'ala 'fsa 'alayhi l-saliim; uia-sti'Liinuh.u. min jibiili farana inzaluhu I-qur'ana 'ala mul}ammadin, sallii usn« 'alayhi wa-sal/am. qalii: wa-faran jibiilu makkata. 16 Al-'AynI, 'Umdat al-qiiri, short: ~al}fl} al-Inikhiiri (Cairo, [reprint Beirut]), IX, 214 inf.; Yaqflt , Mu'jam, s.V. Kutha. 'Izz al-Dtn Abu Muhammad 'Abd al-'Azlz b. 'Abd al-Salam al-Sulami, fi suknii I-sham, ed. Muhammad Shakur al-Mayadrnt, al-Zarqa' (1407/1987). 18 Muqatil b. Sulayman, Tafsir, MS Ahmet III, 74/2, fol. 30b. 'Izz al-Dtn, Tarqhib ahli I-islam, 39. Abu Hafs 'Urnar b. Muhammad b. al-Khidr al-Mausilr, Kitiib aluinsila (Hyderabad, 1399/1979), V/l, 187 inf.-188 sup. 19 Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa wa-I-ta'rfkh, ed. Diya' al-Din al-'VmarI (Beirut, 1401/ 1981), II, 299. Al-Majlisi, Bil}ar al-anwar, LX, 202. 20 Anonymous, History of the Prophets [Arabic], MS Br. Mus. Or. 1510, fol. 38a. Targhfb ahli I-islam 17 See 22 M.J. Kister death of Luqman, were stricken by hunger and died on one day provide another instance; their graves are in Hamla.P! Luqrnan is said to be buried between the mosque of Ramla and its market+' although another tradition says that he is buried near Tiberias.F' The high position of Ramla is reflected in a tradition recorded on the authority of Ka'b al-Ahbar: On the Day of Resurrection Ramla will argue, interceding on behalf of the people buried in its cemetery, complaining of their being punished even though they are buried in Ramla.24 The problem of the graves of prophets is noteworthy. The number of graves of prophets and saints in a given city serves as a measure of its status and position on the map of holy places as drawn by the Muslim community.r" This concept was deduced from the interpretation of a verse allegedly recorded in the Torah, saying that Sham is God's treasury on earth and in it is God's treasury of His servants; the "treasury of His servants" was said to mean the graves of the prophets: Ibrahim, Ishaq and Ya'qub.26 The stories of Ramla, a town founded in the period of the Umayyads, may serve as a good example for the sanctification of places which did not exist in the early period. Stories about their sanctity became current in the period following their foundation or their conquest. The Prophet is said to have prayed on his nocturnal journey, the isrii'; on the spot on which the mosque of Damascus was later built.27 This event endowed the area of the mosque with its sanctity. We may gain some notion of the beliefs and tenets of the people of Syria concerning the sanctity of the mosque of Damascus from a report about a dispute between two believers as to the value of a prayer in the Damascus mosque and as to the merits of pious deeds and ritual practices in Syria. The famous scholar Ibn Taymiyya (d. 728 H.) was asked his opinion as to 21 Ibid., fol. 133b, ult. Al-Mazandarant, Maniiqib salman (n.p., 1285 [lithograph]), 17. 22 Anonymous, History of the Prophets,' [Arabic], MS Br. Mus. Or. 1510, fol. 133b inf. 23 Al-Mazandarani, Manaqib salman, 17. 24 Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa uia-l-ta'rtkh, II, 299. 25 Al-Fakihi, Tti'rikh. Makka, MS Leiden, Or. 463, fol. 357a: dhikru mauq.i'i qubiir 'adhara baniiti ismiiiil 'alayhi l-saliim min masjidi t-hariim ... ; but see al-kalbf'an abf ~alilJ, 'ani bni 'abbasin [r] qiila: fi l-masjidi l-tiariimi qabriini laysa fihi ghayruhuma: qabru isma'fla wa-shu'aybin. AI-FasI, Shifa'u l-gharam bi-okhbiiri l-baladi l-harii (Beirut, [reprint], n.d.), I, 199. Ibn al-Faqlh al-Hamadhant, Kitiib al-buldiin, ed. M.J. De Goeje (Leiden, 1885), 17: uia-qiila 'alayhi l-saliimu inn a qabra hiida washu'aybin wa-~alilJ,in fimii bayna zamzama wa-l-maqiimi wa-inna fi l-ka'bati qabra iholiithi mi'ati nabiyyin wa-ma bayna l-rukni l-yamanf ilii l-rukni l-aswadi qabrii sab'fna nabiyyan. 26 Al-Suyiitf', al-Durr al-manthiir, III, 112 sup.: Ka'b: maktiibun fi l-tauriiti: inn a l-shiima kanzu llahi 'azza wa-jalla min arq.ihi, biha kanzu lliih» min 'ibadihi, ya'nf bihii qubiira l-anbiya'i: ibriihisru: wa-islJ,aqa wa-ya'qiiba .... 27 Abu Hafs 'Urnar al-Mausili, al- Wasfla, V /1, 188. Sanctity Joint and Divided 23 whether one prayer in the mosque of the Umayyads in Damascus equals ninety prayers [elsewhere], whether it is true that three hundred prophets are buried in this mosque, that a believer who passes a night sleeping in Syria gets the same reward as a believer who passes a night in vigilance in 'Iraq, that a believer who observes a voluntary fast in 'Iraq is like a believer who does not observe such a fast in Syria, and whether God, in blessing the two places, placed seventy parts of the blessing in Syria and only one part in 'Iraq. Ibn Taymiyya denied the tradition about the special value of prayer in the mosque of the Umayyads in Damascus; he did however uphold the view that God is much better praised in this mosque than in any other. He denied the tradition about the three hundred prophets buried in the Damascus mosque and about special rewards for the performance of ritual practices in Syria; but he confirmed that the Prophet praised Syria and set store by the pious deeds of the people of Syria.28 In another of his writings Ibn Taymiyya took exception to the practice of "falsifying" tombs, i.e., falsely ascribing graves to eminent Islamic personages.P" The famous scholar of I},adfth 'Abd al-'Azlz al-Kattant''? made plain his opinion about the graves of prophets: none of the graves is certified except the tomb of the Prophet. Others maintained that the grave of Abraham was also assured. The early author Ibn Sa'd counted as certain the graves of Isma'il under the spout of the Ka'ba, the grave of Hud in Yemen, as well as the grave of the Prophet."! Ibn Taymiyya records as spurious the tomb of Ubayy b. Ka'b in Damascus (he died in Medina), the tombs of Umm Habtba and Umm Salama and the tombs of other wives of the Prophet outside Damascus. It is however probable that there is a tomb of the $al},abiyya Umm Salama bint Yazid b. al-Sakan, who indeed died in Syria. It is probable too that the tomb of Bilal, (the Prophet's mU'adhdhin), is situated at the biib al-~aghfr in Damascus.V Of special interest are the data given by Ibn Taymiyya as to the tombs of caliphs and governors allegedly buried in Damascus. The tomb of Hud in the mosque of Damascus is not genuine; Hiid was sent as prophet in the Yemen and performed the pilgrimage to Mecca; he did not go to Syria. This tomb is in fact that of the pious Mu'awiya b. Yazld b. Mu'awiya, who was Caliph for a short time and died without appointing an heir. The tomb of Khalid (obviously b. WalId) in Hims is Ibn Taymiyya, al-Faiiiuiii l-kubrii, ed. Hasanayn Muhammad Makhluf (Beirut, [reprint]), I, 371, no. 226. 29 Ibn Taymiyya, Iqtiq.ii'u l-siriiii l-mustaqim mukhiilafatu a~lJiibi l-jalJfm, ed. Muhammad Hamid al-FiqT (Cairo, 1369), 316-20. 30 Called al-Katabt in the text, see al-DhahabT, Tadhkirat al-lJuffii:; (Hyderabad, 1376/1957), III, 1170, no. 1024 . . 1 Ibn Taymiyya, al-Faiiiuiii l-kubrii, IV, 449. 3 28 1386/1966, 32 Ibid. 24 M.J, Kister said to be that of Khalid b. Yazid b. Mu'awiya, the brother of Mu'awiya b. Yazid b. Mu'awiya mentioned above. 'All's tomb is in the government hall (qa/fr al-imiirq,) in Kiifa (not in Najaf), Mu'awiya was buried in the government hall in Damascus and 'Amr (b. al-'A~) was buried in the government hall in Egypt; they were buried there out of fear that the Khawarij would exhume their graves.P Another author, Ibn Junghul (d. 951 H.), identifies some of these spurious tombs.i" We find traditions greatly exaggerating the value of prayers in Damascus; one such tradition says that a prayer in the mosque of Damascus is worth thirty thousand prayers performed in another mosque.V' Damascus was included in the list of the four cities of Paradise on earth, the others being Mecca, Medina, and Jerusalem. 36 A peculiar list of the cities of Paradise is recorded on the authority of Ka'b alAhbar; it includes Jerusalem, Hims, Damascus, Bayt Jibrln and ~aIar in Yemen.P" A different tradition, said to have been transmitted by Yarnani historians, records Damascus, Marw, and ~an'a'.38 A ShI'Y source records another list of Paradise cities: Mecca, Medina, Jerusalem, and "a city between Sayhan and Jayhan called al-Mansiira and guarded by angels, which is in fact Ma~Y~a."39 The particular flavor of traditions dedicated to the praises of Syria and Damascus is reflected in a tradition ascribed to the Companion 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud: when God created the world He divided Good Ibid., 450-451. Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh, MS Br. Library, Or. 5912/1, fol. 36b (the tomb of Hud in the mosque of Damascus is the tomb of Mu'awiya; and see ibid. on the tombs of 'Amr b. al-'A:;;and 'AlI). 35 Al-Safftirf, Nuzhat al-majiilis wa-muntakhab al-nafii'is (Beirut, n.d.), 341 inf. 36 Muhammad b. Tulun al-Salihl, al-Qalii'id al-jauhariyya If ta'rfkhi l-~iilil}iyya, ed. Muhammad Ahmad Dahman (Damascus, 1401/1981), II, 513. Isma'tl Muhammad al-'Ajliinf l-Jarrahr l= al-Jarraht], Kashf al-khafii' wa-muzflu l-ilbiis 'ammii shtaham mina l-al}iidfthi 'alii alsinati l-niis (Beirut, 1351), I, 450 sup., no. 1466. 'AlI b. Muhammad b. 'Araq al-Kinanf l= Ibn 'Araq], Tanzihs: I-shari'ati l-marfii'a 'ani l-al}iidzthi l-shani'ati l-mau(lii'a, ed. 'Abd al-Wahhab 'Abd al-Latrf and 'Abdallah Muhammad al-Sadlq (Beirut, 1399/1979), II, 48, no. 7. Al-Dhahabi, Mfziin ali'tidiil If naqdi l-rijnl, ed. 'All Muhammad al-Bijawt (Cairo, 1382/1963), IV, 346, no. 9400. Ibn al-Jauzt, Kitiibu l-mau(lii'iit, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman "Uthman, al-Madtna al-munawwara (1386/1966), II, 51. Al-Shaukant, al-Fawii'id al-majmii'a If l-al}iidzthi l-mau(lii'a, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Yahya l-Mu'allarnr l-Yamanr (Beirut, 1392),428, no. 1229, and see the editor's comments. 37 Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa uia-l-ta'rikh, II, 304. Al-Shaukanr, al-Fawii'id al-majmii'a, 428, no. 1229, and see al-Fasawr, ibid,. the cities of Hell: Qustantrniyya, al-Tuwana, Antakiyya, Tadmur and ~an'a' in Yemen; al-Shaukanf however stresses that by ~an'a' of Hell the city ~an'a' in Rum is meant. 38 Al-Shaukani, al-Fawii'id al-majmii'a, p. 428, no. 1230. 39 Muhammad b. al-Fattal al-Naysaburt, Roudatu. l-wii'i~fn, ed. Muhammad MahdI l-Sayyid Hasan al-Kharsan (Najaf, 1386/1966), 409: arba'u madii'in min a l-janna: 33 34 makkatu wa-I-madznatu wa-baytu l-maqdis wa-madfnatun bayna sayl}iin wa-jayl}iin yuqiilu lahii mansiira wa-hiya masisa maMii~atun bi-I-malii'ikati. Sanctity Joint and Divided 25 (al-khayr) into ten parts; nine-tenths He placed in Syria, and one part in the rest of the world. Similarly God divided Evil (al-sharr) into ten parts: one part He placed in Syria, and nine parts in the rest of the world.t" The location of the bad things of the rest of the world were located deduced from a tradition about a conversation 'Umar held with Ka'b al-Al)bar when they established the place of the mosque of Jerusalem. 'Umar was invited on that occasion by the people of 'Iraq to visit them in the same way as he visited the people of Jerusalem, but was swayed by Ka'b to refuse the invitation; Ka'b argued that 'Iraq contained the rebellious jinn, that Hartlt and Marilt taught people witchcraft in 'Iraq and that 'Iraq harbored nine tenths of the world's evil (shan,); the people of 'Iraq, in addition, were affected by an incurable disease: they were too wealthy.'! Needless to say, this is a manifest Syrian anti-Traqi tradition. It is only to be expected that there should be a widely circulated prophetic tradition forbidding the performing of prayers in the "Land of Babil," because the land of Babil is cursed.v' The people of Shiim, says an utterance ascribed to the Prophet, will continue to fight their enemies for a just cause until the last of them will fight the Dajja1.43 The Prophet predicted that Sham would be conquered and summoned the believers to move to the conquered territories, as Shiim was the best of the lands and its people would be the chosen 40 Al-Tabarani, al-Mu'jam al-kabir, IX, 198, no. 8881. Nnr al-Din al-Haythamt, Majma' al-zawa'id wa-manba' al-fawa'id (Beirut, 1967), X, 60. Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa, II, 295. 41 Al-Muttaqi l-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal fi sunan al-aquiiil wa-I-af'al (Hyderabad, 1390/1970), XVII, 120, no. 376. 42 Ibn Tayrniyya, al-Iqtitf,a', 81. Ibn AbI Shayba, cl-Musanna], II, 377: 'AlI: ... mii kuntu u~alli bi-ardia khusifa biha thaliuha marratin. And see ib.: 'an 'aliyyin annahu kariha l-saliita fi l-khusii]. And see ib.: anna' aliyyan marra bi-janibin min babil falam yu~alli biha. Al-'AynT, 'Umdat al-qiiri; IV, 189. Al-Suyutt, al-Durr al-manthiir, I, 96. L 'A, s.v. bbl. Al-Bayhaqt, al-Sunan al-kubrii (Hyderabad, 1346), II, 451: 'AlI inn a I],abfbi sall« lliilu» 'alayhi wa-sallam nohiini an u~alliya fi l-maqburati wanahanz an u~alliya fi ardi biibila [a-innahii mal'iinatun. Mubarak b. Muhammad Ibn al-Athrr, Jiimi' al-usiil min al],adithi l-rasiil [~], ed. Muhammad Hamid al-FiqT (Cairo, 1370/1951), VI, 314, no. 3673. 'Abdallah b. Ahmad b. Hanbal, Masa'ilu 1imam ahmad b. hanbol, ed. 'AlI b. Sulayrnan al-Muhanna (al-Madlna al-rnunawwara, 1406/1986), I, 228-29, no. 309 and see the references of the editor. 43 Nnr al-Dtn al-Haythamt, Majma' al-zawa'id, X, 60-61 sup. Abu 'AlI Hanbal b. Is/:laq al-Shaybanr, Kitiib al-fitan [al-juz' al-rabi'], MS ~ahiriyya, rnajmu'a 38/4, fol. 46b. Ibn Hajar al-fAsqalant, Listitu: l-mzzan (Hyderabad, 1331 [reprint]), VI, 223, no. 785: 'an abi hurayrata marfii'an: tn taziilu 'i~abatun min ummati yuqatiliina 'ala nbuuibi dimashqa uia-mii I],aulaha wa-'ala abwabi bayti l-maqdisi uia-mii I],aulaha la yatf,urruhum khidhliinu man khadhalahum ~ahirzna 'ala l-haqqi ilii an taqiima l-sii=atu. AI-BukharT, al-Ta'rzkh al-kabir (Hyderabad, 1384/1964), IV, 248, no. 2691 [II, 2 of the MSj. Diya' al-Dfn al-Maqdisr, Fatf,a'il bayt al-maqdis, 72-3. Al-Fasawt, al-Ma'rifa uia-l-ia'rikli, II, 297-98. 26 M.J. Kister among the believers.v' The Prophet said that no good could be expected among the believers if the people of al-Shiitti were corrupted.t" According to another version the Prophet stated that there would be no good in his community if the people of al-Shiim perished: 'ani l-nabiyyi, sollii llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam, qiila: idha halaka ahlu l-shami [a-lii khayra fi ummatf.46 During the bloody war with Syria no less a person than 'All prohibited cursing its people because among them were the saintly abdal.47 An eminent holy place in Syria, the mountain of Qasiyiin, was ordered by God to give up its shade and blessing in favor of the mountain of Jerusalem (jabal bayt al-maqdis). As a reward God will order to erect on this mountain a House in which He will be worshipped for forty years after the devastation (kharab) of the world.j" It is evident that this tradition gives us an instance of the idea current in popular Islamic tradition about the mutual dependence and coordination of sanctuaries in the Muslim world. This belief is clearly reflected in the stories of the holy places and their virtues. The mountain of Qasiyun is also the place where Jesus and his mother found refuge when they escaped the persecution of the Jews; on this mountain the son of Adam killed his brother, and on the slopes of this mountain Abraham was born.f? This is an innovative tradition about the birthplace of Abraham. The traditions mentioned above are often denied; the story saying that Abraham was born on this spot is firmly rejected.I'" The cave in this mountain was famous for the efficacy of prayers and invocations; the prophet Ilyas sought refuge in this place; Ibrahim, Musa, elsa and Ayyub prayed and made invocations in this cave;51 the place was known as the mustaghath al-anbiya' and is, in connection with this virtue, linked with the story of the Prophet. When the Prophet faced a plot of the unbelievers against him in Mecca and suffered from their persecution, he wished to set out to this cave in order to invoke God to damn them; JibrIl however persuaded him to seek refuge from his people in one of the caves of Mecca.52 Nflr al-Drn al-HaythamI, Majma' al-zawa'id, X, 58-59. Al-Suyutt, al-Durr al-manthur, III, 112-13. Al-Fasawt, al-Ma'rifa wa-I-ta'rikh, II,295-96. 46 Nu'aym b. Hammad, Kitiib ai-fit an, MS Br. Mus. Or. 9449, fo!. 61b. 47 Al-Mazandarant, Manaqib Salman, 17. Nu'aym b. Hammad, Kitiib al-fitan, fo!' 62a. Al-Fasawl, al-Ma'rifa wa-I-ta'rfkh, II, 305 inf. 48 Ibn Tultm, al-Qala'id al-jav.hariyya, I, 88. 49 Ibn Tultm, al-Qala'id al-jav.hariyya, I, 89. AI-MuttaqI l-Hindt, Kanz al-'v.mmal, XVII, 121, no. 378. 50 Ibn Tulun, al-Qala'id al-jav.hariyya, I, 90 sup.; see the different versions about the place in which Abraham was born. 51 Muhammad Nasir al-Dtn al-Albanl, Takhr'ij al}adfth faga'ili I-sham wa-dimashq, 43, no. 19. 52 AI-MuttaqI l-Hindt, Kanz al-'v.mmal, XVII, 121, no. 378. Ibn TIilfln, al-Qala'id 44 45 Sanctity Joint and Divided 27 The stories about the virtues of holy places stress, as mentioned above, the coordination of sanctuaries with each other, a fact that increases the efficacy of the ritual practices. Thus anyone who begins a pilgrimage to Mecca, or an 'umra, from the mosque of al-Aqsa, God will forgive him the sins he committed in the past.53 The Prophet stated that a pilgrimage performed from 'Uman has the value of two pilgrimages. 54 He who visits both the tomb of the Prophet in Medina and the tomb of Abraham in Hebron in the same year will enter Paradise.P'' In a later period of Islam, in the stormy times of revolts in the Muslim empire, during which the journey to Mecca and Medina was impeded or even made impossible, Hebron became a substitute for Medina. According to a tradition ascribed to the Jewish convert Ka'b al-Ahbar, a believer who is impeded from visiting the tomb of the Prophet in Medina should visit the tomb of Abraham in Hebron.P" Another Jewish convert, 'Abdallah b. Salam, is said to have stated that a visit to the grave of Abraham and a prayer performed at the tomb is "pilgrimage of the poOr."57 The Prophet predicted that Hebron would become a place of refuge. Unfortunately a certain Companion of the Prophet, one of the leaders of the revolt against 'Uthman, who sought refuge in Hebron at the time of Mu'awiya, was caught there by a man of Mu'awiya's forces. He asked for his life, arguing that he was one of the "People of the Tree" (i.e., the Companions who swore allegiance to the Prophet at Hudaybiyya, ashiib al-shajara); the rude soldier responded, however, that there were plenty of trees in Hebron and killed him. 58 The al-jauhariyya, I, 93-95. Al-Mausili, al- Waslla, V/1, 188. Muhammad Nasir al-Dtn al-Albanl, Takhrlj al}adlth ... , 45-46, no. 21. 53 Al-'A.qillI, 'Arf al-tib min akhbiiri makkata wa-madinati l-hobtb, MS Leiden Or. 493, fol. 79a inf. Al-Dhahabi, Mfzan al-i'Lidiil, III, 483, no. 7236. Ntir al-Dln alHaythamr, Mnuiiiridu. l-~am'an, 251-52, no. 1021. Nasir al-Dtn al-Albanr, Silsilatu l-al}adfthi l-tf.a'ifa wa-I-maw!u'a (Beirut, 1405/1985), I, 248, no. 211; and see the comments of al-Albant. Diya'u I-DIn al-Maqdisi, Fatf.a'il bayti l-maqdis, 88, no. 59; and see ibid. 89-90, nos. 60-62. AI-Wasip, Fatf.a'ilu l-bayti l-muqaddas, ed. I. Hasson (Jerusalem, 1979),58-59, nos. 91-92; and see the references of the editor. AI-BayhaqT, al-Jiimi' li-shu'abi I-Iman, ed. 'Abd al-'Aliyy 'Abd al-Hamld Hamid (Bombay, 1409/ 1988), VII, 578-79, no. 3737; and see the references of the editor. 54 AI-MuttaqT l-Hindl, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 264, no. 1460. Nasir al-DTnal-Albani, Silsilatu l-alJad!thi 1-tf.a'lfa ... , I, 249, no. 213. 55 Ibn Taymiyya, Majmu'atu l-rasii' iii l-kubrii (Beirut, 1392/1972), II, 356: al-risiila fll-kalam 'ala l-qu~~a~; the tradition is marked by Ibn Taymiyya as lJadlth kadhib maudu'. 56 Anonymous, History of the Prophets [Arabic], MS Br. Mus. Or. 15lO, fol. 54b. Al-Khuwarizmr, Mukhiasar ithiiraii l-targhlb wa-I-tashwlq ua l-masiijidi l-thaliithati wa-ilii. l-bayti l-i aiiq, MS Br. Mus. Or. 4584, fols. 21b, 27b. 57 Anonymous, History of the Prophets, MS Br. Mus. Or. 15lO, fol. 55a. 58 Ibn al-Athtr, Usd al-qhiiba fI ma'rifati l-sahiiba (Cairo, 1280 [repr. Tehran]), III, 3lO sup.; and see ibid. the prediction of the Prophet: sa-yakhruju nasun min ummatl yuqtaluna bi-jabali l-khalil. 28 M.J. Kister Prophet stated that the mountain of Hebron was sacred and was revealed by God to the prophets of the Banii Isra'il in olden times as a place of refuge to which they might escape in a period of sedition (fitna) in order to preserve their belief (dmuhum).59 Jesus, when he passed by Hebron, is said to have asked God to bestow on that town the following graces: he asked to turn the mountain of Hebron into a secure asylum for every frightened person (khii.'if), to make the people of the mountain secure from wild beasts, and to remain fertile when all other places would be affected by drought.f" A miraculous story links the building of the tomb of Abraham in Hebron with the person of Sulayman. Sulayman was ordered in a dream to build a tomb on the grave of God's Friend, Abraham, in order that he may be known by it. The dream repeated itself three times during three nights; but Sulayman did not know the place. He asked God about it and was guided by Him to the required spot, from which light rises to heaven. When Sulayrnan got up in the morning he saw the place, put a mark on it and the jinn built the tomb for him at this spot. One can see how huge the stones of the tomb are: ten men or more cannot carry a single stone. When the tomb was about to be finished Sulayrnan left the tomb through its top part; the building was then closed from all sides and none could enter it. The visitors to the tomb could perform the ritual practices of the ziyii.ra from outside the building only. When the Crusaders captured the city they opened a door in the building and turned it into a church; they made drawings of the graves of the ancestors inside the building assigning them individually to Abraham, Ishaq, Ya'qub etc. Things went on unchanged in this manner until the time of the author.v' A tradition ascribed to Ibn 'Abbas reports how God sanctified the place of the grave of Abraham. When God decided that Abraham was to die He announced this to the world. The hilly plain of Hibra stood humbly up in the Presence of God and He addressed Hibra: "You are my chosen one, you are my holy one, you are my sanctuary (anti baytu maqdisf), in you I placed the treasury of my knowledge, upon you I shall let down my mercy and my blessings, and to you I shall gather my servants (on the Day of Resurrection). Therefore blessed is the man who puts his forehead on you (i.e., on the tomb erected upon you), prostrating himself in front of Me; I shall let him drink from the Presence of my 59 Nu'aym b. Harnmad, Kitab ol-fitan, MS Br. Mus., fol. 65b: qiila rasiilu lliihi: jabalu l-khalUi jabalun muqaddasun wa-inna l-fitnata lamma zaharat fi banI isra'lla aul}a llahu ta'ala ila anbiya'ihim an yafirru bi-dlnihim ila jabali l-khalili. AI-MuttaqI l-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 260, no. 1429 (from Nu'aym's Fitan); and see this tradition ibid., XIII, 247, no. 1370. 60 Nu'aym b. Hammad, Kitab al-fitan, fol. 65a. 61 Al-'AbdarI l= Ibn al-Hajj], al-Madkhal (Beirut, 1972), IV, 258. Sanctity Joint and Divided 29 Holiness, and shall grant him security from the horrors of the Day of Resurrection and shall lodge him in Paradise by my Mercy. Therefore blessed are you, blessed are you, blessed are you, I shall bury my Friend (Abraham) in you.,,62 According to AbU Bakr Ahmad b.'Amr b. Jabir, scholars of the Prophetic tradition (ahl al-'ilm al-sharif) have unanimously endorsed the validity of the location of the graves of Abraham', Ishaq, and Ya'qub, and their wives. Any believer who goes against this is a man of evil innovations, one who embraces deviations or who is in error: mii yat'anu fi dhiilika illa mjulun min ahli l-bida'i wa-l-zayghi wa-l-¢alalati, na'iidhu bi-lliihi min dhalika.63 The texts of the invocations and prayers said at the tomb were prescribed in great detail and the order of the visit, including the visit to the tombs of the patriarchs and their wives, was carefully planned. After visiting the tombs of the patriarchs and their wives, the believers were urged to go down to the grave of Joseph (yiisuf [!D in the valley (al-wad'l [!D and make an invocation there. Believers who visited the tomb in the past claimed that their prayers, invocations, and supplications were answered.P" Ibn al-Hajj warns visitors to the grave not to attend the vicious innovative practices of the people of Hebron who dance and sing in groups after the afternoon prayer (~alat al-' a$1"). He recommends that believers refrain from taking part in the afternoon performances, when drums and trumpets are beaten; such a performance they call naubat al-kholil. Another reprehensible innovation is the distribution of lentils which they call al-' adas cl-ibriihimi. Ibn al- J.Iajj points out that the designation al'adas al-ibriihimi is incorrect, as Abraham did not entertain his guests with lentils.P'' It was once again Ibn Taymiyya, that stalwart opponent of the tomb worship, who was adamant in denying the legendary stories about the building of the tomb. These stories he ,branded as unfounded inventions. He also rejected the tradition that Jibril bade the Prophet pray at the grave of his ancestor Abraham during his nocturnal journey, and perform a prayer at the birthplace of his brother Jesus. People of knowledge unanimously considered these traditions invented lies. Bayt Lahm was a church of the Christians, and there was no merit in visiting it by Muslims, whether it was the birthplace of Jesus or not. None of the 62 Al-Khuwarizrnl , Mukhiasur ithiirat al-targhlb, MS fol. 28b. Baha' al-Drn 'Asakir, Hisiila /f jaq.a'il bayti l-maqdis, MS Hebrew University, fol. 13a-b. 63 Baha' al-Dln Ibn 'Asakir, Hisiila /f jaq.a'il bayti l-maqdis, MS fol. 14a. Khuwarizrnl, Muklitasar ithiirat al-tarqhib, MS fol. 14a. 64 Baha' al-Din Ibn 'Asakir, Ristila /f jaq.a'ili bayti l-maqdis, MS fol. 13b-14a. Khuwarizrnl , Muklitasar ithiirati l-iarqhib, MS fol. 40b. 65 Al-'AbdarI, al-Madkhal, IV, 259. Ibn AlAl- 30 M.J. Kister Companions nor any of the successors of the Companions, the tiibi' un, went to pray or make invocations at the grave, or even to visit it. The believers had come more than once with 'Umar to ol-Sluim, and some of the Companions settled there but none of them had practiced things of this kind, and no mosque had been built on the grave at all. Only when the Christians captured Syria because of the impious rafiq,a (ShrI extremists) who ruled Egypt, and gained control of the coastal territories and other localities, did they cut through Abraham's sepulchral chamber and set up a door over the tomb. It was the Christians who turned it into a place of worship, not the ancestors of the believers or pious Muslims.P" Places and localities are rewarded according to their sympathy and help for sanctuaries and saintly believers afflicted by distress; vicious places and sinful groups are accordingly punished. According to a report of Ka'b (al-Ahbar}, Qustantiniyya rejoiced at the devastation of Jerusalem (kharab bayt al-maqdis); God reproached the vicious city and predicted that He would severely punish the sinful city.67 In contrast to Qustantiniyya, the attitude of Kaskar was sympathetic: when Bukhtanassar destroyed Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis) all the places on earth wept; but Kaskar surpassed all other places in weeping. As a reward, God promised that a mosque would be built there, where there would be abundant supplications and invocations to which God would respond favorably. People explained the prediction as a reference to the mosque of Wasit.68 Even birds are rewarded or punished according to their feelings towards the ruined sanctuaries dear to the hearts of the believers: the Prophet forbade killing swallows (al-khatt.Wi:j) because they wept for the destruction of the temple of Jerusalem.P'' Sometime there is an evident political tendency in this kind of traditions. ShrI stories concerning the role of Basra belong to this category: Heaven and Earth are said to have wept when Husayn was killed. The only ones who did not weep were Basra, Damascus and the family of al-Hakam b. al-'A~.7o 66 Ibn Taymiyya, /qtiq.a' al-~irat, 319, 331, 438-39; see e.g. 438: wa-/lhi ma huuia mina l-mauq.u'ati l-rnukhtolioiit. mithlu mii yarwihi ba'q.uhum /lhi: "anna l-nabiyya scllii lliiln: 'alayhi wa-sallam qiila lahs: jibril: hii.dha qabrw abika ibrahima, inzil [asolli /fhi, ura-hiidhii baytu la~.min maulidu akhika 'tsa, inzil [a-solli /fhi." And see 439: wa-baytu lahmit: kanisatun min kana'isi l-na$ara, laysa /f ityaniha /aq.ilatun 'inda l-muslimina, sawa'an kana maulida 'isa au lam yakun .... 67 Abu Bakr Muhammad b. al-Husayn al-Naqqash , Shi/a'u l-$udur al-muhadhdhab /f iafsiri l-qur'tin; MS Chester Beatty 3389, fol. 40a sup. Ibn al-FaqIh al-Hamadhanr, Kiiiib al-buldan, ed. M.J. De Goeje (Leiden, 1885), 146. Abu Nu'aym al-Isfahant, lfilyat al-auliya' (Beirut, 1387/1967), VI, 45. 68 Bahshal, Ta'rikh. wasit, ed. Kurkts 'Awwad (Baghdad, 1387/1967), 35. 69 Al-Daylami, Firdaus al-akhbiir, MS Chester Beatty 3037, fo1. 187b sup. 70 AI-MajlisT, BilJ,ar al-anwar, LX, 205; but 211: baka 'alayhi jami'u ma khalaqa Sanctity Joint and Divided 31 The imam Ja'far b. Muhammad recorded sixteen groups of people hostile to the ShfI belief and the shrr community, among them the people of Sijistan, Rayy, Mausil, and Baghdad,"! 'AlI enumerated the vices of Basra, to which he added a forceful curse on the city. 72 Hudhayfa is stated to have said that the people of Basra would not open the gate of righteousness [bab al-huda] or leave the gate of error. The flood had been removed from all the places on earth except Basra.?" To 'Abdallah [b. 'Amr] is attributed the saying that the footprints of Ibiis are extant in Basra, but that he hatched his eggs in Egypt.I" The Prophet is said to have prohibited the believers to enter the city of Basra itself, warning them from earthquakes; he recommended however that they should visit the suburbs of Basra.?" As against the ShrI descriptions of the vices of Basra and the predictions about its gloomy fate there are however traditions in praise of the city, The Prophet is said to have stated: "I know a place named al-Basra; it is a locality most direct in the position of the qibla, it has the greatest number of mosques and callers for prayer (mu'adhdhinun) and it will be better protected from distress than other places."?" It is evident that these contradictory utterances reflect of the political struggles of the early Islamic period. The assignment of varying degrees of sanctity to various sanctuaries brought about competition between them, in contrast to the idea of coordination between them. This is seen clearly in the literature of the faq,a'il. The rivalry was often prompted by political struggles in the Muslim empire, by ethnic rivalry and by the contests between the religious factions. In a very early period of Islam the sanctity of Damascus was confronted with that of al-Kiifa. 'All marked al-Kufa as the treasure of belief, the convincing argument of Islam, the sword of God and His spear; God will aid the victory of the believers in the easternmost as well as in the westernmost parts of the earth through the people of KIifa as lliihs: ut« thaliithata ashyli'a: al-basra wa-dimashq wa-lilu 'uthmlina. Bihnr, LX, 206, no. 5. 72 Al-Majlisr, Bihiir, LX, 204; and see the lengthy speech of 'AlI and his curse of Basra: ibid. 224, 226. 73 AI-MuttaqI l-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummlil, XI, 207, no. 973. 74 Yahya b. Ma'In, Ta'rikh, ed. Ahmad Muhammad NOr Yiisuf (Mecca, 1399/1979), II, 323, no. 3541. 75 Ibn 'Araq, Tanzfh al-short' o, II, 51, no. 15. Al-Muttaqt l-Hindr, Kanz, XIII, 264, no. 1457. Al-Shaukanl, al-Fawii'id al-majmii'a, 434, no. 1241. 76 Al-Daylami, Firdaus, MS Chester Beatty 3037, fo1. 90a: sa-yu~lbu ahla I-kiifati balli' un shadId wa-sli' ira l-amstiri illii ahla l-basrati fa-innahli aqwamuha qiblatan .... 71 Al-Majlisr, Ibn Hajar al-IAsqalant, al-Matiilibi: l-'aliya, IV, 163, no. 4240; Abo Dharr transmits an utterance of the Prophet: [a-ammii ahlu l-basrati fa-aqwamu l-amsiiri qiblatan waaktharuhu mu'adhdhinan, yadfa'u lliihs: 'anhum mii yakrahiina. Abo Nu'aym, lfilya, VI, 349. AI-MuttaqI l-Hindt, Kanz, XIII, 264, nos. 1458-59. Ibn 'Araq, Tanzlh al-sharii a, II, 58, no. 33. 32 M,J. Kister He did through the people of the ~ijaz.77 The Companion 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud reported the following utterance of the Prophet: when the Prophet was engaged in his isrii' to the lowest heaven (al-sama' al-dunya), Jibril showed him the mosque of Kiifa. The Prophet asked about the place and Jibril explained that it was a blessed mosque, containing an abundance of good (kathfru lkhayri) and possessing great blessing ('a?i"mu l-baraka). God chose it for His people and it will intercede for them on the Day of Resurrection.I'' According to another utterance of the Prophet, Jibril showed him the place of the mosque of Ktifa during his mi'raj to Heaven (lamma u'rija bi" u« l-sama'), and explained that that was the mosque of his ancestor Adam; he enjoined him to go down and pray two rake as there; the Prophet went down and performed the two rak'as there.I? Needless to say, the story of Kufa as a "station" for the Prophet's prayer during his nocturnal journey corresponds to the pro-Syrian story of the station of the Prophet's prayer in Damascus.f? We find indeed an authoritative utterance of the imam AbU Ja'far (al-Baqir) stating that the four distinguished mosques are the mosque in Mecca (al-masjid al-lJ,aram), the mosque of the Prophet, the mosque of Jerusalem and the mosque of Kufa, A prescribed prayer (al-fari"~a) in them has the value of a pilgrimage; a supererogatory prayer (al-nafila) has the value of an 'umra "the minor lJ,ajj.,,81 'All, according to one story, told a believer who was about to set out for a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, to sell his camel, to consume his provisions, and to pray in the mosque of Kufa.'AlI's recommendation is formulated in the same way as Prophet recommendation to perform the prayers in the mosque of Medina instead of making the journey to Jerusalem.V The mosque of Kufa is one of the four distinguished mosques; a rake a in this mosque has the value of ten rake as in any other mosque; the blessing (al-baraka) of the mosque extends for twelve miles; in the corner of the mosque there burned the oven of the flood; Abraham prayed at the fifth column of the mosque; a thousand prophets and a thousand "trustees" (wa$i") prayed there. The mosque harbors the rod of Moses and the gourd-plant (yaqti"n). Ya'uq and Yaghiith (two idols worshipped in ancient times) perished there; the mosque is the Fiiriiq (that which 77Yaqut, Mv.'jam al-bv.ldiin, s.v. al-Kufa, 78Abu 'Abdallah Muhammad b.'AlI b. al-Hasan al-'Alawf al-Hasant, Fatf.lv. l-ku.Ja wa-fatf.lv. ahlihii, MS :r;ahiriyya, rnajami' 93, fol. 282b. Muhammad b. al-Fattal alNaysaburt, Rauda: al-wii'i~7:n, 336-37. 79Al-Hasani, Fatf.lv. l-ku.Ja, MS fol. 283b. 80See above, note 28. 81See Ibn Babnyah, Man Iii ya~tf.v.rv.hv. l-jaqih; ed. Hasan al-Musawt l-Kharsan (Beirut, 1401/1981), I, 148, no. 683 (and the four mosques chosen by God: Mecca, Medina, Jerusalem and Kiifa; al-Majlisi, Bi~iir, LX, 204, ult.-205). 82See above, note 5. Sanctity Joint and Divided 33 distinguishes between right and wrong); from the mosque there is a path to the mountain of Ahwaz, In this mosque is the Nuh's place of prayer (mu!fallii). From this mosque there will be gathered seventy thousand of the believers who will enter Paradise without being interrogated or judged (laysa 'alayhim lJ,isiib). Its center rests in one of the gardens of Paradise, it contains three of the wells of Paradise which remove the filth and purify the believers. If the people would know the virtue of the mosque they would come crawling towards it.83 Some of the commentators of the Qur'an used their freedom to interpret the word rabwa (Sura 23:50) as denoting Kiifa, and the word ma'fn as denoting the Euphrates.t" It is evident that this is a Shi'I interpretation of the words of the Qur'an which was meant to confront the Umayyad, pro-Syrian interpretation mentioned above.f" Since ancient times the Jews used the outskirts of Kilfa as a burial ground for their dead; they believed that seventy thousand dead would be raised from this cemetery on the Day of Resurrection and would enter Paradise without being subjected to questioning and judgment. When 'All heard this opinion from the Ra's Jalut he countered that the seventy thousand to be raised on the Day of Resurrection and introduced to Paradise would be believing Muslims. 'AlI asserted that the grave just outside al-Kufa was that of Yahudha b. Ya'qiib, as well as the grave of Hud.86 'All bought the territory between Najaf and al-Htra as far as al-Kiifa from the dihqiins and paid forty thousand dirhams for it. The purpose of the transaction was to enable the believers to rise on the Day of Resurrection from land belonging to 'AlIP A similar transaction was carried out in ancient times by Ibrahim: he acquired these very lands from the people of Baniqiya, paying a hundred sheep (ghanam); Baniqiya in Aramaic means a hundred sheep. He consecrated the place whose sanctity was revealed to him and named it al-Qadisiyya. This territory thus became the point from which Ibrahim set out for his hijra.88 At the end of time, during the unjust wars (jitan), when the mahdf will be sent, the happiest people will be the people of Kiifa.89 Never will a tyrant (jabbiir) set out to annihilate it without being afflicted by God with a mortal blow.P? 83Yaqllt, Mu'jam al-buldiin, s.v. al-Kiifa. Muhammad b. al-Fattal, Rau4at alwa'i~fn, 410 inf. 84 AI-I:IasanT, Fa41u l-kiifo; MS fols. 289a-b. AI-MajlisT, Bii}iir, LX, 202. Muhammad b. al-Fattal, Raudat al-wa'i~fn, 408. 85 See above at notes 19-20. 86 AI-I:IasanT,Fa41u l-kiifa, MS fols. 286b, 287a-b, 288a. 87 AI-I:IasanT,Fa41u I-ku/a, MS fo1. 286a. 88AI-I:IasanT,Fa41u l-kiija, fols. 284b.-85a. 89 Ibn Babuyah al-Qummr, Man Iii yai}4uruhu I-/aqfh, I, 150 inf. (the mahdi will pray in the mosque of Kiifa). AI-I:IasanT,Fa41u I-ku/a, fo1. 283a. 90 AI-I:IasanT,Fa41u I-ku/a, fo1. 283b. AI-MajlisI, Bii}iir al-anwiir, LX, 211, no. 18. 34 M.J. Kister Ibrahim is said to have intended to utter an invocation against the people of 'Iraq; but God forbade him to do so because He had placed among the people of 'Iraq the treasures of His knowledge and located mercy in their hearts.P! In a significant tradition attributed to Ja'far al-Sadiq he is said to have defined the values of the three distinguished mosques and counted the rewards for ritual practices performed in them: Mecca, Medina, and Kufa are the harosn of God, of the Prophet and of 'All; one prayer in Mecca has the value of a hundred thousand prayers elsewhere, and one dirham given there as charity (~adaqa) has the value of a hundred thousand dirhams. In Medina one prayer has the value of ten thousand prayers and one dirham has the value of ten thousand dirhams. In Kilfa one prayer has the value of a thousand prayers, but the value of one dirham given as charity is not mentioned.F The sanctity of the haram of Kufa is here explicitly and authoritatively confirmed as a distinguished third sanctuary approved of by God, the Prophet and 'Ali; Jerusalem is not mentioned at all, but is replaced by Kilfa.93 A concise utterance by 'All records clearly the tradition of the three distinguished mosques: the believers shall set out only to the three mosques of Mecca, Medina, and Kufa (... wa-qiila amiru l-rnu'rninis: 'alayhi l-saliimu: Iii tush addu l-rilJ,iilu ut« ilii thaliithati masiijida: almasjidi l-hartimi, wa-masjidi rasuli lliihi ~allii lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallama, wa-masjidi l-kufati). 94 Kilfa is the only place which expressed loyalty to 'Ali's authority and upheld the legitimacy of 'Ail's inheritance, the wiliiya.95 Kufa's loyalty to 'AlI's authority (wiliiya) was the reason why it was put on the cosmic map of virtues of the various distinguished places. This was reported in a Shn tradition recorded on the authority of the Companion Anas b. Malik (usually marked as a hypocrite, muniifiq, who denied the rights of 'All). When 'All came to the Prophet he embraced him and kissed him between his eyes; then the Prophet told him that God proposed the Heavens to accept the wiliiya of 'All. The seventh Heaven preceded them and God therefore adorned this Heaven by establishing His Throne in it. Then the fourth Heaven outstripped the others and God embellished it by locating in it the bayt al-ma'vniir (the Jam' al-jawiimi', I, 218. Ibn Babtlyah, Man Iii ya~q.uruhu I-faqfh, I, 147, no. 679. Muhammad b. al-Fattal, Roudo: al-wii'i~fn, 410. 93 Al-Buraqt, Ta'rikh. al-ku.fa, ed. Muhammad Sadiq A.l Bahr al-'ulilm (Najaf, 1379/ 1960), 32: 'ani I-madii'inf qiila: sami'tu aM 'abdi l/iihi ('alayhi I-saliimu) yaqii./u: makkatu haramu lliihi, wa-I-madfnatu horams: mu~ammadin msuli lliihi wa-I-kufatu ~aramu 'aliyyi bni abqiilibin ('alayhi I-saliimu); inn a 'aliyyan ~arrama mina l-kufati mii harrama ibriihfmu min makkata wa-mii harrama muhammadun min a I-madfna. 94 ibn Babnyah, Man Iii ya~q.uruhu, I, 150,' no. 695. . 95 AI-MajlisI, Bi~iir, LX, 209. 92 91 Al-Suytitr, Sanctity Joint and Divided 35 heavenly Ka'ba). Then the lowest Heaven followed and God rewarded it by adorning it with stars. Then God offered 'AlI's wilaya to the lands of the Earth: Mecca came forth first and God adorned it with the Ka'ba, It was followed by Medina, which God beautified by the presence of the Prophet. Medina was in turn followed by Kiifa and God adorned it by the person of 'All. Finally Qumm arrived and God embellished it by the Arabs and opened the doors of Paradise.P" Kiifa is thus the chosen, perfect place of belief in Heaven and on earth, the perfect location of the true religion which champions the wilaya of 'All. Qumm follows it in this belief; snrr compendia accord it a great many virtues and qualities.P? As mentioned above, the sanctity of the holy places is enhanced by their mutual cooperation. Abu Qubays sheltered the Black Stone during the Flood; when Abraham came to Mecca in order to build the Ka'ba, Abu Qubays announced that it sheltered the Black Stone.P" Ta'if was part of the Holy Land transferred by God to Hijaz; it performed the circumambulation of the Ka 'ba seven times and remained in the region of Hijaz named al- Ta'if, 99 Qumm was originally part of Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis) and was moved to its place during the Flood.lOO Such is the case of the mosque of Kiifa as well: in due time the Black Stone will be moved by God to the mosque of K Ufa.101 This will certainly be the perfection of the sanctity of this holy place. A nice example of intricate sanctity, combined from a variety of elements of veneration for the ancestors and snrr imams is shown by a story concerning the visit, maziir, of the grave of 'All b. AbI Talib. An adherent of the Shra came to the imam Abu 'Abdallah and informed him that he intended to set out to the ghariyy in order to visit the grave of 'All b. AbI Talib, The imam remarked that he was in fact going to visit the bones of Adam, the body (badan) of Nul) and the Bil}iir, LX, 212, no. 21. Bi~liir, LX, 213-218. 98 Abu l-Baqa' Muhammad Baha'u I-DIn b. al-Diya' al-Makkt al-Hanafi al-QurashI al-'UmarI al-'AdawI, Al}wiil makkata wa-I-madzna, MS Br. Mus. Or. 11865, fol. 138a. AI-Kala'I, al-Iktifii' fi maghiizz rasiili lliihi uia-l-thaliithati l-khulajii", ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wahid (Cairo, 1387/1968), I, 59-60. Abu Bakr al-Bakrr b. Muhammad Shata alDimyatr, I'iinatll. l-tiiliMn 'alii I}alli alfii~i I-fatl}i l-mll.bfn (Cairo, 1319 [repr. Beirut]), II, 275 inf. Al-Azraqi, Akhbiir makkata, ed. Rushdt 1-~aliJ:.:tMalhas (Beirut-Makka al-mukarrama, 1399/1979), I, 65. Sulayrnan b. Dawud al-Saqstnt, Zahrat al-riyiiq. uui-nuzha: al-qll.liib al-miriid, MS Hebrew Univ., Coli. Yahudah Ar. 571, 222 inf, [Abu Qubays was a mountain from the mountains of Khurasan; it was moved to Mecca and sheltered the Black Stone]. 99 Al-Mazandaranr, Maniiqib salmiin, p. 17. Nflr al-Dln al-Haythami, Majma' alzawii'id, X, 53-54. Al-Suytiti, al-Durr al-manthur, I, 124 inf. 100 Al-Majlisi, Bil}iir, LX, 213, no. 24. 101 Muhammad b. al-Fattal, Raudat al-wii'i~zn, 337. AI-I:IasanI, Faq.11l.l-kiifa, MS fol. 287b. AI-MajlisI, Bihiir, XXII, 86 inf. 96 AI-MajlisI, 97 Al-Majlisl, 36 M.J. Kister corpse (jism) of 'All b. AbI Talib, The believer asked how it was possible that the bones of Adam are in Ktifa since he descended in Sarandib and people believe that his bones are placed in the mosque of Mecca (baytu llahi I-lJ,aram). The imam replied that God ordered Ni11;t n the i ark to go around the Ka'ba seven times, which he did. Afterwards he went into the water, which reached up to his knees, and pulled out a coffin which contained the bones of Adam. He carried the coffin in the ark and it went round the Ka'ba several times. He continued the journey in the ark until he arrived at the gate of KUfa, in the middle of which was the mosque. God ordered the water to be swallowed by the earth (ibla' 'l mii' aki) and the mosque became dry. The people who accompanied Ni11;t ispersed; Ni11;t ook the coffin and buried it in the d t ghariyy. This was part of the mountain on which God addressed Moses, on which He consecrated Jesus, on which He took Abraham to Himself as Friend (khal'll), and on which He took Muhammad to Himself as His Dear One (lJ,abib); God turned the place into an abode of the prophets. The amir al-mu'min'ln, 'All b. AbI Talib is buried next to his two noble ancestors, Adam and Ni1I;t. "Therefore while visiting alNajaf you are visiting the bones of Adam, the body of Ni1I;t,the corpse of 'All b. AbI Talib; you are visiting the ancestors, Muhammad the Seal of the prophets and 'All the Lord of the Trustees (sayyid al-wa$iYY'ln). The gates of Heaven will be opened for the invocations of the visitor; act thus and be not heedless of that which is good" (fa-la takun 'ani l-khayri nawwaman) .102 The status of Medina in comparison with Mecca was secondary, in the opinion of the orthodox community. According to an utterance recorded on the authority of 'A'isha, God created Mecca and encompassed it by angels a thousand years before He created anything on Earth; then He attached Medina to it and eventually paired Medina with Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis); then a thousand years later He created the Earth with one stroke (khalqan walJ,idan) .103 According to some utterances ascribed to the Prophet Medina will be singled out in the fateful period of the false messiahs, the dajjal. The dajjal will be barred from entering the city, which will be guarded by angels.l'" According to another tradition Mecca and Medina will share this privilege: the dajjal will enter every locality but Mecca and Medina.l?" 102 gharr fi ta'yrn qabri amrri l-mu'minrn 59-60. Al-Majlisl, Bihiir, C, 258. Ghiyath al-Dln 'Abd al-Karjrn b. Tawils, Farho: al'air b. aM talib 'alayhi I-salam (Najaf, 1368), Qiya' 103 Al-Daylamt, Firdaus al-ckhbtir, MS Chester Beatty 3037, fo1. 77a, penult. al-Din al-Maqdisl, Fadti'i! bayti l-maqdis, p. 49, no. 14. 104 105 Abu Ya'la, Musnad, V, 318, no. 2940; 369, no. 3016; 390, no. 3051; 402, no. 3073. Al-'AynI, 'Umdat al-qiiri, X, 244 sup. Ibn Hazm , al-MuiJ,alla, VII, 281. Sanctity Joint and Divided 37 Another version, however, records two other places: the Ka'ba and Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis). 106 A third version extends the number of places from which the dajjal will be barred: Mecca, Medina, Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis), and al- 'filr.107 Tradition pointed out the virtues of Medina: it was the place of the hijra of the Prophet, the center from which he propagated his religion, the place where he died and in which he was buried. The sincere sympathy of the Prophet and his affection for Medina is manifest in his declaration of Medina as a haram; he acted as counterpart to Abraham: just as Abraham proclaimed Mecca as a harem; so did the Prophet with Medina.l'" A peculiar tradition, obviously anti-Shi'tte, contains a denial attributed to 'All, in which he declares that there is no privilege granted him by the Prophet which he is supposed to keep in the sheath of his sword; in the sheath of his sword, 'AlI says, he only keeps the document of tahrim al-madfna.109 It is indeed these virtues and qualities, which gained wide circulation among the Muslim community, that stimulated the rivalry between these two highly revered localities. Against the background of ethnic differences, diverse economic interests, and social and political contests, the disputes as to the relative merits attached to these localities grew more vociferous. In his thorough going study, Materiaua: pour l'etude du conftit de preseance entre la M ekke et M edine,110 A. Arazi provides a detailed and 106' Umdat al-qiiri; X, 244 sup. Comp. Diys;' al-Din al-Maqdisi, Fadti'i! bayti 1maqdis, p. 60, no. 34. 107Al-'AynT, 'Umdat al-qiiri, X, 244 sup. Diya' al-Dtn al-Maqdisi, Faga'il, 62-63, no. 36. And comp. al-Suyutt, Jam' l-jauuimi", I, 744: ... ma'qilu l-muslimlna mina l-rnaliihini dimashq wa-ma'qiluhum mina l-dajjali baytu l-maqdis wa-ma'qiluhum min yajuj wa-majuj ai-tur. 108Al-Suyutr, al-Durr al-manthur, I, 121-122. Nur al-Din al-HaythamT, Majma' alzawii'id, III, 301-302. AI-AynT, 'Umdat al-qiiri, X, 227-231. Al-'AbdarT, al-Madkhal, II, 39. AI-BayhaqT, al-Sunan al-kubrii, V, 196-201. AmIn Mahmild Khattab, Fatliu l-maliki l-moibiid, takmilatu l-manhali l-'adhbi l-mauriid, sharb. sunan abl dawud (Cairo, 1394/1974), II, 239-49. Al-Sinjarl, Mana'il}u l-karam bi-akhbiiri makkata uui-l-luiram, MS Leiden Or. 7018, fol. 7a inf. (but comp. ibid., fol. 7b sup.: thumma qiila (ay rasulu llahi, s.) inna makkata lJarramaha lliihu wa-lam yul}arrimha l-nasu [a-lii yalJillu li-mri'in yu'minu bi-lIiihi wa-I-yaumi l-iikhiri an yasfika biha daman. And see Abu Ya'Ia, al-Ahkiin: al-sultaniyya, ed. Muhammad Hamid al-FiqI (Cairo, 1386/1966), 192. AI-MundhirI, al-Tarqhib uia-l-tarhib, III, 62, no. 1771. 109Mul,lammad b. 'A~im al-Thaqafi al-Isfahant, Juz', ed. Mufid Khalid 'Ayyid, (Riyad , 1409), 125-26, no. 42; and see the editor's references. Ibrahrm b. Tahman, Mashyakha, ed. Muhammad Tahir Malik (Damascus, 1403/1983), 104-107, no. 51: [a-qiila [i.e., 'AlI]: mii 'ahida ilayya rasiili: llahi 'ahdan lam ya'had hu ila I-nasi, ghayra anna fi qiriibi sayfi ~al}fjatan, fa-idha fiha: inna ibrahfma horrama makkata wa-ana uharrimu l-madi:nata, wa-innaha lJaramun mii bayna lJarratayha, and see the editor's abundant references there. 110 JSAI, 5 (1984), 177-235. 38 M.J. Kister richly documented scrutiny of the ideological rivalry between Mecca and Medina. Traditions touching upon the fundamental events of the life of the Prophet often conflict. Such is the case of the hijra, a crucial issue in the life and career of the Prophet. According to a widely circulated report the Prophet was deeply grieved when he was compelled to escape from Mecca, persecuted as he was by his Qurashi enemies. When in the Hazawwara (the former market of Mecca) on his way to Medina, the Prophet is said to have uttered a moving declaration of sympathy for Mecca. He expressed his love for the city and said that had he not been forced to leave he would gladly remain in Mecca.U! This is, of course, a pro-Meccan tradition. A pro-Medinan tradition records the following utterance of the Prophet when on the hijra: "0 God, Thou evicted me from the plot of land most dear to me; therefore put me up in the spot most beloved to Thee." 112 The Prophet's wish was fulfilled and he alighted in Medina; this was indeed the spot dear to God. Medina's favored position is emphasized when the dissemination of the precepts of the nascent Islamic religion is discussed. The Prophet is said to have stated that cities and localities were conquered for Islam by the force of the sword; but Medina was conquered by the force of the Qur'an.113 Muslim lawyers asserted that Mecca was conquered by sword; they considered however that imposing khariij on Mecca was implausible.U! Muslim lawyers who attempted to mitigate the dispute pointed out that the majority of Medinan people who brought about the conversion of various localities to Islam, including Mecca, were former 111 Ibn Hazm, al-Mul].allii, VII, 289. Ibn Taymiyya, '11m al-I].adith, ed. Musa Muhammad 'AlI (Beirut, 1405/1984), 361. Yaqut, Mu'jam al-buldiin, s.v. hazwara, Nur al-Dln al-Haythami, Mawiirid al-~am'iin, 254, no. 1026. Al-Sinjarr, Manii'il]. al-kara, MS fol. 9a. Al-Shaukani, Nayl al-autiir (Cairo, 1372/1953), V, 32a-39. AlZurqant, Sharh. cl-rnauuihib al-laduniyya, VIII, 322. Ibn AbI Hatim, 'llal al-I].adlth (Cairo, 1343), I, 282, no. 836. 112 Al-Albanl, Silsilat al-al].iidithi 1-q.a'lfa wa-I-mauq.u'a (al-Riyad, 1408/1987), III, 639-40, no. 1445. Albanf marks the tradition as maw;lu', a forged one. Ibn Taymiyya, Majmu'at al-rasii'il al-kubrii, II, 356. Ibn Taymiyya marks the tradition as biitil; see ibid., for his arguments. Al-Shaukani, Nayl al-autiir, V, 34; and see the discussion of the subject in ibid. Al-Qayrawanr, Kitiib al-jiimi', 139. 113 Al-'Abdarf, al-Madkhal, II, 35 inf. Abu l-Hasan 'All b.'Umar b. Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Sukkarr, Juz", MS al-Zahiriyya, majmu'a 18, fol. 248b. 'Abdallah b. Abf Zayd al-Qayrawani, Kitiibu I-jiimi' fi I-sunan wa-l-iidiib wa-l-maghiizl wa-I-ta'r'ikh, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Ajfan and 'Uthrnan Bitttkh (Beirut-Tunis, 1402/1982), 138: wa-uftutil].at al-qurii bi-l-sayf I].attii makkatu, wa-uftutil].at al-mad'inatu bi-l-qur'iini; and see ibid. note 3. Ibn al-Jauzr, al-Maw;lii'iit, II, 216-17. Ahmad b. Hanbal marks the tradition as munkar. Ibn Hazm, al-Mul].allii, VII, 286. Ibn Hajar, al-Matiilibu l-'iiliya, I, 369, no. 1246. 114 Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Al].kiim ahli l-dhimma, I, 126 ult.-127. Sanctity Joint and Divided 39 Meccans.U" Medina was considered more honorable and dignified than Mecca, which was flooded by streams of pilgrims from all areas of the Muslim empire. This can be seen from a story about 'Umar, who was informed of a man who had the intention of giving the oath of allegiance after the death of 'Umar to a certain person. 'Umar had the idea of standing up in Mecca and warning the believers against people who were about to rob the umma of their rights (viz. by deciding about 'Umar's successor). He was however dissuaded from delivering his warning in Mecca because of the mob that used to attend his council, and he made up his mind to convey his admonition in Medina, the abode of the hijra and of the sunna.1l6 A place to which special honor was accorded was the grave of the Prophet in Medina. Several traditions emphasized the qualities of this revered spot, linking the veneration of the grave with that of the Prophet himself. The place in which he was buried was chosen by the Prophet himself. Scholars argued that God does not cause a prophet to die except in a place he likesY 7 This assumption was corroborated by a tradition saying that prophets should be buried in the place where they die; but both traditions are countered by others according to which it is undesirable to bury people in their abode, as a grave turns the house into a cemetery in which prayer is disagreeable. Needless to say, the burial of the Prophet in this place is considered a special distinction.U" The grave itself was closely connected with the Prophet from the beginning of his existence. The Prophet is said to have been created from the dust of the grave in which he was buried. God sent Jibrrl to bring him a handful of white clay out of the heart of the earth and its light in order to create Muhammad, Jibril set out with seventy thousand angels and took a handful of earth from the place of the Prophet's grave, which was then white and pure. It was kneaded with the nectar of paradise (mii'u l-tasnfm), with the wine of Paradise (al-raMq) and with water from the well of Paradise (salsabrl). Then it was plunged into the water of the rivers of Paradise and was carried towards the earth and the sea; the angels learned to know the quality of Muhammad before they knew the virtues of AdamY9 A well known utterance states that the Prophet was buried in the clay from which he was created (dufina bi-l-iinati uau khuliqa minha)j the tradition is provided with several utterances which Al-Shaukant, Nayl al-autar, V, 34. Al-Fasawt, al-Ma'rifa wa-I-ta'rlkh, I, 351. 117 Al-Munawt, FayrJu l-qadir, V, 459, no. 7956. Al-'AbdarI, al-Madkhal, II, 39 inf. Abu Ya'la, Musnad, I, 45, no. 45. 118 Al-Munawi, FayrJu l-qtulir, V, 459, no. 7956; and see the comments of al-Munawr, 119 Al-Saqslni, Zahrot al-riyarJ, MS Hebrew Univ., Coli. Yahudah 571, 8, 11 sup., ll. 1-3. Al-IAbdarr, al-Madkhal, II, 32. 'All b. Burhan al-Dtn, al-Sira al-lJalabiyya, I, 163. 115 116 40 M,]. Kister extol the idea that the dust of the grave should be the dust from which the person is born.12o According to a tradition there is a special angel called malak al-crluim, who is entrusted with the burial of the dead in their proper graves.P! It is not surprising to find a parallel tradition according to which the clay of which the Prophet was created was Meccan, but it was blended with clay from Medina.P'' The extreme veneration of the tomb of the Prophet is shown by the opinion of a group of zealots who claimed that a visit to the grave of the Prophet is more meritorious than a pilgrimage to Mecca and a visit to the Ka'ba.123 The pilgrimage to Mecca was linked with a visit to the grave of the Prophet; the Prophet is reported to have said that he who performs the f},ajj without visiting his grave treats him harshly indeed.124 The grave of the Prophet was considered to surpass in its virtue the sanctity of the Ka'ba: wa-in'aqada l-ijmii'u 'alii annahumii ajdol min sii'iri l-buldiin; wa-idhii nazarta ilii l-tafrl,fli baynahumii qiima li-kullin minhumii an$iirun wa-a'wiin wa-dalfl wa-burhiin f},iishii I-buq'ata l-mu'a~~ama l-mukarrama l-zakiyya l-ziihira l-iiihira l-sharfJa l-munfJa 1-'iiliya l-ghiiliya l-tayyiba l-mutayyaba l-muqaddasa l-mu'nasa llati dammat jasadahu l-ni zam wa-khuliqa minhii badanuhu l-akram $allii lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallam, Ja-innahii afrl,alu l-biqii'i min ghay,ri khiliifin wa-lii nizii'in; bal hiya afrl,alu mina l-ka'bati wa-mutaqaddimatun 'alayhii jf l-rutba. bal naqala ibn al-' aqfl al-f},anbalf annahii aNal mina 1-'arshi l-' azim .... 125 120 Al-Qurtubi, al-Tadhkira fi alJ.wali l-mauta wa-umilri l-iikhira, ed. Ahmad Muhammad MursI (Cairo, n.d.), I, 83. Al-Qurtubt, Tofstr, VI, 388 sup. Al-Munawt, Fayq.u l-qcdir, III, 533, no. 4230. 121 Al-Saqsinr, Zahrat al-riyaq., MS. 11 sup. Al-Qurtubi, al-Tadhkira, 84-88. 122 Al-SamhiidI, WaJa' al-waJa, I, 73-74. Ibn Zuhayra al-QurashI al-MakhziimI, al-Jami' al-latiJ fi Jaq.li makkata wa-ahliha wa-bina'i l-bayti l-shanJ (Cairo, 1357/ 1938), 18-19. Muhibb al-Din al-Tabarr, al-Qira li-qa~idi ummi l-qurii, ed. Mustafa l-Saqqa (Cairo, 1390/1970), 337: uia-qtiia bnu 'abbiisin: a~lu tfnati l-nabiyyi ~alla usn« 'alayhi wa-sallama min surrati l-arq.i bi-makkata; uia-qiila ba'q.u I-'ulama'i: fihi idhanun bi-annaha llati ajaba min a I-arq.i. wa-min mauq.i'i l-ka'bati d'l.llJ.iyat al-ardu, [a-siira rasillu llahi [~l iuuua l-asla fi l-takwfni, wa-l-ka'inat'l.l taba''I.In lahu. uia-qila: li-dhalika s'l.lmmiya "ummiyyan" Ii-anna makkata 'I.Immu l-q'l.lrawa-tfnat'l.lh'l.l 'I.Imm'l.l 123 I-khaliqati. Ibn Taymiyya, Iqtiq.a''I.Il-~irat, 382. 124 Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kamil fi q.'I.I'aJa'il-rijal (Beirut, 1405/1985), VII, 2480. Ibn Hajar al-IAsqalanr, Lisiins: l-mfzan, VI, 167, no. 585. Ibn al-JauzI, al-Ma'l.lq.il'at, II, 217. 125 Al-Suyutt, Saji'atu l-haram. fi Jaq.li makkata wa-l-madfnati wa-I-lJ.aram, MS Leiden Or. 1526, 227. Comp. al-Zurqant, SharlJ. al-mawahib, VIII, 324-25. Sanctity Joint and Divided 41 Orthodox circles censored in vain the invocations and supplications at the grave of the Prophet.P" But popular belief was persistent in holding that Medina surpasses Mecca in its merits: ol-madino. afr!.alu min makka.127 There was however a special feeling of awe towards Mecca. Some pious people were afraid to commit a sin in Mecca because one perpetrated there was punished by God more severely than elsewhere.P" It was thus wise to settle outside Mecca and to set out towards it in order to perform the prescribed ritual practices.P? The deteriorating political and economic situation in Medina in the period of the Umayyad caliphate is reflected in a prediction of the Prophet in which he foretold that people of Medina would be summoned by their relatives to leave the city and would set out to territories where they would find an easy life (the prediction refers obviously to the conquered territories), but it was better for them to remain in Medina.l '? A significant discussion arose in connection with the interpretation of the luuliih. known as al-imiinu yamiinin. The tradition says that the Prophet pointed with his finger towards Yemen uttering this luulith. Transmitters of the /fadzth were however not unanimous about the place in which the Prophet uttered it. Some of them said that it was uttered Ibn Taymiyya, Iqtiq,a'u I-~irat, 365. Al-Munawt, Fayq,u l-qadir, VI, 264, no. 9185. AI-DaylamI, Firdaus ol-akhbiir, MS Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 173a. Al-Zurqant, Sharh. al-mawahib, VIII, 323. Al'Aynr, 'Umdat al-qiiri; X, 235 inf. Al-Dhahabt, Mizan al-i'tidal, III, 623. Al-Sinjari, Mana'ilJ al-karam, MS fo1.9a-9b. Al-Albant, Silsilat al-alJadithi I-q,a'ffa ... , III, 638, no. 1444: the tradition is marked by Albant as biitil. 128 Al-'AqulI, 'Arf al-tfb, MS Leiden, Or. 493, fo1. 75b. Al-Sinjarf, Mana'ilJ alkaram, MS fo1.8b: wa-ruwiya 'an aM 'amr wa-I-zajjaj min a I-~iifiyya annahu aqiima bi-makkata arba'ina sanatan lam yabul wa-Iam yataghawwat /f l-harom; uia-qiila: inn a mina l-illJadi /f l-horam. an taqiila "kallii wa-llahi" wa- "balii uia-lliihi," And see ibid.: uia-uuqiilu inn a I-dhuniiba tataq,a'afu /fhi kama tataq,a'afu I-lJasanatu wa-inna I-insana yu'akhadhu bi-hammihi /f l-sayyi'iiti bi-makkata wa-Iau kana na'iyan 'anha. And see ibid.: wa-'an 'umara raq,iya lliihs: 'anhu: la-'an uktiti:« sab'fna khatf'atan bi-rukbata alJabbu ilayya min an ukhWa khat!' atan walJidatan bi-makkata. See this tradition recorded by Yaqnt in Mu'jam al-buldan, s,u. rukba. Al-Bayhaqt, Shu'ab al-fman, VII, 570, no. 3729: akhbarana abii 'abd al-ralJman al-sulamf /f dhikri abf 'amrin mulJammadi bni ibrahfma I-zajjaji qata yaqiilu: innahu lam yabul wa-Iam yataghawwat /f l-hnram arba'fna sonatan; kana yakhruju kulla yaumin bi-'umrata khiirija l-haromi fa-yabiilu wa-yataghawwatu, thumma yarji'u, [a-lii yabiilu wa-Ia yataghawwatu illa 'inda dhiilika I-waqti /f I-yaumi I-thanf; see references. 129 Al-Sinjart, Mana'ilJ al-karam, MS fol. l l b: qala I-qaq,f/f "jami'ihi" ba'da l-kaliimi 'ala l-mujawarati, uia-hiidhii l-kaliimu /f I-mujawarati faqat min ghayri sukna, waammii I-sukna wa-l-inqita'u fa-huwa bi-I-madfnati aJq,alu. See the favorable opinion of al-Zamakhshart about dwelling (sukna) in Mecca, ibid., fols. l Ob-Ll a and fo1.12b sup. 1.30 Ibn Tahman, MashyaklJa, 84, no. 32. See references. 'All b. Burhan al-Dtn, alStra al-lJalabiyya, II, 62 inf. Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa uia-l-ta'rtkh, I, 349. Al-Qurtubi, al- Tadhkira, 603. AI-ZabIdI, ItlJafu l-siidoti l-muttaqin bi-sharlii asrtiri ilJya'i 'uliimi I-din, I, 206-207. Al-Mundhirt, al-Targhfb uia-l-tarhib, III, 57, no. 1755; and see no. 1756. Ibn Hazm, al-Muhnllii, VII, 281. 126 127 42 M.J. Kister in Tabuk, according to others when he was staying in Medina. One interpretation has it that the Prophet referred to Mecca and Medina, two cities between Tabuk and the Yemen; according to others the Prophet meant the Ansar: they were of Yerneni origin, they sheltered him in Medina, and helped to spread the religion of Islam. Some scholars argued that the Prophet referred to Mecca: the religion of Islam originated in Mecca and Mecca belongs to the region of Tihama, which is part of the Yemen. Yet a different interpretation says that the people to whom the Prophet referred were in fact those of the Yemen, and he referred to their true belief in Islam.l+' The expansion of Islam and the rise of the Muslim empire encouraged the establishment of local sanctuaries, places of ziyarat, venerated graves and places of ritual practices. The virtue of the conquest of a locality and the fact that one of the Companions of the Prophet sojourned in this place is exposed in the following I}adzth: mii min aluulu: min a~l}abz yamiitu bi-crdir; ilia bu'itha qa'idan - (ya'nz li-ahlihii) uui-niiran yauma l_qiyama.132 A similar idea is inherent in an utterance recorded in FasawI's alMa'rifa wa-l-ta'rzkh,'referring to a pious scholar of tradition: '" sami'tu aM ma'sharin liadhZyarwz'an ibriihima l-nakha'iyyi qiila: mii min qaryatin ilia wa-fZhii man yudfa'u 'an ahlihii bihi, [a-inni la-arjii an yakiina abii wa'ilin minhum.133 As already mentioned, the number of graves of prophets in a city or a locality was a source of pride and served as a measure of its merits. Lists were made of the tombs in every city and province. According to a tradition of Ka'b (al-Ahbar) there are ten tombs of prophets in Tarsus, five in Masisa, a thousand in the fortified cities (thughiir) and sea-coasts of Syria; in Antiochia there is one tomb, of Habib the carpenter; in Hims there are thirty tombs of prophets, in Damascus five hundred; in Filastin there is a similar number. In Jerusalem there are a thousand tombs, in al- 'Arish there are ten, and in Damascus there is also the tomb of Moses.P" Muslim tradition naturally transmitted utterances containing praises of these places; the collections relating to the virtues of these localities were sometimes put together in special treatises of faq,a'il. The Prophet is said to have predicted the military expedition against Khurasan, and enjoined the believers to participate and to settle in 131 Ibn Mandah, al-Imiin, ed. 'All b. Muhammad b. Nasir al-Faqthr (Beirut, 1406/ 1985), I, 523-32, and see editor's comments. Al-'AynI,' Umdat al-qiirf, XV, 192, XVI, 72. Al-Saghant, Mabiiriq al-azhiir, II, 95 sup. Al-Bayhaqt, Ma'rifatu l-sunan wa-l-iithiir, ed. Ahmad Saqr (Cairo, 1390/1970), I, 67 sup., 73 inf., 137 sup. 132 Al-Jarrahi, Kashf al-khafii', II, 193, no. 2243. Al-Munawt, Fay~ al-qadir, V, 470, no. 7994. 133 Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa uia-t-ta'rikh; II, 112; and see references. 134 Al-Mausill, Kitiib al-wasua, V /1, 190. Sanctity Joint and Divided 43 Marw. Marw was built by Dhu l-Qarnayn, who asked God to bless the city. The people of Marw will never be afflicted by any calamityJ35 Among the cities of Persia a high position was accorded to Qazwin, The Prophet predicted that at the "end of the days" there would be people "whose true belief would be blended with their blood and flesh"; they would fight the unbelievers in a city called Qazwin. Paradise would desire them and yearn for them like a she-camel who yearns for her foa1.136 In another tradition the Prophet says that the courageous people dwelling in Qazwin, who read the Qur 'an and fight with their swords, will appear on the Day of Resurrection with their jugular veins dripping with blood. They love God and God loves them. The eight gates of Paradise will be opened for them and they will be allowed to enter by any gate they wish.137 Another tradition says that God watches the people of Qazwln twice every day as they let the sinners go unpunished and accept the good deeds of the beneficent.l " A peculiar tradition says that a man who dwells in Qazwin is superior to one who dwells in one of the two harems, Mecca or Medina.P? In some of the traditions Qazwin is coupled with 'Asqalan: both are marked as the two cities of paradise.v'" Other traditions place Qazwln in another list of paradise cities: Alexandria, 'Asqalan, 'Abbadan and Qazwln.141 A tradition attributed to the Prophet emphasizes the high rank of Alexandria: a person sojourning in Alexandria for three days without harboring hypocritical thoughts will have the same status as a believer from among the Rum and the 'Arabs who worships God for sixty thousand years.142 135 Al-Munawi, Fayq, al-qadir, IV, 130, no. 4774. AI-MuttaqT l-Hindr, Kanz al'ummal, XIII, 2.57, nos. 1418-19. Al-Dhahabi, Mi:zan al-i'tidal, II, 239, no. 3586. Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kiimil, I, 401 inf.-402 sup. But see Abu Ya'Ia, Musnad, I, 39, no. 33: the dajjal will set out from Khurasan; and see ibid. references. Ibn 'Araq, Tanzitu: /·sharl'a l-marfil':«, II, 47, no. 6; and see ibid. the virtues of other cities of Khurasan. Ibn Hajar al-f.Asqalanr, Lisiiri al-mi:zan, III, 120, no. 415. 136 Abu l-Qasim al-Rafi'r, al-Tadwi:n fi dhikri ahli l-'ilmi bi-qazuiin, MS Laleli 2010, 1'01.3a. Al-Munawl, Fayq, ol-qadir, IV, 30, no. 4444. AI-MuttaqT l-Hindi, Kanz al'llmmal, XIII, 253, no. 1399. 137 AI-Rafi'I, al- Taduiin; MS fol. 3a. AI-MuttaqT I-HindI, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 256, 110. 1412. 138 AI-Rafi'T, al-Tadwln, MS fol. 3b. AI-MuttaqT l-Hindt, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 256, 110. 1416. 139 AI-MuttaqI I-HindI, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 257, no. 1417. 140 AI-Rafi'T, al-Tadwln, MS fol. 7a. 141 AI-MuttaqT I-HindI, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 257, no. 1420. But comp. a different list of the minbars of Paradise: Anon., Masa'il 'abdi I-salam li-nabiyyina, MS Hebrew Univ., ColI. S.M. Stern, 34.: Qayrawan, Bab at-abwab, 'Abbadan and Khurasan. 142 Ibn Hajar al-t.Asqalan'I, Lisiin al-mlzan, VI, 219 inf., no. 768. 44 M.J. Kister When the Prophet stated that there were two gates open to Paradise: 'Abbadan and Qazwin, he was asked whether 'Abbadan was not a newly built place; he answered in the affirmative, but added that it was the first place which believed in Jesus the son of Maryam.l+' The lengthy chapter of fa#'il qazwfn in al-Muttaqi al-Hindr's Kanz al-'ummiil144 bears evidence to the wide currency given to traditions concerning the virtues of Qazwin. These traditions give us the opportunity to follow the process of sanctification of a newly conquered locality, and shows how new sanctuary was coupled with well established sanctuaries held in high esteem, often situated in far regions. A frequent tendency in the farJii'illiterature is to restrict or withdraw part of the sanctity of a locality, by attributing similar virtues to smaller places adjacent to a main locality or on the way to it. Judda, a well-known place in the vicinity of Mecca, is recorded as a distinguished locality sharing virtues with Mecca. The Prophet is said to have stated: makkatu ribiitun wa-juddatu jihiidun.145 When a man in a council in Mecca prided himself on being a member of one of the most distinguished councils in the city, 'Abbad b. Kathlr146 said that he was far removed from the virtues of Judda: a prayer in Judda has the value of seventeen million prayers elsewhere, a dirham spent in charity in Judda is worth a hundred thousand dirhams, and good deeds done there are rewarded in the same measure. God will forgive the sins of a man who merely looks at Judda from a distance.l+? The tradition about the four cities of Paradise, Alexandria, Qazwin, 'Abbadan, and 'Asqalan, was duly modified by an additional significant phrase: "and the superiority of Judda to all these cities is like the superiority of the House of God in relation to other houses (wa- farJlu judda 'alii hii' -us: i ka-farJli bayti lliihi l-hariimi 'alii sii'iri l-buyiit.) 148 Some scholars claimed to have read in "books" (i.e., collections of apocalyptic predictions attributed to the Prophet or to pious persons of the first generation of Islam; sometimes these predictions can be traced AI-Rafi'T, al- Taduiin; MS fol. 3a. XIII, 252-57, nos. 1394-1417. 145 Al-Faklhr, Tti'rikh: MS fol. 413b. inf. Ibn Zuhayra, al-Jiimi' al-lati], 81, from al-Fakihl. AI-FasT, Shi!a'u l-qhariim, I, 87, from al-Fakiht. Ibn Fahd, Risiila fZ !af!li judda, ed. 'Abd al-Hasan Mud'ij, in Majallat ma'had al-makhtii.tat al-'arabiyya (al-Kuwayt, 1987), XXXI, 199. 'Abd al-Qadir b. Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Juddr al-Hijazr, al-SilalJ wa-l-'udda fZ ta'rikhi judda, ed. Mustafa l-Hadrt (Damascus-alMadlna al-munawwara, 1408/1988), 78. 146 See Ibn Hajar al- 'Asqalani, Tahdhi:b al-tahdhi:b, V, 100-102, no. 169. 147 Al-Fakihr, Ta'rikh; MS fol. 413b inf. AI-FasT, Shi!a'u l-qhariim; I, 87, from alFakihi. Ibn Zuhayra, al-Jiimi' ol-laii], 81, from al-Fakiht. 'Abd al-Qadir b. Ahmad al-Juddi, al-Siliib. wa-l-'udda, 78-79. 148 AI-MuttaqT l-Hindr, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII,257, no. 1420. 'Abd al-Qadir b. Ahmad al-Juddt, al-Siliil; wa-l-'udda, p. 78. 143 144 Sanctity Joint and Divided 45 back to Jewish or Christian scriptures) that there would be a bloody encounter (mal~ama, between believers and unbelievers) in J udda and the believers killed in Judda would be the best among the martyrs.l+? Some traditions claimed that Hawwa, the biblical Eve, died in Judda and that her grave is there toO.150 The position of the mosque of Quba' was similar to that of the Prophet. There were discussions among scholars whether the verse in t.he Qur'an: al-masjidu lladM ussisa 'alii l-taqwii {siirat al-tauba 108) referred to the mosque of the Prophet or to that of Quba';151 the Prophet was asked about it, according to one tradition, and said that the verse referred to the great mosque of the Prophet in Medina.P? According t.o another tradition the verse of the Quran fihi rijiilun yu~ibbuna an yatatahharu wa-lliihu yu~ibbu l-muitohharina (surat al-tauba 108) refers to the people of Quba' .153 The mosque of Quba' maintained a very high position; traditions traced back to the Prophet say that anyone who prays in the mosque of Quba' and performs the prescribed ritual practices, will be rewarded as if he performed an 'umra.154 One of the Companions of the Prophet stated frankly that he preferred a prayer in the mosque of Quba' to one ill Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis ).155 The Companion Sa'd b. AbI Waqqas is even more outspoken: a prayer of two rak'as in the mosque of Quba' is more to his liking (a~abbu ilayya) than setting out twice towards .lerusalem. The merits of worship in Quba', according to him, are numerous and significant.P" Needless to say, there is a series of other mosques in Medina which are also recorded as virtuous sanctuaries in which the Prophet used to pray and which deserve to be frequented in order to perform prayers and 149 Al-Fakihi, Ta'rikh, MS fol. 414a. Ibn Fahd, Risiila, p. 200, from al-Fakihl. Ibn 0uhayra, al-Jtimi' al-latif, p. 81, from al-Fakihr, AI-FasT, Shifa'u. l-qhcriim, I, 87, from al-FakihT. Ir,olbn Fahd, Risiila, p. 203. 'Abd al-Qadir b. Ahmad, al-SilalJ, wa-l-'u.dda, p. 102. Ifi1See e.g., al-Mausilt, al- Wasfla, V /1, 182. Al-Samhudi, Wafa'u. l-wafa, pp. 250, ~ 14-15, 797-800. Al-'AyyashT, Tafsir, ed. Hashim al-Rasulr I-MaJ:tallatT, (Qumm, 1:171), II, 111, no. 135: sa'altu.hu. 'alayhi l-salamu. 'ani l-masjidi lladlii u.ssis a 'ala l-Laquiti min awwali yau.min [a-qiil«: masjidu. quba' .... Al-Warthflant, Nu.zhatu. 1I1n~arfZ faq,li l-ta'rfkhi wa-l-akhbiir (Beirut, 1394/1974), p. 468. 152 Ibn Abr Shayba, ai-Musannaf, II, 372-73. 153 AI-MuttaqT l-Hindi, Kanz al-'u.mmal, XIII, 228, no. 1271. 'Urnar b. Shabba, 'l'a'rikh. al-madfna al-mu.nawwara, ed. Fahfrn Muhammad Shaltfit (n.p.), I, 48-50. 154Ibn AbT Shayba, al-Musanna], II, 373. AI-Muttaqi l-Hindt, Kanz al-'u.mmal, XIII, 227-29, nos. 1269-70, 1274-83. Al-Samhiidf, Wafa'u. l-uiaf«, pp. 800-806. Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanT, Lisiinu l-mfzan, VI, 324 ult., no. 1157. Al-Warthtlant, Nuzhat al-an~ar, p.468. \ 55 Ibn AbT Shayba, ol-Musanno], II, 373, ult. 156 'Urnar b. Shabba, Ta'rikh, I, 42: Sa'd b. abf uiaqqiis: la-an u.~allffZmasjidi qu.bii'a mk'atayni aliabtn: ilayya min an atiya bayta l-maqdisi marratayni. lau. ya'lamiina ma fZ qu.bii'a la-darabii ilayhi akbiida l-ibil. Al- Warthtlant, Nu.zhat al-an~ar, p. 468. 46 M.J. Kister ritual practices. 157 A similar development by which small sanctuaries around, or on the way to the main sanctuary are given great importance can be observed in Palestine. A place which gained a high position in this way was 'Asqalan. The Prophet named 'Asqalan one of the two brides of Paradise'P" and predicted that seventy thousand martyrs would stand up from the cemetery of 'Asqalan on the Day of Hesurrection.P? The Prophet is said to have promised that these martyrs will be led to Paradise like a bride to her husband.l''" The Prophet says further that there are two tomb-sites that will shine for the people of Heaven as the light of the sun shines for the people on earth: the graves of Baqi' al-Gharqad and those of ,Asqalan.l''! The Prophet urged the believers to stay in 'Asqalan, promising its people security and calm in a time of troubles and contests.P? 'Iradition says that in 'Asqalan there are still graves of the pious and of the successors to the Companions of the Prophet (al-tiibi'un) which remain unknown. 'Asqalan contains the well which Abraham dug with his own hand. There are also utterances of the Prophet as to the merits of 'Asqalan as a ribiit.163 According to a tradition a believer who spends a day and a night in 'Asqalan as a muriibit will die as a martyr (shahZd) even if his death occurs sixty years later and even if he dies in a land of unbelievers. 164 Tabariyya was a distinguished city too. In the vicinity of the Lake of Tabariyya was the grave of Sulayman b. Dawud.165 To the east of the lake are the graves of Luqman and his son.166 In Tabariyya are buried the Companion Abu 'Ubayda b. al-Jarrah and his wife.167 A grave of another Companion, Abu Hurayra, is on the slope of the mountain of Tabariyya.U" Tabariyya has a well which was visited by b. Shabba, Ta'rtkh; I, 57-79. to another tradition the two brides are 'Asqalan and Ghazza. See al-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 250, no. 1384. 159 Ibn 'Adi, al-Kiimil, I, 294 sup. Muhammad b. Hibban al-Bustr, Kitiib almajriilJ,7:n,ed. Mahmud Ibrahim Zayid (Beirut, n.d.), I, 270, III, 58. 160 Abu Ya'Ia, Musnad, I, 160, no. 175. Al-Dhahabt, M7:zan al-i'tidal, I, 330 ult., no. 1245. AI-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal, XVII, 134, no. 426. 161 Al-Mausili, al- Was7:1a,V /1, 193. 162 AI-Muttaqi l-Hindi, Kanz al-"tmmal, XIII, 250, no. 1385, XVII, 133-34, nos. 423-25. 163 See al-Harawi, al-Lshiiriit: ilii ma'ri/ati l-ziyariit, ed. J. Sourdel-Thoumine (Damascus, 1953), p. 32. 164 AI-Muttaqi l-Hindr, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 251, no. 1387. 165 Al-Harawt, al-Lsluiriit, p. 19. The author rejects however this tradition. 166 Ibid., p. 19. The author mentions however that another tomb of Luqman is said to exist in Yemen in a mountain named La'at 'Adan. 167 Ibid., p. 19. The author records other tombs ascribed to Abu 'Ubayda b. al-Jarrah in the area of al-Urdunn or in Baysan. 168 Ibid., p. 19. Other traditions say that his tomb is in Baqi' or in 'Aqlq, or in 158 According 157 'Umar Sanctity Joint and Divided 47 elsa b. Maryam; he is said to have performed a miracle there.169 Outside Tabariyya is the grave of 'Abdallah b. al-'Abbas b.'AlI b. Abt Talib and the mashhad of Sukayna bint al-Husayn.U" The Lake of Tabariyya will playa significant role when the false Messiah (the Dajjiil) will appear; the Dajjiil is said to have inquired about this Lake when he happened to meet some believers.l"! The rod of Moses, the one given him by Jibril when Moses set out for Madyan, and the ark of Adam are at the bottom of the Lake and will be pulled out by the Qii'im when he will be raised.l"? A city distinguished by the most favorable utterances of the Prophet was 'Akka (Acre). Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalanf records the following utterance of the Prophet concerning 'Akka: "There is a city between two mountains named 'Akka. If anyone enters it out of desire for it (raghbatan jfhii), God will forgive him his former and future sins. Anyone who turns away from 'Akka with aversion will not get God's blessing for going away from it. There is a well in 'Akka, named 'Ayn al-baqar; God will fill with light the inside space of anyone who drinks from it. Anyone who pours the water of this well upon himself will remain pure until the Day of Resurrection." 173 A lengthy J;,adfth transmitted by 'A'isha exposes a lucid pattern of the growth of the fa~ii'illiterature. A deputation of the people of Syria came to Yathrib.U" One of them visited 'A'isha; she asked where they were from, and he told her that they were from Syria, from Urdunn, from the region of 'Akka, from the city itself. 'A'isha then lifted the screen which separated her from the people in the room and fell down prostrating herself to God. She lifted her head and said: "I have seen a man from the people of Paradise. Have you drunk from the well of 'Ayn al-Baqar in 'Akka?" When he answered "yes" she asked whether he had noticed the smell of camphor of the water. He said "yes" again and 'A'isha exclaimed "Blessed art thou, blessed art thou" (tubiika, thumma tubiika) and quoted an utterance of the Prophet according to which the ~lu1"fsof Paradise sprinkle camphor from Paradise in the well of 'Ayn al-Baqar. She said that if the man from 'Akka had not been a stranger Yubna, 169Ibid., p. 19. 170Ibid., p. 19. 171 Mughultay, al-Zahr al-basim fi strai aM l-qasim, MS Leiden Or. 370, fol. 158b inf.-159a sup. 172 Al-Mazandarani, Manaqib salman, p. 17. But see al-BustI, al-Majrul}fn, II, 34: the Torah, Moses' rod, and the remainder of the broken Tablets are in Antakia. 173 Ibn Hajar al-IAsqalanr, al-Khi$al al-mukaffira li-I-dhunub, ed. Muhammad Riyad al-Malik (Damascus, 1383/1963), p. 33. 174 Ibn Tahman, Mashyakha, p. 95, no. 43. The Prophet forbade to call the city "Yathrib"; it had to be called "al-Madiria." The Umayyads, however, continued to call the locality "Yathrib" or "al-Muntina." 48 M.J. Kister with whom she was not allowed to be in contact (innaka rajulun lasta minnf bi-malJ,ramin) she would ask him to spit in her mouth, thus hoping to attain Paradise. She quoted the utterance of the Prophet according to which drinking and washing at the well of 'Ayn Baqar, and drinking from 'Ayn al-Fulus in Baysan, or from the well of Silwan in Jerusalem, or from Zamzam in Mecca, will keep a man's body from the fire of Hell. Then she turned to the man from 'Akka and continued to quote the utterances of the Prophet about 'Akka.175 The Prophet said that walking in the streets of 'Akka carries with it more merit than prayer in some mosques. The Prophet touched upon the rewards of those who would be stationed in 'Akka as a military force ready to meet the enemy (al-muriibitiin): he who stayed in 'Akka as a muriibit. for one night would be considered as one who would fight with his spear for the cause of God; he who stayed for two nights would be considered as one who fought with his sword for the cause of God; he who stayed for three nights would be considered as one who came floundering in his blood; he who stayed for forty days would be given seventy Badri warriors and would not forfeit his pay (ajr) neither in this world or in the next one (/f l-dunyii wa-liikhira). 'A'isha attests having heard the Prophet announce that one prayer in the mosque of 'Akka on Friday has the value of eight thousand two hundred prayers elsewhere. In another utterance the Prophet states that Jibril stretches his wing above 'Akka; God guards it with His eye and the city is kept from every damage and harm.176 'Akka is coupled with another city as regards merits of performing ritual practices. The Prophet is said to have stated that two bendings (rak'atiini) in Qaysariyya and 'Akka are more to God's liking than a thousand bendings (rak'a) in Jerusalem.l"? The tradition, obviously a forged one, is a convincing case of the rise and growth of small local religious centers and their rivalry with the established great localities. A tradition in which the virtues of these small centers are emphasized says that the Prophet was asked whether there was a city in Paradise reminiscent of a city in this world. The Prophet stated that there were 175 Al-Mausilt, Wasila V /1, 192, records an additional utterance: "Blessed is he from among my people who saw 'Akka and blessed is he who saw the man who saw 'Akka"; he said it seven times. 176 AI-NazwI, al-Musomnaf, XI, 14-15; and see a fragment of the tradition ib. p. 52. And see al-Mausilr, al-Wastla V/l, 192-193. I am indebted to the late Dr. Suliman Bashear who made available to me a copy of the MS Princeton, Yahudah 4183 (Fa~l If farJ.a'il 'akka) in which this tradition is recorded and which contains many details about the virtues of Acre. He made as well available to me a refutation of the virtues of Acre written by Muhammad b. Muhammad al-Maghribi al-AzharI and entitled: al-Raqfm bi-tal].dMri a'/am a/-bashar min al].adtthi 'akkii. wa-'aynihii. a/-musammii.t bi-'ayni l-baqar (Princeton, MS Yahudah 5923). 177 Al-Mausilt, al- Wasila, V /1, 193. Sanctity Joint and Divided 49 four such cities in Paradise: 'Akka, 'Asqalan, Judda and 'Abbadan. Further the Prophet stressed the special virtues of 'Abbadan: a takMra in 'Abbadan is more meritorious than a thousand bendings (rak'a) in another mosque; he who visits 'Abbadan and who anticipates by this the reward of God (mu1J,tasiban), God will forgive him his sins and will reward him with an 'umra; he who prays two bendings in 'Abbadan will get the reward as if he prayed forty bendings (rak' a) elsewhere and as if he had attended the battle of Badr with the Prophet.l " The case of 'Abbadan serves as an example of the rise of a holy place frequented by ascetics and sufis; a web of miraculous stories and abundant utterances of the Prophet about the virtues of the place enhanced the position of the locality. The sanctity of the isle of 'Abbadan was divulged by Jibrtl himself; he revealed to the Prophet on the night of the mi'raj the unknown details about the creation of the place. The Prophet saw a light on the earth ascending to the sky and asked Jibrtl about it. Jibrtl explained that 'Abbadan was created from four places: from 'fur Stna, from bayt al-maqdis, from the masjid al-hariitri and from the mosque of Medina. Jibril then stated that he who prayed two rak'as in 'Abbadan would be like a man who prayed in the four places. Jibril assured the Prophet that he who visited 'Abbadan and spent one night in it, God would grant him the reward as if he visited Mecca, Jerusalem, 'fur SIna and the mosque of Medina. God would respond to the invocat.ions and supplications in 'Abbadan.F" The story of 'Abbadan is an example of the creation of a combined sanctity based on the blending of well known and venerated elements of sanctity. The firm belief of the Muslim community in the sanctity of the holy places in Islam was weakened to some extent by the orthodox circles t.hemselves who raised considerable doubts as to the soundness of tradit.ions which were widely accepted. A subject of contention of this kind was the problem whether the Prophet did perform a prayer in the mosque of al-Aqsa during his isrii', The scholars were divided in their opinions: some asserted that he had indeed prayed at al-Aqsa, but others denied this, saying that had he prayed there the believers would be obliged to pray in Jerusalem, for they would have to act according to the ritual practice performed by the Prophet; his prayer would have become an obliging sunna.180 As early as in the Umayyad period some members of the ruling family reduced the sanctity of Jerusalem: 'an ibni shihabin: kana sulasnniir: Al-Mausilr, al- Wasfla, V/1, 193 inf.-194. Al-Mausilt, al- Wasfla, V/1, 194. 180 Al-Tabart, Tahdhlb al-iithiir, I (Musnad 'abdal/ah b. al-'abbiis), 443-70, nos. 728-46. AI-TayalisI, Musnad (Hyderabad, 1321), p. 55, no. 411. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jiimi' bay an al-'ilm wa-farf,lihi (al-Madma al-munawwara, n.d.), II, 103. 178 179 50 M.J. Kister b. 'abd al-malik lii yu' azzims: fliyii kamii yu' azzimuhii ahlu baytihi. qiila: Ja-sirtu ma'ahu wa-huwa waliyyu 'ahdin wa-ma'ahu khiilid b. yazfd b. mu'iiwiya .... Khalid b. Yazid said that he had read the Torah and the Book revealed by God to Muhammad, The Rock of the sanctuary of Jerusalem was not enjoined by God to the Jews as qibla in their Scripture; the decision to take the Rock as qibla was a result of an historical development: the Ark of the Sakina (tiibut al-sakfna) was placed on the Rock. When God became angry with the Jews He removed the Ark from the Rock. Then the Jews consulted among themselves and decided to pray in the direction of the Rock and established it as their qibla. Thus the Rock itself had no sanctity at all. Abu l_'A.liya181 could indeed convince a Jew who claimed that the Rock was the qibla of Moses, that Moses prayed in the direction of the Ka'ba; he merely performed the prayer at the Rock: kiina YUi?allf'inda l-sakhra wa-yastaqbilu l-bayt al-horiim, Ja-kiinat al-ka' batu qiblatahu wa-kiinat al-sokhratn: bayna yadayhi.182 Al-'AbdarI records in his al-Madkhal a significant opinion concerning the practice of bad innovations (bid' a) which occurred in some virtuous and distinguished places. The bid' a under consideration was the controversial saliit al-ragha'ib which started in Jerusalem. The virtuous places have no influence on the deeds and practices performed in them: [a-aqiiiu: inna hadhihi ol-souit [i.e., saliit al-ragha' ib 1 shii' at bayna l-niis ba'da l-mi' ati l-riibi' ati wa-lam takun tu'raJu; [a-lajzuhs: hiidhii yadullu 'alii annahii bid' atun. Further he argues: Ja-hiidhii l-laJ~u ay¢an minhu yadullu 'alii annahii bid' atun, idh anna mabda' a fi'lihii ft bayti l-maqdisi diino. ghayrihi. wal-buqa 'u wa-in kiinat mimmii laha Ja¢flatun ft naJsihii Ja-laysa lohii ta'thfrun [ittui hcdathc fthii; wa-lau kiina kadhiilika ladhahaba kathfrun min al-shari' a wa-l-'iyiidhu bi-lliihi, wa-qad lJ,afi~ahii lliihu wa-l-lJ,amdu li-lliihi.183 See Ibn Hajar al-t.Asqalani, Toluihib al-tahdhfb, XII, 143, no. 685. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Badii/i' al-fawCi'id (Beirut [reprint], n.d.), IV, 170 inf.> 171. Additionally the Jew was persuaded of the argument of Abu l-'Aliya by the fact that the qibla of the mosque of the prophet $ali\:l was in the direction of the Ka'ba. The Christians too were not ordered by Jesus to face East in their prayers, nor was such injunction given to them in the Evangelium or in any of their Scriptures. An instructive passage (ibid., pp. 171 inf>- 172 sup.) about the qibla of the Samaritans, a mountain in the district of Nabulus, attempts to prove the worthlessness of their claim that that qibla was enjoined in the Torah. Ibn Qayyim himself checked the text and failed to find the alleged Samaritan qibla in this Scripture. On the qibla of Jerusalem and the attitude of some of the Umayyads towards it; see Suliman Bashear, "Qur 'an II, 114 and Jerusalem," BSOAS, 52 (1989), p. 237; and see the reference in note 158. 183 Al-'AbdarI, al-Madkhal, IV, 267 inf.~268. 181 182 Sanctity Joint and Divided 51 Al-'AbdarI explains that Jerusalem cannot be blamed for the bad innovations. Jerusalem is in fact the third city as to its virtues; Mecca and Medina are superior to Jerusalem in virtue and in these two cities there occurred events which the shari:« is reluctant to accept.P" It is precisely this inferior position of Jerusalem, being third in rank among the dignified cities, that caused Jerusalem to be mindful of the claims of other cities. Such was the case of the competition of Jerusalem with Damascus, which according to some scholars is the fourth sanctuary to which one should set out for ritual practices.J'" In a detailed, comprehensive and exhaustive study, Professor Joseph Sadan subjects the competition between Jerusalem and Damascus to an illuminating scrutiny.V" The pivot of discussion in Sadan's two articles is the location of maqiim nabf miisii: whether it is to be sought in the vicinity of Jerusalem or of Damascus. Sadan dealt with the philological elements and analyzed the arguments of the opponents, basing himself on a huge bibliographical array. Even the indication of the common word al-shiim was heatedly discussed and variously interpreted by different groups. The hadith. qudsi: anii rabbu l-shiimi man a'T"iidahii hi-su'in qa$amtuhu187 "I am the Lord of al-Sham and shall break anyone who wishes it ill" was differently explicated by scholars according to their opinion whether al-shiim refers to the whole territory of Syria or merely to Damascus.l'" In some cases al-shiim was said to apply to .lcrusalern.P? Sadan points out that the treatise of al-Timurtashf (d. 1054 H.), alKluibar al-tiimm fZ J;,udud al-a'T"~iI-muqaddasati uia-jiiastin. wa-I-shiim as well as that of Muhammad b. Habib (d. 1649), Du'T"'T"u l-niziim fZ mahosini I-sham, were both composed at the instigation and encouragement of some official dignitaries in Egypt and in Syria.190 The treatise of Muhammad b. Habib, Du'T"'T"U l-niziirn, which is based Oil Iuulitl, material combined with some historical traditions, reflects the IH1Al-'AbdarT, al-Madkhal, IV, 268 sup. 1 He, ee above, at note 35; and see Muhammad S b. !:Iabib , Durru l-ni~am fI malJasini l-shiim, MS Princeton, Yahudah 1862 (4427), fols. 3b-4a. IHf;.!. Sadan, "Maqiitt: nabf miisii between .!ericho and Damascus: On the History of the Rivalry between Two Holy Places" (in Hebrew), Hamizrab. hehadost, (1979), PI'. '22-38 and idem, "The Conflict Concerning the maqiim nabf miisii in the Muslim Sources" (in Hebrew), Hamizrah heluuiasli (1979), pp. 220-38. 1"7 See this tradition assessed in al-Jarraht's Kashf al-khafii', I, 202, no. 612; and see ilsul.: wa-shtahara ayq.an: wayka umma l-jabiibira man ammaka bi-su'in qasamtutiu, ina-l-khiiiib li-dimashq .... And see Muhammad b. Hablb, Durru l-ni~iim, fol. 6b, I. 3: lliilvu rabbii l-shiimi Iii udfmu f1hii ~ulma l-~iilimi .... 1 HH See e.g., J. Sadan, "Moqiim nabf miisii between .!ericho and Damascus," p. 26. IH!ISee Muhammad b. Hablb, Durru l-ni~iim, fol. 6b, I. 8, qiila rasulu lliihi, qiila llulu: ta'iilii li-l-shiimi wa-huwa baytu l-maqdisi: anti jannatf wa-qudsf wa-~afwatf min biliidf, man sakanaki fa-bi-ralJmatin minnf .... I!IO.!. Sadan, Maqiim nabi"musii, pp. 26-27. ,,,,,I 52 M.J. Kister rivalry between the two religious centers in Islam. Another aspect of the struggle of Jerusalem to gain a proper status in the competition between the holy places in Islam is exposed in an interesting treatise written by Burhan al-Din b. Jama'a (d. 790 H)191 named Kiiiiin: stiqbali l-qiblatayan.192 As in the case of the treatises of Muhammad b. Habib and alTimurtashi, the treatise of Ibn .Iama'a was inspired by a discussion between two scholars as to the qibla of the prophets who preceded the prophet Muhammad; it was held in the presence of a dignitary who got the high rank of combining "the sword and the pen" and "word and deed." The pivot of the dispute was the disparity in the opinions of the two scholars: one of them maintained that none of the prophets of the past (i.e., before the emergence of Islam) turned his face towards the Rock as a qibla except Muhammad. His opponent held the view that all the prophets turned their faces towards the Rock; only Muhammad turned his face towards the Ka'ba.193 Ibn Jama'a states that both scholars have a right to their views. The disputant who claimed that none of the prophets turned his face towards the Rock had in mind, according to Ibn Jama'a, the l},adfth transmitted by Abu l_'.Aliya194 that the Ka'ba is the qibla of all the prophets: alka'batu qiblatu l-anbiya'i kullihim. The one who claimed that all the prophets turned their faces towards the Rock except Muhammad based his opinion on the utterance of the Prophet transmitted by al-ZuhrI195 saying that since .Adam descended on earth God did not send a prophet without appointing as his qibla the Rock of bayt al-maqdis: lam yab'ath allahu mundhu ohbata iidasna u« l-dunya nabiyyan illa ja' ala qiblatahu $akhrata bayti l-maqdis. The tradition of al-Zuhri is indeed transmitted by Yiinus b. Yazid alAylI,196 a faithful student of al-Zuhrt, and is recorded by al-Musharraf b. al-Murajja.P" 191 See C. Brockelmann, GAL, II, 112. And see the fatwa of Burhan al-DIn b. Jama'a on the problem of sama', MS Hebrew University AP. Ar. 158, fols. 11a-20a: hadha su'alun sa'alahu shakhsut: mina l-fuqara'i ghafara llahu lalvu amfn amfn li- maulana qarf,'1I-qurf,atiburhani l-dini bni jama'a taghammadahu llahu bi-ral].matihi ami"n lamma kana khati"ban bi-bayti l-maqdisi wa-dhalika fi sanati ithnatayni wasab''1na wa-sab'imi'atin. 192 MS Hebrew University, Yahudah Col., Ar. 318. 193 MS Yah. Ar. 318, fol. 89a. al-Tabaqiit al-kubra (Beirut, 1377/1957), VII, 112-17. GAS, I, 280-83. 196 See Ibn Hajar al-IAsqalant, TahdMb al-tahdMb, XI, 450-52, no. 869. 197 AI-Musharraf b. al-Murajja, Farf,a'il bayti l-maqdis wa-l-khali"l wa-farf,a'il ol-shiim; MS Tiibingen 1, fol. 36a inf. Mahmud Ibrahlrn, Farf,a'il bayti l-maqdis (Kuwayt, 1406/ 1985), p. 306 (from al-Miknasi's Farf,a'il bayti l-maqdis). Al-Wasitt, Farf,a'il al-bayti l-muqaddas, ed. I. Hasson (Jerusalem, 1979), p. 51, no. 78 (and see the references of 194 See Ibn Sa'd , 195 See F. Sezgin, Sanctity Joint and Divided 53 There are several traditions attributing the virtue of prophethood to Jerusalem or to al-shiini in general. A peculiar utterance transmitted by Damra b. Rabra198 stated: "Never was a prophet sent except from Syria [Sham l; if he was not from Syria, he was moved to Syria": lam yub' ath nabiyyun illa mina l-shiimi, fa-in lam yakun minhii usriya bihi ilayhii.199 The idea that the prophets turned their faces towards the Ka'ba as their qibla was also popular. "Never did God send a prophet without enjoining him to pray in the direction of the Ka'ba. The Jews and the Christians were ordered to do so but strayed from the right path.,,200 A tradition recorded on the authority of 'Urwa says that every prophet performed the pilgrimage to Mecca except Hiid and Salih; Niih too performed the pilgrimage. Hiid was sent by God to perform the pilgrimage, but he was impeded by the troubles of his people and could not carry out his mission. After Ibrahim every prophet without exception performed the pilgrimage to Mecca and performed the rites of the circumambulation of the Ka'ba.201 According to another tradition traced back to Mujahid, seventy prophets performed the hajj to Mecca; among them was Moses clad in a Qatwani woolen striped cloak, and Yunus, who uttered the talbiya: labbayka kiishifa l_kurab.202 the editor). Ibn al-JauzT, Falja'il al-quds, p. 114. 1985ee MTzan al-i'tidal, I, 330, no. 3959. 199 Al-Suyutr, al-Durr al-manthur, III, 112. 200 Al-Suyutt, Saji'at al-haram, MS Leiden, Or. 1526, p. 225 sup.: wa-qad ruwiya: rna ba'atha ilahu nabiyya~ iI/a qfla'iahu: ila I-ka'bati ~allu, wa-anna I-yahuda wa-Inasara umiru biha wa-Iakinnahum 'anha dalli; .... 20i Al-Suyutt, al-Durr al-manthur, I, '129. Al-Sayyid al-BakrT b. al-Sayyid Muhammad Shata al-Dimyati, ['anat al-talibfn 'ala fatlJi alfa~ fatlJi I-mu'fn, II, 277: Illm yab'ath al/ahu nllbiYYlln ba'da ibrahi:ma 'alayhi I-~alatu wa-I-salam ilia lJajja; llIa-l/adhi: sorroho bihi ghayruhu annahu mii min nabiyyin ilia lJajja khilafan Ii-man istaitmii hiidon. wa-~alilJan ... qala l-r olliim« 'abd al-ra'uf: wa-qa'iluhu 'urwatu bnu 1zubayr raljiya lliihi: 'anhuma qiila: balaghanf anna adama wll-nulJan lJajja duna hudin 1lI1l-~alilJin li-shtighalihima bi-amri qaumihima, thummll ba'atha lliihsi ibrahi:mll fa!llljjahu wa-'allama manasikahu, thumma Illm yab'ath al/ahu nabiyyan ba'dahu uts !lIljjllhu. wa-yujabu 'an qauli 'urwata bi-anna I-lJadftha 'ala farlji ~ilJlJatihi mu'araljun bi-lllJadftha kathi:ratin annahuma lJajja, minhii qaulu l-hosani /I risiilatihs anna rasiila Ilt1hi [~l qiila: inna qabra nulJin uia-hiidin. wa-shu'aybin wa-~alilJin /lma bayna 1"ukni wa-I-maqami wa-zamzama. wa-mina I-ma'/iimi annahum 10. ya'tiina I-bayta Ili-ghayri lJajjin .... Further the author discusses the problem whether the prayer in t.he barom of Mecca is permitted, as the locality contains the tombs of the prophets. III! says it is permissible, arguing: wa-Ia tukrahu I-~alatu bayna I-rukni wa-l-maqami Illtl-zamzama tawahhuman min ~adfthi l-hasat: li-kaunihima maqburatan, li-annaha maqburatu I-anbiya'i wa-hum alJya'u /I qubiirihim. The author attempts to prove that the tradition of the Prophet, 10. tattakhidhu qubilra anbiya'ikum masajida, can1I0t. be applied in case of the tombs in the court of the horam. of Mecca. And see IHI.I:l.q b. Bishr, Kitab al-mubtada' (al-juz' al-khamis), MS ;:;ahiriyya 359 (majmu'a), 1"01. 132a. '1II2 Al-Suyutt, al-Durr al-manthur, I, 129. 54 M.J. Kister Another view as to the sojourn of the prophets in Mecca is seen in several traditions stressing that the prophets used to set out to Mecca either when persecuted by their people203 or when their people perished; the prophets then stayed in Mecca worshipping God until they died. Nuh, Hud, Shu'ayb and Salih are buried in the sanctuary of Mecca, between Zamzam and the I,Iijr.204 Ibn Jama'a, aware of the contradiction in the opinions of the two scholars, states that the way chosen by him in his scrutiny is to follow the path of explication which may result in a harmonization; if this is hard to achieve another way should be chosen: the two opinions are to be considered as if they were two buildings in danger of collapse; sound, searching scholars have to be consulted. Ibn Jama'a promises to base himself on the opinions of these scholars and provide a historical outline of the subject chronologically arranged. The first man chosen by God for the rank of prophecy was Adam. We do not know however whether the Temple of Jerusalem existed in his time, except in God's preconceived knowledge, says Ibn Jama'a. It is essential for Ibn Jama'a to establish when the Temple of Jerusalem was built. He quotes Abu Muhammad al-Qasim Ibn 'Asakir who recorded in his al-Musiaqsii fi farJ,ii'ili l-masjidi l-aqsii the opinion of Ka'b al-Ahbar saying that the ancient foundation of the Temple was laid by Sam b. Niih; later Dawiid and Sulayrnan built upon this base. As it is stated in the reliable ~.adfth collection that between Adam and Niih there were ten generations (qurun), the earliest date for the building of the foundation of the Temple was that of Sam b. Nuh. There are however other traditions claiming that some of the sons of Adam laid the foundation of the Temple; another tradition claims that it was the angels who established its foundation after they had built the Ka'ba.205 203 Al-Mausili, al- Wasua, III/2, 309: mii min nabiyyin haraba min qaumihi illii haraba lliihi. bi-makkata fa-'abada lliilu: f!ha batu: miita. 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud b. 'Abd al-Rahrnan al-Marakashi, al-Raud al-mughtanam f! farjli ma'i zamzam, MS Firenze, Biblioteca Laurenziana, Or. 178, fol. 20a: kana l-nabiyyu mina l-anbiya'i idhii kadhdhabahu qaumuhu wa-halakat ummatuhu lahiqa bi-makkata sharrafahii lliihsi fa-ya'budu lliiha f!ha huwa wa-man ma'ahu ~atta yamii.ta. See A. ArazT, "Conflit de preseance entre la Mekke et Medine," JSAI 5(1984), pp. 212-13. 204 Al-'AqiilI, 'Arf al-!fb, MS Leiden Or. 493, fol. 70a: kana l-nabiyyu min a 1anbiya'i idhii halakat ummatuhu lahiqa bi-makkata yata'abbadu f!ha al-nabiyyu waman ma'ahu ~atta l-mauti; [a-miiia biha nii.~ um-hiid wa-shu'ayb wa-~ali~ waqubii.ruhum bayna zamzam uia-l-liijr. Ibn AbT I-Dunya, al-Lshriif f! maniizil al-oshrti], MS Chester Beatty 4427, fol. 80a sup.: 'an ibni "abbnsin: f! masjidi l-huriimi qabriini, qabru shu'ayb mustaqbal al-~ijr wa-qabru isma'u f! l-~ijr. Muhammad b. Yiisuf alGharnatr l-Jiyanl, Tafsir al-bahr al-mu~f! (Cairo, 1328), I, 140: wa-li-dhii.lika summiya wasa!uhii bakkata Ii-anna l-orda bukkat min ta~tihii; uia-khtussat bi-l-dhikr liann aha maqarru man halaka qaumuhu min a l-anbiya'i wa-dufina bihii nii~ wa-hii.d wa-~ali~ bayna l-maqiim wa-l-rukn .... 205 Ibn Jarna'a, Istiqbtil, MS Yah. Ar. 318, fol. 89b. And see Nasir al-Drn b. Khadir, al-Mustaqsii, MS Escorial 1767, fol. 5b: f! muthfri l-gharami 'an abf l-'abbiisi 1- un Sanctity Joint and Divided 55 As to the Ka'ba, the sanctuary existed and was frequented by the people who came either for pilgrimage or for a visit . .Adam performed the I},ajj and the circumambulation of the Ka'ba. According to a tradition recorded by al-Shafi'I in his Umm the angels met Adam on his return from the I},ajj and greeted him with the greeting burra I},ajjuka; they told him that they used to perform the pilgrimage two thousand years before his pilgrimage. Ibn Jama'a quotes other sources as to Adam's stay in Mecca and the ritual practices performed by him, or performed in his time. He is said to have performed forty pilgrimages from India to Mecca on foot (from Tabari's Ta'rzkh). According to another tradition he sojourned in Mecca until his death; he used to circumambulate the Ka'ba seven times a night and five times a day (from al-Azraqi's, Ta'rzkh). Ibn Jama'a emphasizes that these traditions cannot be rejected except by people who assume that the first to build the Ka'ba was Abraham and that it did not exist before him. This opinion is shared by some people in later times, but the majority of scholars opposes it. Ibn Jama'a is of the opinion that the prayer (al-~aliit) was a legally binding practice (kiinat al-saliiis: mashrii: atan) already at the time of Adam, The tradition of Adam's request on his deathbed to have a bunch of grapes from heaven mentions that Adam was washed and clad with a shroud; Jibrll performed the prayer at his grave and he was buried (from 'Abdallah b. Ahmad's Ziyiidiit al-musnad).206 Another tradition says that the angels carried the body of .Adam and placed it at the door of the Ka'ba; then Jibril performed the prayer (from FakihI's Ta'rzkh Makka). A tradition that goes back to Ibn 'Abbas says that Jibril refused to pray on the grave of .Adam, but instructed Shlth to pray on his father's grave thirty tokbiras: five as a prayer (~aliit), twenty-five as a distinctive, supererogatory practice in honor of Adam (taf¢zlan li-iidam) (from Ibn 'Asakir's Ta'rzkh). These traditions, maintains Ibn Jama'a, support each other to establish the fact that the prayer for the dead (~aliit al-janiiza) was mandatory at the time of Adam, He assumes that other prayers were probably established at that period and quotes from the commentary of al-Rafi'I to the Musnad of al-Shafi'I that the morning prayer was the prayer of Adam, the prayer of midday (al-?uhr) was the prayer of Dawud, the afternoon prayer (~aliit al-'a~r) was the prayer of Sulayman, the prayer of sunset was the prayer of Ya'qub and the prayer of the evening ('ishii') was that of Yunus. There are no explicit traditions about the qibla of the pre-Islamic prophets, Ibn Jama'a admits; but he assumes that the qibla of .Adam was the Ka'ba; it was already mentioned earlier, says Ibn Jarna'a, that Adam circumambulated the Ka'ba and performed the quriubi: yajiizu an yakiina banat-hu l-malii'ikatu 206 Ibn .Iama'a, Istiqbiil, fol. 8gb. ba' da binii'i l-bayti bi-idhni lliihi. 56 M.J. Kister pilgrimage to it and it is therefore plausible that he also prayed in the direction of the Ka'ba.207 In a special passage dealing with the qibla of the prophets Ibn Jama'a remarks that there is no explicit mention of the qibla of the prophets who lived in the period between Adam and Abraham, but it is well known that they revered the House, performed the pilgrimage to Mecca, performed the circumambulation, prayed at the House and made invocations there. Stories about the pilgrimage of Nilh , Hiid, Salil; , Shu'ayb and 'Ad are widely circulated. Ibn Jama'a reiterates the tradition about the prophets who moved to Mecca after their people perished and who stayed there worshipping God until their death (see above, notes 203-204). The graves of these prophets are found around the House and it is not far fetched to assume that they faced it in their prayers (fa-muqtarja hiidha alta yub'ada annahum kanu YUljaltuna ilayhi). Additionally AbU l-'Aliya reported that he saw the grave of $alil} with the qibla in the direction of the Ka'ba; that was also the qibla of the grave of Daniyal. As to the question how one can know it, since the tradition says that the Deluge ruined the House and erased it, Ibn Jama'a adopts Mujahid's view according to which the place of the Ka'ba became erased by the flood and hidden, but there remained nevertheless a red hill which the flood did not submerge. People knew that that was the place of the Ka'ba, and those who suffered from ill-treatment used to frequent this spot and mentioned their grievances in their invocations; they were answered and got help. Ibn Jama'a states that this tradition is sounder than the one transmitted by Hudhayfa saying that the House was lifted (rufi' a) and nobody performed the Ij,ajj in the period between Nuh and Ibrahim. (recorded by al-FakihI).208 A later chapter is dedicated to the elucidation of the direction of the qibla of Abraham and his descendants. Abraham, rescued from the ruse and deceit of Namrud in Babil, set out (hajam) to Syria (ai-sham) and settled in the Holy Land (al- arrj al-muqaddasa); he dedicated himself to the worship of God. People of the Book claim that he set up his tent to the East of Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis). In that period Hajar became pregnant and bore his son Isma'Il. Then happened the famous event between her and Sarah, as a result of which Abraham moved Hajar and her son to the wadz of Mecca. Abraham used to visit them from time to time riding the beast named al-Buraq and would return to the Holy Land. We have no information, says Ibn Jama'a, what his qibla at that time was. After he set out to Mecca on the order of God and built the Ka'ba at His order, the Ka'ba became his qibla and that of his descendants; so things continued until the time of Moses. The Muslim 207 208 Ibn Jama'a, Istiqbiil, fol. gOa. Ibn Jama'a, Istiqbiil, fol. gOb. Sanctity Joint and Divided 57 community is unanimous concerning this matter; only the Jews have a different opinion about it. The qibla of the descendants of Abraham seems to have been a subject of controversy. Ibn Jama'a quotes the commentary of al-Wal;tidI in which the suffixed personal pronoun in the word qiblatihim and kanu 'alayha in the phrase: mii wallahum 'an qiblatihim uou kii,nu 'alayhii (Qur'an 2:143) refers to Ibrahim, Isma'Il, Ishaq, Ya'qub and the tribes, because they claimed (falsely) that the qibla of Abraham was the Temple of Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis). But that is not the first case of their slander (this obviously refers to the unbelievers and the People of the Book). Ibn 'Abbas is said to have interpreted the phrase fa-Ia-nuwalliyannaka qiblatan tanJ,aha as referring to the qibla of Ibrahim, i.e., to the Ka'ba. The question of some believers why the faces of the patriarchs in their graves are not turned in the direction of the Ka'ba is answered that they remain in the position in which they threw themselves down at their decease. 209 The traditions about the qibla of Moses are confused. Ibn Jarna'a states that according to what he could gather Moses prayed in the direction of the Rock. Ibn Jama'a mentions a story which corroborates this view: when 'Umar consulted Ka'b al-Ahbar as to where to establish the place of the Aql?a mosque he advised him to put it behind the Rock. In that case the mosque would combine two qibla: that of Moses and that of Muhammad. 'Umar rebuked him, accusing him of trying to imitate the Jewish ritual practice. A different tradition says however that Moses' qibla was the Ka'ba. Some scholars championed this tradition, interpreting in this way the verse uia-kadhalika ja'alnakum ummatan wasatan [Qur'an 2:143]. Ibn Jama'a considers the two opinions plausible, as Moses revered both the Temple and the Ka'ba. His reverence of the Ka'ba is proved by the fact that he performed the pilgrimage to the Ka'ba. The reverence of the Temple can be deduced from the fact that before his death he prayed that he might be brought close to the Holy Land to a "stone-throwing" distance. A third opinion says that Moses observed the prayer towards the Tent of the Time (qubbat aI-zaman) also called the Tent of the Covenant (qubbat al-' ahd) which God ordered to make from wood of shamsluid and to embellish it with gold, silver and silk. After the death of Moses, when Yusha' b. Nun took control of Jerusalem, he put the Tent on the Rock; he and the people of Israel prayed in the direction of the Tent and they were followed in their practice by succeeding generations. When the Tent was worn out after long use people prayed in the direction of the Rock, the spot where the Tent had been placed. Ibn Jama'a points out that it is obvious that this way of prayer was 209 Ibn Jama'a, Istiqbal, fols. 90b-91a. 58 M.J. Kister observed according to a revelation of God; were it not so the Prophet would not have agreed with praying in the direction of Jerusalem. The Rock thus remained the qibla of the prophets who dwelt in the Holy Land (al-arrf, al-muqaddasa); but these prophets revered the Ka'ba as well and performed the pilgrimage to Mecca. Ibn Ishaq stated that after Abraham all the prophets sent by God performed the pilgrimage to Mecca. Many sources report the pilgrimage of Moses, Jesus and Jonah (Yunus): in some reports the talbiyat of the prophets are recorded.U" Ibn Jama'a dedicated a lengthy passage to the discussion of the qibla of the Prophet in the various periods of his prophetical career and provided a scrutiny of the different traditions concerned with this subject. It is the unanimous opinion of the scholars of Islam that God combined the two qiblas for the Prophet. The differences between them refer to the particular circumstances (kayfiyya) of the event. According to the opinion of Ibn 'Abd al-Barr (al-Qurtubr), the Prophet prayed during the period of his stay in Mecca in the direction of the Ka 'ba When he went out to Medina on his hijra, he prayed in the direction of Jerusalem. Later he turned to the Ka'ba and prayed in the direction of the Ka'ba. Thus the abrogation of God's injunction as to the qibla took place twice. AI-Tabari records in his TaNir the opinion of Ibn Jurayj stating that the Prophet prayed during the first period in Mecca in the direction of the Ka'ba, and then turned away from it (~urifa 'anha) towards Jerusalem. The Ansar thus prayed in Medina towards Jerusalem for three years. AlTabari also records the opinion of Qatada saying that they prayed for two years towards Jerusalem. When the Prophet arrived in Medina after his hijra they prayed with him towards Jerusalem; then they changed direction and prayed towards the Ka'ba. Ibn Jama'a expresses his reservation: the majority of scholars assume that the Prophet prayed in Mecca only in the direction of Jerusalem. He used however to perform the prayer between the Yam anI Column and the Black Stone (bayna l-rukni l-yamanf uia-l-luijari l-aswad); in this position the Ka'ba was in front of him and the person behind him could think that he prayed towards the Ka'ba. There is, however, the possibility, says Ibn Jama'a, that he did it out of preference for facing the Ka'ba, since the Ka'ba was the qibla of his ancestor Ibrahim, and in order to gain the sympathy of Quraysh (li-kauniha qiblata abfhi ibriihima wa-ta'allufan li-qurayshin). When the Prophet came to Medina - in which it was impossible to combine between the two qiblas - he prayed in the direction of Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis) in order to gain the sympathy of the Jews. When he realized that they did not abstain from their wrong course he turned while praying in the direction of the Ka'ba. 210 Ibn Jama'a, Istiqbiil, fol. 91a-b. Sanctity Joint and Divided 59 The scholars who adopted these opinions differed as to the question of what caused the Prophet to turn towards Jerusalem in his prayer while he was staying in Medina. Some of them assumed that it was a firm decree imposed on the Prophet (lJ,atman); this is indicated by the verse uia-mii ja' alna l-qiblata llat'i kunta 'alayha (Qur'an 2; 144). Another group of scholars assumed that God granted the Prophet the option between the two qiblas at his arrival in Medina. Others say that he was given the free choice of the four sides and was permitted to turn in his prayer in whatever direction he wanted, and he opted for the Temple of Jerusalem (fa-khtara bayta l-maqdisi). Later he turned to the Ka'ba. As evidence for this opinion, Ibn Zayd quoted the verse wa-li-llahi l-mashriqu wa-lmaghribu fa-aynama tuwallu fa-thamma wajhu tui« (Qur'an 2:115) There is now general consensus that members of the community should turn their faces towards the Ka'ba, except in the case of great fear or when one performs a supererogatory prayer (nafila), as is indicated in the books of fiqh. Scholars were unanimous as to the verse dealing with the change of qibla: qad narii taqalluba wajhika fi l-sama'i (Quran 2:145), but they differed as to the date of the revelation. Some of them gave as the date of the revelation Rajab of the second year of the hijra; others established the date as Sha'ban of that year. That was the reason why some doubts were raised as to the length of period during which the Prophet prayed in Medina in the direction of Jerusalemwhether it was sixteen or seventeen months. Ibn Abr Hatim assumed that he prayed in the direction of Jerusalem for seventeen months and three days and that the change of qibla took place in the middle of Sha'ban. Al-Waqidi stated that it happened on a Tuesday. As to the time of the change, there are different traditions: some say that the first prayer in Medina in the direction of the Ka'ba was the afternoon prayer (al-' aF) - this is the tradition recorded in al- Bukhari's $alJ,fl;,on the authority of al-Bara', Others say that the revelation of the change was granted before the midday prayer (al-?uhr) and that that was the first prayer performed in the direction of Mecca - this tradition was recorded by al-Nasa'I on the authority of Abu Sa'Id b. alMu'alla, A third tradition says that the revelation was released after the first two rak'as of the midday prayer were performed by the Prophet (wa-qad sollii rasiih: llahi sollii usn« 'alayhi wa-sallam mina l-zuhri rak'atayni) in the mosque of the Banii Sulayrn; the believers in the mosque turned around (istadaru) and the Prophet completed the prayer with them. Therefore, the mosque of the Banii Sulaym was called masjid al-qiblatayn.211 211 Ibn Jama'a, Istiqbiil, fo1. 92a. 60 M.J. Kister Ibn Jama'a finally touches upon the interpretation of the tradition recorded on the authority of al-Zuhri after finishing the treatise of "Facing the Two Qiblas" ("Kitiibu stiqbiili l-qiblatayn") written in haste. The tradition saying that all the prophets prayed in the direction of the Temple of Jerusalem cannot be explicated in the way conceived by al-Zuhrt, It has to be interpreted in connection with the tradition of the isrii', During this event, all the prophets were gathered for the Prophet and he headed the prayer; they stood behind him. This event took place before the hijra and, of course, before the change of the qibla. In connection with the Prophet's prayer during the isrii', Ibn Jama'a notes the tradition recorded in the Mustaq~ii according to which the Prophet performed the prayer standing to the north of the Rock (waqafa min shiimi l-~akhra); in this way he combined the two qiblos. That, remarks Ibn Jarna'a, does not invalidate the claim that the Prophet was enjoined to pray in the direction of the Temple of Jerusalem and that all the prophets prayed behind him. This problem of facing the two qiblas belongs to the problems of transmitted lore (al-masii'il al-naqliyya) and cannot be treated by logical analysis (llatz Iii tnajiila li-l-' aqli fihii). Ibn J ama'a ends the treatise by calling for a cautious approach to the lJ,adzth and by urging that the soundness of the transmitted traditions be established. The attempts to raise Jerusalem to a position of importance comparable to other religious centers in the Muslim empire are reflected in some reports and stories depicting the marvels of Jerusalem in ancient times, relating the tales of the prophets in Jerusalem and virtues of the holy places in this city, and recording the utterances of the Prophet about its virtues. The unfortunate conditions in Medina are reflected in the following report: Medina was in a sad situation at the Prophet's arrival (on his hijra-k). The report says that the people of the city were in a poor state: they did not ride horses, nor did they gain booty. After the arrival of the Prophet, they obtained sufficient means of subsistence. It is evident that the improvement in the economic situation in Medina was due to the raids and expeditions of the Prophet's troops against the hostile tribes.212 The superiority of Jerusalem to Medina is reflected in the following utterance of the Prophet, issued by him after his return from his nocturnal journey isrii' to Jerusalem. When 'Imran b. Husayn expressed his 212 Al-Sarnarqandi, Tajsir, MS Chester Beatty 3668, I, fol. 277b: wa-dhiilika anna 1nabiyya, ~allii lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallam, qadima l-madlnata wa-kiina ahlu I-madlnati fi shiddatin min 'ayshihim Iii yarkabuna l-khayla wa-lii yal],uzuna l-qhanimata [a-lammii qadima I-nabiyyu l-truuiinata staghnau. Sanctity Joint and Divided 61 high opinion about the beauty of Medina, the Prophet remarked: "But what if you had seen Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis)? And how not, added the Prophet, as everyone in this city is visited, but does not set out to visit [other places-k]; the souls al-arwiilJ, are dispatched to Jerusalem, but the soul of Jerusalem is directed only to God." God honored Medina, said the Prophet, and made it pleasant by his stay in this city. "I shall stay in it, [i.e., in Medina-k] he said, in my lifetime and after my death. Were it not for this reason, I would not have performed the hijra from Mecca [sci1. to Medina-k], as the moon in Mecca looks more beautiful than in any other place.,,213 The stories about the virtues of the sanctuary of Jerusalem were embellished by the legends of the building of the Temple by David and Solomon and the miracles witnessed by the people during the centuries on the Temple precincts and on the Rock.214 Several stories record the discussions between the Jews and the Muslims as to whether Jerusalem surpassed Mecca or whether Mecca surpassed Jerusalem in virtues and distinctive features. The Jews claimed that the Temple surpassed the Ka'ba in excellence and greatness (wa-qiilat al-yahudu: baytu l-maqdisi aJ4alu um-n' zamu. mina l-ka'bati) because it was the place of refuge of the prophets (muhiijar al-anbiyii') in the Holy Land; the Muslims stated that the Ka'ba surpassed the Temple in excellence.P!" It was in connection with disputes of this kind that God revealed the verse: Surely the first House founded for mankind is that at Bacca, abounding in blessings and a guidance for all peoples.r!" God created it two thousand years before He created earth.217 The following widely circulated utterance of the Prophet seems to have been a final solution to the question under discussion: the first House created by God for worship was the Ka'ba; and forty years later the Temple in Jerusalem was built.218 The high position of Jerusalem is reflected in another utterance of the Prophet, in which he allotted to Jerusalem the second place in rank after Mecca; Jerusalem follows Mecca as a sanctuary and is not preceded by any other holy place. The Prophet is said to have stated: ~aliitun fi 213 Shams al-Dt al-Suyfitr, Itl}ii./ al-okhissii, I, 99. 214 See e.g., al-Wasitr, Faq,ii.'il, pp. 6-11, 19-20. 215 See al-Martzr, Kitii.b fihi dhikru mii. warada fi bunyii.ni l-ka'bati l-muaHama, MS Leiden Or. 560, fo1. 165a; and see al-Saqsmi, Zahrat al-riyii.q" MS Hebrew Univ. Yah Ar. 571, p. 221. 216 Qur'an 3:97. 217 See al-Tabari, Tajsir, ed. Shakir, VII, 19-22; and see al-Bayhaqt, Shu'ab al-fmii.n, VII, 542-43, no. 3697. 218See al-Tabarr, Tajsir, VII, 22, no. 7434; Diya' al-Din al-Maqdisr, Faq,ii.'il, p. 47, no. 13; al-Bayhaqt, Shu'ab al-imii.n, VII, 541, no. 3696 (and see ib., p. 542, notes); al-Suyutr, Fii.kihat ol-sau], p. 213; al-Tahawr, Mushkil al-iiihiir, (Hyderabad, 1333), repr., I, 32-33. 62 M.J. Kister bayti l-maqdisi khayrun min alfi saliitin. fi ghayrihii illa l-ka'bata.219 This utterance is obviously a transformation of the utterance saliitus: fi masjidr hadhii afrl,alu min alfi ~alatin fima siwahu mina l-masajidi illa l-masjida l-hariima. 220 It was probably current and widely circulated in the early period, when the journey to the distinguished mosques was recommended only to the two sanctuaries: Mecca and Medina.P! Jerusalem, put in place of Medina, could take pride in spots of unsurpassed sanctity like the Rock which God had chosen as His throne and from which He ascended to Heavan.222 On this Rock, God will judge mankind (on the Day of Judgment-k) and on this Rock, the Scales will be placed. Jerusalem gained its high position concurrently with the decrease in the authority of Medina. Orthodox scholars admitted that Medina had surpassed other centers of knowledge of the prophetic tradition until the period of Malik b. Anas. But already in the first period of Islam the great majority of the Companions left Medina and settled in different regions of the Islamic Empire. They created new centers of knowledge which did not lag behind Medina.223 Ibn Hazm was outspoken on the subject of the ijma' of the scholars of Medina: people of Basra, Ktifa, Syria, Mecca and Yemen adopted the tradition of the Prophet from his Companions. They transmitted the traditions of the Prophet told by the Companions of Medina who either emigrated to other cities or remained in Medina. The Qur'an is one, and is the same both in Medina and in other places; the sunan of the Prophet are well know in Medina and outside Medina. The people in the various localities of the Muslim Empire are as knowledgeable as those of Medina. Ibn Hazm further stresses that Malik, Shafi'f and Abu Hanifa did not practice taqlrd, nor did they bid anyone to imitate the sunna of Medina or of any other place.224 It is against the background of these ideological contentions that there grew the tradition of the virtues of Jerusalem and arose the inquisitiveness as to the change in the direction of the prayer and the 219Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa uia-l-ta'rikh; II, 292-93; al-Khattb al-Baghdadi, al-Rihla fi talabi I-I].adfth, ed. NUr al-Drn 'Itr (Beirut, 1395/1975), 134-38. 220 See e.g., al-Munawt, Fayg, IV, 226-27, nos. 5104-5108 with different versions of the hadfth. 221See note 3 above. 222 See Diya' al-Din al-Madisl, Faga'il, 57-59, nos. 27-33. 223 See e.g., Ibn Taymiyya, fiil].l].at u~ul madhhab ahli l-madfna, ed. Ahmad Hijasi l-Saqqa (Cairo, 1988), 44, 48. 224Ibn Hazm, al-Il].kam fi u~uli l-al].kam, ed. Muhammad Ahmad 'Abd al-'Aziz (Cairo, 1398/1978), 1139-47. Sanctity Joint and Divided 63 sojourn of the prophets in Jerusalem, as exposed in the treatise of Ibn Jama'a, the preacher of the Aqf?a. The treatise of Ibn Jama'a concerning the direction of the prayer of the Prophet and the tale of the Rock was preceded by a significant treatise by a preacher in the Aqsa mosque, Abu Hafs 'Umar b. Badr alMausili (d. 627 AH). In a series of concise assertions, the author refuted the validity of prophetic traditions relating to various topics of beliefs, tenets, religious practices and ritual prescriptions. The subjects refuted in the treatise are usually preceded by a headline: ... Iii ya~ilJ,lJ,u hiidhii fi l-biibi 'an rasuli lliihi ~alla llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam shay' un. The short treatise entitled al-Mughnf 'ani I-lJ,if? wa-I-kitab (Cairo, 1342), was "absorbed" by Majd aI-DIn Muhammad b. Ya'qub alFayruzabadi, the author of the Qamus (d. 1175 AH) wrote a critical commentary on the last chapter of Fayriizabadi's Sifr ol-so' ada, entitled al- Tankii um-l-ijiida fi takhrfji alJ,adfthi khiitimati sifri l-sa: ada (ed. Ahmad al-Barza [Beirut, 1407/1987]). Another scrutiny of the treatise of 'Umar b. Badr al-Mausilr al-Hanafi was written by Husarn al-Dl alMaqdisI and entitled, Fasl al-khitiib bi-naqdi kitabi l-muqhni ' ani I-lJ,if?i um-l-kitiib, The book was edited as a critical edition with an introduction and abundant comments and references by Abu Ishaq al-Huwayni al-Athari ~ijazI b. Muhammad b. Sharif (Beirut, 1405/1985). The treatise of 'Umar b. Badr al-Mausili, the preacher of the Aqsa mosque, contains a significant passage with which we are concerned here. This passage was, of course, transmitted in the treatises mentioned above and thoroughly commented upon: Biib faq,a'il bayti l-maqdis uia-l-sokhra uia-t asqaliin waqazuiin. qiila l-musanni]: lii ya~ilJ,lJ,u hiidhii l-biibi shay'un fi 'an rasiili sallii lliihn: 'alayhi wa-sallam ghayra ihaliithati alJ,adftha fi bayti l-maqdis, ahaduhii: "la tushaddu l-rilJ,alu uta u« thalathati masiijida," uia-l-iikharu annahu su'ila 'an awwali bay tin wuq,i' a ff l-arq,i [a-qala: "al-masjidu lhariimu:" thumma qua "miidhii?" qiila: "al-masjidu l-aqsii." qua: "karn kana baynahuma?" qiila: "arba'una 'iiman." wal-iikhiru: "inna l-saliita fihi ta'dilu sab' ami' ati saliitin. ,,225 tuu« 225 'Umar b. Badr al-Mausilr, al-Mughnf 'ani I-I}if~ uia-l-kitiib, 25; al-Fayruaabadt, Sifr al-sa'ada (Beirut, 1398/1978), 149; Ibn Himmat , al-Tankit wa-I-ifiida, 53-63 (with the head line: biib fatf.a'il bayti I-maqdis uia-l-sakhra um-i asqaltin. uia-qazuiin. wa-I-andalus wa-dimashq); al-Huwayni, Kitab [asl ol-khiiiib bi-naqdi kitiib al-muqhru 'ani I-I}if~i uia-l-kitiib, 42-45. 64 M,]. Kister Authors of collections of weak and forged traditions did not refrain from severe censure of the l},adfths about the virtues of Jerusalem and the Rock. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya (d. 751 AH) marked in his al-Maniir al-munf/ if l-$al},fl},wa-l-q,a'f/ all the traditions in praise of the Rock as deliberately invented lies. The footprint in the Rock is an obvious lie, invented by forgers in order to increase the number of visitors to the place. The most favorable thing which may be said about the Rock is that it was the qibla of the Jews. It corresponds in its location to the Sabbath in time; God gave the Muhammadan people the Ka'ba in exchange: ... kullu l},adfthin /f l-sakhrati /a-huwa kadhibun wa-l-qadamu lladhf ifhii kadhibun mauq,ii'un .... muftaran, . . . wa-ar/a'u shay'in if l-$akhrati annahii kiinat qiblata lyahiidi, wa-hiya if l-makiini ka-yaumi l-sabti if l-zamiini; abdala llahu bihii hiidhihi l-ummata l-mul},ammadiyya l-ka'bata l-bayta l-l},ariima.226 The author records some sound traditions about Jerusalem (ibid., p. 86, nos. 159-161). However, he assesses as "confused" the tradition recorded by Ibn Majah, according to which the prayer in al-Aq~a has the value of fifty thousand prayers in another mosque.227 Ibn Qayyim considers the tradition about the isrii' to Jerusalem, the tying of the Buraq to the door of the mosque and the mi'riij from the mosques as sound traditions.v" Ibn Qayyim marks also the tradition saying that the believers will seek protection from Yajuj and Majuj in the sacred precincts of Jerusalem, as a sound one.229 The severe verdict of the collections of forged traditions on the /aq,a'il of Jerusalem, Hebron, Acre and other places in the Holy Land did not stop the incessant flow of these larJ,a'il. The lengthy chapter on the virtues of the holy places in Jerusalem in the work of Jalal al-Din al-Suyutl (d. 911 AH), Fiikihat al-$ayl wa-anfs al-rJ,ayl [pp. 213-25]' the abundant quotations on the virtues of the sanctuaries in Jerusalem recorded in his al-Durr al-manihiir If l-tofsir bi-l-ma'thiir bear evidence to the vitality of these traditions. 226 Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, al-Maniir, ed. Ahmad 1988), 85, nos. 156-7. 227 Ibid., 86, no. 162 ... wa-huwa tuuiitliut: miuitarib 228 Ibn Qayyim, ibid., 87, no. 164. 229Ibn Qayyim, ibid., 87, no. 165. 'Abd .... al-Shafl (Beirut, 1408/ Sanctity Joint and Divided 65 At the end of the ninth century, MujIr al-D'in al-'UlaymI al-Hanbali (d. 928 AH) wrote his comprehensive work al-Uns al-jalzl bi-ta'rikhi 1qudsi wa-l-khalU.23o The work is indeed a treasure of traditions on the virtues of Jerusalem and Hebron. But despite the revival of the traditions in praise of Jerusalem, conditions in the Aql'!a mosque in the eleventh century AH, as described by Abu l-Fath Shams al-Din al-Dajjani al-QudsI al-Shafi'I in his treatise Jawiihir ol-qalii' id fi [adli l-masajid,231 were rather gloomy and disheartening. The recent revival of research on the historical, social, and religious aspects of the customs, beliefs and ritual practices in the early Islamic period and the incessant flow of editions of early Arabic sources may bring about a revaluation and an elucidation of some hitherto overlooked or insufficiently scrutinized details concerning the ideas on holy places in the first centuries of Isiam and their development during the following centuries. 230 (,Amma.n, 1973), see the detailed indices of the book prepared by Ishaq Miisa al-Husaynt, Hasan 'Abd al-Rahman al-Silwadi, Munlra Muhammad al-Daghlawl and Muyassar lsma't Ghannarn (Jerusalem, 1988). 231 Edited by MOBhe Perlmann, IDS 3 (1973), 261-92. 

Mecca and Tamim.pdf MECCA AND TAMIM (ASPECTS OF THEIR RELATIONS) BY M. J. KISTER Jerusalem The history of Tamim in the times of the Jihiliyya is of special importance.Informationabout Tamimin Arabiansourcespoint clearlyto the close relationsof the leadersof Tamimwith the kings of al-Hira.But there was another centre as well, with which Tamim was closely connected: it was Mecca.It maybe venturedto say that Tamimplayeda considerablerole in the history of Mecca in the times of the Jdhiliyyaand were quite helpful in the establishmentof the dominantposition of this city in the tribal society of the Arabianpeninsula. The examinationof the contactsbetween Meccaand Tamimmay shed some light on the origin of the "tribalcommonwealth" underthe leaderof Meccaand on the ways of Meccandiplomacyin its tribalenvironship ment. A scrutinyof these data may lead to a revision of some opinions about the relationsbetweenMeccaandthe tribesand to an elucidationof some events during the period of the struggle between the Prophet and Mecca. The discussion of the relations between Mecca and Tamim may be preceded by some remarksabout the relationsbetween the Arab tribes and al-Hiraat the end of the sixth century. The second half of the 6th centurywas a period of fundamental chanin the relationsbetween the tribes of North-EastArabiaandal-Hira. ges The defeat of the forces of al-IHira, who took part in the raids against tribes and fought in the inter-tribalencounters-undermined the prestige of the rulers in the opinion of the tribes. Privileges of guarding of caravansgrantedto some chiefs causedjealousyand conflictbetween the tribes andled to clashesbetweenthem. Discontentedtribesrose in rebellion againstal-Hira.Raids on caravansof the rulersoccurredfrequently JEsHo, VIII II3 8 114 M. J. KISTER and roads of commerce became unsafe; the rulers of began to al-.Hira lose control of the commercialroads and their prestige dwindled. The weaknessof the rulersof and their Persianmasterswas apparent; al-.Hira took partin some battleson the side troops of the Persiangarrisonswho of the loyal tribes were defeated. A case of this kind is recordedby alBalddhuri. Bakru 'AmribniTamimin 'ald Wa-aghdrat bnuWd'ilin BanZ yauma ndsun al-Asdwirati, Banif wa-ma'ahum min 1-Salibi fa-hazamathum ra'sa Tar7fun '1-Asdwirati, 'Amrin,wa-qatala fa-qdla: Wa-lauld nisd'u 'ttirddi bi-1-Salibi bayna lasuwwiqat: undsin Durnd wa-Bdriqi "Andthe Bakrb. Wd'ilattacked Banii'Amr(of Tamim)at the the "Day of al-Salib". Withthemwere men from the Asdwira. The Banif'Amrdefeated themand Tarifkilledthe chief of the Asdwira said: and it Were not mydriveat al-Salib-therewouldhavebeendriven womenof men betweenDurndandBdriq" 1). to by Equipment supplied the Persians loyaltribeswastakenas booty the victorioushostiletribes2). by the of Meanwhile disintegration the Persian Empireat the end of the musthavebeenfelt at al-Hira. 6th century the Al-Nu'mdn, last rulerof with the Arabsand it is plausible seemsto have sympathised al-.Hira, havecomein touchwithsomeleaders tribes, of thathe might attempting to makecommoncausewith the strongtribes.In an apocryphal story the followingsayingis attributed al-Nu'mdn: to innamd rajulun minand wa-md malaktu bi-makdnikum yutakhawwafu wa-innamd min kum, wa-'azaztu ... anna md niahiyatikumli-ya'lama 'l-'Araba'aldghayri .annaau.haddatha of stressed factthatthe dynasty Lakhm the nafsahu...3). N6ldeke rightly i) al-Baladhuri:Ansib, ms. f. IoI5b. z) See Naqd'id, p. 581: wa-kinatBakruntahtayadi Kisra wa-Fdrisa. Qdla:fa-kdnf7 min 'indi 'dmili 'Ayni 'I-Tamri...etc. wa-yujahhi-zfnahum. yuqawwimznahurm Fa-aqbalzr ("Bakr were under the control of Kisrd and the Perisans. They used to strengthen them and to equip them. They came from the governor (of Kisrd) of 'Ayn al-Tamr... "). 3) Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi: al-'Iqd al-faridI, I69. MECCA AND TAMIN 115 seems to have become too independentin their attitude for Kisrd 1). Rothstein quotes a passage from al-Dinawariin which Kisra is said to have arguedthat he killed al-Nu'man becauseal-Nu'min andhis family made common causewith the Arabs2). According to a tradition,recorded by Abu 'l-Baqd',Kisrdintendedafterthe death of al-Mundhirto send a Persiangovernor with i2,000 Asawirato al-Hira.He changedhis mind and decided to appoint one of the children of al-Mundhirafter a talk with 'Adiyy b. Zayd3). Poetry of the Jihiliyya fairly reflectsthe resistance of the tribesto foreign rule; poets praisetheirclans that they fought the kings 4) and killed them 5). Al-Nu'mdnn must have been aware of chaos in the Persian Empire and of the rise of the power of the Arab tribes and might have planned a new line in his policy which did not accord with Persian interests. There must be a grain of truth in the suspicions of Kisra. It seems that the dynasty of Lakhm was abolished becauseit could not be trusted. The Lakhmidsbecameunableto secure the ways of commerce.They failedto preventthe Arab tribesto raidthe territoriesof the PersianEmpire. Nidldekesuggests that the abolition of the dynasty of Lakhm facilitated the raidsof the territoryof by the Arab tribes6). Brockelmann considers the defeat of the al-.Hiraforces at Dhii Qdr as a consePersian quence of the abolition of this dynasty7). Levi della Vida assumesthat "with the fall of this bufferstate the door was opened to Arabiansfor invasion" 8). But the door was in fact opened to Arab invasion because of the decline of the PersianEmpireand of the rise of power of the Arab T. N61ldeke:Geschichte Perseru. Araber,p. 332z, I. der n. Rothstein: Die Dynastieder pp. Lahmiden, II16-I 7. Abi 'l-Baq"': Mandqib, f. io6a. ms. See Levi della Vida: Pre-IslamicArabia (The Arab Heritage),p. 50. See al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr:NasabQuraysh z6: I, sab'atan Al-qdtilinaminal-Manddhiri ft 'l-kahfifauqa wasa'idi1-rayvhni are (said in praise of the BanaIHarmala.The al-Manddhira explained as "al-Nu'min b. al-Mundhirand his kin"). 6) T. Noldeke, op. cit., ib. 7) C. Brockelmann:Historyof theIslamicPeoples,p. 8. 8) Levi della Vida, op. cit., p. 1i. I) z) 3) 4) 5) II6 M. J. KISTER tribes. Persiangarrisonswere not able to prevent the raidsof the tribes and Persiantroops were defeated by troops of Arab tribes. The Arab tribes, disappointedby the policy of al-Hiraand Persia,and aware of the weakness of the client kingdom began to look for a body politic of theirown with a competentleadership.This was createdby the association,basedon common emergenceof a new idea of an eqalitarian interest: "The Commonwealthof Mecca". The traditionsabout this period of the establishmentof the power of Mecca, although scanty, give us a rough idea of the stages of this development. A concise account of Muhammadb. Salldm1) furnishesan introduction the problem. The Quraysh were merchants.Their trade did not, however, exceed the boundaries of Mecca. The foreign merchants and brought their merchandise the merchantsof Meccasold the waresto the inhabitantsof Mecca and the neighbouring tribes. Such was their trade till Hdshim b. 'Abd Mandf went to Syria and alighted (in the territory) of the Emperor (Qaysar). He slaughteredevery day a sheep and prepareda broth with crumbledbreadfor the neighbouringpeople. Thus he gained his nickname"Hdshim","the crumblerof the breadin the broth" 2). (His name was in fact 'Amr.) He was invited by the Emperor and used to visit him. When he realisedthat he had gained his favour, he asked him to give the merchantsof Mecca a letter of safe conduct for themselves and their merchandise. They would bring leathersand clothes from the Hijdzto Syria,which would be cheaperfor the inhabitantsof Syria.The Emperor grantedhim the requestedletter of safe conduct for the merchantsfrom Mecca,visiting Syria.On his way back he met the chiefs of the tribeshe passed,and securedfrom them the the ldaf, pact of securityin their tribal areas,yet without concluding an i) al-Qili: Dbayl al-amdli, p. zoo; al-Kali'i: al-Iktifd' I, 207-209; Muhammad Hamidullah: Al-/ldf ou les rapports economic-diplomatiques de la Mecque pre II, of Islamique (MilangesLouis Massignon, 293 seq.); idem: MuslimConduct State, 102; al-Qdsimi: al-Ilaf wa-l-ma'indt ghayru 'l-mashrkta, RAAD, XXXIV, pp. 243-25 2) For another explanation of this nickname see Caetani: Annali I, 5. .Zfir 109- 1io(90). MECCA AND TAMIN 117 alliance. The merchantsof Quraysh would carry the goods to Syria, paying the Bedouinstheircapitaland theirprofit (scil. for theirgoods) 1). Hdshimhimself went out with the merchantsof Meccain order to carry out the provisions of the treatiesconcluded with the tribes. He led the Meccanmerchants Syriaand settledthem in Syriantowns. He died on to this journey at Ghazza. Al-Muttalibb. 'Abd Manif went to al-Yaman and gained a similar charter for the merchantsof Quraysh from the rulers of al-Yamanand 7/if from the chiefs. He died in Radmin. 'Abd Shamsb. 'Abd Manif went to Abyssiniaand on his way gained the 7l/f. Naufal, the youngest of the brothers, got the charterfrom the Persian Emperor (Kisrd)and 7laffrom the tribal chiefs (on the way to Persia). He then went back to 'Iriq and died in Salmdn.Quraysh afterwards developed theirtrade. Qurayshdevelopedtheirtradein the period of the Jdhiliyyaand their wealth increased. It was the Bani 'Abd Manif to whom Quraysh in Jihiliyya were mostly indebted (for their deed). Ibn Sa'd recordsthe story of Hashimwho got the 7Iifand the charters of the rulers2). The chartersof the rulersare renderedby al-Qgli 'abdor amin. Ibn Sa'd uses the term hilf. Muh. b. Habib uses (in the chapterof the dlaf) word 7iaffor the chartersand the agreementswith the chiefs the of the tribes 3). for Al-Balddhuri uses in his report about the 71af expression'isam the tahmilu lahum(so in the text I) Muh. Hamidullahtranslateswa-'aldanna Qurayshan of al-Munammaq; text of al-Qali has ilayhim)baidd'i'a the fa-yakfinahumhumidnaha ru'Rsa as amwilihim ilayhim wa-yu'addfna wa-ribhabum follows: ,,ct leur remettraientla prix realisee, sans pour autant les charger des pais ou deduire des commisions. ."; he rendersthe passage into English as follows: "..promised.. to carrytheir goods as agents without commission for commercial purposes or otherwise concluded treaties of friendship.." This translationseems to be inaccurate. z) Ibn Sa'd: TabaqdtI, 75-80 (ed. Beirut); a tradition told on the authority of 'Abdallah b. Naufal b. al-H•arith(see Ibn Hajar: al-Isiba, No. 4994) states that Hdshim wrote to al-Najishi (the king of Abyssinia) asking him to grant a charter for the merchantsof Mecca. The economic base of the ildfis here recordedas follows: ... .ald an tahmila Qurayshun baada'i'ahum wa-ldkird'a 'ald ahli 1-tariqi(p. 78). This helps to understandthe passage discussed in the preceding note. 3) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, I6z seq. p. II8 M. J. KISTER the chartersof the rulers. Naufal b. 'Abd Mandfis said to have got the Al-Tabariuses the words 'isdmand hablto denote the charter.Naufal and from the Chosroes (al-Akdsira) they (i.e. the merchants got the .habl of Quraysh)frequentedal-'Irdqand Persia2). took the la7f from the enemies 3). records that Al-Tha'I~libi H.shim This phrase about the zlaf taken from the enemies is recorded by al-Tha'dlibi in another report, which essentially deviates from the narratives about the ildf mentioned above 4). Quraysh--reports alTha'clibi-used to trade only with merchants who frequented the marketsof Dhii Majdzand 'Ukdz during the sacred months and came to Mecca. The reasonfor this was, that Qurayshwere devoted to their and their baytand used to serve the visitors of dinand loved their .haram Mecca to their advantage.The first, who went out to Syriaand visited kings and made far journeysand passed by enemies (i.e. hostile tribes) and took from them the zlafmentioned by Allah (in the Qur'-n) was mentions his two trips (to the 'Ab;hila in alHdshim. Al-Tha',libi in Yaman and al-Yaksiam Abyssinia in winter; to Syriaand Byzantium from the heads of in summer)and says about the la7f: he took the ladf the tribes and the chieftainsfor two reasons: becausethe people of the haramand others were not safe (of the attacks) of the "wolves of the Arabs"and the Bedouin brigandsand men of raidsand people involved see i) al-Baladhuri:Ansab, I, 59; for the word 'umsum al-A'sha: Diiwn, p. 29. al-Tabari: Ta'rikhII, i2. p. 5 (ed. de Jong, 1867). 3) al-Tha'dlibi: Thimar p. 4) al-Tha'dlibi:La.ta'ifal-ma'drif, 89 seq. The exclusiveness of the ilif for Qural-qulbb, aysh is attested in the report by the verses of Musdwirb. Hind: 2) 'isam from the kings of al-'Irdq 1). lahum lakumil/fi7. ilfunwa-laysa Uld'ika i~minmj7i'an wa-khaufan wa-qadja'atBanfiAsadinwa-khiff. See Hamasa(Sharhal-Marzfiqi ed. A. S. Hdrin), p. 1449, No. 6o5; comp. al-BalIdhuri: Ansib I, 89 (Nutayla about her son Dirdr b. 'Abd al-Muttalib): sannali-Fihrinsunnata 'l-ldfi and see al-Hamddnial-Iklil I/II, ms. f. 26a: Ma'addan, innafibd Fa-ld tuqsfi 'l-saminu. il/dfa 'lahi wa-l-amru Za'amtum anna ikhwatakumQurayshun MECCA AND TAMIN 119 in long-lastingactions of revenge and becausetherewere tribesthat like the tribes of Tayy, Khath'amand Qudl'a, did not respectthe sanctityof the and the sacredmonths whilst the other tribes performedthe .haram, the Ka'ba and respectedthe House. The ladf, recordsalpilgrimageto meant a sum thatwas grantedby Hshim to the heads of the Tha'clibi, tribes as profit while he undertookthe transportof their wares together with his own and drove for them camelsalong with his camels,in order to relieve them of the hardshipsof the journey and to relieve Quraysh from the fear of the enemies. That was an advantagefor both sides; the staying (scil. the Bedouins) were profiting, the journeying(Qurashites-scil.) were safe (guarded).Conditions of Qurayshimproved. Ibn Abi 'l-lHadid records two accounts:1) the account given by recorded in his Fadl Hishim cald al-Qali and an account of al-J.hiz is explicit about the shares of 'Abd Shams This account of 2). al-J.hiz the chiefs of the tribes by Hdshim.(. .wa-sharika tjdratibi profit given ft aala lahumma'aburib.han ...) ru'asid'a'l-qabi'ili min al-'Arabi... wa-j recordsanotherversion about the 71if:Hdshimimposedtaxes onAl-J.hiz of the chiefs of the tribes. These sums collectedby Hdshim the heads enabled him to organise the defence for the people of Mecca from brigandsand tribes who did not respect the sanctity of Mecca3). The account of al-Ya'qubi4) gives the already mentioned version about the four brothers who gained the /laf. The account contains, however, a sentence, which gives a clue for the assessment of the concluded by Hdshim: After validity of these agreements of the ladf, the death of Hshim-says al-Ya'qftbi-Quraysh were afraid that the Bedouin tribes might get the upper hand. This sentence indicates that the 7laf agreementshad not been actually carriedout. Quraysh feared that some tribes might refrainfrom carryingout the terms of the pacts. It was the energetic action of the sons of 'Abd Manif and the profits grantedthe chiefs which causedthat the chiefs kept their obligations in connection with the 7lif. III, al-baligha 454, 458. i) Ibn Abi '1-Hadid:Sharbnabhj Rasd'il, p. 70 (ed. Sandfibi). 2) al-J.ihiz: 4) al-Ya'quibi:Ta'rikhI, 278 (ed. Najaf I, 200). 3) ib. 120 M. J. KISTER Lexical explanationsof the word ildf examinedby Birkelandrender the word as "protection","a pact providing security"etc. 1) Birkeland states that the meaning of the word "protection" is not given in the of commentaries the Qur'In, exceptAlilsi. This explanationis, however, n 2). Abii Hayyin quotes the opinion of al-Naqqish, given by Abti .Hayy~ that there were 4 journeys(i.e. they sent 4 caravans:to Syria,Abyssinia, al-Yaman and Persia).Abii does not agree with the refutation .Hayyin of Ibn 'Atiyya and quotes for his argumentthe story of the 4 sons of 'Abd Manif, who got the 7ladf. Abfi Hayydnquotes the explanationof and b. al-Azhariof the word ladf, the verses of Matraid Ka'b. (translated by Birkeland)3). The explanationof al-Azhariis given as well in the to commentaryof the Ma'dbid al-tans7s the verses of Musdwirb. Hind.4): of "akindof protection means guarding by (Shibbu 'l-dijratibi-l-khafdra)". It maybe saidthat the accountsaboutthe dlaf outlinesthe essential in a of phenomena the changes Mecca.Mecca, smallcentrefor distribution of goods for the Bedouintribesin the vicinityof the city, rose to the position of an importantcentreof transittrade.It was the merchants of Mecca, who carriedthe wares to Syria,Abyssinia,al-'Iraqand al-Yaman.The family who laid the foundations for the revolutionary was changewasthatof 'AbdManif.Thetradebasedon thepactsof 7ldf of a joint enterprise the clans of Qurayshheadedby the family of The pacts concludedwith the tribes were based on a 'Abd Mandf. hitherto unknown principle of trade interest. It was not an alliance (hi/f) with obligationsof mutualhelp and protection.It was not an obligation of the tribes to guard the caravans of Quraysh against payment practisedby the tribes in their relationswith the caravansof The laifagreementswere set up on a base of share in profit al-JHira. for the heads of the tribes and apparentlyemployment of the men of the tribes as escort of the caravans. i) H. Birkeland: The Lord Guideth,p. Io6-107; comp. al-Zamakhshari:al-Fd'iq I, 40 (ed. Muh. Aba 'l-Fadl Ibrdhim-Bijawi). li-ilfi Qurayshin). VIII, 5i5 (SlOrat 2) Abfi HIayyin:al-Bahral-mubhit 3) Birkeland,op. cit., p. i19; see al-Qli: Amali I, 241; al-Bakri: p. 547-50; Sirt, al-Sharifal-Murtad•: Amall IV, 178-79. I, 4) al-'Abbdsi: Ma'dhidal-tans7s 95 (Cairo I316 AH). MECCA AND TAMIN 121 One may assume that the il7f must have contained a paragraph concerning the observation of the sacred months, namely the keeping of peace during these months and respecting the sanctity of Mecca (or ratherthe inviolabilityof Mecca).The ilaf meant in fact the acceptance of the "Pax Meccana"by the tribes, the acknowledgment of the position of the Meccans and the Meccan trade and the setting up of an economic co-operation based on common interest. That explains the peculiar passage in the account of al-Tha'~libiabout the pacts with the (hitherto)hostile tribes. Birkeland,discussing the historicalbackgroundof the verses i-2 of stresses the importanceof the iladf pacts and states that "their Sfira ao6, financialskill and their possession of the sacredterritory (i.e. Quraysh) had made them the economic masters of Western Arabia about a hundredyearsbefore the Prophet1)". But the statement of Birkeland may be extendedto EasternArabiaas well. The dimensionsof the trade of Quraysh were very large 2). It is conceivable, that the tribal chiefs might have preferred to collaborate with the merchantsof Mecca. In their co-operation with Quraysh their profits were more stable, they could establish closer relationswith them and actuallydid so. They were welcomed in Mecca and could enter it without fear. In al-Hira they were submissive and servile, in Mecca they could negotiate as equals. The impressionmade by the enterpriseof Meccais vividly described in a story recordedby al-Ya'qibi 3): A Kalbi tribesmanin the service of a Kalbi woman (a merchant) on the Syrian border witnessed the arrivalof a Meccancaravanin Syria.He gives details about the personality of Hdshimand his dignity, about the respect shown to him by the chiefs of Mecca, about his generosity and remarks: "By God, that is the true splendour,not the splendourof the Banai Jafna".It is a sentence which is remarkable: glory of the Qurashileader, his mannersand the I) Birkeland,op. cit., p. 22zseq. z) See E. R. Wolf: The social organization of Mecca and the origins of Islam, Southwestern Journalof Anthropology, 5I, pp. 330-337. 19 3) al-Ya'qfibi: Ta'rikhI, 280 (2oi ed. Najaf). I22 M. J. KISTER behaviourwere much more akin to the Kalbi Bedouin than the aloofness of the Jafni ruler. It is a sentence forming a prelude for the future. A peculiartradition,which seems to throw some light on the situation in Meccain the times of Hdshimdeservesto be examined.This tradition, of quoted by al-Suyiiti from the Muwaffaqiyydt al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr1) is told on the authority of 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz. According to this tradition the nobles of Quraysh u'sed to practice in the Jdhiliya the i'tifd 2). I'tifdd-records al-Suyfiti-meant that when they lost their propertythey used to leave for the deserts,where they pitched tents and patiently awaited death "one after another" (tandwabif)till they died, before people might know about their plight. So things went on till Hdshim grew up and became a man of influence among his people. He summonedQurayshand said: "O Quraysh,might goes with abundance, and you became the richest of the Arabs and the mightiest and the i'tifddruined many of you". He put forwardhis proposition which was acceptedby Quraysh,to attach to every rich Qurashia poor man. The poor would help the rich in his journeys with the caravansand "live in his shade by the redundanceof his property".That would be the means to stop the custom of i'tifdd. They agreed and Hdshim brought the people together (i.e. the rich and the poor). When the event of Elephant occurred (that was the key of the Prophecy and the commencementof the splendourof Quraysh,so that all people respect them; in this year the Prophet was born) and when later revelations were revealed to the Prophet-God revealed to the Prophet ordering him to inform his people what he did for them and how He helped them against the people of the Elephant. "Hast thou not seen how thy Lord dealt with the owners of the Elephant?"3). Then He said: "And why did I do it, O Muhammad,for your people, whilst they were at that time worshippers of idols? So He said to them: Li-ldfi Qurayshin It means: Because of their mutual feeling of mercy and 4). VI, I) al-Suyati: al-Durr al-manthgr 397 (Sara io6). 2) in text ihtifad,which must be a mistake. CV. 3) Safra CVI. 4) Sfara MECCA AND TAMIN 123 their mutual help. They were pagans. He freed them from the fear of the Elephant. "He fed them against hunger" means the hunger of i' tcifid. The tendency of the tradition is to render the word li-zldfi Quraysh as denoting li-tardbumi But wa-tawdsulihim. the story itself, Qurayshin rather loosely connected with the interpretationof the aya, seems in fact, to reflect the situation before the ila7f. Al-Zubayr b. Bakkdrhad an outstanding knowledge of the social and economic situation of Mecca in the times of Jdhiliyya and this story may contain a good deal of truth. The tradition points to the fact, that before the action of Hdshim the caravanswere sent by individuals. Before the ilaf were concluded the sending of caravans seems to have been very risky and in case of an attackof brigandsor of a hostile tribe the tradesman, who invested all his capital, lost everything. It was the la7f which made the journeyssecure. The proposition of Hdshim to include the poor in the enterprise of the caravanswas a bold one. It meant to give the poor some shares in the profits as payment for their work or, probably, against investment of small sums by poor relatives. This trend seems to be echoed in one of the verses of Matriid b. Ka'b: ') bi-faqirihim Wa-l-khdli.tina ghaniyyahum faqirubum ka-l-kdJf .attdyakfina their rich with their "And who mix poor till their poor becomes like an able (man to bestow his favour on needy)". This idea of "mixing of the poor" (or inferior people) with rich and wealthywas an ideal of the Jdhilisociety and is attestedby verses 2). x) See above p. I20 n. 3; and see these verses as well: Ibn al-'Arabi: Mubhadarat al-abrdr II, i ig; al-Tabarsi: Majma' al-baydn (Sara io6); al-Baladhuri: Ansdb I, 58; al-Ya'qtibi: Ta'r7kh I, 202 (ed. Najaf); al-Diyvrbakri: Ta'rikh al-Khamis I, 156. 2) Comp. al-Qdli: Amdli II, 158; al-Bakri: p. 548; Ibn Sharaf: Rasd'il (Rasd'il al-bulaghd' 334) (Khirniq): Sim.t al-intiqdd p. 124 M. J. KISTER It is a significanttraditionin which the ideal of the Jihiliyya is reflected in care for the needy of the clan, whereas the embracing of Islam is consideredas deviation from this ideal. Nu'aym b. 'Abdallah ) of the 'Uwayj (of the 'Adiyy Quraysh) embracedIslam. His father used to feed the poor of the 'Adiyy. After Nu'aym had embraced Islam he was met by al-Walid b. al-Mughira who said to him: "O son of 'Abdallah,you pulled down al-Makhzfimi what your father built and you cut what he linked (by his favours), when you followed Muhammad" 2). a about the HIilfal-Fuadflmentionsspecial The accountof al-Balddhuri obligationto help the needy arrivingat Meccawith the surplusof the propertyof the people who enteredthe alliance(...Ta'dqada waradaMakkata bi-fu4zli ahli 'ald... wa-muwdsdti 'l-fdqatimimman 3). amwdlihim") b. An Ansdripoet, al-Nu'mdn 'Ajldnwhile boastingof the deeds of the Ansdrfor the Muhdjirfin, says: bikum marhaban hajarfi: li-qaumin Wa-qulnd min wa-ahlan qad wa-sahlan, amintum al-faqri nahitabum bi-nuddrihim Wa-l-khdli.ina bi-dhi'l-faqri wa-dhawi minhum 'l-gbind and see Ibn al-Shajari:al-Hamdsa,p. 56 ('Amr b. Itnaba): bi sari•ihim Wa-l-khdlifina wa-l-bddbilina li-l-sa'ili .halifahum 'ata'ahbum and see al-Khilidiyydni: al-Ashbdb 20zo; I, Hassdn: Diwdn p. 308: ghaniyyabum bi-faqfrihim Wa-l-khli.tina 'ald wa-l-mun'imina 'l-faqiri1-murmili and comp. al-A'sha: Diwdn III, 35: Wa-ahdna sdlihamilihi li-faqirihd wa-sd'alahd wa-asd,wa-aslaha baynabd, and see Ibn 'Abd al-Barr:al-Isti'db,p. 300 (al-Nu'man b. Bashir): sharikaka 'l-ghind Fa-ld ta'dudi'l-mauld f sharikuka 'l-'udmi. wa-lakirnnama ft 'l-mauld al-IsabaNo. 8777 (he cared for the widows of the I) See about him: Ibn Banii 'Adiyy). .Hajar: z) al-Bilddhuri: Ansdb,ms. f. 869a. 3) Idem: op. cit., ms. f. i44a; another version is given in the Sira of Ibn Hisham I, 141. MECCA AND TAMIN I 25 amwdland Nuqdsimukum wa-diydrand 1) ka-qismati aysdri'l-jaz#ri'ald 1-shatri "And we said to the people who immigratedto us: Welcome and securedare you from poverty We shall share with you our propertyand abode who divide (in shares)the slaughtered like the gamblersof maysir, camel". Traditions about Hakim b. Hizam record that he used to distribute the profits of his caravansamong the poor and needy of his clan2). The traditions quoted above seem to reflect clearly the tendency of care for poor and needy in the clan. Hdshim, establishing the ldf, could successfullyexpand the trade; rich and poor participatedin the caravan.A caravanbecame a joint enterprise.Even if a merchantsent on his own risk a caravan-other merchants tried to join him and invest in his caravan3). The following remarkof al-Qummi about the social conceptions of the Meccans and their care for the poor is remarkable. Wa-kdnat Qurayshun yatafahabasna .hdlati'l-fuqard'iwa-yasuddina 'an khallata'l-mahdw~ji 4). Hdshim seems to have expandedthe tendency of care for the needy into a social principle.Al-Diyvrbakrirecordsa traditionabout Hashim on the authority of Ibn 'Abbds, reporting that the people of Mecca were in a state of needinesstill they were ralliedby Hlshim for sending of the caravans to Syria and al-Yaman. They used to divide their profits among the rich and poor, so that the poor became like the rich 5). Ibn lHabib, says reportingabout the men of the ladf that through them Allah raised the Quraysh and turned rich their poor". (Ashdbu i) Ibn Hajar:al-Isiba, No. 8747; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr:al-Istlcdb,p. 298. I, 2) al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr:Nasab uraysh 367 (No. 644). 3) Idem: op. cit., I, 371 (No. 645, 646). 4) al Qummi: Ghard'ib al-Qur'dn margin of Tabari's Tafsir, BelIq 1229 AH) (on XXX, 169. I, 5) al-Diyvrbakri:Ta'rikhal-Khamis 156. 126 M. J. KISTER 'Iladhina wa-na'asha rafa'a ' ldhu bihimQurayshan 1-zldfimin ,Qurayshin abd fuqard' . .) 1). One is inclined to find some resemblancebetween the "mixing of the poor and the rich" (mukhilata)and the mu'dkhdt 2). The conclusion of the i'af agreements was accompanied by the improvement of the internal conditions in Mecca and the provision of amenities for the pilgrims. The first houses in Mecca were built by Qusayy3). It may be assumed that these houses were very modest. The cutting of the trees in Mecca formed a serious problem, because of the sanctity of Mecca. But Qusayy ordered to cut the trees and to build the houses 4). The houses seem to have been circular in order to avoid the imitation of the shape of the Ka'ba5). Mu'arrijal-Sadiisi reports that Zubayr b. al-Hirith b. Asad was the first who covered a house (with a roof). Qurayshdemolishedthe house out of reverence for the Ka'ba 6). It was JHumayd Zubayrb. al-HIrithb. Asad b. 'Abd b. al-'Uzzd who built the first square house in Mecca7). When he built his house Quraysh feared the punishment (of Allah). The rajaz poets composed verses: yubndli-HIumaydin Al-yauma baytuh wa-immd mautub. Immd .haydtuhu "Today for Humayd his house is built (This means for him) either his life or his death"8). When he was not afflictedby punishment Quraysh started to build squarehouses. p. I) Muh. b. Habib: al-Muhabbar, I62. sal'am) yanbasitu z) Comp. al-Sulami: Addb al-subrba 50: . . wa-kdna p. (al-nabiyyu fi m/li Ab7 Bakrinkam f fthi f! milihi wa-yahkumu kama yaihkumu m/libi". yanbasi.tu ms. f. a. 85 3) See Abfi Mandqib, See Ibn Sa'd: Tabaqdt 71 (ed. Beirut); al-Balddhuri:Ansdb,I, 58; Caetani: 'l-Baq.': 4) I, Annali L o3 (78); al-Ya'qibi: Ta'rikb I, 197 (ed. Najaf); al-IHalabi:Insin I, I, al-'uy7in 14. al-Tha'dlibi: Thimar al-qulib,p. 13. 5) nasab 6) Mu'arrijal-Sadfisi:al-HIadbfmin p. Quraysb, 54. I, 7) al-Zubayrb. Bakkir: NasabQuraysb 4438) These verses are attributedto Duwayd: see al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr,op. cit., ib. n. 2. MECCA AND TAMIN 127 If this traditionbe time of the changesin building of houses true--the6th was the second half of the century. The sister of this lHumayd was the mother of Hakim b. Hizdm. The son of JHumayd, 'Abdallah b. Humayd fought at Uhud 1). The time of the significantchangesin the building of houses may thus be fixed in the last decades of the 6th century. The nobles of Mecca vied in providing amenities for the pilgrims. Hdshim is said to have taken care to supply the pilgrims with food 2), 'Abd al-Muttalibto have been the first who provided them with sweet The water of Zamzam,although having medicinalKisr. qualities5) was not and was mixed by 'Abd al-Muttalib with raisins. He also palatable gave the pilgrims milk with honey 6). 'Abbdscontinued the tradition of 'Abd al-Muttalib and supplied drinking water for the pilgrims. The Prophet drank from his siqayaand the drinking from the siqaya of the family of 'Abbdsis consideredas sunna There are traditions 7). about digging of wells and rivalry between nobles of Mecca in providing drinks for pilgrims8). Suwayd b. Harmi is said to have been the first who gave the pilgrims milk (to drink)9). Abti Umayya b. al-Mughira al-Makhzimi (Zdd al-rakb) and Abi Wadd'a al-Sahmi gave the pilgrims honey 10) water 3). He dug the well of Zamzam in the times of b. Qubddh 4). The traditions about the ilaf, about the improvements in Mecca, about the provisions of food and drinksfor the pilgrims-all this points to the efforts to increase the prestige of the city and to secure the i) See Ibn Hisham: Sira III, 135; al-Balddhuri: Ansab I, 3 I9: he made an oath to kill the Prophet at Uhud. z) al-Balddhuri:Ansab I, 6o-6i; al-Azraqi: Akhbar p. 67 (Wiistenfeld). II, 3) al-Mas'idi: Murj" 46; 4) ib. 5) Rathjens: Die Pilgerfahrt, 42, 45. pp. (ed. Br6nnle). III, 7) See al-Suy0ti: al-Durr al-manthir 219. Io) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, p. I77. 6) Al-Azraqi; Akhbdr p. 70 (ed. Wiistenfeld); comp. Abai Dharr: Sharb, p. 42 8) Comp. al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri: NasabQuraysh, pp. 32, 197-198. 9) ib. p. 342; al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr: Nasab Quraysh,ms. f. 53a. 128 M. J. KISTER pilgrimage and trade. Special arrangementswere made for individual merchantsproceedingto Meccafor a pilgrimage1). Elaborateprovisions were made for the caravansfor which consent of the tribes was gained. In this system Tamim played a considerablerole. This can be gauged from some passages of the report about the markets of the Jahiliyya, recorded by Muh. b. Habib 2). states Reporting about the market of Diimat al-Jandal Ibn that "every merchantwho set out from al-Yamanand the.Habibasked Hijiz for the escort of Qurayshas long as he travelledin the abode of Mudar; for the Mudar did not harass Mudari merchants,nor were they (i.e. the merchants)troubled by an ally of Mudar. That was the accepted custom between them. So did Kalb not trouble them, because of their alliance with Tamim3). The Tayy also did not harass them because of their alliance with the Asad. Mudar used to say: "Qurayshcarried out for us the obligation of religious duties inherited to us by Ismd'il" 4) (i.e. bequeathed to us). This report is recorded in al-Marziiqi's Amkina with important i) al-Marziqi: al-AmkinaII, 66; see the translationin Muh. Hamidullah:Leprophite de l'Islam II, 6o6. 2) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 264-265. pp. 3) Hamidullahin Muslimconduct state p. 54 (o01); "as they were allied (i.e. the of Kalb) to the Bani Jusham" (evidently a misprint). 4) Hamidullah translates: Les Mudarites avaient l'habitude de dire (avec fierte) "Les Quraichites ont pay6 la dette de honte que nous avions contractee au nom d'Isma=l(parles guerresfraticideset par le bellum omnium contra omnes)" - Le Prophbtede l'Islam, II, 6oo--This translationseems however to be inaccurate.In order to translate"que nous avions contract6eau nom d'Ismal"--Hamidullah must have read mdaurathnd Ismdla which is an error. The phrase has to be read: ma aurathand The sentence is of the greatest importance for the understanding of the IsmdWu. attitude of the tribes towards Quraysh.For the correct interpretationof the sentence a passage from al-Kall'i's al-Iktifd' (I, I5o) may be quoted. Al-KalV'i,discussing the qualities of Quraysh, records the following passage: . . wa-kdnfi 'ald irthin min dini Ibrdhima wa-Ismd'ila min qird 1-dayfiwa-rifdi 'l-hajji wa-ta'imi 'lfhi wa-man'ihi al-baghyi wa-l-ilhidiwa-qam'i'l-zdlimiwa-man'i'l-magzlfmi. min The passage commencing with min qird is an explanation of irthinmin din Ibrahim .harami wa-Ismadil.-The passage in Marzaqi's AmkinalI, I6z does not leave any doubt "what our father about the meaning of the sentence: ma aurathand abtind IsmaWilu, inherited us" (bequeathedto us). And comp. al-Majlisi:Bihdral(ancestor) Ismi'il anwdr VI, 42. MECCA AND TAMIN 129 variants1). Qurayshused to set out (to Diimat al-Jandal)from Mecca. If they took the way of al-Hazn2) they did not requirethe protection of any of the tribes till they came back, and that was becauseMudar... etc. 3). And when they departed from al-Hazn or went to al-Hazn they reachedthe waters (i.e. the abode, the pasturing places) of Kalb. Kalb were allies of Tamim and therefore they did not harass them. When they went on to the lowland they passed the Asad and arrived at the Tayy..." The account of Marziqi supplements the report of Ibn Habib. The vague expressionof Ibn is fi bilddMudlar here more precise. .Habib The road leading from Mecca to al-Hazn4), which was under the control of the tribes of Mudar. The lHaznitself was the territory of Tamim 5). The two significant accounts, of Ibn Habib and al-Marziiqigive some idea: how the system set up by Mecca worked in the areaof Mecca-al-Hazn and its extension. Two tribal units of Mudar, closely linked with Mecca by the Mudar alliance, Tamim and Asad-made it possible, due to the alliance of Tamim with Kalb (Qu~d'a)and the alliance of Asad with Tayy (Qahtini), to Quraysh to send in full security their caravans and to control the trade on these routes. It is these two tribes-Tayy and Kalb-who were especially dangerous for Mecca, as the majority of these two tribes did not respect the sanctity of Mecca and of the sacred months. It is significant that alMarziiqi records about the Tayy: "..and (arriving in the territory of Tayy) they (i.e. the merchants)gave them some pay and they (i.e. Tayy) guided them (in the direction) wherever they wanted"6). i) al-Marzaqi:al-Amkina,II, 16z. Hamidullah translatesfa-in akhadhat'ald 1-hazni"et s'ils prenaient le chemin montagneux" (Le Proph/te,II, 604). That seems, however, not to be accurate. 3) There is perhaps some misprint or error; perhaps one has to read "au 'alau 'l-Hazn". 4) See Thilo: Die Ortsnamen 56; and see Ydqct: Buldinand al-Bakri- MuaYam p. ma 'stabjam, s.v. See von Oppenheim-Caskel:Die Beduinen I64. ".Hazn". III, 5) 6) al-Marzuqi:al-Amkina II, I6z. 2) JESHO,VIII 9 130 M. J. KISTER The attitude of the Tayy and Kalb towards Mecca will be touched upon later. of Merchantsproceeding to the importanttrade-centre al-Mushaqqar had also to requirethe escort of Quraysh,becausethe road led through the territory of Mudar. This harbour-city frequented by merchants from Persia, an importantbase of Persianrule-had a marketgoverned by men from Tamim 1). In examination of the accounts about Diimat al-Jandal2) one may assume that the Tamim played a most important role in the control of the roads to these two markets and in securing of the caravans of Mecca. Some Tamimis frequented Mecca for trade. An iniquity committed to a Tamimi visiting Mecca caused a conflict between the leaders of Quraysh. The story is recorded by Ibn Abi 'l-Hadid on the authority of al-Wdqidi3). Abdallahb. Ja'farcontestedin glory Yazid b. Mu'cwiya in the presence of Mu'cwiya4). He asked him: "By which of your ancestors do you rival in pride? By JHarb, whom we sheltered or by Umayya..?" We are here concerned with the story of Harb sheltered by 'Abd al-Muttalib,which is given as follows: Quraysh had the privilege of priority in passing the 'Aqaba, when travelling. Anybody had to wait till they passed. Harb went out one night and when passing the 'Aqaba he met a man from the family of lHIjib b. Zurara, proceeding to Mecca for business. Harb leaned forward and announced his name and so did the Tamimi. He stated to be the "son" of b. Zurdra.The Tamimi passed the 'Aqaba .Hijib together with Harb. Harb was enraged and swore that he would never allow him to stay in Mecca as long as he lived. The Tamimi spent some time outside Mecca. But-as his business was in Mecca (wa-kdnamatjarubu bi-Makkata)-he decided to enter and enquired p. I) Ibn Habib: al-Mubabbar, z65. of z) See the article D#mat al-Jandal L. Veccia Vaglieri in EI2. Sharhnahjal-baldgha 465; Ibn 'Asakir: Ta'rikb VII, 329. III, 3) Ibn Abi 1-HIadid: 4) See the account of this event in Dahldn's Sira I, zz (on the margin of "Insdn al-'qyfn"):the talk was between Ibn 'Abbds and Mu'dwiya; and see Ibn al-'Arabi: I, Mubhdarat al-abrdr 179. MECCA AND TAMIN 13 I The about the man, who could give him protection against .Harb. to Tamimi (the "son" of Zurdrd)entered Mecca at night and went the house of 'Abd al-Muttalib.He recited a poem in which the event was recorded and the protection of al Zubayr b. Abd al-Muttalib 1) was requested.He was grantedthe requestedprotection.In the morning al-Zubayr b. 'Abd al-Muttalib summoned his brother, al-Ghaydiq, and they went out girded with swords, escorting the Tamimi. Harb met them, assaultedthe Tamimi and slappedhim on his face.A quarrel ensued between the sons of 'Abd al-Muttaliband Harb managed .Harb. to escape and sought refuge in the house of Abd al-Muttalib who grantedhim protection. Hashim This narrativeprobablypoints to relationsbetween the BanOi and the Darim. Traditionmentionsthe namesof some people of Darim, who were in touch with the Banfi Hdshim. One of them was the of hirmiyy the Prophet. The prestigeenjoyedby the Tamimin Meccawas based mainly on their strengthand their servicesfor the externaltradeof Mecca. The Tamim were strong and their leaderswere highly respected. The prestigeof the leadersof Tamim(of the branchof the Darim)is reflected in a remarkable anecdote attributedto the Prophet: A man (a Muslim)marrieda womanfrom a lower social classandwas The was by reproached his brother. Prophet told aboutit, he was told as well aboutthe virtuesof the womanwhom he married. saidin He a talk with the husband: for "You are not to be blamed not marrying a woman(so aristocratic) the daughter Hijib b. Zurdra. as of Allah broughtIslamandmadeall menequal.A Muslimis not to berebuked" 2). (for sucha marriage) Some groups of Tamimwere even includedin the body politic of Mecca.They were given a sharein the Meccandominanceand to contributed increasethe influenceof Meccain the tribal society I) Al-Zubayrb. 'Abd al-Muttalibwas the leader of the BanafHashim at the "Day of al-Fijdr";see Muh. b. IHabib: Mubabbar, 169; Ibn Durayd: al-Ishtiqaq, 47; al p. p. al-Balddhuri: AnsdbI, 102. 2) Al-Fisi: Shifdal-gharam (Wiistenfeld, II, 141). 132 M. J. KISTER and its prestige. The organization we refer to is the organization of the Hums. Ibn Sa'd counts as Hums: Quraysh, Khuzd'a and people of the Arabs "born by Quraysh". (According to another version of Ibn Sa'd: "and the allies of Quraysh")1). Ibn Ish1q records as Hums: Quraysh, Khuzd'a and Kindna; Ibn HishZm adds (on the authority of Abfi 'Ubayda al-Nahwi)the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a2). Ibn Qutayba mentions in his Ma'drif as lHumsQuraysh and people from 3). But in his al-Ma'adnal-Kabr he counts as Hums: Kin.na descendantsand their allies their Quraysh 4). counts as Hums: Quraysh, 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a and Al-JIhiz al-.Hirith b. Ka'b 5). Al-Anbdri6) and al-Marziiqi 7) count: Quraysh, Kindna, Khuzd'aand 'Amirb. Sa'sa'a. in his commentary of the Qur'dn has the following Abai .Hayyan list: Quraysh, Kinina, Khuza'a, Thaqif, Khath'am, Amir b. Sa'sa'a and Nasr b. Mu'cwiya8). An almostidenticallist is given by al-Qurtubi; instead of Khath'am-he has Jusham 9). The L. 'A. records as Hums: Quraysh and "whom Quraysh had born" (i.e. descendants of men or women from Quraysh), Kindna, Fahm, 'Adwdn, 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a and Khuzd'a 10). The lists of the Hums quoted above are contradictory.The examinaincluded the Quraysh, tion of these lists shows doubtless that .Hums Mecca. According to the inhabitants of Mecca, and people outside I, i) Ibn Sa'd:Tabdqdt, 72. Ibn Hisham: Sira I, 212; al-Kali'i: al-Iktifd' I, 272. Ibn Qutayba: al-Ma'drif, p. 269. Ibn Qutayba: al-Ma'nit 'l-Kabir, p. 989. al-Jahiz: Mukhtdrditfusil, ms. f. 2o8 b. al-Mufaddaliyydt XXXIV, 14 (Lyall). al-Marziiqi: Sharh al- Hamisa, p. 31. Ab Hayyin: al-Babr al-muh•itII, 63. . 9) al-Qurtubi: al-Jdmi' li-ah~im al-Qur'dnII, 345 (Sura II, 189); and see Blachbre: CoranII, 782, n. 185. 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) 7) 8) IO) L. 'A., s.v. "Hms". MECCA AND TAMIN 133 Arendonk: "The Hums is the name traditionallygiven to the inhabitants of Mecca at Muhamad'sappearancein so far as they were distinguishedby specialcustoms during the Ihrim from the othertribes, who were together known as al-Hilla". )--This definition has to be altered. A detailedlist of the tribes of the Hums is given by Muh. b. Habib. "Hums were-reports Ibn Habib-all Quraysh, Khuzi'a (because they had dwelled in Mecca and were neighbours of Quraysh),people being descendents of Quraysh ("born by Quraysh"), clans dwelling in Mecca. Descendants of Quraysh ("born by Quraysh") were: Kil~b, Ka'b, 'Amir and Kalb i.e. the BantiRabi'a b. 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a.Their mother was Majd bint Taym b. Gh.ilib b. Fihr. To her referredLabid saying: band Saqdqaum7 Majdinwa-asqd min Numayran wa-l-qabd'ila Hildli2). b. and b. b. and al-HIrith 'Abd Mandt Kindna Mudlijb. Murra 'Abd And 'Amirb. 'Abd theirdwellingnearMecca. due Mandt Kindna to b. Man-t b. Kindnaand Milik and Milkdnb. Kindnaand Thaqifand and b. AndYarbil' Hanzala MIzinb. Milikb. 'Amrb. Tamim, 'Adwdn. bint Fihr b. Mdlikb. whose mother(of both of them) was Jandala are that al-Nadr Somemaintain all the 'Amir(i.e. 'Amirb. Sa'sa'a) 3). becausetheir brethren,the Rabi'ab. 'Amir becameJHums. Hums, b. Qudd'a.And b. And 'Ilcf i.e. Rabbdn Hulwdnb. 'Imrin b. al-.Hif 4), Jandbb. Hubal b. Abdallah from Kalb. His motherwas Amina p. 2) See Ibn 'Abd al-Barr: al-Inbdh, 87; Labid: Diwdn, p. 93 (ed. I. 'Abbas); Ibn al-Kalbi:Jambara,ms. f. 120 b. (In Jambara:Majd bint Taymb. Murrab. Ghdlib is b. Fibr. The term used inJamhara of interest:wa-hiya '1latihammasat Bani 'Amirin, Humsan). ja'alathum 3) Jandala bint Fihr b. Malik b. al-Nadr b. Kindna was the wife of Hanzala b. Malik b. Zayd Mandtb. Tamim. She gave birth to Qays, Yarbi', Rabi'a and 'Amr-b. Malik b. Zayd Mandt. After the death of 1Hanzala Malik b. the sons of b. she married.Hanzala 'Amr b. Tamim and gave birth to Mazin, Ghaylan, Aslam and Milik GhassZn--the sons of Malik b. 'Amr. See: Ibn al-Kalbi:Jamhara,ms. ff. 62a, 90a; al-Balddhuri:Ansdb,ms. f. 958b. 4) See Ibn Durayd: al-Ishtiqdq, p. 540. i) EI, s.v. "Hums". 134 M. J. KISTER bint Rabi'a b. 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a; her mother was Majd bint Taym al-Adram b. Ghdlib b. Fihr" 1). The list of Ibn Habib shows a peculiarfact: the tribes allied in the organizationof the Hums are of differentorigin and belong to various tribal divisions. The 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a are Mudarites. Kalb belonged to Qu$d'a. The origin of Thaqif is disputed. (According to some traditionsthey are consideredas descendantsof Qays 'Ayldn). 'Adwdn belonged to Qays 'Aylhn, Khuzi'a were of South-Arabianorigin 2). The more important is the fact, that these tribes lived in different areas of the peninsula. The Thaqif dwelt to the South-East of Mecca, the Kinina to the South, controlling the route Mecca-al-Yaman,the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'ato the North East of Mecca, the Quda'a (Kalb) in the and North, controlling the trade-routeto Syria;YarbiY' Mizin controlled the route to al-Hiraand Persia. Of special interest is the case of Zuhayr b. Jandb al-Kalbi. The Ghatafdn decided--according to tradition-to establish a haramlike that of Mecca. Zuhayr b. Jandb raided them and destroyed their haram ). This tradition explains why the group of Janib of Kalb were included in the organizationof the Hums One may find some connection between the ilaf discussed above and the Hums. The expression of al-Tha'dlibithat Hdshim "took the /laffrom the enemies"4) meansin fact, that the 7lafwere a complementary system for the Hums. The laf were intended for tribes who did not respect the sacred months, or-although performing the pilgrimage-were in the sphere of influence of the client kingdoms. These clans and tribes-like Tayy, Khath'am, clans of Quda'a5), Ghifir from the Kindna6) were given some shares of profit and gave p. z) See Ibn Durayd: al-Ishtiqdq, 468 seq. 3) AghdniXII, 121; XXI, 63. al-Qulib, p. 89. 4) Thimadr al-Baladhuri: Ansdb, ms. f. 9oob; al-Jabiz: Iayawdn VII, 216; see al5) Balldhuri: Ansdb, ms. 366a: the talk between Mu'dwiya and 'Adiyy b. I tim in al-. which Mu'dwiya accused Tayy of not respecting the sanctity of Mecca. Tayy and Khath'am did not perform the pilgrimage to Mecca and were called al-Afjardni. al-shahra 'II, 6) See al-Dhahabi: Siyara'ldmal-nubald 34 (wa-kdndfyubill7na /-hardma); and see Usdal-ghdba 16o. I, i) Muh. b. Habib: al-Muzhabbar, 178-179. p. MECCA AND TAMIN 13 security to the caravans. How much Mecca was dependent on these tribes and eager to carryout the terms of the 7lafcan be gauged from some records preserved. Al-'Abbas was present when Abii Dharr was beaten violently in Mecca after he had embraced Islam. He reproachedhis people saying: "Woe to you, you are about to kill a man from Ghifir whilst your business and your passing by is through the territory of Ghifar". They let him go 1). Thumima b. Uthil of the Hanifa could threaten Quraysh with cutting of supplies from the and even realizedhis threat2). Sa'd b. Mu'rdh could threaten YamTma the Abi Jahl, that if he prevents him to circumambulate Ka'ba-he would cut his trade with Syria3). One is even tempted to think that there is some connection between the term allafabum "he concluded pactsof ildf with them",and the term al-mu'allafa "people qulifbuhum whose hearts were gained (for Islam) by some gifts". But .Hums denotespeople strong in their convictionof the sanctityof Mecca, position of Quraysh,enjoyinga special admittingthe distinguished in the rites of the status and readyto strugglefor their ideas. Some featuresof the .hajj can be gauged from the chaptersof .Hums dealingwith the virturesof Quraysh. Al-JIhiz recordsthat al-J.hiz a Qurashi neverdid allegehis originto anothertribe,whilsttill today "nobleArabs-like Bani Murrab. 'Auf, some of the Bani Sulaym, Khuzd'aand others-allege being of Qurashiorigin. Qurayshdid never bury their (female)babies alive. That was followed by the inhabitants al-Ti'if, because they were neighboursand related of with them by marriage and becausethey were lHums,and it was who madethemlHums.." 4). Quraysh When Islam appeared--continues al-Jbhiz-therewas no Qurashi womanwho hadbeentakencaptiveby the Arabtribes,nor was there I) al-Dhahabi: Siyar a'ldm al-nubald'II; 37 (taqtulfnarajulanmin Ghifdrinwa'ald wa-mamarrukum Ghifdr?). matjarukum Insdnal-'uyun 198. XII, 143; al-IHalabi: III, al-Qur'dn, al-Jimi' li-abhkdm al-abrdrII, 266; Sifat al-safwa I, 37 3) Ibn al-'Arabi: Mubhddarat (la-aq.ta'anna ild matjaraka 'l-Shdmi). ms. 4) al-Jdhiz: Mukhtdrdtfusz~l, f. zoz seq. IrshidVI, 433; al-Qurtubi: p. al-Isti'db, 79; al-Qastallini: z) Ibn 'Abd al-Barr: 136 M. J. KISTER any captive among them whose mother was a Qurashi woman. The Qurayshdistinguishedthemselves from other tribes, that they did not give their daughters in marriageto the nobles of other tribes, unless they had got an assurance,that they would embrancethe idea of the the daughters Hums. (They themselves-stresses al-J.hiz--married them.) These of other tribes without conditions to be imposed on tribes were: 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a, Thaqif, Khuz!'a and al-HIrith b. Ka'b. and They were people of devotion (wakdnfl dayyJdnna) therefore they renouncedraiding.That was in orderto avoid pillage, injustice,robbery and rape". In another passage al-Jdhiz, discussing the qualities of Quraysh, remarksthat Quraysh remained generous although their profits were not big sincethey refrainedfrom raiding.Al-Jlhiz emphasizesthe hospitality of Quraysh,their carefor the pilgrimsand their care for kinsfolk. They allotted the men of the tribes to the differentclans of Mecca-says Ghatafdn were assigned to (the care of) al-Mughira (i.e. al-J.hiz. al-Makhziiimi),Banfi 'Amir went to someone else, the Tamim to somebody else. They (i.e. the Quraysh) compelled them to perform the ritesand caredfor all theirneedsx). stresses Quraysh that Al-J.hiz ms. Gha.tafdn i) fa-taki#nu Mukhtadrdtfusil, f. 2o4a (. .fa-yaqtasimznabum, li-kadhd..). In al-Zubayr b. al-J.hiz: li-l-Mughiratiwa-Banf 'Amirin li-kadhd, wa-Tamimun Bakkar'sNasabpQuraysh, f. 128 b. an interestingreportis given about the allotment ms. of the clans of Quraysh. They (i.e. the Quraysh)used to give them clothes in which the they used to circumambulate Ka'ba; they (i.e. the Bedouins) used to throw away the clothes which they wore when they came to Mecca. The host (i.e. the clan who lodged the Bedouins frequenting Mecca) used to get (scil. a share of) the meat of the slaughteredcamels. The Bana Fazdra alighted in the house of al-Mughira b. 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. Makhziim. The first who prevented him (i.e. alMughira)to get (his share of) the slaughteredcamel was Khushaynb. La'y al-Fazari al-Shamkhi.. ; comp. Ibn Abi 'l-Hadid: Sharhnahjal-balighaIV, 296; and see Ibn not The word harim recordedin the vocabularies z282z Durayd:al-Ishtiqdqp. as "payment for Quraysh from the alighting Bedouins" is recorded in the story of (Z.uwaylim). Zuwaylim reported by al-Baladhuriin his Ansdb, ms. f. i i oia. The quoted verse is of interest: mana'nd Ouraysbin harimahd Wa-nahnu amin bi-Makkata,ayydma wa-1-nabri 'l-tahdluqi Al-Balddhurirecords also the story of 'Amr b. Jdbir b. Khushayn who used to get b. from every captive of the Ghatafan z camels. That was stopped by 'Arin (comp. the version of Ibn Durayd, ib.). .Zuwaylim MECCA AND TAMIN 137 remainedLaqdh,independent. They did not pay any tax and to them were entrustedthe functions of rifida, siqaya,etc. In a third passage repeatsonce more that all Qurayshwere al-J.hiz Hums, devoted to their din,a fact which prevented them from raiding, capture, intercoursewith captive women and from burying alive their female babies. Once more al-Jaihiz emphasizesthat the Quraysh gave not their daughtersin marriage unless on the condition that the children would become They were compelled--dwelling in a barren .Hums. valley-to find means of livelihood and they got the 1ldfand made journeys to kings.." 1). In a fourth passageof al-J~ihiz reportabout the lHumsis repeated. the But there are some details which deserve attention. Mentioning the reports that the merchants went to (the land of) caravans-al-J.hiz Qaysar in Byzantium,to al-Najashiin Abyssinia, and to al-Muqauqis in Egypt. It is the only case in which Egypt is mentionedas destination of the merchantsof Mecca.Al-Jahizdrawsin this passagea line between the Hums of Qurayshand the converted of the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a and al-HIrith b. Ka'b. The Quraysh, being Hums, refrained from .Hums raiding, whereas the tribes who accepted the ideas of the Hums continued to raid, to have intercoursewith capturedwomen and to take spoils. But Quraysh remained courageous 2). Ibn al-Faqih's account records that KhuzI'a, 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a, Thaqif and "men of tribes" embraced the creed of the Hums. He records the tradition about the condition imposed on the nobles of the tribes marryingthe daughters of Qurayshand gives details about the restrictionsimposed on the pilgrims, not belonging to the lHums. They had to leave their travelling provision when entering Mecca, to take off their clothes which they wore outside the area of Mecca and to wear clothes of the lHaram(buying the clothes or borrowing them or as gifts). If they did not find clothes of the they per.Haram ms. f. I6b. seq. i) Mukhtaratfus.il, al-qulib, z) al-J.hiz: Mukbhtdrtffuil,ms. f. 20o8b.seq.; comp. al-Tha'alibi:Thimdr al-J.hiz: p. 8 seq. (Ablu 'lldb); (significant is the expression wa-sird bi-ajma'ihim tujjdran kbulata' a). 138 M. J. KISTER naked.They obliged the pilgrims to start formed the circumambulation the ifda?a from al-Muzdalifa.They were laqdh, they did not pay any tax, nor did any king rule over them 1). Y~qditmentions the Hums. According to him Quraysh gained for the idea of the lHums: Kindna, Jadilat Qays, Fahm and 'Adwdn, Thaqif and 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a. He records the hardship which they imposed on themselves, the restrictions imposed on the pilgrims, and emphasizesthat the people of Mecca were laqdh. Kings of Himyar, Kinda, Ghassdnand Lakhm used to perform the pilgrimage to Mecca and obeyed the lHumsof Quraysh, considering as obliging to respect them.. 2). Mecca is mentioned as Ddr al-Hums in the verses attributed to a Kahin of the Lihb 3) in the record of al-Halabi.Al-Halabimentionsthe conditions of marriageof the Qurayshand their renouncingof raiding, which is connected with pillaging and rape4). Sources give details about the rites of the IHumsand of the imposed hardships5). They performed the wuqzifat al-Muzdalifainstead of at to 'Arafdt6). They confined themselves during the .hajj the boundaries of the IHaram. During the hajj they did not eat meat, nor did they preparecurd, they did not stay in the shade of a house, they did not enter their houses through their doors 7), etc. It is evident that by the hardship imposed on themselves they wanted to express their connects veneration for the Ka'ba and the Haram. Al-Zamakhshari with the root hrm. They acquiredtheir distinct position the root .hms i) Ibn al-Faqih: Kitabal-buldin,p. i8. s.v. al-bulddn, Makka. Yiqait: Muy/am 3) The Lihb were known as men of special knowledge in augury (from the flight of birds) see: Wellhausen: Reste,p. i34; Ibn Durayd: al-Ishtiqdq, 491; al-Suhayli: p. al-Raudal-unufI, I 18. I, 4) al-Halabi: Insdnal-'uy~n1 242. s.v. al-bulddn, "Makka"; p. 5) See Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, i80; Ydqat: Mutjam al-abrdr 162, 150. Ibn al-'Arabi: Alubhdarat I, pp. 6) See Wellhausen: Reste,p. 77; Rathjens:Die Pilgerfahrt, 72-73; but the Prophet did not follow the Hums in their wuqzff-see: al-Dhahabi: Ta'rikhal-IsldmI, 49. 7) But see the contradictory traditions in al-Tabari's Tafs7r(Sztra II, 189) and I, al-Suyati: al-Durr al-imanthzfr 204 seq. 2) MECCA AND TAMIN 139 of sanctitybecausethey dwelt in the Haram.They calledthemselves Ahlu 'lldh That the idea of Hums was in fact connectedwith the 1). cult of the Ka'bais plainlyattested thefact,thattheKa'bawascalled by al-Hamsi' 2). It is evidentthat this link betweenQuraysh the tribesattached and to the Humsinfluenced theirrelations. Caskelremarks the 'Amir that b. Sa'sa'a,being Hums, were on good termswith the inhabitants of Mecca An 'Amiri poet and chief, 'Auf b. al-Ahwasb. Ja'far b. 3). the Kildb,swearson the sacredmonth4) of the BandUmayya, sacred of Quraysh, sacrificed the b. Ja'far,the uncle victims5). Khilid places of 'Auf, is said to have been the first who coveredthe Ka'bawith brocade whichhe got froma caravan lootedby him6). TheKa'b (dibdj) and Kildbof the 'Amirwere calledKa'b and Quraysh KildbQuraysh 7). b. Nuwayraof the Yarbfi'(of Tamim),who belongedto the M~lik Hums, mentionsa group of horsemenwho informedQuraysh(as aboutsomebattle8). 'Ummdr) The Prophethimselfbelongedto the Hums9). He was the .irm7 of 'Iy•d b. Himdral-Mujdshi'i 'l-Tamimi.The Prophetlent him his clothesand 'Iy•d used to perform circumambulation the Ka'ba the of in the clothesof the Prophet 10). 2) al-Fayrizibddi: al-Qdmzs,s.v. hms. A curious explanation is given for the in al-Maghribi's Inds, ms. f. 26b: "They were called IHums, because they refrained .Hums from the service of labour.." 3) EI2, s.v. 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a. 4) i.e. Dhf 'l-hijja. XXXV, 4-5 (ed. Lyall): 5) al-Dabbi: al-Mufa4daliyydt wa-inni wa-'lladhi Qurayshun hajjat Hird'u mabdrimah' wa-mdjama'at Ban7Umayyata Wa-shabri wa-l-hadayd idbabubisat mudarrjahba 'l-dima'u 6) al-Suhayli: al-Raudal-unufI, 77; al-Alasi: Bulzghal-arabI, 234. 7) al-Dabbi: al-Mufaddaliyydt, 2z59(ed. Lyall). p. XXVI, 3 (ed. Ahlwardt); Ibn Abi 8) al-Asma'zyydt Sbarhnahj al-Baldgha IV, 292. 'l-.Hadid: 9) See al-Azraqi: Akhbar (Wiistenfeld) I, 124; al-Suyiti: al-Durr al-manthzir I, 204 al-Fa'iq,s.v. hums. I) al-Zamakhshari: p. io) See: Muh. b. Habib: al-Muhabbar, I8i; Ibn Qutayba: al-Ma'drif, p. 147; seq. 140 M. J. KISTER From the traditions quoted above one can gain a rough idea about the Hums. The fundamentalprinciples of the Hums were the inviolathe independence') and neutrality bility of the area of the .Haram, of Mecca. The feeling of security in Mecca is described by one of the nobles of Mecca in the following verses: lahd Fakharnd wa-l-umfiru qardrun bi-Makkatind wa-bi-l-baladi 'l-bardmi. land Wa-annd ldyurdmu harimun wa-annd nurawwa'u'l-mandmi. fi Id land Wa-annd tusdqu ki'dbun ld 1-khiddmi. khildla 'l-naq'i bddiyatu wa-hddhd ' Ma'ddhalldhiminhddhd 2). fa-inna'Illdha lahfb laysa musdm7 A Bedouincould not accustomhimselfto the quiet life of Mecca; Qays b. Zuhayral-'Absi said: ma'dshiru Qurayshin min Tufdkhirun7 bi-Ka'batihim wa-bi-l-bayti 'l-hardmi Fa-akrim fdkhariwa-ldkin bi-'lladhi 'l-kildmi. ddmiyatu maghdi'l-khayli kulla nun Wa-ta' ft '1-'ajajati yaumin nubfzra 'l-khaylibi 'l-asali1-dawm'i. A.habbu ilayyamin'ayshin rakhiyyin al-Muijam al-saghir, p. 3; Ibn al-Jrrid: al-Muntaqi, p. 5oo; al-Baldhuri: Ansdb, ms. f. 98Ia; Ibn HIazm:Jawdmi' al-sira,p. 25 (reporting that he was a cousin of al-Aqra' b. Hdbis); Ibn Hazm: Jambarat ansdb al-'Arab, p. zI9; Ydqfit: Mu'jam al-buldin, s.v. haram; Ibn al-Isdba, N. 6123; Abia Nu'aym: Hilya II, 16 (mentioned as one of the Ahl al-Suffa). .Hajar: Nasab Quraysh, ms. f. 76b; al Mus'ab al-Zubayri: NasabQuraysb, p. 2zo; L.'A., s.v. lqI: Abi 'l-Baq': Manidqib,ms. f. to b; al-Bal1dhuri: Ansdb IV B, i26 (and see p. Abo 'Ubayd: Kit. al-amwdl, 256; Ibn al-Kalbi:Jamhara,ms. f. 66a; al-Tabarini: x) The fierce reaction of the Meccans when their independence was threatened can be gauged from the story of 'Uthmn b. Huwayrith. See al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr: "Annotations"). 2) al-Baldhuri: Ansdb, ms. f. 1094a. MECCA AND TAMIN 14I ma'a 'l-Qurashiyyi Harbinau Hishami. bi-'ayshin Wa-md'ayshu'kbniJud'dnin '1-baladi 1) yajurru'I-kha.zafi 'l-tibhmi The observation of some rites and customs was in fact an expression of their veneration of the sanctuaryof Mecca. This organization,including different tribal units-among them units of Tamim, who dwelled in different areas of the peninsula, had a militant character. They were ready to struggle for their ideas of the sanctity of Mecca. The zlif seem to have been built up on the base of Hums. The .Hums were the elite group distinct by their close relationswith the Meccans, by their rites and customs. Both the organizations, the Hums and had economic significance. The religious "colouring" is not surila1f prising 2). were "Hilla".The lHilla includedPeople not belonging to the IHums according to the report of Ibn JHabib-all the Tamim (except Yarbi', Mdzin, I)abba, IHumays,Z'dina, al-Ghauth b. Murr), all the Qays 'Ayldn (except Thaqif, 'Adw~n and 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a), all Rabi'a b. Nizdr, all Qudd'a (except 'IlIf and Jandb), the Ansdr, Khath'am, Bajila, Bakr b. 'Abd Mandt b. Kindna (other divisions of Kindna were Hums), Hudhayl, Asad, Tayy and Bdriq3). These JHilla-when different in their rites during the performing the .hajj--were quite and during the tawaf. A third group mentioned by Ibn Habib i.hrdm were the Tuls, including tribes from al-Yaman and Hadramaut, 'Akk, Ujayb and Iyid 4). The division into the threegroups--Hums, Tuls-is confronted I.illa, 2) Comp. Rathjens: Die Pilgerfabrt,p. 8o (.."Teilweise religi6s getarnt.."). 3) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 179. p. 4) ib.; A special group, which deserves to be mentioned, were the Basl. The word basl denotes ideas similar to the ideas inherent in the word hums:courage, bravery, intrepid fighting on one hand, and the haramthe forbidden on the other hand. The Basl were the 'Amir b. Lu'ayy (or 'Aut b. Lu'ayy, or Murra b. 'Auf b. Lu'ayy). They maintained,that the number of the sacredmonths is 8. The tribes grantedthem security during these months. See al-Kald'i:al-Iktifd', I, 78; Ibn Kathir: al-Bidajya II, 204; I) Ib. Quraysh, because they were the people of Mecca and Mecca is haram). L.'A., s.v. bsl; Abfi Dharr: Sharh al-sira (ed. Br6nnle) p. 233 (the Basl were 142 M. J. KISTER by another division. This scheme divides the tribes according to their recognition of the sanctity of Mecca: (i) the muhrimfinand (2) the The muhrimfn included the Hums and these tribes of the muhillun. did not IHillawho in fact performed the pilgrimage. The mu.hill•n the sanctityof Meccanor did they respectthe sacredmonths. recognize constituted a real danger for Mecca. These mu.billzin all Al-Jdhiz counts as mu.hilliin the Tayy and Khath'am(mimman kdina Muhillin says Idyard li-l-.haramiwa-ldli-l-shahri 'l-.hardmi.hurmatan). and as well manyclansof Yashkur, al-J.hiz--werewere enemiesbecauseQud.'a, (different) and their din al-H.rith of their b. Ka'b. They 1). pedigree (different) his uttered famour the thesemuhillfn intercalator declaration, Against of lawfulthe shedding theirblood. "I makelawfulto shedthe making Kill them, whereveryou blood of the Tayy and Khath'am. mu.hilliin, themif they harass meet you"2). mentionsas muhillifn, people who consideredas lawful Al-Ya'qfbi to commitiniquitiesin these markets. They were groupsfrom Asad, b. and 3). Tayy,Bakrb. 'Abd Mandt Kindna of 'Amirb. Sa'sa'a to It is evident,that it was necessary take some steps to guardthe free markets of Meccafrom hostile tribesand unrulyelementslike 4) and robbers. brigands In fact al-Ya'qiibi states: And among the tribes there were people, to who condemned this and devoted themselves (nasabif anfusahum) the help of oppressed and to prevent bloodshed and committing of iniVII, I) al-Jahiz: al-IHIayawin 216 seq.; comp. al-Najirami:Aymin al-'Arab, p. 12; Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 319 inf. p. min Ansib, ms. f. 9oob (..wa-inni qad ahlaltudimd'a'l-muhillina 2) al-Bal.dhuri: fa-'qtulfihum lakum); of interest wajadtumizhum 'aradlI Tayyinwa-Khath'am idhd haythu is the following verse of al-Hutay'a. Alam akunmuhrimanfa-yakina bayni 'l-mawaddatu wa-baynakumu wa-l-ikhd'u 40, 1.7.). The commentarysays: (Diwdn (ed. T-h-) al-musalimu 'alaykawa-damuka yakramudamubu 'alayhi. 'lladhi al-muhrimu I, z22 (ed. Najaf). 3) al-Ya'qfibi: Ta'rikb 4) Comp. Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar 267 (wa-lam takunfihi (i.e. 'Ukdz) p. wa-ld ,ush/i;run kbufdratun). MECCA AND TAMIN 143 and refrain from it and haram kill. (2) people .haram, respectthe sacredmonths(yz.hrimina (3) 'I-ashhura 'l-.huruma). people set b. sharingthe principle up 3) by Sulsulb. Aus b. Mukhdshin Mu'd- (The quities. They were called al-Dhdda al-Mu.hrimina Mu.hrimfn, "the Defenders"). They were from the 'Amr b. Tamim, the Banti b. Zayd Mandt (b. Tamim), Hudhayl, Shaybdn and Kalb .Hanzala They used to carry weapons (in the sacred months). The b. Wabara. tribes were divided into people who took off their weapons during the sacred months and (lacuna; apparently:people who carried arms during these months-K). This report of al-Ya'qiibi is of importance;it sheds some light on the role of some groups of Tamim who served in an inter-tribalmilitia, set up to defend Mecca and the marketsof Mecca. One may recall the remarkablepassage of al-Jbhizquoted above 1), in which ilif was explainedas a tax, imposed on the tribes in order to defend Mecca from the "wolves of the tribes", brigands and hostile tribes. It cannot be ruled out that the /lafmight have included some point about a pay for the militia to guard the markets and to guard Mecca. Additional details about this militia are given by al-Marziqi 2): The tribes (al-'Arab) were divided according to three different conunlawful ceptions about the sacredmonths: (i) people who perpetrated these are the who do not respect the sanctity of the deeds; stealin the mu.hillfn, who Rasa'il runs as follows: i) See p. 119 n. 2 above; the passage in al-Jdhhiz's dhdiika. Wa-qadfassarahu qaumun hi-ghayri ja'ala 'ala ru'iAsi QdjI: innaHdshiman yu'addzfnahd ilayhili-yahmiya ahlaMakkata.Fa-innadhu'biha 'l-qabd'ii'dard'iba bina i-'Arabi wa-sa'dika 'i-abyd'i wa-ashdba kdnf Idyu'manina Cald 'i-.tawd'ili wa-ndsun al-'Arabi kdn7ldyarauna min 'l-barami;It siyydma li-1-harami wawa-ld li-l-shahri'l-hardmiqadran, wa-Khath'amin .urmatan mithluTayyin wa-Qudad'ata bni ba'diBalhdrithi Ka'bin". al-AmkinaII, i66. 2) al-Marzicqi: The translationof Hamidullah(Le Prophite,p. 605) is not accurate.He renders 3) the text as follows:.. mais les gens se partageaienten trois groupes a ce propos: ceux qui pratiquaient l'abomination...ceux qui s'en abstenaient..et enfin les fantaisistes (ahl al-ahwd'),partisans du Tamimite.." The text tells about three conceptions according to which people were divided. Wa-kandt al-'Arabuflasbhuri 144 M. J. KISTER wiya b. Shurayfof the 'Amr b. Tamim; it is he who made lawful for them the fight of the mu.hillfn. This tradition transmittedby Ibn al-Kalbi (on the authority of his father)is refuted by Ibn al-Kalbi and Abi Khirdsh.They state: "That is the claim of the Banii Tamim. Certainis in our opinion that it was the Qalammasand his ancestors. And it was he who intercalatedthe months". The refutation of Ibn al-Kalbi and Abii Khirish does not refer to the whole tradition about Sulsul. It refers only to the phrase "and he made lawful to fight the muhilahallaqitdla'l-muhillin fa-innahu utteredby the interseemsto referto the declaration al-Kalbi lin."Ibn who utteredthis declaration. It was in fact the intercalator calator. out who But it was the group of Sulsul,the mu.hrimifn-dhdda carried the implicationof this declaration. A peculiartradition recordedby al-Shahrastdni (al-Milal,p. 443-ed. claimsthat the Qalammas text al-Mutalammis)Umayya b. (in Cureton) was al-Kindn7 of the dinof Tamim('alad ban! dini Tamim). seems The traditionabout the mu.hrimzin-dhdda to be trustworthy. The Usayyid, the clan of Sulsul, were in close connections with Mecca. Some of the Bani Usayyid came to Mecca, became allies of influential of families,and families, daughters aristocratic gainedwealth,married was citizensof Mecca.Influential the Usayyidi became family respected of Nabbdsh.Their houses were in the vicinity of the Ka'ba1). Al-A'shd b. Zurdrab. al-NabbdshmournedNubayh and Munabbih,the two sons b. of al-Hajjdj 'Amir,killedat Badr The motherof Baghidb. 'Amir 2). b. Hdshim b. 'Abd Mandf b. 'Abd al-Dar was the daughter of al- ahlu ha wan shara 'a bu .wa-minhum.. minbum.. iabwd'in: '/-hajti'aldthaldthat .wa-minhum The expression The group set up by Sulsul were not "fantaisistes". lahum Sulsul. ... is ahluhawan not peiorative; it is equal in its denotation to the expression used for the preceding groups. i) al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr: Nasab Quraysh,ms. f. 88b; al-Fdsi: Shifd' al-ghardn (Wiistenfeld, II, I40 seq.). 2) Ibn Hishdm: Sira III, 16; al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr: Nasab Quraysh,ms. f. 182 b; Aba 'l-Faraj:al-Aghint XVI, 6o. MECCA AND TAMIN 145 Nabbash b. Zurdra One of the mountains of Mecca belonged to 1). Ban& Nabbdsh2). A spurious tradition-which may, however, the contain some grain of truth-claims that Aktham b. Sayfi, the famous sage of the Usayyid, acquiredhis wisdom from Qusayy, 'Abd Manif, Hdshim and Abil 3). Another spurious tradition claims that T.lib from 'Abd al Muttalib4). To the Usayyid Aktham learned nasab belonged as well the first (or second) husband of Khadija,Abii Hila. The family of Aus b. Mukhdshinwas a noble one. The descendants of Aus b. Mukhdshinwere the guardiansof the sanctuaryof Shums, the idol worshippedby the Dabba, Tamim, 'Ukl, 'Adiyy and Thaur6). This idol was pulled down by Hind, the son of Khadijaand by Safwin b. Usayyidof the Mukhdshin This SafwdnmarriedDurra,the daugh6). ter of Aba Lahab, and she gave birth to two of his sons Auf and alQa'qd" Mukhashin b. Mu'dwiya b. Jurwa b. Usayyid was called 7). b. al-Hkrithb. Mukhdshinb. Mu'dwiya Dbh 'I-a'wVd8). Sayfi b. Riy.h b. Jurwa b. Usayyid, the father of Aktham was called Dhb or '-.hilm Dhib'l-aubdr of the copious herds he possessed)9). Rabi'a b. (because Mukhdshinand his father were respected "judges of the Mukh.shin tribes" 10). is attributedwas Sulsul to whom the setting up of the mu.hrimin-dhida in very close relations with Mecca: he was in charge of the mausim and a judge at 'Ukz x11). al-Zubayr b. Bakkir, op. cit., ms. f. 89b; al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri:Nasab Quraysh in Suhayli's al-Raud p. 254; and see the discussion about the writer of the sa•ifa al-unuf I, 2 32. z) al-Azraqi: Akhbdr (Wiistenfeld I, 490); Yqfiqt: Buldin, s.v. Sbayba. 3) al-Majlisi:Bihdral-anwdr 39. VI, 4) Abu l-BaqI': Maniqib,ms. f. 96a. Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 316. p. 5) I) ansib al-'Arab, p. 199, inf. .Hajar: 7) Ibn Hazm:Jambarat al-Hamddni:Iklil I/II, ms. f. 178a (Mukhdshin);Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 8) p. 134 (Rabi'a b. Mukhdshin). al-Anbdri: Mufaddalyydt (Lyall) 447 (Rabi'd); al-Ya'qabi: Ta'rikh I, 214 (ed. Najaf: Mukhlshin); al-Farazdaq:Diwdn, p. 503, n. 2; Ibn Abi 'l-Hadid: Sharbnabjal-Baldgha 427. III, 9) al-Hamdani:ib. Ibn al-Athir; al-Murassa'(ed. Seybold) p. 82 (also attributed to Aktham). Io) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 134; al-'Askari: Jamharatal-amthil,p. Io04. p. i i) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, p. 182. JESHO, VIII Io 6) ib; and see Ibn al-Isdba, No. 4067, 4071. 146 M. J. KISTER The duties entrustedto Tamimin Meccaand in the marketsof Mecca are a convincing evidence of the important role played by Tamim in establishingof the economic power of Mecca. Tamim were invested in with the ifd/da Mecca itself and with the control of the market of 'Ukdz. 'Ukdz was one of the importantmarketsbecauseherethe public opinion of the tribes could express itself in its literary, political and social aspects1). It was the co-operation with Tamim in the market which helped Qurayshto avoid competition and secured for of the'Uk.z Qurayshthe influencein these markets2). The share of Tamim in the Meccan system is defined by Ibn JHabib as follows: "The leaders (A' imma) of the tribes (after 'Amir b. al-Zarib) in the mawasim and their judges at Tamim. The guardiansof their dinand the 'Ukdz were the BanLY trustees of their qiblawere the Quraysh.The authoritativeinterpreters of the din were the Band Mdlik b. Kindna 3)". Ibn Habib gives a list of chiefs of Tamim who acted both as leaders of the mausim and as (i) Sa'd b. Zayd Mandt b. Tamim, (2) Uanzala b. judges of 'Uk.z. Zayd Mandt b. Tamim, (3) Dhu'ayb b. Ka'b b. 'Amr b. Tamim, (4) Mdzin b. Mdlik b. 'Amr b. Tamim, (5) Tha'laba b. Yarbii' b. Hanzala b. Mdlik b. Zayd Mandt,(6) Mu'dwiyab. Shurayfb. Jurwa b. Usayyid b. 'Amr b. Tamim, (7) al-Adbat b. Quray' b. 'Auf b. Ka'b b. Sa'd b. Zayd Mandt,(8) Sulsul b. Aus b. Mukhdshinb. Mu'~wiyab. Shurayf b. Jurwa b. Usayyid, (9) Sufydnb. Mujdshi'; Sufyan was the last man who combined the two functions: of a judge and a leaderof the mausim. After his death these duties were performedby two differentpersons. Muhammadb. Sufydnperformedthe duties of a judge at 'Ukdz. At the appearanceof Islam the judge was al-Aqra' b. HJbis b. 'Iqdl b. Muhammadb. Sufydnb. Mujdshi'.After Sulsul the "ijdza"of the mausim was entrusted to 'AllIq b. Shihdbb. La'y of the 'Uwdfa (of the Banti i) Comp. al-Marzu-qi:al-Amkina II, I65, 170; al-Marziiqi: Sharb al-Hamisa, pp. p. 15 14; Wellhausen: Reste,p. 84-87; Buhl: Das LebenMubammeds, 49-50, 105. p. 2) The opinion of Rathjens (Die Pilgerfahrt, 70), that there was competition between the market of Mecca and 'Ukdz seems to be without basis. 3) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 18x inf.; the Mdlik b. Kinana were the clan p. of the intercalators. MECCA AND TAMIN 147 in IbnHazmreports a chapter in omitted theeditionof LeviProvengal6), thatthe Tamimgot the duty of the judgesat 'Ukdzandthe ifdda after it had been performedby 'Adwdn. The last of the 'Adwin were the and The 'Amirb. al-Zarib AbaiSayydra. last manwho performed of ifddaat the appearance Islamwas Karibb. Safwin; the last judge was al-Aqra'b. IHbis. The Tamiminheritedthe duties of the raminy, nafrandthe ijddafrom Siifa-reportsIbn lHazm. Tamimi by poets recallin theirpoemsthe dutiesperformed Tamim. boastsof the duty of the by Al-Farazdaq performed one of his .hakam ancestors: Wa-'ammin 'khtdrat 'lladhi hukfmatan Ma'addun idhwafau 'ald'l-ndsi ma'd 'Ukdzabihd Huwa'l-Aqra'u kdna 'l-khayru 'lladhJ yabtan7 thdbitin majdin awdkhiya 7) anyunazza'd i) Zaynab bint 'Allaq b. Shihib b. 'Amr of the Banf 'Uwifa b. Sa'd b. Zayd Mandtwas the grandmotherof 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz (see Ibn al-Mubabbar, p. 27; al-Baladhuri: Ansib, ms. f. Io049 b). His son 'Attab got the.Habib: pay ('a.td') of z,500 dirham by 'Umar (al-Balidhuri, op. cit. f. I05oa; Ibn al-Kalbi:Jambara,ms. f. 83a). 'Alliq is said to have believed in God and in the Day of Resurrection(al-Shahrastani, al-Milal, p. 439, ed. Cureton). 2) See Ibn al-Kalbi: Jamhara,ms. f. 8Ia; Ibn Hazm: Jamharatansdbal-'Arab, p. 208; al-Balidhuri: Ansib, ms. f. o1044a, 957a; Damra b. Jibir b. Nahshal married his daughter Hind (al-Dabbi: Amthal al-'Arab, p. 8). 3) al-Balidhuri: Ansdb, ms. f. 1044 b (but Mdzin is followed by Mu'iwiya b. Shurayf; Sulsul is followed by 'Allaq). 4) Naqd'i~d438 (Tha'laba b. Yarba' is followed by Mu'iwiya b. Shurayf; but Mu'iwiya b. Shurayf is followed by Jurwa b. Usayyid. That is apparently an error; read for thumma: bn). 5) al-Marzfqi: al-AmkinaII, I67. 6) al-Jdsir: Na.ratun ft kitdbiJambaratiansibi 1-'Arabi, RAAD, 95o0, .Hamd p. 248 seq. 7) al-Farazdaq:Divwn, p. 50oz(ed. Sawi). Sa'd) '). The last man who performedthe duty of "ijlza" when Islam appearedwas Karib b. Safwdn2). on The list of the Tamimi judges given by al-Balddhuri the authority of Ibn Kundsais almostidenticalwith the list of 3). Identical al-Mu.habbar are as well the lists of the Naqdi'id4) and al-Marziiqi's Amkina 5). 148 M. J. KISTER The function of the judge boasts as well Jarir: '/-hikimrfna Quldkhin 'aald Wa-nahnu dhd 1) wa-l-musdba kafaynd 'l-jarfrati 'ald (Thereis a variant:Wa-nabhnu 2). 'l-.hJkimina 'Ukdzin) A significant verseof Hassdn Thdbit b. refersto the dutiesof Tamim in the markets: min Wa-afd/alu niltum al-majdi md wa-l-'uld 'inda 3) ridafatund '.htiddri 'l-mawdsimi "Andthebestwhichyou gainedfromgloryandloftiness Is (to be) ourhelpersat the attending markets." of This verse is the 14th of a poem of which was an answer .Hass-n, to the poemof the delegation Tamim,whichcameto Meccato meet of the prophet anno 9 H. Arafatanalysedthe poem 4) and came to the conclusion thoughattributed Hassdn, wasactually that it to compoin Arafat not analyse did sed by an Ansdri a laterperiod.Unfortunately as this verse. The conclusion Arafatis, however,not acceptable far of that as this verseis concerned. Takingfor granted therewas an Ansdri this to interested insultthe Tamim-he would not have recalled poet were relationof the Tamimwith Mecca.In latertimeswhen Quraysh for highly respectedin the Islamicsociety-the riddfa Qurayshwas not an insult. "is clearlydivided into Arafatremarksthat the poem of .Hassdn two sections.The firsteightlinesareboastingin the firstpersonplural the in preciselythe same mannerwhich characterizes poems of the The remaining to someof whichwereattributed laterAnsdris .Hassdn. Ddrim" to six lines are threatsand insults addressed the Banfi 5). of the poemcontaining withthe eightverses We areherenot concerned See Naqd'id, p. 438; Jarir: Diwan, ib.; Ydqfit: Buldtn, s.v. Qulkh. 3) Diwan p. 385 (ed. Barqfiqi). 4) W. Arafat: "An interpretation of the different accounts of the visit of the .Hassan: Tamim delegation to the Prophet A.H. 9", BSOAS '955, PP. 416-25. 2) i) Jarir: Diwan, p. 67; Naqd'id, p. 437. 5) ib. p. 422. MECCA AND TAMIN 149 praises of the Ansdr and stressingthe aid of the Ansir for the Prophet. Arafat may be right assuming that these verses were composed by an Ansdriof a later generation.But why did an Ansdriof a later generation slanderthe Tamim in such a vehement manner. To start with, one may observe that the six verses of Hassln (9-14) are an answerfor the poem of al-Zibriqin b. Badr1). In the four verses recorded al-Zibriqdnpraises his tribe and their deeds. The verses of for lHassinform, in fact, an answer, a naqkla the verses of al-Zibriqdn. The verse of quoted above forms an answer for the first verse .Hassin of al-Zibriqdn: Atayndkakaymiya'lama'l-ndsu fadland 'inda idhd 'l-mawdsimi '.htiddri came to "We'.htafalIzyou in order that people may know our excellence When they rally attending the markets". The verse seems to point to the duty of the Tamim performed in the markets. The answer of Hassdn-on behalf of the Prophet-is explicit: you were merely our chamberlains, ardaf, at these markets. That is the utmost of excellence which you could attain. It would be, in fact, probablybetterto put this verse afterverse io of the poem. That refutesthe claim of the excellence would give 3 verses in which IHassdn of the Tamim. The three other verses (11-13) would form the unity of threat and urge to embraceIslam. The violent insults in the verses of IHassdnare not surprising. was known as the poet who mentioned in his verses in the .Hass~n defense of the Prophet the faults of his opponents, their lost battles and some flaws in their pedigree2). Arafat refuting the authenticity of the verses of Hassin remarks: "However, it is doubtful whether it would be in keeping with the i) Ibn Hishim: Sira IV, z Ii; two verses are quoted in al-Marzubdni's Mudjam al-sbu'ard',p. 299 and attributedto 'Ut~ridb. IHjib (attributedas well to al-Aqra' b. Habis). III, II, 376; al-Zurqdni: Sbarbal-mawabib 2) al-Dhahabi: Siyar a'ldm al-nubald' 376. 150O M. J. KISTER of character the Prophet, alwaysa great statesman,to allow such insults and threats to be used on such an occasion against the well known of of representatives a greattribe"1). The argument Arafatis a sound answerto the one. But thereis a reportwhichmay give a reasonable to by According an accountgiven in the questionput forward Arafat. of therewas a contestbetweenal-Aqra' the Tamim SiraJHalabiyya 3) 2) which and Hassan(mufdkhara), was attended the Prophet. by Al-Aqra' with his naqida. Prophet, The recitedhis poem and responded the verses of.Hassan said to al-Aqra':"You did not need hearing .Hass-n, to of kunta (laqad ghaniyyan) be reminded thingswhichyou understand that people alreadyforgot". This utteranceof the Prophet-says alKalbi-was more gravefor al-Aqra'than the versesof was .Hassan. that It is not surprising this verse(14)of Hassan omittedin later sources.The duty of Tamimfell in oblivionand was mentioned only had ceasedto The old markets already by earlyIslamicTamimipoets. of exist. The verse could not serveas argument boastingor of insult. of The moderncommentary Barqi-qi gives the followingexplanation: becauseif you embrace "It is betterfor you (says Islam-you .Hassan) because would gain the highestglory (sharaf), you will attendwith us and all gatherings thatis the best thingyou striveat"4). This explanamd does not denotefuture, tion is hardlyacceptable. Wa-aftdalu niltum anno but past. The versewas, in fact, an insultin the time of .Hassan, in 9 H.: you were merelyhelpersof ours (of Quraysh) the markets. of the seconddivision)describe VersesI -Iz of the poem (verse 3 "If a realsituation. you havecometo saveyourlives andyourproperty lest you be dividedamongthe booty, then admitno rivalto God, and attireto thatof foreigners" and becomeMuslims wearnot a similar 5). x) Arafat, op. cit., p. 423. z) al-Halabi: Insdnal-'uyin,III, 228-29. 3) It is more plausible that the verses of the Tamimi poet may be attributed to al-Aqra' or 'Utirid b. HIjib. It is hardly conceivable that the Sa'di ka-Dirimi. al-Zibriq.n The verses would have praised the Ddrim: wa-anlaysaft ardi '1Ij.diZi of Hassin are as well addressed to the Ddrim: Bani Darimin, d tafkharz. 4) IHassin: Divwn, ib. 5) Arafat, op. cit., p. 423. MECCA AND TAMIN 15 I in The situationreferred in these versesis plainlymentioned the to that The versesof al-Farazdaq. threatof Hassdn the Tamimiprisoners as have been sold in the markets-cannotbe considered a void might threat.Al-Farazdaq boastsof the Ddrim: rasili 'ldhi idhshadda Wa-'inda qabdahu addhimuh wa-mulli'a asrdTamimin min Farajnd 'l-asrd 'l-addhima md ba'da 'ani wa-'shtaddat shakd'imuh 1) 'alayhim takhamma.ta that In another stresses the freeingof the captives poem al-Farazdaq of was due to the intercession al-Aqra'with the Prophetfor them. sawwdrin 'l-majdi, ild .hdyimi. bi-khu.t.tati Lahfatlaqa '1-asrd fi .hibdlihi 'llati ' HIdbisin Wa-'inda rasili 'lldhiqdmabnu f7 mughallaqatan a'ndquhd 'I-addhimi. 'calayhim Kafdummahdti 'l-khd'Jifina ausihdma 'ald'a1-mufddZ 1-musdhimi2). A tradition recorded on the authorityof al-Kalbi (forming a for of commentary these verses) states that al-Aqra'interceded the b. captivesof the 'Amr b. Jundabb. al-'Anbar 'Amr b. Tamimand The Prophetfreed the captivesand promisedto pay the bloodwit. al-Aqra'paid the bloodwiton behalfof his people3). The verses of Hassin aboutTamimseemto be authentic. One may agreewith Arafataboutthe inferiority these versesof of that is not a sufficient proof that these verseswere not .Hassdn-but JHassin. in Suchversesare not surprising politicalha-d'. composedby The problemof the delegationof Tamimdeservesto be treated separately. The seculardutiesof Tamimat the market,discussedabove, were i) al-Farazdaq:Diwdn, p. 767; Naqd'ia4, 748. p. a'niquhd). z) al-Farazdaq:Diwdn, p. 862; Naqd'id, p. 747 (mughallalatan 3) Naqi'id, p. 747; it is significant that versions "L", "O" of the Naqa'id have au sibhma resembling closely the expression of the verse of 1-muqdsimi .HassZn. 152 M. J. KISTER complemented by remarkableduties performed by the relatives of Tamim during the festivities of the pilgrimage.The SPraof Ibn Hishdm supplies the following account about the Tamimi leaders at the pilgrimage festivities: "Al-Ghauth b. Murr b. Udd b. al-Ya's b. Mudar used to give permission to men on pilgrimageto leave 'Arafa,and this function descended to his children after him. He and his sons used to be called Safa. Al-Ghauth used to exercise this function because his mother was a woman of Jurhum who had been barren and vowed to Allah that if she bore a son she would give him to the Ka'ba as a slave to serve it and to look after it. In course of time she gave birth to al-Ghauthand he used to look after the Ka'ba in early times with his Jurhum uncles and presided over the order of departurefrom 'Arafa because of the office which he held in the Ka'ba. His sons carriedon the practiceuntil they were cut off. Murr b. Udd, referring to the fulfilment of the mother's oath, said: O Lord, I have made one of my sons A devotee in Mecca the exalted. So bless me for the vow fulfilled, And make him the best of creaturesto my credit. Al-Ghauth, so they allege, used to say when he sent the people away: O God I am following the example of others. If that is wrong the fault is Qudj'a's. Yahyd b. 'Abbdd b. 'Abdullah b. al-Zubayrfrom his father 'Abbid said: Soifaused to send the people away from 'Arafa and give them permission to depart when they left Mini. When the day of departure arrivedthey used to come to throw pebbles, and a man of Siifa used to throw for the men, none throwing until he had thrown. Those who had urgent business used to come and say to him: "Get up and throw so that we may throw with you", and he would say, "No, by God, not until the sun goes down"; and those who wanted to leave quickly used to throw stones at him to hurry him, saying, "Confound you, MECCA AND TAMIN 153 get up and throw". But he refused until the sun went down and then he would get up and throw while the men threw stones with him. When they had finished the stoning and wanted to leave Mini, fa held both sides of the hill and kept the men back. They said: "Give .Sthe order to depart, Safa". No one left until they had gone first. When Safa left and had passed on, men were left to go their own way and followed them. This was the practiceuntil they were cut off. After them the next of kin inherited. They were of B. Sa'd in the family of b. Shijna. It was Safwdn who gave permission Safwdn b. to the pilgrims to depart from 'Arafa, and this right was maintained al-.HIrith them up to Islam, the last being Karib b. Safwdn. by Aus b. Tamim b. Maghrd'al-Sa'di said: The pilgrims do not quit their halting-placeat 'Arafa Until it is said, "Give permission O family of Safwdn1)". The verses of Aba Maghrd' are often quoted and the importance of the duty of Karib b. SafwIn is stressed2). It is a significantverse of Aus b. Maghri': Tard thindnd,idhd mdjdi'a, bad'ahumrn in 'wa-bad'uhum, atdnd, kina thunydnda3) The yijda of Safa is mentioned in the verses of Murra b. Khulayf: Idhidmd ajiat min athu 'l-naqbar Minan .Sf fauqahi safa'u 'l-dami wa-/dhaqutdrun wa-taba"athat 'ajilan 'l-i'dba Ra'aytu 'alaiya dan'd'inli-l-Rabdbi wa-Kalthami4) The two poets of Tamim, al-Farazdaqand Jarir mention boasting i) Ibn Hisham: Sira I, I25 seq.; the translationof the whole quoted passage is taken from Guillaume: The Life of Muhammad, 49-50; comp. Ibn Kathir: al-Bip. dayaII, 20o6. 2) al-Mubarrad:Nasab, p. 9; Muh. b. Habib: al-MAluabbar, I83; al-Baldhuri: p. Amdi, II, 176; al-Bakri:Simt, p. 795-96; Ibn Qutavba: Ansdb, ms. f. Io44a; al-QMli: al-Shi'r, p. 264; Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi: al-'lqd al-faridII, 222; Ibn Abi 'l-IHadid: Sharh III, nahjal-baldgha 426. Ibn Walldd:al-Maqsr7r wa-/-mamd7id, 24. p. 4) al-Marzubini: Muijam al-shu'ard', p. 382. 3) L. 'A., s.v. th . n ._y. 154 M. J. KISTER the y*da of their tribe 1) in Mecca. A verse of al-Farazdaqabout the of iydZa Tamim was considered as unsurpassed(afkhar)in boasting: min 'l-ndsu habata 'l-Muhassaba Minan Idhd min yaumi 'l-nahri .haythu 'arraff# 'ashiyyata Tard'l-ndsa sirnd md yasfrzrna khalfand nahnu ild wa-in 2) waqqafzi auma'nd '-na-si Jarir says: 'l-bajfji 'alaykum land Wa-jawwdZu 'l-makdrimi wa-l-mandri 3) wa-'ddidyyu (called al-Rabit, or Sifa) is recorded by Ibn al-Kalbi: Jambara,ms. f. 6oa (they perished; Muh. b. Habib: Mukhtalifal-qabd'il; al-Balddhuri:Ansdb, ms. f. 956b; Ibn Qutayba: al-Ma'drif, p. 34 (al-Ghauth b. Murr moved to al-Yaman and were called Siifa);al-Kali'i: al-Iktifd',I, 132 seq.; and see Wellhausen:Reste,p. 77; Caetani: Annali I, p. Io5 (79). There are however contradictory traditions about Sfifa. Al-Azraqi: Akhbar (Wiistenfeld, I, iz8) reports that the men, who were entrusted with the duty of the ifjda were descendants of Sifa, whose name was Akhzam; he was from the Mdzin b. Asad. Al-Ghauth b. Sffa, the son of Slfa and a woman from Jurhum,was entrusted of the Khuzd'a. His descendants performed the ifdc/a with the ijada by in the times of Jurhum and Khuzi'a till they perished. In the times of Quraysh .Hubshiyya the ifjIda passed to the 'Adwtn (of Qays 'Aylhn), to Zayd b. 'Adwan. The last man, who performed this duty when Islam appearedwas Abfi Sayyara. Al-Maqdisi (Kit. al-Bad' IV, I z7-ed. Huart) records that Sofa were a group from Jurhum, given the privilege of the yijaa. They were defeated in the battle with Qusayy. was in the beginning entrustedto people from Khuzd'a, Ydqft reportsthat the yij/za to 'AdwAn and became the privilege of Abai SayyAra;finally it became the passed s.v. Thabir). privilege of al-Ghauth b. Murr b. Udd (al-Bulddn, In another passage Ydqft reports that a group of Jurhum, called Stfia, used to perform the yijda. The poet said about them: Wa-ld ft yarimdna '/-ta'rjfimauqi'abum dia hattadyuqdla: "aizzgd S'zafdnd" s.v. Makka).The privilege passed to Khuzd'a,was latertransferred (Yaqiat:al-Buldan, to 'Adwvn (Abil Sayydra).Qusayy removed Abca Sayyara and his people. p. According to al-Sijistdni(al-Mu'ammarin, 5i ed. Goldziher) Sfifaperformedthe duty of the yijda one day; on another day the duty was performed by 'Adwdn. (see n. 34 of Goldziher.) z) Ibn Rashiq: al-'UmdaII, I37; al-'Askari: Diwdn al-Ma'dni,I, 78; al-Farazdaq: Diwan, p. 5667 (ed. al-SAwi; there is a misprint: auma'ndild 'l-ndri,instead of ild 'l-ndsi);but see al-Qdli: al-Amali (Dhayl I19 inf.) and Ibn Rashiq:al-'UmdaII, z69. 3) Jarir: Diwdn, p. 298. I) The tradition stating that Siifa were the descendants of al-Ghauth b. Murr MECCA AND TAMIN 15T of the Al 'Ajjajsaysdescribing multitude the pilgrims: idhd fitru HFattd mi .hdna 'l-suwwami iun lam 1) yfiqami minnajda' ajdZa Theseversesof the Tamimi pointto the aboveco-operapoetsclearly tion between Qurayshand Tamim.The fact that Qurayshinvested Tamim with the two most importantduties in their religions and economiclife: the and the Ji-Za shows thatthe Tamimwere 2) .hukima and renderedconsiderable servicesto in fact strong and influential Mecca. The suggestionof Wellhausen, the granting the !i/dato Stifa of that laterto Tamim-K) shows,thatMeccawas not the centerof the (and seems not to be adequate.Qurayshceded their authorityor .hajja) a clan with invested some dutiesin their territory in the territory or in whichthe exertionof influence vitalfor Quraysh markets), was (the becausethey could in this way more efficiently controlthe activities of the tribesandgainthe security theirterritory. of Therewereprecedents of this kind and this principle already was appliedby the rulers of the borderkingdoms Aboutthe investment somedutiesin the of 4). market,we can gauge from a significantpassage in al-Marziiqi's Amkina 5): bi-tilka Wa-kdna ashrafu yatawafauna ma'a 'l-tujjdri 'l-'Arabi 'l-aswdqi minajlianna kinattardakhu 'l-mulzka li-kullisharzfin li-l-ashrdji, bi-sahbmin i) al-'Ajjdj:Diwan, p. 6o (ed. Ahlwardt). Festivals, 32-33:Wellhausen: 2) For the ijyaasee: von Grunebaum:Mubammadan p. Reste,pp. 57, 75-8o; about ashriqThabirsee Aba Mishal: Nawadir,p. 452; and see L. 'A., s.v. th b r and Sh r q. 3) Wellhausen: Reste, p. 77: "Das Recht, das Zeichen zum Beginne des Laufes zu geben, die sogenannte IdiZa stand in alter Zeit den Cufa d. i. den Al (afwan zu, nicht den Quraisch (B. Hischdm 7712, 8o5, 825, vrgl, Agh. III, 417, seq.). Das ist bemerkenswert. Hitte Mekka im Mittelpunkt gestanden, so hitten es auch die Quraisch getan; statt dessen wird berichtet, dass sie in der heidnischen Zeit sich gar nicht an der Festversammlung zu 'Arafa beteiligten, sondern erst an einem spiteren Punkte zu der Prozession stiessen". 4) Comp. Ibn al-mughtdlin (Nawrdir al-makt.itat,ed. A. S. Haroin Asmad' 6, 221). But perhaps to read mulayknot malik (ay laysa bi-l-maliki1-timmi). .Habib: 5) al-Marzfqi: al-Amkina,II, 166. 56 M. J. KISTER shai-lfuku/lli baladin siqa baladihi,illd mrinal-arbdahi. Fa-kadna ya.hkduru bihd 'Uktda,fa-inntahuim yatandaifauna minkulli aubin. kdin "And the nobles (leadersof the tribes) used to frequentthese markets with the merchants, because the kings used to allot to every leader (sharif,noble), a share of the profits. The leader of every area used to attend the market of this district, except 'Ukdz, as they flocked to 'Ukaz from every side". This passagegives some idea about the relations between the rulers and the Bedouin chiefs. They were granted some share in the profits. Such apparently was the situation in DMmatal-Jandal, at Hajar, at Suhlr-at Dabd and in other markets, controlled by rulers of client kingdoms in which there were taxes levied. In the same way Quraysh invested the Tamim with the privilege of the leadershipof the market of But this was not based on some paltry reward. was a 'Uk.z this 'Uk.z. free marketwhere no taxes were paid. There is no indication what reward was. The expression a'immatal-'Arab points to some principle of mutual co-operation. As an ideological base served the principle of the respect for the sanctuary of Mecca and the sacred months. It is clearthat the consent of the tribes was necessaryfor the performing of this duty. The control of the marketsand the yidzawere of importancenot only for the tribes. It was of the concern of some rulersas well. This can be gauged from a significanttradition reported by Suhayli: wa-qdla ba'.du kdinat qibalimul/ki Kindata. min inna 'l-Ghauthi naqalati'l-akhbdri wildyata "Some transmittersof historical records say that the appointment of al-Ghauth(b. Murr)was done by the kings of Kinda"1).These Ghauth b. Murr are said to have left for al-Yaman2). The traditions that alGhauth b. Murr emigratedto al-Yamanpoint clearly to their connections with South Arabia. According to tradition, after Sifa were exrith tinguished, the duty was inheritedby the Safwdnb. al-TH~ b. Shijna of the Sa'd, who were next in kin (fa warithahum ba'dihim dhdlikammin One may rememberthat this family had close connections bi-l-qu'dudi). I) al-Suhayli: al-Raud al-unuf I, 84 inf. 2) See above, p. 154, n. i. MECCA AND TAMIN I 57 with the Kinda family.It was Uwayrb. Shijnawho shelteredsome members of the defeated family of Kinda and was praisedby Imru 'l-Qays. It was Karib b. Safwdnwho refused to join the other clans of Tamim in their attackagainstthe 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a,who belonged to the at the battle of Jabala.One may venture to suggest that there is a grain .Hums, of truth in this tradition. The Kinda co-operatedwith Qurayshin the escort of caravans1) and it is plausible that they influenced at least the appointment of the man and the clan who performed the idzJa. A Sa'di leader and poet, al-Zibriqdnb. Badr, reproacheda man who dared to slanderAbfi Jahl. He said: Abd AtadrJmanhajauta H.abibin salilakhaddrimin sakanfi 'l-bitdha A "Zdda'l-Rakbi"tadhkuru Hishdman am wa-bayta 'lldhi wa-l-balada 1-laqd.ha 2) The versesexpressloyaltyand respectto the aristocratic Qurashite (AbaiJahl)anddevotionfor Mecca. The branch of Tamim to whom the function of the judge at was entrusted werethe Mujdshi' the Ddrim,a claninfluentialUkz. of at the courtof al-Hira 3). The tradition discussed in this paper give us a rough idea how the clans of Tamim became linked with Mecca: some of them by the organizationof the Hums, some of them by the pacts of 7lif, some of them by getting the authority at the markets and in performing of the rites of the hajj,some of them by participating the intertribal in militiato guardMecca. It is plausible that we find in Mecca men from Tamim as and .hulafd' of Tamimi chiefs marriedby leaders of Meccan clans. This daughters factmaydeserve be stressed. to to According sometraditions, Quraysh I) Comp. Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, p. 267 (about the market of al-Rdbiya in Hadramaut): "..the Quraysh used to request the escort of Kinda..and the BanQ Akil al-Mur;r gained power, owing to Quraysh, over other people".. 2) Ydqfit: Bulddn, s.v. Makka. 3) See Oppenheim - Caskel: Die Beduinen,III, i66. 158 M. J. KISTER bint refrained from marrying daughters of some tribes. was the of Kalb, the wife of 'Abd al-Rahmdnb. 'AufTum.dir first al-Asbagh Kalbi woman married by a Qurashite. Qurayshdid not enter into marriageswith Kalb 1). About a family of Tamim tradition emphasizes that Quraysh entered into marriageswith this family 2). The wife of the noble Makhzamite, Hisham b. al-Mughira, the b. motherof the famousAbi Jahl,was Asma'bint Mukharriba Jandal b. Ubayr b. Nahshalb. Ddrim. She was as well the mother of 'Abdallah b. Abi Rabi'a and (Ayydsh b. Abi Rabi'a 3). (Ayydsh b. Abi Rabi'a4) b. b. Mukharriba Jandals).'Abdallahb. bint married Asm.' Rabi'amarriedHind bint Mutarrifb. Salamab. MukharSal.ma b. Abi 'Ayyash riba 6). (Abdallah b. Abi Rabi'a marriedthe daughter of the Tamimi the b. b. leader (Utdrid HTjib ZurdraLayl1 Abi!Jahlmarried daugh7). ter of 'Umayr b. Ma(bad b. Zurdra (Ubaydullah b. 'Umar b. al8). bint Khaula married Asmd'bint 'Utdridb. HIjib b. Zurdra9). KhattOb al-Qa('q8b. Ma(badb. Zurdrab. 'Udas marriedTalha b. 'Ubaydallah; her second marriage was with AbTiJahm b. Hudhayfa10). Layli bint I) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri: Nasab Quraysh,p. 267; al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr: Nasab ms. f. 95 b. Quraysh, 2) al-Balddhuri:Ansdb, ms. f. 989 b: . .kdna sharifanwa-qadnakahatilayhiQurayshun .. fubil al-shu'ard', 3) Ibn al-Kalbi: Jambara,ms. f. 36a, 67b; al-Jumahi: Tabaqdt ms. p. 123; al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr:NasabQuraysh, f. 35a, 140 b; al-Mus'abal-Zubayri: I, pp. NasabOuraysh, 317, 301; al-Wdqidi:Maghdzi, 83-84; Aba 'l-Faraj:al-Aghdni pp. Ansdb,ms. f. 986 b, 804a; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr: 29 seq.; Naqd'iai,p. 607; al-Balddhuri: al-IsdbaVIII, al-Isti'db, p. 495; al-Balddhuri;Ansdb I, 298, 209, 235; Ibn IHajar: Io (No. women). 55 8. al-Isaba,No. 611x 4) See about him: Ibn IHajar: Ibn Hishdm: Szra I, 273; Ibn (Abd al-Barr: al-Isti'(b, p. 705; al-Mus'ab al5) Nasab Quraysh,ms. Zubayri: Nasab 9uraysh, pp. 267, 319; al-Zubayr b. Bakk.r: f. 96a. V, 6) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri: NasabQuraysh,p. 319; Ibn Sa'd: Tabaqdt 28. 7) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri: Nasab Quraysh,p. 318; al-Zubayr b. Bakkar: Nasab Ansib, ms. f. 804 b. ms. .Quraysh, f. 14Ia; Ibn Hajar:al-IsdbaVIII, 182; al-Balddhuri: al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri: op. cit., p. 312; al-Zubayr b. Bakkir, op. cit. f. I35 b. 8) p. 9) al-Jumahi: Tabaqitfuihilal-shu'ard', 488 n. 3. Ansib, ms. Io) al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr, op. cit., ms. f. i i8a, 17Ia; al-Bal.dhuri: f. 871a; al-Mus(ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., pp. 372, 281; Ibn IHajar: al-Isiba VIII, 71 III (No. 371); Ibn Said: Tabaqdt I, 152; V, 120; VI, 147 (ed. Leiden). MECCA AND TAMIN I 59 Mas'id b. Khdlid b. MIlik b. Rib'i b. Sulmi b. Jandal b. Nahshal married 'Ali b. Abi Tdlib; her second marriage was with 'Abdallah b. Ja'far b. Abi Tdlib 1). 'Aqil b. Abi Tdlib married the daughter of the Sa'd b. Zayd Mandt2). The daughters of Sindnb. al-.Hautakiyya of al-Zibriqdn b. Badr married Sa'd b. Abi Waqqas, al-Musawwir b. Makhramaal-Zuhri, 'Amr b. Umayya b. al-Haal-.HJrith al-.Damri, kam b. Abi 'l-'As b. Umayya b. 'Abd Shams, 'Uthmdnb. Abi 'l-'As, b. Abi 'l-'As, Umayyab. Abi 'l-'As 3). al-.Hakam al-Asghar,'Abd Umayya,Naufal and Ama were the children Umayya of 'Abd Shams b. 'Abd Mandf, born by his wife, 'Abla bint 'Ubayd b. Jddhilb. Qays b. Hanzalab. Malikb. Zayd Mandt;their descendants were called al-'AbalJt 4). Naufal b. 'Abd Mandf b. Qusayy married Fukayhabint Jandalb. Ubayrb. Nahshalb. Ddrim5). One of the wives of al-Muttalib b. 'Abd Mandf b. Qusayy was Umm al-HJIrith bint b. Yarbi' b. Hanzala b. Mdlik b. Zayd Mandt6). b. Salit al-.Hirith Khalaf married a Tamimi woman, Salmd bint 'Auf; she b. Umayya gave birth to 'Ali b. Umayya killed at Badr7). Wahb b. 'Uthmdn b. Abi Talha of the 'Abd al-Ddr b. Qusayy marriedSu'da bint Zayd b. Laqit of the Mdzin b. 'Amr b. Tamim8). Harb b. Umayya married a Tamimi woman 9). Ndfi' b. Tarif b. 'Amr b. Naufal b. 'Abd MandfmarriedGhaniyya bint Abi Ihdb b. 'Aziz b. Qays b. Suwayd b. Rabi'a b. Zayd b. 'Abd b. Ddrim 10). Abfi Ihab was a descendant of Suwayd b. Rabi'a who i) Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, ms. f. 9a: al-Bal1dhuri's Ansdb, ms. f. 153a: al Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., pp. 44, 83; Ibn JHajar: al-Isdba No. 8404; Ibn Sa'd: Tabaqat III, 19. 2) al-Bal1dhuri: Ansib, ms. f. 154a, 105 oa. al-Sadfisi: Hadhf, p. 30; al-Bal1dhuri: Ansab, ms. f. 345, 8o6; Abft 'l-Faraj: Aghdn I, 3) al-Bal1dhuri:Ansdb, ms. f. Io44a; al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., p. 169. ms. 4) Ibn al-KalbiJamhara, f. i16; al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri,op. cit., p. 98; Mu'arrij 82. 5) al-Mus'abal-Zubayri:op. cit., p. 198; al-Bal1dhuri:Ansdb,ms. f. 8o8a(Kuhayfa bint Jandal-not Fukayha); Ibn al-Kalbi:Jamhara,ms. f. 2ia. 6) Ibn al-Kalbi:Jambara,ms. f. 2o; al Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., pp. 44, 83; Ibn IHajar:al-IsidbaNo. 8404; Ibn Sa'd: Tabaqat III, 19. 7) al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr, op. cit., f. 176 b; al Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., p. 387 inc. 8) al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr,op. cit., f. 88a. 9) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri,op. cit., p. 123. io) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., p. 204. I6o M. J. KISTER killed a son of the ruler of al-Hira and escaped to Mlecca.He became an ally of the Naufal b. 'Abd Mandf. The grandfatherof Ghaniyya, 'Aziz b. Qays marriedFdkhitabint 'Amir b. Naufal b. 'Abd Manif 1). AbCiIhdb b. 'Aziz, the father of Ghaniyya married Durra bint Abi Lahab, the uncle of the prophet2). The daughterof Abii Ihdb married 'Abd al-Rahmdnb. 'Attdb b. Asid b. Abi 'l-'ls b. Umayya b. 'Abd Shams 3). The granddaughterof Abii Lahab, Durra bint 'Utba b. Abi Lahab marrieda Tamimi: Hind b. Hind b. Abi HIla the grandson of Khadija from her first (or second) husband, the Tamimi Abri Hdla4). The daughter of Naufal b. al-Hdrith b. 'Abd al-Muttalib5) married the Tamimi Hanzalab. al-Rabi'a,the secretaryof the Prophet6), the nephew of Aktham b. Sayfi 7). The list of the Tamimi women who married the men of the aristocratic families of Quraysh is not comprehensive at all. There seems to have been a considerable number of Tamimi women who married the sons of distinguished families of Mecca. It points to the close relations between Quraysh and Tamim. These marriages may have been intended to strengthen the ties with the chiefs of Tamim, who contributed considerably to strengthen the position of Mecca in the tribalsociety. i) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., pp. 204, 420; al-Zubayr. b. Bakkar, op. cit., f. I86a; AbO'l-Baqd', op. cit., f. i5ob. 2) Ibn al-Kalbi: Jamhara, ms. f. ii6 b. 3) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., p. 193. 4) Ibn al-Kalbi:Jamnhara, ms. f. i i 8b. 5) See about him: Ibn Hajar: al-Isiba, No. 8827. 6) Ibn al-Kalbi: Jamhara, ms. f. i i 8a. 7) See about him: Ibn Hajar: al-Isaba, No. 1855. BIBLIOGRAPHY al-'Abbdsi: Ma'ahbid al-tansis,Cairo I3 I6 A.H. Abfi 'l-Baqd' Hibatu 'llh: al-Maniqibal-mazyadyya akhbdr ms. al-mulfkal-asadiyya, fi Br. Mus., add. 23, 296. Abfi Dharr: Sharhal-Siraed. Bronnle, Cairo 19 1. ed. Abi H2Itim al-Sijistdni:Kitabal-Mulammarii, I. Goldziher, Leiden 1899. I-VIII, Cairo 1328 A.H. al-muhit, Hayydn: Tafsira/-bahr Abi MECCA AND TAMIN 161 Abd al-WahhIbb. Harish;al-Nawddir, 'IzzatHasan, Damascus 1961. ed. Aba Mislhal, AbC Nu'aym al-Isbahbni:Hilyat al-awliyd, I-X, Cairo 1932-1938. Abii 'Ubayd: Kitib al-amwil, Cairo 1353 A.H. al-'Ajjij: Diwdn, ed. W. Ahlwardt, Berlin 1903. al-Alfisi: Bul/ghal-Arab, Cairo 1940. W. Arafat: "An Interpretationof the Different Accounts of the Visit of the Tamim al-A'shi: Diwdn, ed. R. Geyer, Wien 1928 (Gibb Memorial Series, VI). I-II, Cairo 1352 A.H. al-'Askari: Diwan al-ma'dni, ed. W. Ahlwardt, al-Asmaciyjdt, der al-Azraqi: Akhbdr Makka, ed. F. Wiistenfeld Die Chroniken Stadt Mekka), Leipzig 1858. al-Bakri,Abfi 'Ubayd cAbdallahb. 'Abd al-'Aziz: Mujam ma'stayam, ed. M. al---: Ahmad b. Yahyd: Ansib al-ashrif, ms. Ashir Efendi, 597/8, Istanbul; al-Balddhuri, vol. I, ed. Muh. Hamidulldh, Cairo 1959; vol. IV/B, ed. M. Schloessinger, SaqqA, Cairo 1945-195 i. Simt al-la'dli, ed. cAbd al-'Aziz al-Maymani, Cairo 1936. Delegation to the Prophet in A.H. 9", BSOAS (1955), PP. 416-425. L. Caetani: Annali dell'Islam, I-II, Milano 1905-1907. al-lDabbi:Amtbhlal-'Arab, Constantinople, 13oo A.H. H. Birkeland: TheLord Guideth, Oslo 1956. trans. H. H. Schaeder,Heidelberg 1955. F. Buhl: Das LebenMuhammeds, Jerusalem 1938; vol. V, ed. S. D. Goitein, Jerusalem 1936. on Dahlin: al-Sira al-nabawiyya, margin of al-Halabi's Insdnal-cUyifn,I-III, Cairo al-Din al-Munajjid I. al-Abyari, Sal.h - --: Ta'rikhal-Islam,I-V, Cairo 1367-1369A.H. b. Muh.: Ta'rikhal-Khamis, I-II, Cairo 1283 A.H. al-Diyvrbakri, Diwdn, ed. al-Sdwi, Cairo 1936. .Husayn al-Farazdaq: al-Fisi, Abi 'l-Tayyib, Muh b. Abdallahb. Ali: Shifl'u 'l-gharam,ed. F. Wiistenfeld der (Die Chroniken Stadt Mekka), Leipzig 1859. G. von Grunebaum:Muhammadan Festivals,New York 1951. A. Guillaume: TheLife of Muhammad, Oxford University Press, 195 5. al-Dhahabi: Siyar aildm al-nubali', I-II, ed. Cairo 1956-1957. 1932-1935. al-Halabi, 'Ali b. Burhin al-Din: Insin al-'uyfin, I-III, Cairo 1932-1935. al-HamdIni: al-Iklil, I-II, ms. facsimile, Berlin 1943-- -: Muslim Conductof State, Lahore 1961. Le Prophbtede l'Islam, Paris 1959. --: M. Hamidullah: "al-Illf ou les rapports Cconomico-diplomatiquesde la Mecque Louis Massignon, p. 293 sep. II, pre-Islamique",Milanges Hassn b. Thdbit: Diwan, ed. A.R. al-Barquqi,Cairo 1929. Diwdn ed. A.R. al-Barqfqi, Cairo 1929. al-.Hutay'a:Diwan, ed. N. A. Tdhd, Cairo 1958. al-Hutay'a: Ibn 'Abd al-Barr:al-Inbdh qabi'il al-ruwdh, cald Cairo 135o A.H. - -: Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi: al-clqdal-Farid,I-IV, Cairo 1935. f al-Istidrib ma'rifat al-ashtb, Hyderabad 1336 A.H. Ibn Abi 'l-Hadid: Sharhnahjal-baligha,I-IV, Cairo 1329 A.H. Ibn al-cArabi:Mubhdarat al-Abrdr,I-II, Cairo 1906. JESHO, VIII 1I Ibn al-Jauzi: Sifat al-Safwa, Hyderabad 135 5-57 A.H. i62 M. J. KISTER ed. Ibn al-Athir: al-Murassa', C. F. Seybold, Weimar I896. Ibn al-Faqih: Kitab al-buldan, ed. de Goeje, Leiden 1885. Ibn Durayd: al-Ishtiqdq, ed. A. S. Harun, Cairo 1958. Ibn IHabib, Muhammad: al-mughtdlinmin al-ashr~f, ed. A. S. Hdron (Nawddir Asmt' al-makhtu.ttitVI). al-Mubabbar, ed. Ilse Lichtenstidter, Hyderabad 1942. -----: Muktalif al-qabi'il, ed. F. Wiistenfeld, G6ttingen I85o. ibn Hajar: al-lsdbafi tamyiz al-sabiba, I-VIII, Cairo 1323-I327 A.H. Ibn Hazm: Jamharat ans7b al-'Arab, ed. E. L6vi-Provengal, Cairo 1948. - Ndsir al-Din al-Asad, A.M. Shdkir. ----:Jawimic al-sira, ed. I. cAbbds Ibn Hisham: al-Sira al-nabawriya,I-IV, ed. MustafA al-Saqq -- Ibrdhim al-Abydri - CAbd al-Hdfiz Shalabi. Ibn al-Jdrfid: al-Muntaqj, Hyderabad I309 A.H. Ibn al-Kalbi, Hishim b. Muh.: Jambarat al-nasab, ms. Br. Mus. add. 23297. Ibn Kathir: al-Biddya wa-l-nihbya,I-XIV, Cairo 135 I- 1358 A.H. Ibn Qutayba: al-Macdni 'l-Kabir, I-III, Hyderabad1949. --: Ibn Ibn Ibn Ibn al-Macdrif, Cairo 193 5. --: ed. al-Shi'r wal-l'shucarda), M. al-Saqqd, Cairo 1932. ed. M. Muhyi 'l-Din cAbd al-Hamid, Cairo 1934. Rashiq: al-'Umda, I-II, Sa'd: al- Tabaqdt al-Kubra, I-VIII, ed. Beirut i96o. al-Shajari: al-H amasa, Hyderabad 1345 A.H. Sharaf: Rasa'il al-intiqdd (in Rasd'il al-bulagha', ed. Muhammad Kurd 'Ali, Cairo 1946). I-VII, ed. A. S. Hriin, Cairo 1938-1945. al-Ji.hiiz: al-Hqayawan, --: Mukbhtart fustil al-Jdaiz, ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3183 (Catalogue Rieu, suppl. P. 709). S--: Rasdail, ed. H. al-Sandiibi, Cairo 1933. Jarir: Diwan, ed. al-S~wi, Cairo 1353 A.H. al-Jumahi: Tabaqatfufil al-shucarda,ed. M. M. Shdkir, Cairo 1952. al-Kaldci, Abii 'l-Rabic Sulaymanb. Slim: Kitab al-Iktifa', I, ed. H. Masse, Alger al-Khdlidiyydni: al-Ashbh wa-l-na..Z'ir, ed. Muh. Yaisuf, Cairo 1958. Labid: Diwin, ed. I. 'Abbas, Kuwayt 1962. Princeton 1944. 1931. G. Levi della Vida: "Pre-IslamicArabia" in N. A. Faris (ed.), The Arab Heritage, b. al-Maghribi,al-Wazir,al-IHusayn cAli: al-Inasbi-cilmi'l-ansib,ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3620. al-Majlisi: Bi•dr al-anwar, vol. VI, 1302 A.H. al-Maqdisi, Mutahhar b. Tdhir: al-Badc wa-l-ta'rikh, ed. U. Huart, Paris 1899-I919. al-Marzubdni: Mujam al-shucard', ed. F. Krenkow, Cairo i354 A.H. A.H. al-Marzftqi: al-Azmina wa-l-amkina, I-II, Hyderabad 1332 : Sharh diwan al-hamasa, ed. A. Amin - A. S. HdrCin,Cairo 1953. Cairo I357 A.H. al-Din 'Abd al-IHamid, ed.Muh. Mulhyi al-Dhahab, al-Mas'cdi: Muruj Quraysh, ed. Sallh al-Din al-Munajjid,Cairo Mu'arrijal-Sadisi: al- Hadhf min nasab 96o0. al-Mubarrad: Nasab cAdnen wa-Qabtdn, ed. 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Maymani, Cairo 1936. ed. C. Lyall, Oxford 1918-1921; ed. A. M. al-Mufaddal A. S. Hrtin, Cairo 1952. Shdkir -al-.Dabbi: al-Mufaddlaliyydt, MECCA AND TAMIN 163 ed. Mucsab b. 'Abdallahal-Zubayri:NasabQuraysh, E. Levi-Provengal,Cairo I953. ed. Muhibb al-Din al-Khatib, Cairo 1928. al-Najirami:Aymdnal-cArab, NaqaPidJarir wa-l-Farazdaq, ed. A. A. Bevan, Leiden 1905-1912. 1939-195 2. der T. Nl61deke:Geschichte PerserundAraberZurZeit derSassaniden, Leiden 1879. M. von Oppenheim - W. Caskel - E. Briunlich: Die Beduinen, I-III, Wiesbaden al-Qdli: Dhayl al-amdli,and "Nawadir",ed. 'Abd al-cAziz al-Maymani,Cairo 1926. 1323-I329 al-Qummi- Ghard'ib al-qur'an, on margin of Tabari's Tafsir, Billq al-Qurtubi: al-Jamini al-qurl'n,ed. Cairo, 193 5-46. li-ahkdm A.H. C. Rathjens: Die Pilgerfabrt nachMecca,Hamburg 1948. in G. Rothstein: Die DynastiederLahmiden al-Hira, Berlin 1899. ed. al-Shahrastdni: al-Milal wa-l-nihal, W. Cureton, London I846. al-Suhayli: al-Raud al-unuf, I-II, Cairo 1914. al-Durr al-manthfirfi I-VI, Teheran 1377 A.H. 'l-tafsirbi-l-ma'thzfr, al-SuyCiti: al-Tabarani: al-Mujam al-sagbir, Delhi 1311 A.H. al-Tabari,Muh. b. Jarir: Ta'rikhal-umam I-VIII, Cairo 1939. wa-l-mulzk, al-Tabarsi:Majma'al-bayin,I-XXX, Beirut 1957. ed. al-Tha'llibi: La/ta'ifal-macdni, de Jong, Leiden I867. in U. Thilo: Die Ortsnamen deraltarabischen Poesie,Wiesbaden 1958. ed. al-Wdqidi:al-MaghdzI, A. von Kremer, Calcutta1856. Berlin 1887. Heidentums, J. Wellhausen: Restearabischen E. R. Wolf: "The Social Organization of Mecca and the Origins of Islam", Southal-Yacqabi:Ta'rikh,I-III, al-Najaf 1358 A.H. Ydqat: MuJamal-buldin,I-VIII, Cairo 1906. RAAD, XXXIV. ghayru Zdfir al-Qdsimi:al-Ilaf wa-l-ma'acnt 'l-mashrk.ta, ms. nasab wa-akhbdrihd, Bodley. Marsh. 384; al-Zubayrb. Bakkar:Janmharat Quraysh vol. I, ed. MahmaidMuh. Shakir,Cairo 1381 A.H. al-Zurqdni: Sharh al-mawahibal-ladunniyya,Cairo I325-I328 A.H. western Journal of Anthropology (19 5 ), 330- 337. - - : Thimar al-qulib ft 'l-muddaf wa-l-mansfb, Cairo 19o8. 

Mecca_reports.pdf SOME REPORTSCONCERNINGMECCA FROM JAHILIYYA TO ISLAM 1 BY M. KISTER j. Information aboutthe conditionsin Meccain the periodpreceding and Islamis scarce, therearefew accounts aboutthe relations Mecca of with tribes and vassal kingdoms. Some data from hitherto unpublished Mss., or those published only recently may elucidate certain aspects of the inner situation in Mecca, and shed some light on the relations of Meccawith the tribesand the vassalkingdoms. I A passage theanonymous in 2) Nihayatal-irabf/Iakhbiral:fuirsia-l-'arab some detailsabout the activityof Hdshimb. 'Abd Mandfand gives aboutthe Expedition the Elephant. is noticeable of It that this report stresses the of withAbyssinia, emphasized not especially relations Mecca in othersources. Hdshim,says the tradition,took from the kings of Abyssinia,althe of Yaman,Persiaand Syriacharters permitting merchants Mecca to frequent theseterritories with theirmerchandise It is emphasized 3). that the first king who granted him the charterwas al-Najdshiand that "Abyssiniawas the best land in which the Meccanmerchantstraded4)." After receiving of the charterfrom the NajdshiHdshimwent to Yemen. The report furnishes us with some information about the kings who ruled in that period: in Yemen ruled Abraha b. al-Ashramwho bore the kunyaAbai Yaksfim5); he granted Hishim the requested charter. i) The reader'sattention is called to the Addenda at the end of this article. Places in the text and the notes referredto in the Addenda are markedby asterisks. 2) See about this Ms.: E. G. Browne, Some Accountof the Arabic Workentitled / Nihayatu1-irab akhbdri Fursi wa-1cArab, J RA S, 1900, pp. ft Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23298, fol. 174a: 195"-204. ... wa-innahshiman 3) Nihayat al-irab, sdra ild l-mulfki fa-akhadbaminhum min cuqpda: yumnaCuqaumubu al-c'uhdawa-1la bulddnihim wa-ardihim. al-tijratifit min 4) Ibid.: ... wa-keinat 1-babashati afdaliI-amakinilaftiyatjaru qurayshtun. arcdu ftha 5) It may be noticed that the social conditions in the army of the Abyssiniansand 62 M. J. KISTER From the Yemen Hdshim journeyed to Jabala b. Ayham, the king of Syria; from Syria he proceeded to 'Iraq, to Qubddh; from both of them he got the required charters. The final sentences of the report tell us about the results of the efforts of Hdshim and give a description of the changes which occurred in the relations of Mecca with the tribes and the neighbouringkingdoms as a resultof the grantedcharters. "... Thus Quraysh traded in these territories and got profits and became rich; their wealth increased, their trade expanded; thus the Arabs overcame the 'c4jam by the abundance of wealth, generosity and excellence; they (i.e. Quraysh)were men of mind, reason, dignity, generosity, excellence, staid behaviourand nobility; they are the chosen people of God's servants, the best of His creatureand the noblest of His peoples 1)." the causes which brought about the fight between Aryit and Abraha are given in a nephew of the the Nihdyat al-irab in more detail than in other sources. divided gifts and products after the conquest ofAry.t, the Yemen among the Najdshi, chiefs and nobles of the Abyssinians, treating scornfully the weak (i.e. the poor) and depriving them of his gifts (fol. i 5Ia: ... wa-farraqa cald i-sildti wa-1-.haw-'ija wa-haramadzu'afd'ahum wa-ashrdfihim fa-ghadibti cufzam)ai1-habashati wa-zdardhum shadidan .). They appealed to Abraha, one of the officers .. min dhalikaghadaban of the army sent with Arydt, and swore their allegiance to him. The weak part of the army stood behind Abraha, the strong and the noble behind Arydt. In the wellThe declarationissued by Abraha known fight between them Abraha killed after the duel stresses again the social aspect of the rebellion: "O Abyssinian people, Ary.t. God is our Lord, Jesus is our Prophet, the Gospel is our Book, the Najdshi is our king. I rebelled against only because he abandoned equality amongst Therefore stand fast for Ary.t amongst you, as God will not be pleased by you. equality preference in division (i.e. of spoils and grants-K) and by depriving the weak of their share of booty." (fol. I 1b :yd ma'shara wa1-habashati rabbund isanablyyuna Ilahu liwa-l-injilukitabunawa-i-najdshiyyu malikund,wa-inni innamakharajtu cala aryd.ta tarkihi 1-sawiyyata baynakum, fa-thbutzili-i-stiwa'i baynakum, fa-inna lldha i3 yarda7 bi-i-atharati 1-qasmi ...) fi wa-la anyubhrama 1-ducafa'u 1-maghnama Abraha, stressing in his letter to the Najdshi his allegiance and loyalty, repeats his argument that treated the weak unjustly (fol. 15za: ... wa-innamd qataltuarydtailld li-ithdrihi Ary.t cal 1-diucafd)i wa-ldraDyika .). .. minjundika, yakundhlika minszratika fa-lam i-aqwiyd'a The lowly origin of Abraha is indicated in the remarkof the Najdshi: ... wa-innama huwaqirdun min al-qurzidi, wa-ldaslun.Cf. the account laysalahusharafun 1-habashati f of Procopius in Sidney Smith's Events in Arabia in the 6th Century AD, B SO A S XVI (1954), PP. 431-432; and see al-Zahr Ms. Leiden, Or. 370, al-basim, fol. 3za (quoted from Wdqidi):... Mughult.y, 1-mulifka wa-stadhalla .fa-a ctj (i.e. 1-Juqara'a. Ary.t) i) Nihdyat al-irab, fol. I74a, inf.: fa-atjarat qurayshun hddhibi fi i-amdkinikulliha wa-athrauwa-kathurat wa-sida i- carabu fa-rabihb7 amwaluhum wa-aZumat tijdrdtuhum MECCA 63 After the death of Hashim his son 'Abd al-Muttalibtook over his duties and mission; he died during the reign of Anishirwin b. Qubddh1) In his time the well-known expedition of Abraha against Mecca took place. qullays) Accordingto Arab traditionAbrahabuilt a temple(haykal, to and triedto divertthe pilgrimage Meccato his temple.The immediate cause for the expedition of Abraha was the desecration of this temple. We have conflicting traditionsabout the location of the temple (San'l', Najrdn, a place on the sea shore) and the persons who burnt it, robbed it or relieved their bowels in it. According to the traditions the desecration was committed by Nufayl b. Habib al-Khath'ami,2) by a man (or men) from Kinana3), or more accuratelyby a man from the Nasa'a 4) or by a group of Arabs. The reportsabout the desecration the unintentional (or burning) of the templepoint to Qurayshas the initiatorsof this action. The tradition that the deed was carried out by men from Kinana, or a 5) group of nasa'aor .hums deserves special attention; these groups were closely related to Quraysh. A tribal leader of al-Hirith b. 'Abd waCal/a-'ajami bi-kathrati -amwali wa-l-sakha'iwa-l-fadli; wa-kanudhawi ab/lamin Il/hi wa-nublin; cuqzl/inwa-baha'inwa-sakhi'in wa-fadlinwa-waqdrin fa-hum safwatu min cibadihi wa-khiratuhu minjami'i khalqihi wa-afdalu bariyyatibi. Al-Tabari, Ta'rikh, Cairo 1939, I, 556; Mughultdy,op. cit., fol. 32a; al-Zurqcni, Sharhal-mawdhib, Cairo3 32, I, 83; Nihydatal-irab,fol. 174a. ed. 3) Muhammad b. Habib, al-Munammaq, Khurshid Ahmad Firiq, Hyderabad 1384/1964, p. 68; al-Tabari,Ta'rikh, I, 551; al-Zurqdni,op. cit., I, 83; al-Damiri, Cairo 1383-I963, 1I, 230; and see al-Bayhaqi, Dala'il al-nubuwwa, Hayat al-hayawan, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3013, fol. 13a: ... annarajulan min banzmilkin b. kindna,wa-huwa minal-hums... 4) Al-Tabari, Ta'rikh, I, 550 inf.; al-Qurtubi, al-Jamicli-abhkami 'n, Cairo 1-qur 1387/1967, XX, 188, i.i; al-Kalici, al-IktifP', ed. H. Masse, Paris 1931, I, 188 ed. ult.; Ibn Hisham, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, al-Saqd,al-Abydri, Shalabi, Cairo 1355/ ed. 1936, I, 44 ult.; Ibn Kathir, al-Sira al-nabawbyya, Mustaf~ 'Abd al-W~hid, Cairo 1384/1964, I, 30. 5) See about al-Shdtibi, al-Juman akhbari1-zaman,Ms. Br. Mus., Or. ft 55a; al-I-fkim, al-Mustadrak, 3008, fols. 43b, al-.hums Hyderabad 1342, I, 483; al-Suyuti, Cairo 1373/1954, pp. 25-26; al-Bakri,Mujam ma stajam, ed. Mustaf~ Lubabal-nuqfil, al-Saqd, Cairo 1364/1945, I, 245, s.v. Birk; Muqitil, Tafsir, Ms. LHmidiyya 58, fols. 87a, Io3a; Ibn Habib, al-Munammaq, pp. 143-146; al-'Isami, Simt al-nujz7m Cairo 1380, I, 218-219. al-cawm/i, 2) I) Ibid., fol. 174b, sup. 64 M. J. KISTER Mandt b. Kindna came to Mecca in order to conclude an alliance with a clan of Quraysh'). Kindna were the allies of Quraysh in the wars of al-F•jdr2). The close co-operation of Kindna with Quraysh is reflectedin a short passage recorded by al-Fdkihion the authority of al-Zuhri where the crucial event of the boycott of the Banii Hdshim is recounted. When Quraysh decided to impose a boycott on the BandiHashim in connection with missionaryactivities of the Prophet, they allied with the BandiKindna.The terms of the agreementbetween the two parties entailed that they should cease trading with the Bandi Hdshim and desist from giving them shelter3). This passage may help us to evaluatethe story of the boycott 4) and the reports about the co-operationof Qurayshwith the neighbouring tribes and clans. It is not surprisingto find traditionsaccording to which a leaderof Kindna participatedin the delegation to Abraha, when he came with his army to destroy the Ka'ba. Consequentlythe version that men from Kinana the committed desecration seemsto be preferable. The reportsusuallydescribe wrathof Abraha the when he received the informationabout the desecrationof his temple. The Nihadyat has Two men al-irab a shortbut important passageabouthis reaction. of Khath'am, the says the report,desecrated templeof Abraha.Upon hearing about it he said: "This was committed by agents of Quraysh as they are angry for the sake of their House to which the Arabs resort for their pilgrimage." He swore to destroy the Ka'ba so that pilgrimage should be to the temple of San'c' exclusively. "In San'a' there were (at that time-K) Qurashi merchants", states the report. b. al-Mughira 5)." Abraha summoned Hish.m p. I) Ibn Habib,al-Munammaq,178. op. p. z) See e.g. al-Munammaq,20z seq., al-Bakri, cit., s.v. cUkdz. Ta'rikh Makka,Ms. Leiden,Or. 463, fol. 444b: ... qdla 1-zuhriyyu: 3) Al-Fdkihi, anna wa-dhilika banikindnata wa-i-khafu qurayshun 1-kufri, 'ald 1-wddZ taqdsamat an and .haythzu wa-ld halafatqurayshan banihdshimin layubdyicr'hum yu'wzfhum; see this 'ald XII ed. report:al-Bakri, cit.,s.v. Khayf.;Ahmadb. Hanbal, Musnad, Shdkir, 230, op. no. 7239. at Oxford195 pp. I 19-122. Watt,MuhammadMecca, 4) Cf. W. Montgomery 3, Cairo ed. Nasabquraysh, E. Levi Provengal, 5) See on him Mus'abal-Zubayri, b. Ms. Bodley,Marsh.384, nasab 301; al-Zubayr Bakkdr, 1953,p. quraysh, Jamharat fols. I29a-13oa. "Among them was MECCA 65 the Qurashi merchants and asked them: "Have I not allowed you to trade freely in my country and ordered to protect you and to treat you honourably"? They said: "Yes, o king, so it was." Abraha asked: "So why did you secretly send men to the churchbuilt for the king, al-Najashi, to defecate and to smear the walls with excrements?"' They answered: "We do not know about it." Abraha said: "I thought that you did it indeed out of anger for the sake of your House to which the Arabs go on pilgrimage, when I ordered to direct the pilgrims to this church." Hisham b. al-Mughirathen said: "Our House is (a place of) shelter and security; there gather there prey-beasts with wild animals, prey birds with innocous ones and they do not attack each other. Pilgrimage to your temple should be performed by those who follow your faith, but adherentsof the faith of the Arabs 1) will not choose or adopt anything (else) in preference to the House (i.e. the Ka'ba-K) 2)." Abraha swore to demolish the Ka'ba. Hishdm b. al-Mughira said that more then one king had intended to pull down the Ka'ba, but had failed to get there, as the House has a Lord who protects it. "Do what you like" (sha'naka wa-md aradta)he finally said. This seems to be an early tradition, reflecting as it does the conditions at the period preceding the expedition of Abraha and I) For dinu1-carabsee G. E. von Grunebaum, The Nature of Arab Unity before Islam, Arabica X (1963) P. 15 .. z) Nihdyat al-irab, fols. I74b-I75a: .fa-ukhbira bi-dhilika abrahatufa-qdla: dasisuqurayshin, hddhd ilayhi1-carabu, li-baytihim li-ghadabihim lladhi(text: Ilati) tahujju dhdlika1-baytahajaraniajaran hbattd la-ahdimanna yakhlusa 1-hajjuild mad wa-l-masihi bnu bi-san tfjdrun minqurayshin, ha-hund; ca'a fthim hishdmu 1-mughirati,fa-arsala wa-kdna wa-ikramikum? lakum al-maijara ardi wa-amartu qjlz: bald, qad kdna ft an bi-.hifikum ild dhAlika;qdla: fa-ma hamalakumCald dasastum hadhihi1-bi'ati Ilati banaytuha wa-la takhabihahiitnahd? li-l-maliki1-najdshly)i (text: hattd)ahdatha 1-'adhirata man fihd annakum innamd caltumdhalika qd/zl:md land bi-dhalikacilmun;qdla: qad Zanantu fa amartumin tasyiri lladhW li-baytikum (text: llati) tahujju ghaadaban ilayhi1-carabu cindama inna baytand hirzun wa-amnun l-Ihujii ilayha; qala hishamubnu /-mughirati: yajtami'uC ma'a fihi 1-sibadCu 1-wahshi wa-jawdribu 1-tayri ma'a 1-bughdthi, wa-ldya cridushay'un wa-innama ild minhd li-sdhibihi; yanbaghi anjyaihqja b'catikamankdna 'ald dinika;ammd man kdna Caladini 1-'arabifa-laysa bi-mukhtdrin wa-ld mu'thirin 'ald dhdlika1-bayti 'an. shay JeshoXV 5 lahum: a-lamutliq 'alayhi, fa-qdla ilayhim (text: ilayhi) hattd dakhald abrahalu, fa-aqbald 66 M. J. KISTER corroborating the reports about commercial relations between Mecca and the Yemen in that period. There is little ground for suspicion that the story was fabricated:it contains no favourablefeatures,heroic or Islamic, which would explain why it should have been invented; Makhzfim could have hardly any interest in forging it as one of the many "praises" of Hisham 1). It remained in fact peripheral, not included in any of the reports of the expedition of Abraha. The answerof Hishamin his talk with Abrahacontains an interesting definition of the position of Mecca and its role as conceived by a Meccan leader. Mecca, in this concept, was a neutralcity, not involved in intertribalwars, a place of security and a sanctuaryto which every Arabhadthe right to makepilgrimage.Only adherentsof a state religion should be ordered to perform their pilgrimage to a temple established by the ruler. It is hardlynecessaryto observe that this neutralposition enabled Mecca to expand its commercial relations with the tribes. A similaropinion about Mecca was expressedby Qurrab. Hubayra, a tribal leader, in a decisive moment of the history of Mecca: in the first phase of the ridda. His view mirrors the attitude of the tribal groups, according to their established relations with Mecca. When 'Amr b. al-'As was on his way from 'Uman to Medina, when the revolt of the riddastarted,he came to Qurrab. Hubayraal-Qushayri2). Qurrareceived him hospitably and gave him escort to Medina. When 'Amr b. al-'As was about to leave, Qurra gave him his advice: "You with security both for yourpeople of Quraysh lived in your .haram selves and for (other) people (i.e. the tribes-K) with regard to you. Then there appeareda man from amongst you and announced what you heard. When this (information)reached us we did not dislike it; we said: "A man from Muldaris (going) to lead the people" (i.e. the tribes-K). This man has (now) died. People (i.e. the tribes-K) are hurrying to you not offering you anything. Therefore go back to If to and your haram live therein security. you do not act (according ed. i) See Ibn Abi 1-Hadid:Shar/? al-baldgha, MuhammadAbai 1-FadlIbrahim, nahj Cairo 1963, XVIII, 285-300. z) See on him "Arabica"XV (1968) p. 155, note 2; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr,al-Isftlceb, ed. 'Ali Muhammadal-Bijawi, Cairo n.d., III, 1281, no. 2114. MECCA 67 my advice-K) I am ready to meet you (in fight-K) wherever you will fix the place 1)." The intent of Qurra was that Mecca should return to its former position as a place of security. Quraysh had to refrain from getting involved in a new political plan "to lead the people"; this plan had come to its end, in his opinion, with the death of the Prophet. Quraysh should revert to its previous relations with the tribes upon conditions of equality, with co-operation and confidence. Because of this saying Khalid b. al-Waliddemandedto execute Qurra when he was taken prisoner 2). There are conflicting traditions about the troops which took part in the expedition of Abraha. Ibn Ishlq mentions only the Abyssinians as the force of Abraha, reporting that the Arabs went out against him. The two leaders who fought Abraha, aided by their tribes and the Arabs who consideredit their duty to fight him, were Dha Nafar and al-HIimyari Nufayl b. Habib al-Khath'ami:they were defeatedand captured.Abraha marchedtowards Mecca and passed by al-Td'if where he was received with hospitalityby Mu'attib b. MNlikal-Thaqafi and directedtowardsMecca.This story is followed by the reportof the the seizingof the herdof 'Abdal-Muttalib, talkof 'Abdal-Muttalib with Abrahaand the miracleof the birds who destroyedthe army of Abraha.Ibn Ishaq mentionsalso anothertraditionaccordingto which 'Abd al-Muttalibwent to Abraha in the company of the leaders of Kinanaand Hudhayl(Ya'mar Nufitha al-Kinani Khuwaylid and b. al-Hudhali)and offeredhim a third part of the goods of the Tihima 3). Muqatil (d. 15o H) reports (as quoted from his Tafsir) about the following two expeditions of Abraha al-Ashram al-Yamani against i) Ibn JHubaysh, ya al-MaghJZi,Ms. Leiden, Or. 343, P. 24: ... wa-innakum, ma'sharaqurayshin, kuntum haramikum 'manzina wa-ya 'manukum ta ft fihi l-nisu; thumma dhilika lam nakrahhu, kharajaminkumrajulun yaqh/u ma sami'ta;fa-lammd balaghanja rajulunmin mudara wa-qulnd: wa-l-nasu ilaykumsiraCn, yasfzqu 1-ndsa;wa-qadtuwujffya wa-innahum ghayrumu'tikumshay fa-lhaqf7 fa-'manf fihi; wa-inkunta 'an, bi-haramikum fd faghayra cilin 'idnihaythu shi'ta atika ... * 2) Ibid., p. 24, 11.4-5; P. 26, 11.1-2. I, 3) Ibn Hishdm, op. cit., I, 47, 63; al-Tabari,Ta'rikh,L I-5 56 (from Ibn Ishiq); Ibn Kathir, al-SZra,I, 30-41 (from Ibn Ishiq); al-Azraqi, Akhbar Makka, ed. F. Wiistenfeld, Leipzig 1858, pp. 87-92. 68 M. J. KISTER Mecca: the first one was headed by Abli Yaksfim b. (!) Abraha in order to destroy the Ka'ba and establish the elephant as object of worship; this expedition failed. The second one occurred after some Qurashites came to a Christianchurch called al-Haykal (called by the sat NajashiAladsirhasdn), down to roast meat, forgot to extinguish and as a resultthe churchwent up in flames.This happened the fire a or two afterthe firstexpedition was the causefor thesecond and year expedition.When the Najdshiwas informedabout the burning of the churchhe becameenragedand decidedto go out againstMecca. al-Kindi,Abli Yaksfimal-Kindi(!) and Abrahab. Hujr b. Shurdhil him theirhelp.It was the Najashiwho headedthe al-Sabbdh promised and who talkedwith 'Abd al-Muttalib returnedhim and expedition camebackto Mecca,he was the seizedherd. When 'Abd al-Muttalib to advisedby Abii Mas'fidal-Thaqafi leave the city and to stayin the mountains. it""This House has a Lord Who protects surrounding Abraha's said AbaiMas'tid Then the miracleof the birdsappeared, 1). and army was destroyedand 'Abd al-Mutttalib Abfi Mas'uidboth andgold 2). collectedthe discarded jewels Ibn a different of versionin his Mubtada': grandson the gives Ish.q Abraha,the king of the JHabash son of his daughter), (the Aksfimb. cameas pilgrimto Mecca.On his way back he stoppedin al-Sabb~h a churchin Najrdn.Therehe was attacked men from Meccawho by robbed his luggage and looted the church. When the grandfather heardabout it from his grandson,he sent againstMeccaan armyof men headedby Shamir Maqsid. b. twentythousand The short reportcontainsthe story of the seizing of the herd of and 'Abd al-Muttalib the miracleof the birds3). Two poemsof 'Abd al-Muttalib verses ending in mRand io versesendingin ma) are (14 also quotedfromthe Mubtada' 4). i) Comp. above, p. 65: the answer of Hishdm b. al-Mughira to Abraha. 2) Mughultdy, op. cit., fol. 25a-26b sup. (See a short passage of the version of Muqdtil in Majlisi's Bihdr, XV, 137; other fragments :al-'Isdmi, op. cit., I, 232-233; al-Tha'labi, Qisas al-anbiya', Cairo n.d., pp. 6o2-6o3).* 3) Mughultdy, op. cit., fol. 26b. 4) Ibid., fol. 27a-b. MECCA 69 But seems to have recorded only a part of the report Mughult.y of the Mubtada'.The whole report is recorded by Abi Nu'aym alIsfahdni in his Dald'il al-nubuwwa The isndd of Abi Nu'aym does 1). not include the name of Ibn Ish•q; but the fragment of the Mubtada' recordedby is identicalwith the first part of Abu Nu'aym's Mughult.y this report the army of Shamir consisted of to report 2). According Khaulan and a group of Ash'ariyyin. The army was joined by al-Taqcl al-Khath'ami. The talk of 'Abd al-Muttalib with Abraha and the story of the miracleof the birds are given at length. The combined report of al-Tabarl3) is based on the account of 6), al-Wdqidi.It is recordedby Ibn Sa'd 4), Abli Nu'aym 5), Mughult.y and al-Tha'labi7). According to this tradition 'Abd al-Muttalibstayed at the mountain of Hire' with 'Amr b. 'A'idh al-Makhzuimi, Mut'im b. 'Adiyy and AbdiMas'id al-Thaqafi. An anonymous report claims that the father of 'Uthman b. 'Aff~n, was close to 'Abd al-Muttalibon the mountain;the first who descended in order to collect the spoils of the army of Abraha were 'Abd alMuttalib, 'AffSn and Abi Mas'td al-Thaqafi. The father of 'Uthmdn then became a rich man 8). According to the report of the Nihayat al-irab'Abd al-Muttatlibdescendendwith Hakim b. Hizam 9). A significant report is recorded by al-Tabarsi and Majlisi11).The 10) of the followers of Abraha in his army were people from majority 'Akk, Ash'ar and Khath'am. When the troops of Abraha reached Cairo i) Hyderabad 1369/1950, pp. 101-105; see al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-mnanthlr, 1314, VI, 394 (quoted from the Dald'il). 2) Mughulty perused the text of Aba Nu'aym and remarks (fol. 25b, 1.7) that Aba Nu'aym recorded the name of the commander Shamir b. Masfad (see Abel Nu aym, Dald'il, p. ioi, note i). 3) Ta'rikh,I, 556-557. Beirut I956, I, 90-92. 4) Tabaqdt, 5) Dala'il, pp. Io6-107. 6) Al-Zahr, fol. 32a. 7) Qisasal-anbiyd', 603-604. pp. 9) Fol. 176b. io) Al-Tabarsi, Majma'al-bayin,Beirut 138o/0961, XXX, 234-237. Teheran 1379, XV, 134-137. i i) Bihdral-anwdr, 8) Al-Halabi, Insan al- 'uyIrn al-Sira al-balabitya), Cairo (= 135 1/1932, I, 73. 70 M. J. KISTER Mecca, the people left the city and sought shelter in the mountains. There were left in Mecca only 'Abd al-Muttalibcarrying out the duty of the siqayaand Shayba b. 'Uthmdn b. 'Abd al-Ddr carryingout the duty of the dijba. The story of the seizure of the herd of 'Abd alMuttalib is followed by the story of the meeting of 'Abd al-Muttalib with Abi Yaksiim. The details about the events following the meeting and the Khath'am broke their are of special interest. The Ash'ariyyuin swords and spears and declared themselves innocent before God of any intention to destroy the House. When the miracle of the birds occurred, the troops who marched against Mecca being killed by the stones thrown by the birds, the Kath'am and Ash'ar were saved from being harmedby the stones. This report, recordedby the Shi'i Tabarsiand Majlisi,is recordedby the Sunni al-Bayhaqiin his Dald'il 1). It is evident that the al-nubuzwwa tradition has a South-Arabiantendency. The South-Arabiantradition also adopts the version that Dhui Nafar and Naufal b. Habib were taken prisoners by Abraha and forced to follow him. Naufal (or Nufayl) was the man who desecratedthe temple of Abraha in order to keep the pilgrimage to Mecca and DhUiNafar was a friend of 'Abd al-Muttalib,who advised him when he came to meet Abraha2). These are apparent attempts to clear the South-Arabian tribes from any of accusation of aiding Abraha in his activities against the .haram Mecca. The version recorded by Mulhammad b. Habib 3) differsfrom those mentioned above. Abraha built the church in Santd' according to the plan of the Ka'ba. It was desecrated by a group of Kindna. Abraha decided to march against Mecca, to destroy the Ka'ba and afterwards to raid Najd. He gathered people of low extractionand brigands and listed them in his army. He was followed by the leaderof Khath'am, Nufayl, on the head of huge groups of his tribe and by the Munabbih b. Ka'b of the Balhlrith, who did not recognize the sanctity of the al-Iklzl, ed. Muhibb al-Din al-Khatib, X, z5. (Cairo 1368). 2) Cf. al-Hamddini, 3) Al-Munammaq, 68-80. pp. I) Fols. I3a-I4a. MECCA 71 Ka'ba and the Tarafa,who stayedat that time in Najrdn,warned .haram. Qatddab. Maslamaal-IHanafi1) of the plannedattackof Abrahaagainst Najd. Verses of Kulthuim b. 'Umays al-Kindni, who was captured by the army of Abrahaand put in chains, give a vivid descriptionof the army of Abraha. 0, may God let hear a call: and send between the mountains of Mecca (al-Akhshabini) a herald. There came upon you the troops of al-Ashram, among them an elephant: and black men riding (beasts like) ogers. And infantry troops, stout ones, whose number cannot be counted: by al-Lit, they swing their javelines thirsty (of blood). They came upon you, they came upon you! The earth is too narrow to bear them: like a gush of water flowing overpowers the valley. On their way the troops of Abraha were attacked by the Azd who defeated them. Abrahaand his army were however received hospitably in al-Ta'if by Mas'i-d b. Mu'attib, who explained to Abraha that the sanctuaryof al-'Ia'if is small and that his goal is the Ka'ba of Mecca, which should be destroyedin revenge for the desecrationof his temple. When the army of Abraha approached Mecca, the people of city left, seeking refuge in the mountains; only 'Abd al-:Muttaliband 'Amr b. 'A'idh al-Makhzumi remained in the city 2): they fed the people (scil. remaining in Mecca). Further the report gives the story of the meeting of Abraha with 'Abd al-Muttalib and the miracle of the birds. The appendedverses give the descriptionof the disastrousend of Abraha'sarmy. The quoted traditions are, in fact, contradictory and the picture they give is blurred. Miraculousand legendaryelements3) are evident and form a part of every report. There are however some details which deserve to be considered.Muqdtil'sversion, as recordedby Mughultiy, is the only one in which two expeditions are mentioned: a first one which failed to reach the precincts of Mecca, and a second one, which i) See Diwainde Tarafa, ed. M. Seligsohn, Paris 1901, p. 146 (VII, appendix). And see ibid., p. 90; and see p. al-AMunammaq,69, note 3. z) Cf. al-Balddhuri, Ansdb al-ashrif, ed. Muhammad Hamidullah, Cairo 1959, I, 68; al-Maqdisi,al-Bad' wa-l-ta'rikh,ed. Cl. Huart, Paris 1899, III, i86. 3) See the legendary report of AbaI1-Hasanal-Bakriin Majlisi'sBihdrXV, 65-74. 72 M. J. KISTER of the expedition preceding Expedition the Elephant 1). The troops in the armyof Abrahaseem to have been from both SouthandNorthArabia. Balhlrith,'Akk,Ash'ar, Khauldn Khath'am, are the names of South-Arabian troops, mentionedin the reports. The presenceof Mudaritroops is impliedin the story of the meal of testicles preparedfor Khath'am,which the Mudari(Northern) refusedto eat the testicles troops refusedto eat2). Whenthe Mudaris before the cross, Abrahaorderedto summonthem; andto prostrate to that they do not eat testicles,nor do they prostrate they explained the cross;theyfollow the tenetsof theirpeople(wa-na.hnu, i-la'na, abayta Abraha freedthem,stating:kulluqaumin wa-dinahum 3). ft diniqaumind). The Therewas also a troop of Abyssinians. versesof Qaysb. Khuzd'i a in (al-Sulami) praiseof Abrahadescribe selectedunit of Abyssinians Abraha: surrounding v. 3 The sons of Abyssinia around him: wrapped in Abyssinian silk clothes 4. 4 With white faces and black faces: their hair (curly) like long peppers 4). occurreda year or two later. In this expedition the army was led by the Najdshi,some troops entered Mecca, but the expedition ended with the disastrous fate of the army. This tradition suits the assumption of W. Caskel, who considered the inscription Ry o06 referring to an that The information Abrahaintendedto raidNajd afterhe would destroythe Ka'bais noteworthy.The attackon Najd, as attestedby the versesof Tarafa,seemsto have been plannedon the background of the strugglebetween Persiaand Byzantium and the raids of the tribesbeing underthe sway of al-Hiraon the territories tribesin of the regionof Najrdn being underthe sway of Abraha It is notice5). in I) W. Caskel, Entdeckungen Arabien,K61n und Opladen 1954, P. 30 inf. inna abauan 1-maliku, manma'aka minmudara Al-Munammaq, 70: azjluha ya'kulfd p. lahunasun mudara ... minhddhihi min fa-ukhidha l-khusashay'an... wa-arsala, 3) Ibid., p. 71. The saying of Abraha reminds the idea advocated by Hishim b. al-Mughirain his talk with Abraha. 4) Al-Munammaq, 70. p. 5) See Caskel, op. cit., p. 30. 2) MECCA 73 able that Abraha chose Najrdnas halting place in his march, where, as Tarafa says, "the kings took their decisions." (bi-najrana qa.dda ma 1-mulfkuqada'ahum) The people of Najrdnwere devoted Christians 1). and certainly sympathisedwith Abraha;2) groups of Balhlrith in this region aided him. The information about the leaders of Mecca who remained with 'Abd al-Muttalib deserves to be examined. 'Amr b. 'A'idh al-Makhziimi was apparently in close contact with 'Abd al-Muttalib; 'Abd al-Muttalib married his daughter Fatima and she gave birth to his son 'Abdallah, the father of the Prophet3). The Makhziim, as mentioned in the Nibayat al-irabhad trade relations with the Yemen. It is not surprisingto find that Abyssinians dwelt in the Dr a!l'Ulfj, in the quarter of the Banfi Makhziim4). The Makhziim seem to have had financial relations with Najrin as well: when al-Walid b. al-Mughira died he mentioned to his sons that he owed the bishop of Najrdn a hundreddinars5). It is thus plausiblethat Makhzuim to be consulted had i) Cf. al-Hamddni, op. cit., II, 15s7(ed. Muhammad al-Akwac al-Hiwdli, Cairo and see ibid., p. 157: . .. darabz7 idh 1386/1966): ... caldHIububdna tuqaddd mahdsiluh; li-abrahata l-umz7ra. 2) See Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, FutfhiMisr, ed. C. Torrey, New Haven 1922, p. 301, 1.5, the saying of the Prophet about his tiring discussions with the delegation of annabayniwa-bayna najrdna abli Najrdn: ... la-wadidtu (min shiddati md knfn .hijban yujddillinahu).* ed. 3) See Ibn Habib, al-Mubzabbar, Ilse Lichtenstaedter,Hyderabad 1361/1942, p. 51; Ibn al-Kalbi,Jamharatal-nasab,Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23297, fols. 8a, 1.3; 8b, 1.3 bot.; Ibn Habib, Ummahdt al-nabi,ed. Husayn cAli Baghdad 1372/195 2, p. Io (fol. Ib). Mahf.z, 4) Al-Fdkihi, op. cit., fol. 458a; the Prophet was informed that these Abyssinians wanted to come to him in order to embrace Islam; they feared however that the Prophet might repel them. The Prophet said: "Thereis nothing good in Abyssinians: when they are hungry they steal, when they are sated they drink; they have two good is said to have qualities: they feed people and are courageous." cAtdb. Abi been born in this house. When 'Umar came to Mecca he distributedmoney amongst Rab.h Quraysh, Arabs, Mawdli, Persiansand Abyssinians (al-FRkihi, cit., fol. 397a, inf.). op. When cAbdallahb. al-Zubayr pulled down the Ka ba he used Abyssinian slaves for this task. He hoped that amongst them there would be the Abyssinian about whom the Prophet foretold that he would destroy the Ka ba (al-Azraqi, op. cit., p. 141 inf.; al-'IsJmi, op. cit., I, 169 inf.) About the Abyssinian who will destroy the Cairo 1956, I, I27-128.* Ka'ba see al-Azraqi, op. cit., p. 193; al-Fdsi, Shifd'al-gharim, Al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr,op. cit., Ms. fol. 145b, 1.8.* 5) 74 M. J. KISTER at the arrival of the army of Abraha and shared in the decisions. The Kindna as mentioned above, had close relations with Mecca. It is thus probable that Muhammad b. Khuzd'i (al-Sulami) was sent by Abraha the BanfiKinana,thata Kindniwas captured compiled to and the verses to warn Qurayshof the dangerof the approaching army of Abrahaand thata Kindni,from the clan of Di'l was said to have been a memberof the delegationwho negotiatedwith Abraha.The verse seemsto referto the roleplayed recitedby a Di'li womanto Mu'Iwiya of in by the Kindna the Expedition the Elephant: : canwatan hummanad Czjaysha 1-ahabishi bakri wa-hum nahnahz~ ghuweta band 'anna They (i.e. the Di'l1)resisted the army of the Abyssinians forcibly: and they repelled from us those who allure, the Bana Bakr 1) It is plausible find also a chief of the Hudhaylin the delegation. to Hudhayl had good relations with Mecca and played a considerable role in stoppingthe expedition Abraha of againstMecca2). It is also quite likely that 'Abd al-Muttalibconsulted the leader of the Thaqif in his decisions. Thaqif had very close financial relations with Makhzim and common financial enterprises3). It is noteworthy too that 'Abd al-Muttalibhimself had property in al-Tfaif4). He had 1) Al-Balddhuri, Ansab al-ashrif, ed. M. Schloessinger, Jerusalem 1971, IV A, p. i8; Bakr apparently refers to Bakr b. 'Abd Mandt (see Watt, Muhammad at Medina, p. 83); and see the story of the alliance concluded between Quraysh and the Ahabish by cAbd Muttalib to face the BaneiBakr-al-Balddhuri, Ansdb,fol. 902a; but see the second hemistich in the poem of Hudhdfa b. Ghdnim al-Jumahi, al-Azraqi, op. cit., p. 69: wa-su'dadan: 1-bath'a majdan humz7 malak;? ban! wa-hum tarad? anha ghuwdta bakri (malakzr, mala':). perhaps preferable 2) See El2, s.v. Hudhayl/ (G. Rentz) and W. Caskel, op. cit., p. 31, 11.Io-I6. Asbdb al-nuzr/, Cairo 1388/1968, pp. 58-59; al-Suy[iti, Lubdib 3) See al-W al-Tabari, Tafsir, ed. Mahmad and Ahmad Shdkir, Cairo n.d., VI, al-nuqfil, 42; .hidi, p. 22-23; (nos. 6258-6259); and see Muqdtil, Tafstr, Ms. HImidiyya 58, fol. 46 a: ...fa-lammd a.hara /ldhu cazza wa-jalla 1-nabiyya 'ald 1-tatift shtaratat thaqifun (s) anna kulla ribanlahum cald1-nasi fa-huwa lahumwa-kullariba 1-nasiCalay)himi fa-huwa canhum and see maudfcun ...; op. cit., fols., 171b-i72a; and see al-Suyciti, Mughult.y, al-Durr al-manthfr, 366-367. I, 4) Ibn Habib, al-Munammaq, cit., p. 98 ult. op. MECCA 75 also relations with the Yemen; this can be deduced from a tradition about a document of a debt owed to him by a man from San'>' 1). 'Abd al-Muttalib acted of course as a representativeof the .haram, as the dignitary of the Ka'ba, in charge of the siqaya.This is especially emphasized in the tradition that he remained in Mecca with another dignitary Shayba b. 'Uthman, who held the office of the .hdba. They both fed the people; this reflects the concept of responsibility of the dignitariesof the Ka'ba.* It would be vain to try to establish who in fact led Mecca in the decisive moment of the raid of Abraha. What can be deduced from the traditions is only what were the tribal elements which influenced the policy of Mecca and who were the representativesof the clans of Mecca deciding at that time. Details about the expedition are indeed meagre2). But information about the results of the expedition is instructive. According to the al-irab reportof the Nihdyat "Quraysh gainedprestigein the eyes of the Arabs(i.e. the tribes) and they called them Alu Ildhi; they said: "God repelledfrom them the evil (of the enemy)who plottedagainst them3)." 'Abd al-Muttalibbecame wealthy,bought every year many in orderto securethe water supplyof Meccain additionto the well of Zamzamwhich he dug. camels and slaughtered them for the people of Mecca 4). He bought the wells called al-Ajbdbfrom the Banl Nasr b. Mu'dwiya5), obviously Arabic traditionstressesthat the institutionof the humsxwas establishedafter the Expedition of the Elephant6). Some sources are doubtfulaboutthe date of the establishment the hums But it is of 7). I) Al-Majlisi, op. cit., XV, 16o, no. 90; cf. Ydqfit, Mujam al-buldin,s.v. Zaul. wie 2) See Caskel, op. cit., p. 31 sup.: "Es geht daraus hervor, dirftig die einheimischen . Quellen". . 3) Nihjyat al-irab,fol. i77a; and see al-Azraqi, op. cit., p. 98.* at 4) Nibhy al-irab,fol. I77a. Ibid., fol. I9ib, inf. 5) 6) Ibn al-Athir, al-Kimilfil-ta'rikh, ed. cAbd al-Wahhdbal-Najjdr,Cairo 1348, I, 266. adri 7) Ibn Hishdm, op. cit., I, 211: qdla ibnu ishdqa:wa-qad kdnat qurayshun-ld at ... a-qabla1-filiam bacdahu--btada ra'ya 1-humsi 76 M. J. KISTER evident that the failure of the expedition helped to expand the trade of Mecca, to set up close relations with the tribes, to establish its influence and to strengthenthe institutions alreadybuilt up by Quraysh. The market of 'Ukdz was establishedfifteen years after the Expedition of the Elephant1). 'Abd al-Muttalibwas one of the members of the delegation who came to Sayf b. dhi Yazan to congratulate him on his victory 2). According to a tradition recorded by al-Majlision the authority of al-WIqidi, Sayf b. dhi Yazan sent his son to Mecca as a is on governor his behalf3). The reportof Wdqidi probably exaggerated; he may have been sent merelyas a representative, as governor.But not both the reportsindicatethat the relationsof Meccawith the Yemen and ties were re-established the commercial renewed. 11 rite Meccaowed its existenceto trade.Pilgrimage and tradewere indivisiblein this city. It is thus plausiblethat in the young Muslim one community of the most vital questionswhichcould be askedwas the questionwhethertradecould be conductedduring the hajj.This in answered Suira 198: "It is no faultin you, was II, question positively that you shouldseek bountyfrom your Lord..." 4) Trade in Mecca i) Mughulty, op. cit., fol. I7oa, ult.; al-Bakri,op.cit., III, 959; al-Tauhidiconsiders these markets of the Arabs as marks of nobility in both societies of the Arabs, wa-taballihimbi-ashrafiabhwdli bddiyatihimwa-tabaddihim tahaddurihim fJ 1-amrayni ed. ft aswdquhum lahum l-jdhilyyati... (al-Imtac wa-1-mu'dnasa, Ahmad Amin, llati Ahmad al-Zayn, Beirut (reprint-n.d.), I, 83). 1966, II, 178; Ibn 2) See e.g. Ibn Kathir, al-Bideyawa-l-nihdya, ed. Mustaf Beirut-al-Riy.d Cairo 1386/1966, al-W al-Wafdbi-abhwl al-Jauzi, 'cAbd al-mustafd, .hid, I, 122-I28. XV, 146, no. 80: qdla1-wdqidiyyf: ft zamdni'abdii-muttalibi 3) Bihadr kdna al-anwdr, mulfki 1-yamani bnahu lahu rajulunyuqlu sajfubnudhi wa-qadanfadha yazanawa-kinaminm ild makkatawliyan min qibalihi,wa-taqaddama ilayhi bi-sticmdi 1-cadliwa-l-insfi ... 4) See al-Tabari, Tafsir, IV, 163-169 (nos. 3761-3791); al-Bakri, op. cit., III, and see Ch. C. Torrey, amongst the bedouins and the sedentary: ... wa-mimmtiyadullu aldatahaddurihim fi ed. al-mustatdb, Muhammad 'Arnfs, Cairo 1357/193 8, al-Shayb;ni, al-Iktisabbft 1-riZq The Commercial-Theological in the Koran,Leyden I892, p. 5; but see al-Fasawi, Terms al-Macrifa wa-l-ta'rikh, Ms. Esad Ef. 2391, fol. 67b, 1. 14 (on Ayyab al-Sakhtiydni): ... wa-kdna yashtariwa-ld yabi'uft ld 1-.hajji.* p. 2i; Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, Beirut 1385/I966, I, 424-426; 960; al-Hakim, op. cit., I, 482; Muqdtil, op. cit., fol. 3ib; al-Suyfiti, Lubdb, p. 30; MECCA 77 connectedwith religious rites,as it was in the remainedthus inseparably times of the Jdhiliyya.Caravanswith wares used to pour into Mecca,1) protected by the established institutions of the Sacred Months, Hums and Dhddaand enjoying free access to the markets.*Caravansdeparted from Mecca loaded with wares for Syria, Persia or Yemen. The following information about the import of wares from Egypt is of particularinterest. In the lower part of Mecca therewas the "Court of Egypt" (Ddr M4isr)2) which belonged to Safwdn b. Umayya al- Jumahi He used to deposit the wares which arrivedfrom Egypt 3). in this court.Peoplewould come to the lower partof Meccaandbuy these wares."His trade",says the report,"was confinedto Egypt;" thereforethe court was named "Ddr Misr", referringto the wares whichwere soldin it 4). In the quarter the Banai was of Makhzaim the courtof al-Sd'ib Abi b. the l-Si'ib; in one of its departments waresof the Prophetand of alSd'ib were stored5). Al-Sd'ib was the Prophet's partner before he received the revelation6). According to al-Shaybdnithey traded with skins7). Accordingto a tradition recorded al-Balddhuri, Prophet the by of of I) See E. R. Wolf: TheSocialOrganization Meccaandthe Origins Islam, Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 195 , pp. 330-337; and comp. about the trade of Qurayza and Nadir the report about the seven caravans which arrived on the same day from Busrd and Adhru' it, carrying clothes, perfumes, jewels and "seagoods" (amticat al-bahr)-al-W~1hidi,op. cit., p. 187; al-Qurtubi, op. cit., X, 56.* z) See al-Azraqi,op. cit., p. 474 penult. 3) See on him Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., II, 718, no. IzI24; Ibn al-Isaba, Cairo 1325/1907, III, 246, no. 4068; Ibn Sacd, op. cit., V, 449. .Hajar, 4) Al-Fdkihi, op. cit., fol. 461b: ... wa-lahum yuqelu laha darunbi-asfalimakkata ddrumisra,fha7 1-dabbaghrzna, li-safwanabni umayyata; k~nat wa-innama summiyat dara misraannasafwiina kina yatfihi min misratijdrjtunwa-amticatun, bna Ja-kdna umasyata minhu fi fa-yashtarfzna idhaatathuunzkhat darihitilka,fa-ya 'tihi 1-ndsu asfali makkata ila a; 1-matda wa-ld tajfTutijratuhu il7 ghayrimisra,fa-nusibatal-ddruila ma kina yuba'cu misra. fiha min matdici Al-Fdkihi, op. cit., fol. 458b; al-Azraqi,op. cit., pp. 470-471. 5) 6) Al-Fdkihi, op. cit., fol. 458b; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., p. 572, no. 892 (and see ib., p. 1288); Ibn al-Kalbi, op. cit., fol. ioza; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba,III, 60o, no. 3060o; al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr,op. cit., fol. I86b (al-Sd'ib b. Wadd'a); ibid., fol. i49b, Cairo 1939, 1.23; Ibn al-Jauzi, al-Wafd, I, 142 inf.; al-Tabari, Dhayl al-mudhqayal, 6o. p. p. 7) Al-Iktisab, 17 ult.-p. I8 sup. 78 M. J. KISTER invested in some wares carried by Abui Sufyin from Syria and got profit 1). The intricate trade-transactionsgave rise to various partnerships. Al-'Abbds was a partner of Khdlid b. al-Walid; they both used to lend money for interest; when Islam appearedthey had big sums lent for interest2). According to another tradition al-'Abbdswas a partner of Abai Sufy~n3). Al-Dhahabi records a tradition stating that Naufal was a partnerof 'Abbds4). Al-Balddhuri b. al-HIrithb. 'Abd al-Muttalib reports about a partnershipbetween two Sulami leaders and Harb b. invested the money necessaryfor the cultivation of the Umayya; UHarb land owned by them 5). It is evident that the trade of Mecca necessitated free traffic, free access to the markets of Mecca and free markets, without taxes. In fact, when the Prophet came to Medina he decided to turn Medina and to establishin Medina a free market,without taxes 6). into a .haram The fundamental change occurred when Stira IX, 28 was revealed: "O believers, the idolaters are indeed unclean; so let them not come near the Holy Mosque after this year of theirs. If you fear poverty, God shall surely enrich you of His bounty, if He will. . ." The verse I) Al-BalZdhuri,Anseibal-ashrif, IVa, 9; and see another version (Muhammad refuses to accept a reduction in the commision of Aba Sufydn) 'Abd al-Jabbar, ed. TathbitdalJ'il al-nubuwwa, 'Abd al-Karim cUthman, Beirut 1386/1966, II, 591. cit., p. 59; Mughulty, op. cit., fol. I7ob, penult. 2) op. p. 3) Al-W.hidi, op. cit., fol. 313a; cf. Ibn Habib, al-Munammaq, 27 (al-Abbds Mughulty, was the nadimof Aba SufySn; according to a report of al-Zubayrb. Bakkar,op. cit., fol. 94b, penult. 'Auf b. cAbd 'Auf (see on him al-Kalbi, op. cit., 28a) was a nadizm of b. al-Mughira al-Makhzami. About the companionship of Harb b. al-F.kih Umayya, 'Abdallah b. Jud'dn and Hisham b. al-Mughira see al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr, of op. cit., fol. i 26b inf.); Harb b. Umayyawas a nadim cAbdal-Muttalib(al-Bal1dhuri, IVa, p. 3). I, 4) Siyara clm al-nubald', 144. Al-Baladhuri,Ansab IVA, p. 3. 5) 6) Al-Bal1dhuri, Futuh al-buldin, ed. cAbdallah and cUmar al-Tabb~c, Beirut 1377/1957, p. 24: . .. wa-lamma bi-l-madinati, 1-sztqa aradarasfiluIldhianyattakhidha fihi. Consequently there were no taxes imqdla: hadhasziqukum, kharajacalaykum la posed on markets. The first who levied taxes from markets was Ziyad b. Abihi awwaluman (see al-Shibli: AIahasin al-wasa'il, Ms. Br. Mus., or. 1530, fol. I21b: akhadha al-szqiajranziyddun). min MECCA 79 was revealed in year 9 of the hibra The Muslims were afraid that 1). the prohibition to approachthe Ka'ba by the unbelieversmay endanger their trade, as the unbelieversused to bring their merchandiseto Mecca Allah promised the faithful to enrich them 2). during their .habj. It is evident that this crucial verse was revealed after Mecca had been conquered,when the roads of trade were secured and controlled by chiefs and leaders who had sworn loyalty to the Prophet. They changedin fact their formerloyaltyto Qurayshinto a new loyalty: to the Prophetand the Muslimcommunity. Unbelievers who returned fromthis couldsadlyremark: "Whatcan you do, as Quraysh had .hajj that the people of Judda, embraced IslIm3)." Muqptilreports already and San'T'embracedIslam and brought food to Mecca: .Hunaynthus no need to tradewith the unbelievers 4). they had The harambecame a Muslim sanctuary;its functionarieswere and by appointed the Prophet.It is the Muslimcommunity its representativeswho decide who will bring merchandise Meccaandits to of markets. The formerinstitutions zldf, hums, were fundamentdhdda were transferred to ally transformed Theirfunctionsand authority 5). the loyal tribes,who had to ensurethe safetyof the roadsand of the tradetraffic.They had to pay taxesand yield to the authority the of chiefs appointedby the Prophet.Profits could be kept, as before, for the tribes(or theirchiefsrespectively) the established and authorities of the two harams, Meccaand Medina. It is significant when the crisisof the establishment Medina that of occurredafter the death of the Prophet,when the chiefs of tribes i) See F. Buhl, Das LebenMubammeds (transl. H. H. Schaeder),Heidelberg 1955, PP. 338-339, notes 58-60. 2) Al-Tabari, Tafsir, XIV, 192-195 (nos. 16597-16608); al-Qurtubi, op. cit., op. cit., IV, 192; VIII, io6; Ibn Kathir, Tafszr,III, 382; Ibn Tafsir, Hish.m, al-R.zi, Cairo, 1357/1938, XVI, 24-26. ba 3) Al-Tabari, Ta r7kh, II, 383: fa-raja a 1-mushrikzina fa-lZama ba'Iduhum 'dan aslamatqurayshun", tasna' na, wa-qad wa-qjil: "ma fa-aslami. 4) A1-R.zi, op. cit., XVI, 26 inf.* ... wa-manlahu about I, 5) Comp. al-Taulhidi,al-1mrtd', 85 min bad bi-amri 1-hukz7mati 'Uk.z: tamimin, wa-kdna.hukzimatnm irtafa'a ila lladhiyaqimu jkhirahum u al-aqra' bnuhbdbisin. Al-Aqra' was in the new system appointed by the Prophet as musaddiq. 80 M. J. KISTER attempted to free themselves from their dependence on Medina, they tried to return to relations of a differentkind than the with 7laf-.hums Mecca. According to a tradition recorded by Ibn JHubaysh al-Aqra' b. HIbis and 'Uyayna b.. Hisn came at the outbreak of the ridda to Medina accompanied by chiefs of tribes, met some Muhajirfin and in their tribes; the tribes, they said, informed them about the ridda refuse to pay to the authority of Medina the payments which they paid to the Prophet. They suggested that they would assure that their tribes would not attack Medina if they were given a certain payment. cameto Abu Bakrand advisedhim to acceptthe offer; The Muhdiirfn Abii Bakrhoweverrefused 1). corroborates report. this tradition recorded Ibn Hubaysh Another by When 'Amr b. al-'As was on his way to Medinahe met people reWhen he arrivedat Dhu 1-Qassa he 2) nouncing Islam (murtaddin). fromhis visit to Medina.'Uyayna b. met 'Uyayna Hisn, who returned met Abfi Bakrand told him: "If you pay us a (defined) sum, we shall 'Amr.b. from) our territory." keep you from (everyattackoccurring in askedhim about the events (whichhappened his absence), al-'As him thatAbu Bakrheadedthe Muslimcommuand 'Uyayna informed nity. "Now we are equal,you and we, "added'Uyayna.'Amr said: "You are lying, O son of the mischievous of Mudar3)." 'Uyayna b. Hisn, the chief of Fazara, was aware of the weakness bnu i) Ai-Magh~ji, p. 9: ... wa-qadima abi bakrin 'uyaynatu hisninwa-l-aqra'cu 'ald ft rijalin min ashrdfi1-'arabi, fa-dakhalz 'ala rilin min al-muhajirina fabirahabisin man ward'and'an al-islimi wa-laysa anfusibim an fi qdil7innahuqad irtadda 'dmmatu ild Jyu'addi-na raszi lldhi(s);fa-in taj'al land ilaykummin amwilihimma kanz ,yu'addh7 fa-dakhala 1-muhajirzna ju'clannarji' fa-nakfikum man wara'and; wa-l-ansdru'ald abi bakrin nard an tu/t'imai-aqra'a wawa-qdil7: 'alayhiIladhi 'aradi 'calayhim fa-'aradlz man ward'ahumad yarji'a ilayka tu'matan yardaydnibihd wa-yakfiyjnika hatta 'uya/'Nata usimatu wa-jajyshuhu amruka,fa-inna i-yaumaqalilunfi kathirin, wa-la wa-yashladda z) See Ydqfit, Mujam al-buldin,s.v. Qassa. 3) Al-MaghdZi, p. 25, 1. io: ... aqbala 'amru bnu I-'dsiyalqad -ndsa murtaddina batt ata c'adla -qassati, bna dhi wafa-laqiya 'uyaynata kharijanmin al-madinati, >an .hisnin yaqilu: "inja'alta land shay kafayndka dhdlika hkina qadima'ald abi bakrinal-siddiqi ma wara'and"; "ibnu fa-qdla lahu 'amrubnu -_c'asi: fq-qdla 'uyaynatu: "maward'aka"; 'amrun: abiquidafata l-nasi,ya 'amru, wa-antum" "kadhabta wa-stawaynd naihnu will ;fa-qala bna min Y_) i-akhbbithi mudar"... land ... taqata bi-qitli1'arabi MECCA 8I of Medina. He suggested to Abti Bakr that Fazira should protect Medina from attacks from their territory against an agreed payment. Abi Bakr could not accept the offer: acceptance of this offer might have meant giving up the idea of continuity of the work of the Prophet and yielding to the force of bedouin tribes, thus conceding to the disintegration of the Madinian commonwealth, which took up, in fact,the legacy of Mecca. Abfi Bakrhad to refuse the offer, which meant ridda.For the sake of Medina, he had to decide to crush the ridda. III The development of Mecca was accompanied by a continuous strugglebetweenthe factionsof Quraysh,which broughtabout the formation alliances clansandsometimes to clashesandbloodof of led shed. The best known allianceis the one of the Mu.tayyabfn their and the The reportsabout the role of the Banti adversaries, A.hlif ). b. Fihrin this alliance maybe of some interest. 1-.HIJrith b. Fihr belonged to Quraysh The Hlrith The al-zawdhir. Quraysh although closely co-operatingwith the Quraysh al-Zawdhir, al-bi.tdh, attendedfights and raidsin theirown tribalunits2). Sometimes their actionsseem to have collidedwith the policy of Mecca They con3). with tribesand carried joint raidsagainsttribes4). cludedalliances out Membersof defeatedgroups of Quraysh in sought al-.ZawdhirIt refuge and Mecca dispersed familiesof the Abta!byyin. is of interest amongst that personsof these HIrith b. Fihr who alreadymergedinto clans of the Abta/his were "repatriated" 'Umarinto their formertribal by mentionsa group of the b. Fihr (the clan units5). Ibn .Habib .Hirith at i) See Ibn Hishim, op. cit., I, 138-140; W. M. Watt, Muhammad Mecca,pp. 5-8. dirira bnuI-kbatttbi ra'isa z) Cf. al-Balddhuri,Ansib, Ms. fol. 88za: ... wa-kdna bni muzhdribi fihrinwa-qa'idaha l-fijri. fi cald 3) Cf. al- Isdmi, op.cit., I, 163: .. kanat yughiruna banikindnata, camru waddin bnu yughiruhum al-'dmiriyyu.qurayshul-.zawdhir wa-banc'absin, 4) Cf. al-Bal1dhuri,Ansib, Ms. fol. 882a: ... wa-ghaat banfifihrin wa-kinabaynabumyauma ba dui-hilfi, 'ald1-yamani;fa-qdla dirdru l-khattbi . . . bnu 'idhin b. ibni fol. i z8b, inf.:... Can shibabin, sababu maqtali 5) AI-Zubayr Bakkir, op. cit., bni illI 1-shurddit fahminban I1-bhdrithifihrinbi-farthah fa-lamyabqamin ban (?), 1-.hrithi qurayshun; fa-taqassamthum fa-kdna ft bant 'imrana bni makhztlmin iyJsun wa-buwa Jesho XV 6 82 M. J. KISTER of Abui'Ubayda)who camedown to Meccaandjoinedthe 1); Mu.tajyabin he counts them, in fact, in the list of the Mu.tayyabzin and records 2) that they were put as adversariesof the 'Adiyy b. Ka'b during the mobilization of the rival forces 3). The 'Adiyy b. Ka'b were a weak tribal unit; they were the only group of Quraysh, who "had no sayyid who could cope with their problems and avenge their shed blood 4)." According to another tradition the HJIrithb. Fihr were attached to 'Abd Manaf and had jointly to face Sahm and Jumah 5). It is evident that these BanI 1-Hdrithb. Fihr were not a strong group; they were into accepted by the Mu.tayyabf#n their alliance in order to strengthen the alliance. The attachmentof the Harith b. Fihr to the Abtahis was reinforced by mutual marriages: 'Abd al-'Uzzd b. 'Amir married Qilaba bint 'Abd Manif; the mother of Harb b. Umayya was Umayma bint Abi Hamhama of al-HIrith b. Fihr 6). Abi Hamhamawent out with Umayyawhen the latter contested Hashim b. 'Abd Manaf 7). Due b. to these marriages Bansi1-HIrith Fihrbecamea part of the the Abta.his and consequently of the Mu.tayyabzn The case of the BaniIl-1Hirith 8). is instructiveand points to the policy followed by Qurayshof adopting clans and attachingfamiliesand individualsinto their community9). Iladhi lahu tdlibin: qdla ab . khdiz makinahu: 1-walidu ra'aytum qad bnu abi wa-khilu l'dsiiydsu ma'badi ma bnu juqilu iydsubnuma'badin; wa-kana 'badu wahbin tabannahu, fa-kana Ja-lamma bni (r) ft qurayshin, fa-jama'ahum kdnatkhilifatu'umara 1-khattabi wajadahum butpni ild fa-hamalahumgaumihim 'ala 'arafatihim. wai) Al-Munammaq, 18, 84, 237. pp. 2) Ibid.,pp. 20 ult., 223; and see al-'Isdmi, cit.,1, 163. op. 3) Al-Munammaq, 20, 44. pp. 4) Ibid.,p. 146. 5) Ibid.,p. 334ult. Ansdb,fol. 833a,inf.; Ibn Habib,al-Munammaq, 324-326; 6) Al-Balidhuri, pp. b. 'Abdallah, cit.,pp. 443 ult.-444,1.7; al-Zubayr Bakkdr, cit.,fol. b. op. op. Muscab zoo00b. ed. Cairo 1917, p. 20. 7) Al-Maqrizi, al-Nizd' wa-l-takhdsum, Mahmid cArn-as, b. b. 8) Al-Zubayr Bakkdr, cit., fol. zoob: wa-qadima cabd (i.e. op. al-'uzzad 'dmir) makkata ma'ahuwaban fa-.awwajahu mandfiz fa-sdra i I'abdu 'qadahu wa-aqama bni -sababi bni wa-bi-dhiilika ild harithi fihrinmaca bani 'abdimandfi qusajj'in 1-9aumi, dina bni i-sababi min fi saru7 ahli1-bitahi, banimuhadribiflhrinwa-bi-dhdiika aydan dakhahi i-mu ta)'abin. pp. 9) See e.g. Ibn Habib,al-Munammaq, 275-332. MECCA 83 could achievein Meccacan be deduced The high position which a .alrf for instance from the fact that a man from Sulaym was appointedby in Quraysh as "mu.htasib" Mecca 1). and The two groups of the Mutayyabfin the Ahlajf could be mobilized with no difficulty. This can be gauged from the report about the murder of Abii Uzayhir; both groups stood ready to fight and the to spur them to fight each other. Only due Prophet ordered .Hassdn to the wise intervention of Abui Sufyan was bloodshed prevented. The dateof the event is given with precision: after the battle of Badr2). The cohesive force of this alliance can be gauged from the report that cemeteries Mecca:one of in of al-Fdkihi, therewere two separate of A story told on the authority Ibn Abi Mulayka recordsa talk 5) between'Abdallah Safwanb. Umayyaand Ibn 'Abbds.The story b. in with the role of Meccaand exposesproblemsdiscussed connection its developmentand attests the persistenceof the idea of division betweenthe and Ibn 'Abb~sattendedthe siqaya 6); Mu.tayyabfin A.hlaf. said: "How is the rule 'Abdallahb. Safwdnpassedby and pleasant (imdra)of the A.hldfwith regard to you" ("What he in fact said was: How did you assess the imara of the with regard to you"). A.hldf Ibn 'Abbds answered: "The imdraof the before that was Mu.tayyabin better than that"; he referredto the caliphateof Abli Bakr and 'Umar. Ibn Safwdn said: "'Umar ordered to close the well of Zamzamin the At the "Day of Uhud" and the AMu.tayyabfin, another of the A.hldf3). and Quraysh fought under the banners of the Mutayyabin A.hldf4). intervalbetweenthe periodsof the to the well only .hai" (i.e. open in the periodof the Ibn 'Abbassaid:"Do you strivefor the haj--K). i) Al-Fdkihi,op.cit., fol. 449b; Ibn Habib, al-Munammaq, 286; al-Azraqi,op. cit. p. p. 454; al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr, op. cit., fol. i29a; L.'A, s.v. sh r d; Ibn Abi 1-Hadid, op. cit., XVIII, 299.* 2) Al-Zubayr b. Bakkir, op. cit., fol. 145b; Ibn Habib, al-Munammaq, 237-241. pp. bi-acla makkata wa3) Op. cit., fol. 480a: ... wa-kinat maqbaratu 1-mutayyabina al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr,op. cit., fols. I74b, I84a. 4) Al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr,op. cit., fol. 86b. al-tahdhzb, 306, no. 523. V, 5) See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib 6) About the privilege of the siqJya granted by the Prophet to cAbbassee Muqdtil, op. cit., fol. 74a; al-Azraqi, op, cit., pp. 337-338; al-'Isami, op. cit., I, 207. see and makkata; details about the Mutayyabfin Abhl3f, maqbaratI bi-asfali 1-ahljfi 84 M. J. KISTER sunnaof 'Umar? 'Umar ordered to turn the upper and lower parts of the valley (i.e. the valley of Mecca) into a resting place for the pilgrimsand to turn Ajyadaynand Qu'ayqi'cn into a place for walking and resting for them. Then you and your "patron" (sahibuka) started to build up the place with houses ("he perhaps said: 'you built it up with houses and palaces'"); within this is your house and property; after that (i.e. after all your actions contrary to the prescriptionsand interdictions of 'Umar-K) you come and ask (for the application of of-K) the sunnaof 'Umar? How far is it! You left the sunna 'Umar far behind 1)." The quoted passage shows clearlyhow firm the consciousness of the and was in the minds of the division between the Mu.tayyabfin A.hlaf in the times of 'Uthman. The rule of Abi Bakr (muttayyabi#n) Qurashites and 'Umar (a.hlaf)was assessed according to which faction they belonged to. The questions discussed in this talk were connected with the conflicting views about the role of Mecca and whether it was legitimate to develop it. It was a fundamentalquestion whether Mecca had to be kept as a center of pilgrimage, in which building new residential quarters was to be forbidden and the original character of the city preservedas it was in the times of the Prophet.As we can see from the quoted passage changes did take place early. A considerable wave of building activity is attested in the times of Mu'dwiya. The number of houses and courts bought by Mu'rwiya at Mecca is surprising. He bought from the BandiMulayl of Khuzd'a or the court called Ddr Ibrdh7m Ddr Aus, located in the lane of the shoemakers,in the quarterof the allies of the BandiHdshim2). In the quarter of the Band 'Abd Shams he acquired by exchange the Ddr 3). al-Hammdm In the same quarter he got hold of an unoccupied of land in the neighbourhood of the court of al-Hakam b. piece i) A1-Fdkihi,op. cit., fol. 443b; al-Azraqi, op. cit., p. 392. Al-FSkihi, op. cit., fol. 448b, H1.11-12; in this court the shoe-makers and butchers had their shops (ib., fol. 45 Ia, 1. 16). 3) Ibid., fol. 449a, 1. 4. 2) MECCA 85 Abi 1-'As and built there the court of Ziyvd b. Abihi 1). To Mu'dwiya (built with read bricks and gypsumbelonged the Ddr al-Raqtad' mortar), the White Court (al-Ddr al-Baydd'--theplastered court), the Ddr al-Marajil(bought by Mu'cwiya from the family of al-Mu'ammal of the 'Adiyy b. Ka'b), 2) the Ddr Babba (='Abdallah b. al-HIrith b. Naufal b. b. 'Abd al-Muttalib), the Ddr Salm (a court al-.Harith located opposite the Ddr al-Hammdm),Ddr al-Shi'b, a court in the lane of the blacksmiths called Ddr Mdli Lldhi (in which the diseased were housed), the Ddr Sa'd (built of carved stones, with figures carved in the stones).3) In the quarterof the 'Abd al-Dir Mu'dwiyabought the Ddr al-Nadwa from Ibn al-Rahin and paid for it I00,000 dirham 4) 5). In this quarter bought also the court of Sa'idb. Abi Talha6). In he the quarterof the Bana Zuhra he bought some courts from the 'Abd 'Auf7). Mu'dwiya bought also the house of Khadija, in which the Prophetlived untilthe hira, andturnedit into a mosque8). According to tradition,Mu'cwiyawas the first who built in Meccahouseswith baked bricks and gypsum mortar The sums spent on buildings 9). can be gauged from the report about the building of the court of and deposited al-Hajjij.He bought the court of 'Abd al-Muttalib thirty thousanddinars,as expensesof the building,with the pious b. 'Abd al-'Uzzd 10). For the court of 'Atd' b. Abi Rab.h .Huwaytib five thousand dindr11). In some of the courts Mu'cwiya paid fourty i) Ibid., fol. 449a, 11. 18-19; the spot between the court of Aba Sufygn and Hanzalab. Abi Sufydn,facing the court of Sa'id b. al- 'As and the court of al-Hakam was called BaynaI-Ddrayni;it was a place where the caravanswith wheat and corn used to make halt. 2) In this court there were pots of brass in which meals for the pilgrims and meals of Ramadanwere preparedin the time of Mu'Iwiya. 3) Al-Fikihi, op. cit., fols. 450ob,inf.-45Ib, 46ob, 1.5. 4) See on him ibid., fol. 424a. and see other versions about this transactions: al-Zubayr b. 5) Ibid., fol. 45 5b; Bakkdr, op. cit., fol. 88b; Mughultdy, op. cit., fol. z8b, ult.; Ibn al-Kalbi, op. cit., fol. 24a; al-Sira al-halabiya,I, 17 inf.; al-Balkdhuri,Fuztzh, 70. p. 6) Al-Fikihi, op. cit., fols. 456a, 1. 6; 496a. 7) Ibid., fol. 456b, 1. 5. 8) Ibid., fol. 47ob; cf. al-Azraqi,op. cit., p. 457 inf. 9) Al-Fdkihi, op. cit., fol. 441a. io) Ibid., fol. 447a. i i) Al-Balddhuri,AnsdbIVA, 47, 1. 17 (and see the referencesof the editor). 86 M. J. KISTER acquired by Mu'dwiya there seem to have been workshops of craftsmen, stores and magazines1), which securedincome and profit. The vigorous building activities of Mu'dwiya were met with opposition by the orthodox circles, who looked with disapproval at the changes in the city. They wanted it to be a city for pilgrims, with wide, unbuilt spaces, preserved for pilgrims and their riding beasts. A chapterin al-FRkihi's comprehensive dealingwith theseproTa'rikh, makkatawa-jaratihd kird'i bzuyiti blems, is entitled: "dhikrukardhayati wa-bay'iribd'ihdwa-md 2). jd'a ft dhdlikawa-tafsiruihu" The arguments of of the scholars based on the utterances the Prophet.He is said are to have stated,that Meccahad to be put freelyat the disposalof the au mubdhun pilgrims:houses should not be rentednor sold (makkatu mundkhan Id tubd'uribd'uhd buyz7tuIh).4) 'A'isha is 3), wa-ld tuz'afjaru said to have askedthe Prophetto set up for him a buildingin Mecca "Mecca answered: in orderto findshadefromthe sun;but the Prophet is an alighting man placefor thesewho comefirst"(innamd mundkhu hiya "He who eats (the income) of the rent of houses in Mecca, sabaqa).5) eats fire" (i.e. he will enter Hell-K).6) the Accordingto tradition, houses of Meccawere duringthe time free of the ProphetAb-i Bakrand 'Umarcalled"al-sawd'ib", possessions, to accessible everyone: theywerenot sold nor bought;he who needed dweltin them;he who didnot, lodged othersin them7). Peoplecoming I) For the dimensions of a court (ddr)see e.g. the report of al-Ya'qfbi, Mushikalat ed. al-nds bi-zamdnihim, W. Millward, Beirut 1962, p. 13: fa-band 1-Zubajyru 1bnu ... hd dirahu1-mashhbirata wa-fi -aswdqu 'awwdmi wa-l-tijdrdlu bi-l-basrati z) Fols. 443b-444b. L may be regarded as variants in the written 3) The differenceof version text, the two words looking alike in the Arabic script. _.., 4) Al-Fdkihi,op. cit., fol. 443b, 1.2; al-Qurtubi,op.cit., XI, 33 ult.; and al-Balddhumakkatuharamun yahillu bay'u rib'cihd wa-ld ujz7ru ri, FutYh5, 58: buyftihd;alp. la 1. I; and see al-Tahlwi, Sharhx dni 1-dthar, Muhammad ma ed. Fikihi, op. cit., 444a, Zuhri 1-Najjdr,Cairo 1388/i968; al- Azizi, al-Sirdjal-munir,Cairo 1377/1957, III, 305; cf. Ahmad b. Hanbal, Kitdbal-warac,Cairo 1340, pp. 80-81. al-Amwdl, XI, p. 5) Al-Balddhuri,Futzih, 58; al-Qurtubi, op. cit.,no. 34; Abai 'Ubayd, Cairo 1353, p. 65, ed. Mulhammad HJImid I6o. al-Fiqqi, 6) Al-Qurtubi, op. cit., XI, 33; Abi 'Ubayd, op. cit., p. 66, no. 163. op. cit., IV, 29; Ibn al-'Arabi, Ahkim 7) Al-Qurtubi, op. cit., XI, 33; III, 1264 sup. al-qur'dn, al-Tah.wi, MECCA 87 to Mecca used to pitch their tents everywhere,even in the open spaces of the courts 1). The discussion of this problem centered around the interpretation of Sira XXII, 25: ".. . and the Holy Mosque that We have appointed equal unto men, alike him who cleaves to it and the tent dweller"... was "Sawd'un al-'dkifufihiwa-l-bddi" interpretedby some of the scholars as equal rights of the residents of Mecca and the visitors in relation to the courts and houses. The residentshave no more rights in relation to these places than the new-comers. "The visitor may alight at any place he finds; the householder has to shelter him, whether he wants to or not 2)." One of the interpretations a cautious remark:. .. "they has are equal and they are entitled to alight wherever they want, without out driving anyone from thehouse 3).," Another problem, a legal one, closely connected with the discussed question, was whether Mecca was conquered by force ('anwatan)or by a peace-agreement.According to the former opinion (represented by Mhlik, Abi IHanifa,Auza'i) the houses should be considered as spoil; the Prophet did not distribute the houses and let the owners stay in their lodgings gratuitously,leaving these rights for their progeny too. Therefore, the courts of Mecca are at the disposal of residents and visitors alike. The contradictory opinion, represented by alShdfi'i, stated that Mecca was conquered by a treaty; the courts are thus in the ownership of householders4). The practicalapplicationof these views is mirroredin earlytraditions about 'Umar. He is said to have forbiddento build doors for the courts of Mecca5). The courts of Mecca had no doors; the first who installed a door in his court was Ayman b. b. Abi Balta'a (according to another tradition: Mua'wiya).6) 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz in a letter HI.tib See al-Qurtubi, op. cit., XI, 32; Ibn al-'Arabi, op. cit., III, 1263; and see alBaladhuri, Futih, p. 59. 3) Al-Bal1dhuri, op. cit., p. 59, 11.4-5. 4) Al-Qurtubi, op. cit., XI, 33; Ibn al-'Arabi, op. cit., III, 1263 inf.-I264 (see esp. 11.4-7). 5) Al-Bal1dhuri, Futzih, p. 59; al-Fakihi, op. cit., fol. 444b, sup. 6) Al-Fikihi, op. cit., fol. 444a. 2) I) A1-Fdkihi, op. cit., 444a, inf.; Ibn al- cArabi, op. cit., III, 1264. 88 M. J. KISTER to the amir of Mecca prohibited the renting of houses in the city 1). There are compromise utterances, in which the interdiction is records the tradition about the proposal of restricted. Al-Tah.wi 'A'isha to set up a building for the Prophet in Mind; the refusalof the Prophet and the interdiction of building is thus limited to Mini 2). Further, according to al-Tahawi, the idea of equal rights to residents and pilgrims is confined to public places; but places owned by people are not included in this category;3) this is the concept of al-Layth b. Sa'd: rents of houses are permitted, pilgrims may freely alight in open spaces of houses, ways, waste spaces and plains 4). According to another compromise opinion, the renting of houses is unlawful during the but it is permissibleif the rent is taken from .hajj; and a man who is resident of Mecca (mujdwir) not in the period of the A specialchapter al-Fdkihi's in dealswith the permissiTa'rikh .haj5). manrakhkhasa kird'i ft bility of buying and renting houses (dhikru makkata Houseswerein factboughtandsold buyfti ribd'ihd).6) wa-bay'i and the transactions wereaccurately registered 7). The changesin Meccaand the reactionof the orthodoxcirclesare mirrored in a talk between 'A'isha and Mu'cwiya. 'A'isha reproved Mu'cwiya that he built the city into townships and palaces, while the Prophet had made it free for all the Muslims. No one has more right in it (i.e. in the land and buildings-K) than the other. Mu'dwiya answered: "0 Mother of the Faithful, so indeed is Mecca and they do not find anything which would shelter them from sun and rain. I ask for you to bear witness that it is a sadaqa them" (i.e. that my possession in Mecca be considered as a charitableendownment for the Muslim i) Al-Bal1dhuri, op. 9sup.;al-Fdkihi, cit.,fol. 444b,1. 2. Futh, p. 58 ult.-5 Al-Tahawi, cit., IV, 50-5 and see the discussionon this subjectal-Fdsi, op. i; I, al-ghardm, 320-32. Shifa' 2) 3) Ibid., IV, 0o. 4) Al-Bal1dhuri,Fut/h, p. 6o. .. bni bni bnu cabdi1-maliki 1-hbajjaji 7) Ibid., fol. 447a: .fa-khbsamahu cindi1-hajjaji. min yfisufa, ft 1-nafaqata fa-wajadfz al-.hajjsjuwa-l-thamana fa-nazarif l-dawdwin 6) Fols. 444b-445b. 5) Ibid.,p. 6o. MECCA 89 community-K).1) This solemn promise was never fulfilled, of course. The growth of Mecca in the early period of Islam was impressive. Houses climbed up the mountains. They were built above the highly placed well of Jubayr b. Mut'im, an area where houses were never built before 2), and on the hill of Ab-i Qubays 3). The attitude of the pious men of Mecca is reflected in the saying of Ibn 'Umar when he saw the houses built on Abi Qubays: "O Mujahid, when you see houses appearingon its mountains and water flowing in its thoroughfares, then beware"!4) The intent of the warning is made clear in anothersayingof 'Abdallah 'Amr: "Whenyou see riversbursting b. in Mecca and buildingson the tops of the mountains,then know thatyou arealready the shadeof the Day of Judgment".5) in In fact Mu'awiya'sactivity of buying and building houses was accompanied by his energetic activity of digging wells, canals and planting gardens and orchards and cultivating the land in Mecca. Al-Azraqi mentions the wells dug by Mu'cwiya and the orchards in i) Al-Fdkihi, op. cit., fol. 45 b: ... 'an dhakwana maulda 'a'ishataqda: innamu'dwiyata (r) dakhalacald c'dishata manmilaha, (r) fa-qdlat: anta lladhi 'amadtaild makkata fa-banaytabd wa-qadabahahd madd'inawa-qusyzran, lldhu 'azza wa-jallali-l-muslimina, abadun inna wa-laysa abaqqu bihaminabadin;qda: yd umma1-mu'min7na, makkatakadha wa-and mi min ushhiduki yajidirna yukinnuhum al-shamsi wa-l-matari; sadaqatun annaha wa-la 'alayhim. ahli makkata min z) Al-FHkihi, op. cit., fol. 472b, penult.: ... wa-sami'tuba'Eda kina i-ndsu 1-sakani qadimii-dahrihddhihi 1-bi'ra; yaqiiu: al-fuqahd'i fi ft le.yuj*awiqfina innami kana 1-ndsu fzma dinahai -masjidi,wa-md fauqa dhiika khalinmin al-nasi. .. ila 3) Ibid., fol. 472a, 1. 2: wa-lam buyitun,innama yk auma'idhin abi qubaysin 'ald hadathat 'du. ba 4) Nu'aym b. Hammad, Kitdb al-fitan, Ms. Atif Ef. 602, fol. 4a: ')a mujdhidu, wa-jard1-ma'uft turuqihd idhd ra'ayta biuyftamakkata qad Zaharat 'ald akhshabiha fa-khudh hidhraka.Cf. al-Fakihi, op. cit., fol. 414a: qdia 'abduIlihi bnu 'amrin(r): idhd ya mujdaidu ra'aytai-ma'a bi-tariqimakkatawa-ra'ayta 1-binaPa yac'l akhdshibahd, fa-khudhhidhraka. 5) Al-Fakihi, op. cit., fol. 414a, inf.: idha ra'ayta makkata qad bu'ijat kigdman, wa-ra'ayta1-bina'aqad cal caldru'zisii-jibli fa- 'lam anna1-amraqad aZallaka;Abf cUbayd, Gharibal-hadith, Hyderabad 1384/1964, I, 269; cf. similar traditions about Medina in Samhidi's Wafd'u1-Wafd,ed. MuhammadMuhkyi 1-Din cAbd al-Hamid, Cairo 1374/1955 I, I 9: .. .yuishiku an , 1-bunydnu ya'tiya hddhai-makana(Ihdb); and see ibid., the recommendation of the Prophet to Dharr: idha balagha 1-binda'u Abei wa-1sal'anfa-rtabil ild I-shami;cf. Ibn Kathir, Nihbyatal-biddya ft wa-l-nihaya 1-fitan malhim, ed. MuhammadFahim Abf 'Ubayd, RiySd 1968, I, 80: tablughu i-masakinu ihdba. 90 M. J. KISTER which palm-trees and plants were grown1). Activities of this kind were never before carriedout in the city. Sourcesstressthat he was the firstwho dug wells in Meccaandplantedorchards 2). The aim and purposeof these investments be deducedfrom a can talk between'Abdallah 'Abbdsand Mu'iwiya.Ibn 'Abbdssaid in b. his talk when he visited Mu'cwiya:"I know a valley flowing with silentand did not ask him (scil. aboutthe gold." Mu'cwiyaremained he him the placewhichis calledal-'Abbdvalley).Afterwards granted and siyya;Ibn 'Abbdsturnedit into an orchard dug a well in it. AfterwardsMu'cwiyaset up the orchards Mecca).3) expression The "a (in valleyflowingwith gold" points clearlyto the aims of settingup the orchards; they wereobviouslyprofitable. activityof digging up wells and canalsmet with oppoMu'dwiya's sition like the building of houses and palaces.'Abdallahb. Safwdn rebukedMu'Pwiya for his growing orchardsin the "valley where thereis no sown land"(i.e. Mecca),4) to contrary the wordsof Allah5). of Scholars law discussedthe problemwhetherthe fruit of trees and to vegetablesgrown in Meccaare permissible be picked and eaten and whetherit is permissible cut in Meccatreesplantedby men6). to in It is evidentthat cuttingtreesnot plantedby men is forbidden the area haram 7). The governorsand the officials the Umayyads of caredalso for the on supplyof waterfor the cityandfor thepilgrims theirway.'Abdallah b. 'Amirb. Kurayzbuilt cisterns the pilgrimsin 'Arafa He dug for 8). i) Al-Azraqi, op. cit., p.p 442-444; al-Fakihi, op. cit., fols. 49oa-49ib. z) Al-Fdkihi, op. cit., fol. 441a-b. bal 3) Al-FIkihi, op. ci., fol. 441b: wa-yaqj/a: awmala bi-acridimakkata hPi'in qjri?a / (r) lhi ina bna cabba-sin ma-hmua cimdam .,irata (r): a3 al-~al,,l•sibh innmla-ac/am,wmdi ynajr7 bi-l-dhahabi qdha.)'aaln, (r) na-lam jary'an;qila, fa-sakahamatwi kffa bacdi agqaahlia fi'jas'a/lh; fa-lammlii /iliaica al-cabbsiqJ)yati, fa-airalv qc)awlan; lanmmi" 'almilahd akhadba m/ci'ayata (r)fi camali -/I-a 'i.ti. 4) ,1tr Sira XIV, (Ibrdhim)37. c'n, IV 5) Al-Fkihi, op. cif., fol. 49ob; al-Baldhuri, AIns7b, A, 16. 6) Al-Baldhuri, pp. 60-6I. 7) See al-Azraqi,Fut/.7, pp. 372-374. op. cit., 8) Al-Bal-dhuri, Ansdb, Ms. fol. 799b: ... nwa-takhadlba bi-'carafa/a dim n'walfi& Ibn siqajfdtin; 'Abd al-Barr,al-Isti'lb, p. 932 inf., no. 1587. MECCA 91 wells for pilgrims on their way from al-'Iraqto Mecca and said some day: "Had I been left (i.e. to do as I think fit-K) a woman would journey alighting every day at a well (literally a water-K) and a market until reaching Mecca".1) Later Khalid b. 'Abdallah al-Qasri on the order dug a well (between the passes of Dhai Tuwd and .Hajdn) well to the of al-Walidb. 'Abd al-Malikand drew the water from the He was so proud of the deed of al-Walidthat he tried to deduce from it the superiorityof the Caliphof God (i.e. al-Walid)over the Messenger The haramn. waterwas sweet and Khdlidurgedthe peopleto drinkit. He spoke scornfullyabout Zamzam callingit "Motherof the blackbeetles"(umm and over Zamzam 3). al-ji'l~n)2) stressedits preference of God. "Abraham asked God rain water and He gave salty water the of (i.e. Zamzam); Commander the FaithfulaskedHim rainwater and He gave him sweet water"(i.e. the well dug on the orderof the Caliph).4)It was in fact a shamelesssaying. This covered pool located in the having its waters supplied from the well dug by Khalid .haram, was destroyedby Dawudb. 'Ali b. 'Abdallahb. 'Abbasto al-Qasri, the joy of the people;they preferred waterof Zamzam the 5). After the period of the first Umayyads the building activities came to what amounts to a standstill. Such activities were only resumed with the advent of the Abbasids6). 2) There was however a well called "umimji'ldn" belonging to the 'Abd Shams (see al-Azraqi,op. cit., p. 438; al-Fdkihi,op. cit., fol. 487b, 1.4). 3) Al-'Isdmi, op. cit., I, 228. 4) Al-Fdkihi, op. cit., fol. 4I 5a. t//a 5) Al-Mausili, Ghdyatal-wasiPil, Ms. Cambridge Qq 33, fol. I4a: axwalu b. ... 1-birkata calamilahd lla/ ahdatha khal/id 'abdillah b. dawcizd 'ali b. cabdilldh an hadama (read: al-qasri) ... wa-kina amarahubi-'amali hddhihi1-birkatisulaymhainu al-qushayri b. cabdi 1-maliki wa-an fa-kharajabaynazamzam wa-l-rukn ma'an 'adhban yujriyaminhd ... juddhi bihanicamaZamZam wa-kain shurbi arghaba fi ma'i al-aswad minhutmi b. wa-surra 1-nasu z

'You Shall Only Set out for Three Mosques'. A Study of an Early Tradition

Le Muséon 82 (1969): 173-96

'You Shall Only Set out for Three Mosques'. A Study of an Early Tradition

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M. J. Kister

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three_mosques.pdf « YOU SHALL ONLY SET OUT FOR THREE MOSQUES » A STUDY OF AN EARLY TRADITION « You shall only set out for three mosques: The Sacred Mosque (in Mecca), my mosque (in Medina) and al-Aqsa mosque » (in Jerusalem) 1, this well-known tradition of the Prophet licensed the pil1 Literally: ((The saddles (of the riding beasts) shall not be fastened (for setting out for pilgrimage) except for three mosques.) ... la tushaddu l-rihalu illa ila thalathati masajida : ila l-rnasjidi l-harami wa-masjidi hadha wa-l-masjidi l-aqlJa.Al;tmad b. ~anbal : Musnad, ed. Al;tmad Mul;t. Shakir, Cairo 1953, XII, 177, no. 7191, 241 no. 7248 with a version tushaddu l-rihalu; and see the references given by the editor ad no. 7191; Mul;t. Fu'ad 'Abd al-Baqi: al-Lu'lu'u wa-l-rnarjan lima 'ttalaqa 'alayhi l-Shaykhan, Cairo 1949, II, 97, no. 882; 'Abd al-Razzaq: al-MU§annal, Ms. Murad Molla 604, ff. 39b-40a with the following isnlids: Ma'mar (died 153 AH» al-Zuhri (died 124 Ali» Ibn al-Musayyab (died 94 AH» Abii. Hurayra; Ibn Jurayj (died 150 AH» 'Amr b. Dinar (died 126 AH» ,!,alq b. ~abib (died circa 100 AH» Ibn 'Umar; Ibn Jurayj> la tu'rnalu l-matiyyu); Ibn ~ajar : Bulugh almaram min adillati l-ahkam, ed. Mul;t. ~amid al-Fiqqi, Cairo 1933, p. 287, no. 1408; al-Muttaqi ai-Hindi: Kanz al-'ummal, Hyderabad 1965, XIII, 233, no. 1307: la tushaddu rihiilu l-rnatiyyi ilii masjidin yudhkaru llahu lihi illa ... The combined tradition contains Naq.ra b. Abi Naq.ra (with the version: recommendations of the Prophet in connection with the times of prayer, fasting and ib., p. 234, no. 1310: innama masjidi l·Ka'bati wa-rnasjidi wa-rnasjidi lliya; in prohibition concerning women travelling unaccompanied; yusalaru ila thaliithati masajida: an additional utterance Ka'ba.; the Prophet states that a prayer in his mosque (i.e. in Medina) is more liked by God than a thousand prayers elsewhere except in the mosque of the al-Durr alI'lam al-sajid bi-ahkam al-masajid, ed. Mu~taIa al-Maraghi, Cairo 1358 AH, pp. 208, 268, 288, 388; al-Subki: Shila'u l-saqam Ii ziyarati khayri l-anam, Hyderabad 1952, pp. 117-124, 140; 11.1- Wasiti : Faq,a'ilu l-bayti l·muqaddas, Ms. Acre, f. 37b-38a; al-Bayhaqi: al-Sunan al-kubra, Hyderabad 1352 AH, V, 244; al-Suyiiti: al-Jami' al-lJaghir, Cairo 1330 AH. II, 200,1.8; al-Shaukani: Nayl al-autar, Cairo 1347 AH, VIII, 211; Ibn aI-Najjar: al-Durra al-thamina Ii ta'rikh al-Madina, appended to al-Fasi's Skila' al-gharam, Cairo 1956, II, 357; 11.1Samhiidi: Wala' al-wala bi akhbar dar al-mUIJ!ala,Cairo 1326 AH, I, 294; al-Ghazali : lhya' 'ulUm al-din, Cairo 1933, I, 219; Ibn Taymiyya: Majmu'at al-rasa'il al-kubra (/i ziyarati bayti l-rnaqdisi, Cairo 1323 AH), II, 53, 55; id. : Talsir s11ratil-ikhla§, Cairo 1323 AH, pp. 121, 124; id. : Minhaj al-sunnati l-nabawiyya Ii naqq,i kalami l-shi'ati l-qadariyya, ed. Mul;t. Rashad Salim, Cairo 1964, II, 340; Mujir al-Din: al-Una al-jaW bi-ta'rikh al-Quds wa-l-Khalil, Cairo 1283 AH, I, 205; Al;tmad b. 'Abd al-~amid 11.1ib., p. 235, no. 1318; p. 170, no. 955; p. 172, no. 966; al-Suyiiti: manthilr, Cairo 1314 AH, IV, 161; al-Zarkashi: 174 grimage to the mosques of Medina and Jerusalem in addition to the obligatory ~ajj and 'umra to Mecca. A vivid controversy arose over the authenticity of this tradition which grants, as it does, an exceptional position to Medina and Jerusalem 2. This ~adith is in fact a restricting one and seems to imply the prohibition of pilgrimage and visit to mosques and sacred places other than those indicated. The custom of such pilgrimage apparently had its origin at a very early period and was already in vogue in the second century. In the course of the fierce polemics concerning the permission of journey to visit the tomb of the Prophet, the minor sanctuaries and the graves of prophets and saints, this ~adith was closely studied and analyzed and became the pivot of the discussion whichlasted through many centuries. The crucial point was to establish the meaning and the intention of the initial phrase of the sentence: lii tushaddu l-ri~iilu illii ilii ... « the saddles shall not be fastened (for journey) except for»... As the exception is of the kind of al-istithnii' al-mufarragh in whichthe general term is not expressed - the partisans 'Abbasi: 'Umdat al-akhbiir fi madinat al-mukhtiir, ed. As'ad al-Tarabzflnl, Alexandria, n.d., p. 72; al-Nuwayri : Nihiiyat al-arab fi funun al-adab, Cairo 1925, I, 327; Ch. D. Matthews: 'l.'he Kit. Bii'i~u-n-nuliis of Ibnu-l-Firkiil,l, JPOS, xv (1935), p. 54 (id. : Palestine-Mohammedan Muthir Holy Land, New-Haven 1949, p. 10); Shihab al-Din al-Maqdisi: I·Qudsi uxi-l-Shiim, Ms. Damascus, ~ahiriyya, Ta'rikh al-qhariim. Ii ziyiirati 720, p. 133; Shams al-Din al-Suyut! : It?liil al-akhi§~ii bi-Ia4ii'ili l-masjidi l-aqsii, Ms. Hebrew Univ., f. 7a; Abu ,!,alib al-Makki: Qut al-qulicb, Cairo 1932, III, 182; Taqi al-Din 'Abd al-Malik b. Abi l-Muna, 'Ubayd al-Darlr : Nuzhatu l-OO~irin, Cairo 1308 AH, p. 98 sup.; Ibrahim al-wahhabiyyati l-irniimi l-Subki al-Samnudi al-Mansiir! : Sa'adat al-diirayn Ii l-radd 'alii l-lirqatayn l·~iihiriyya, Cairo 1319 AH, pp. 120-21, id. : Nusratu. Cairo, n.d., Matba'at al-jumhiir, pp. 36, wa-l-muqallidati bi-raddi l-I}iirimi l-munki, 161, 182, 191; al-Darimf : Sunan, al-Madina 1966, I, 271, no. 1428; al-KhaHabi: Ma'iilim al-sunan, ~lalab 1933, II, 222; al-Jarral;1i: Kashf al-khalii' wa-muzil al -ilbiis 'ammii 'shtahara min al-al,liidith 'alii alsinati l-niie, Cairo 1352 AH, II, 354, no. 3016.; al-Nasa'i: Sunan, Cairo 1930, II, 37; Shihab al-Din al-Khaffiji: Nasim al-Riyiiif, Ii sharf! shilii' l-qiirJ,i'IyiirJ" Istanbul, 2 1315 AH., III, 580; al-Ghaytf : Qil}l}atal-isrii' wa-l: Irshiid ol-siiri, Cairo 1326 AH, III, 239, 244. Halle 1890, II, 35-36; S.D. Goitein: History and im Islam, Calcutta nach Studien, mi'riij, Biilfiq 1295 AH, p. 18.; al-Qastallani I. Goldziher: Muhammedanische The sanctity 01 Jerusalem Institutions, University and Palestine in early Islam, Studies in Islamic ~iddiqi: Leiden 1966, pp. 135-148; J. Fiick: Die Rolle des Traditionalismus l;ladith Literature, und die Press, 1961, p. XXVI; W. Caskel: Der Felsendom ZDMG, XCIII (1939), pp. 23-24; Mul;1. Zubayr Walliahrt Jerusalem, Kiiln und Opladen 1936, pp. 25-26, notes 36, 38; A.A. Duri: al-Zuhri, BSOAS XIX, pp. 10-11; id. : Baf!th Ii nash'ati 'ilmi l-ta'rikhi Muh, 'Ajjaj al-Siba'i: al-Khapib : al-Sunna qabla l-tadwin, al-Sunna 'inda l-'arab, Beirut 1960, p. 99; Cairo 1963, pp. 501-514; Mu~taffi Cairo 1961, pp. 399-402. wamakiinatuhii Ii l-tashri'i l-islamiyyi, AN EARLY TRADITION 175 of the prohibition of journeys to the grave of the Prophet and to minor sanctuaries maintained that the ~adith should be interpreted as « do not set out for any place except for the three mosques I). Those who approved of such pilgrimages argued that the meaning of the phrase was « do not set out for any mosque except for the three mosques.» As they considered the general term from which exception is made to be « mosques » they concluded that the faithful should set out as regards mosques (for the purpose of prayer and devotion) - only for these three mosques; for other sanctuaries there is no reservation 3. 3 Al-Subki, op. cit., p. 118 seq ... Fa-'lam anna hadha 1-istithna'a mularraghun, taqdiruhu la tushaddu 1-ril!lilui1iimasjidin i1laila 1-masiijidi 1-thalathati,au la tushaddu l-ril)ii,lu i1ii makiinin illii ila 1-masiijidi 1-thalathati... , and see ib, p. 121 :... [a-naqala imamu l-{!aramayni 'an shaykhihi annahu kiina yufti bi-1-man'i 'an shaddi 1-ri{!iili ila ghayri hiidhihi 1-masiijidi. qiila : wa-rubbamii kiina yaqu1u. yukrahu~, wa-rubbamii JcanayaqUlu «yu{!arramu~ ... ; al-Ghasal], op. eit., I, 219 :... ua-qad dhahaba ba'rJu 1··u1amii'i ila 1-istidlali bi-hiidhii l-{!adithi Ii 1-man'i min a1-ri{!lati li-ziyiirati 1-mashahidi wa quburi l-'ulamii'i wa-1-~ula{!ii'i ; ib., II, 219 :... wa-yadkhu1u Ii jumlatihi ziyiiratu quburi ... 1-anbiyii'i 'alayhimu l-saliimu. wa-ziyiiratu quburi 1-lIa{!iibatiwa-1-tiibi'ina wa-8ii'iri 1·ulamii'i ....... wa-yajuzu shaddu l-ri{!iili li-hiidha l-ghararJi wa-la yamna'u min hiidha qauluhu 'alayhi l-saliimu: lii tushaddu. 1-ri{!iilu li-anna dhalika Ii l-masiijidi la-innaha mutamiithilatun ba'da hiidhihi 1-masiijidi... wa-ammii 1-biqii'u la-la ma'na li-ziyii. ratiha siwii l-masiijidi l-thalathati wa-siwii 1-thughUri 1i-1-ribiiti biha.. ,; Al,1mad b. ~ajar al-Haythami: al-Jauhar al-muna~~am Ii ziyiirati l-qabri l-sharili l-mu'a~~am, Cairo 1331 AH, pp. 13-14; al-'Abdari, a1-Madkha1, Cairo, 1929, I, 256; al-Shaukani op, cit., VIII, 212: ... wa-qad tamassaka bi-hiidha l-{!adithi man mana'a l-sajara wa-shadda l-ra{!liila ghayriha min ghayri farqin bayna jami'i l-biqii·i ... : Abu Bakr al-Turtashl i K itiib al-{!awiidithua-l-bida", ed. Muhammad al-l'alibi, Tunis 1959, p. 98 :... uia-liiyu'tii shay'un min al-masiijidi yu'taqadu lihi l-farflu ba'da l-thalathati masiijida illa masjidu Qubii'a... fa-ammii siwiihu min al-masiijidi fa-lam asma' 'an a{!adin annahu atiiha riikiban wa-la miishiyan kamii atii QUbii' , and see ib., p. 147-48 :... thumma ra'ii (i.e." Umar) al-niisa yadhha. a buna madhahiba la-qiila : ayna yadhhabu ha'ula'i, fa-qUa: yii amira l-mu'minina, masiidun 'lalla fihi l·nabiyyu (~)fa-hum yu§alluna lihi, la-qiila : innama halaka man Jcanaqablakum bi-mithli hiidha, kiinu yattabi'una iithara anbiyii'ihim wa-yattakhidhUnaha masiijida wa· biya·an ... ; and see the preceding tradition: Abu I-Mal,1asin Yusuf b. Musa al-Hanafi : al -M u'ta§ar min al-mukhtasa» min mU8hkilal-iithiir, Hyderabad 1362 AH, I, 26; Ibn Taymiyya: Minhaj al-sunnati al-nabawiyya, I, 336 and al-Sha~ibi: al-l'til!iim, Cairo, Ma~ba'at al-sa'ada, n.d., I, 346; Ibn Taymiyya: Talsir 8urati l-ikhla§, p. 120; id.: Maimu'at a1-rasii'il, II, 55 : ... wa-lau nadhara l-saiara ila qabri l-Khalili 'alayhi l-sal.iimu au qabri l-nabiyyi (I!) au ila l-,!,uri lladhi kallama llahu 'alayhi MiZsii 'a1ayhi 1-8aliimu, au ila jabali Jfirii'a lladhi kdna l-nabiyyu §alla llahu 'alayhi wa-sallama yata'abbadu liki wa.jii'ahu l-wa{!yu lihi, au al-ghari l-madhkUri Ii l-qur'iini, au ghayri dhalika min almaqiibiri wa-l-maqiimiiti wa-l-mashahidi l-muqiilati ila ba'rJi l-anbiyii'i wa-l-mashayikhi au ila ba'rJi l-maghariiti, au al-iibii1i - lam yajibi l-wafii'u bi-hadha 1-nadhri bi- 'ttiliiqi 1-a'immati l·arba·ati [a-inna l-eajara ila hiidhihi l·mawii4i·i manhiyyun 'anhu li-nahyi 176 They could in fact quote a ~adith in which they could find a convincing proof of their argument : lii tushaddu ri~iilu l-matiyyi ilii masjidin yudhkaru tuu« fihi illii ilii thaliithati masiijida ... « the saddles of the riding beasts shall not be fastened (for their journey) to a mosque in which God is invoked except to the three mosques »... 4 Even more explicit in favour of this view is another ~adith: u yanbaghi li-l-mu§alli an yashudda ri~iilahu ilii masjidin yabghi fihi l-§aliita ghayra l-masjidi l-~ariimi wa-l-masJ'idi l-aq§ii wa-masjidi hiidhii. « It is not proper that a man praying set out for a mosque in which he seeks to pray except the mosque of the Haram, the mosque al-Aqs;a and my mosque ».5 It is evident that these traditions confirm the view that the three mosques are to be preferred in comparison with other mosques; one shall set out for these mosques to gain the benefit of prayer and devotion; but he is permitted, and it is even recommended to him, to set out for other sanctuaries which are not mosques. The close observation of the ~adith about the three mosques is illustrated by a curious story reported by al-Wasiti 6 : Sa'Id b. 'Abd al-'Aziz used to visit the Mihrab Da'iid 7 on foot; only on his return he used to ride. When asked about it he answered: I was told that 'Abdallah b. 'Abdallah used to set out for the mosque of Quba" 8 riding a horse without a saddle; (this he used to do because) he considered that fastening the girth of the saddle of the horse was like fastening the saddles of the riding beasts which is mentioned (scil. as forbidden) according to the tradition: « you shall not fasten the saddles... except for three mosques»... G. E. von Grunebaum characterizes this ~adith as an « earlier battle, long since abandoned, which the theologians fought against the cult of those minor sanctuaries» 9. This battle was in fact an early one. l-nabiyyi (§) : Iii tushaddu ... etc.; al-Samniidi al-Mansiiri : Sa'iidat al-diirayn, p. 120 seq.; 'Ali Mal?iii:?: al-Ibdii' Ii maifiirri l-ibtidii', Cairo, Mapbe, 'at al-istiqama, 4th ed., pp. 194-96. 4 AI-Samniidi 5 al-Mansart : Sa'iidat al-diirayn, p. 121 sup. in al-Qastallani, lb.; but see the interpretation of this lJadith given by Ibn Taymiyya Irshiid al-siiri III, 240 (he forbids the journey to the grave of the Prophet on the ground of this lJadith). 6 7 AI-Wasiti, op. cit., f. 47a. Leiden 1938, op. cit., pp. 227, 302, 366-67, 407. op. cit., II, 16-28. Taha Husain, : The sacred character of Islamic cities, Melanges On MiJ:!.rab Da'iid see Ibn. Hauqal : $i1rat al-ard, ed. J.H. Kramers, See on the mosque of Quba' : al-Samhiidi, G.E. von Grunebaum Badawi, Cairo 1962, p. 27. I, 171; Mujir al-Din, 8 9 ed. Adburrahman AN EARLY TRADITION 177 Malik b. Anas records in his Muwatta'10 a story about a discussion between Abu Hurayra and Ka'b (al-Ahbar) concerning the question at what hour on Friday God fulfils the wishes of the faithful. This discussion took place when Abu Hurayra met Ka'b on his pilgrimage to al-Tfir. In a parenthetical passage Malik reports that Abu Hurayra on his return was rebuked by Basra b. Abi Basra 11 who told him: « Had I met you before you went out (scil. to al-Tiir) you would not have set out; I heard the Prophet saying: the riding beasts shall be driven only to three mosques ... etc. » 12. A similar tradition (in which the name of Abu Hurayra is however not mentioned) is recorded by 'Abd al-Razzaq 13 in his Mu~annaf14: a man who returned from a journey to al-Ttir was reproached and reminded of the utterance of the Prophet about the three mosques. Another tradition records a talk between 'Arfaja and Ibn 'Umar. Ibn 'Umar, when consulted by 'Arfaja about a journey to al-Tur, answered: You shall only set out for three mosques, the mosque of Mecca, the mosque of the Prophet (i.e. Medina) and the mosque al-Aq!?a; abandon al-Tur and do not go there 15. Commentators are agreed that by al-Ttir in these traditions Mt. Bina is meant 16. Mt. Bina was in fact regarded as a sacred place. 10 Malik B. Anas: al-Muwatta', Cairo, Matba'at Dar Ii).ya' l-Kutub l-'Arabiyya, n.d., I, 130-133. 11 See on him Ibn Hajar : al-Lsiiba, Cairo 1323 AH, I, 167, no. 713, 714 and II, 41, no. 1845 (recorded by 'Abd al-Razzaq as Nadra b. Abi Nadra ; see note I, above); al-Suyii td : Is'iif al-MubaUa' p. 8 (appended to Malik's MuwaUa' with Suyuti's Tanwir al-lJ,awiilik, quoted in the preceding note); al-Zurqjinl . SharlJ, 'ala Muwatta' Miilik, Cairo 1936, I, 224; AbU 'Ubayd: 12 Gharib al-lJ,adith, Hyderabad Sunan, Cairo 1930, III, 1966, III, 23, note 6. fihi Musii See this tradition Miilik, al-Nasa'L: 113-116; al-Zurqani : SharlJ, ed. Muh. al-Bijawi, 'ala Muwatta' I, 222-225 (about al-Tur : «ioa-hsuoa lladhi kullima »; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr : al-lsti'iib, Frankfurt wa-huwa lladhi 'anii Abu Hurayra Helga Hemgesberg: Abu Huraira, - Cairo, n.d., I, 184; 'Abd al-Qadir al-Jilani: al-Ghunya, Cairo 1322 AH, II, 70: and see am Main 1965, p. 105 (with references p. 1912, discussing an yusiifara l-~alJ,iibatu min nahyihi al-~aliit fi l-,!,ur. Geschichte des arabischen II, 609, no. 5044; given by the author); and see al-Samnfid i :Nu~ratu al-isniio: al-Subki, the following comment: ioa-li-hiidhii fahima ilii ghayri l-masiijidi l-thaliiihaii. anna l-sajara ilii '!'uri Sinii' a diikhilum fi l-nahyi wa-in lam yakun masjidan ... ; and see ib., p. 192: 13 See on him Brockelmann, GAL, S. I, 333; F. Sezgin: Schrifttums, Leiden 1967, I, 99; al-Dhahabi : Miziin al-i'tidiil, 14 'Abd al-Razzgq, op. cit., f. 39b. 15 16 I b., f. 40a. See e.g. note 12 above; but see al-Harawi : al-Tshiisii; ilii ma'rifati Damas 1953, p. 21, II. 16-17. l-ziyiiriit, ed. Janine Sourdel-Thomine, 178 According to Muslim tradition the Prophet was instructed by the angel Jibril to pray there during his night journey to Jerusalem 17. At the « laylat al-qadr» the angels will hoist their flags in four mosques: the mosque of Mecca, the mosque of the Prophet, the mosque of J erusalem and at 1'iir Sina. 18 Ibn Taymiyya stresses that the journey to Mt. Sina is forbidden on the ground of the utterance of the Prophet about the exclusiveness of the journey to the three mosques 19. By the beginning of the second century there seems to have already been a unanimity of the Muslim community about the sanctity of these three mosques and consequently about the sanctity of these three cities; this is later reflected in the rich literature concerning the virtues of these cities. There appear, however, to have existed earlier trends which aimed at emphasizing the sanctity of Mecca, or the sanctity of both Mecca and Medina, while minimizing that of Jerusalem. These trends are reflected in some early traditions, only partly preserved in the canonical collections of ~ad"ith. These traditions which probably preceded the Muslim consensus regarding the ~ad"ith of the three mosques will be viewed in the following pages. I A tradition recorded on the authority of '.A'isha, the wife of the Prophet, mentions only two mosques: the mosque of Mecca and the mosque of Medina. The Prophet said according to this tradition: « I am the seal (khatam) of the prophets and my mosque is the seal of the mosques of the prophets. The mosques which deserve mostly to be visited and towards which the riding beasts should be driven are the mosque of Mecca and my mosque (i.e. the mosque of Medina). The prayer in my mosque is better than a thousand prayers in any other mosque except that of Mecca » 20. 17 See e.g. al-Wasiti, op. cit., f. 49b, 1.6 and f. 60a, penult. : ... ~allayta bi-,/,uri Sinii' Tafsir alal-Zarkashi, op. cit., p. 298. '/'ahiirat al-quliib, nadhara t-saiara lJ,aythu kallama lliihu Musii ~allii lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallama ... ; Ibn. Kathir: Qur'iin al-'a~im, Beirut 1966, IV, 245,1.7; 18 'Abd aI-Qadir al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 14; 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Dirini: al-rasii'il II, 55, 1. 3: wa-l-tarhib min wa-lau Cairo 1354 AH, 124. 19 Ibn Taymiyya: Majmu'at ilii ...... 20 au ilii l-,/,uri lladhi kallama 'lliihu 'alayhi Miisii 'alayhi l-saliim. ,) al-Targhib al-lJ,adith al-shari], ed. Muhy! al-Din 233, al-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, al-Mundhiri: 'Abd al-l,Iamid, Cairo 1961, III, 50, no. 1732; aI-Muttaqi no. 1306; Ibn al-Najjar, op. cit., II, 357; al-Samhiidi, op. cit., I, 259; Ahmad b. 'Abd AN EARLY TRADITION 179 An almost identical tradition is reported on the authority of l'awlis 21 : « You shall set out for two mosques: the mosque of Mecca and the mosque of Medina» 22. The initial phrase of this tradition is almost identical with that of the tradition about the three mosques; mention is however made in this tradition of two mosques only, those of Mecca and Medina. A similar tradition is recorded by alMundhiri: « The best mosque towards which the riding beasts should be driven is the mosque of Ibrahim (i.e. the mosque of Mecca) and my mosque» 23. A significant tradition reported by Ibn Jurayj sheds some light on the attitude of certain Muslim scholars of the second century towards the pilgrimage to the three mosques. Ibn Jurayj records that Ibn 'Ata 24 reported a tradition recommending the pilgrimage to the three mosques and adds: « 'Atii: used to exclude (the mention of) the Aqr:;a,but he reverted later to counting it with them» (kana 'Ata'un yunkiru l-Aq§a thumma 'ada fa- 'addahu ma'aM) 25. It is 'Ata' who was asked by Ibn Jurayj : « What (is your opinion) about a man who vowed to walk from Basra to Jerusalem». He answered: « You were merely ordered (to pilgrimage to) this House (i.e. the Ka'ba) 26. l'awlis, on whose authority the tradition about the two mosques was transmitted, bade people who vowed to journey to Jerusalem to set out for Mecca 27. These traditions bear evidence to the fact that among scholars al-Hamld al-'Abbasi: op. cit., p. 73; Juz' Abi l-Jahm. a1-'Alii' b. Musii, Ms. Hebrew Univ., Majmu'a, p. 43, 1. 3 V. 8; al-Dhahabi : Tadhkirat a1-J;,uttii~ lJayiit a1-J;,ayawiin,Cairo 1963, II, 88-90; Ibn Khallikan: Wajayiit a1-a'yiin, ed. A.F. Rim'i, Cairo 1936, VI, 303-305; Ibn Sa'd: Tabaqiit, Beirut 1957, V, 21 See on him Ibn Hajar : Tahdhib al-tahdhib, I, 90; al-Damiri: 537-42. 22 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., f. 39b : yurJ;,a1u masjidayni, masjidi Makkata ioa-masjidi ilii 1-Madinati. 23 AI-Mundhiri, op. cit., III, 63, no. 1775 : Khayru rna rukibat i1ayhi 1-rawiiJ;,i1u masjidu lbriihima (~)wa-masjidi. Two variants are recorded: masjidi hiidha ioa-l-bagtu.1-ma'muru and masjidi hadha wa-1-baytu1'atiqu; and see the note of al-Mundhiri, ib., inf.; al-Suyu~i : a1-Jiimi' al-~aghir, II, 10 sup.; al-Samhudi, op. cit., I. 259; Al;tmad b. J;Iajar al-Haythami, op. cit., p. 41. 24 See on him: Ibn J;Iajar: Tahdhib al-tahdhib, VII, 483-84; al-Dhahabi: Tadhkirat a1-J;,ujjii~,, 98: 'A~a' b. Abi Rabal;t (died 115 AH; Ibn Jurayj transmitted his I traditions); Ibn Sa'd: Tabaqiit, Beirut 1957, V, 467-70. 25 'Abd al·Razzaq, op. eit., f. 39b. 26 Id., op. cit., Murad MoIla 606, f. 40b, info 27 ti; f. 41 b. 180 of Islam in the first half of the second century there was some reluctance to give full recognition of sanctity to the third mosque and to grant Jerusalem an equal position with the two holy cities of Islam, Mecca and Medina. This reluctance is plainly brought out in a series of traditions in which the Prophet is said to have advised the faithful to refrain from the journey to Jerusalem for prayer and to perform the prayer either in Mecca or in Medina. A tradition told on the authority of Jabir b. 'Abdallah 28 reports: A man 29 approached the Prophet at the day of the conquest of Mecca and said « 0 Messenger of God, I vowed to pray in Jerusalem if you conquer Mecca». The Prophet then said: « Pray here». The man asked him another time and the Prophet gave the same answer. He asked him a third time and the Prophet said: « Then the matter is at your disposal» (fa-sha'naka idhan) 30. A very similar tradition is recorded on the authority of Abu Sa'Id (al-Khudri) 31. But whereas the preceding tradition stresses the preference of Mecca, this one puts Medina to the fore. A man came to the Prophet, it is told in the story, in order to take leave from him before setting out for his journey to Jerusalem. The Prophet told him that a prayer in his mosque (i.e. in Medina) would be better than a thousand prayers in another mosque except the mosque of Mecca. Some versions of this tradition mention the name of the man, al-Arqam, but do not record the phrase about the mosque of Mecca 32. 28 Jabir b. 'Abdallah (died 78 AH). See on him al-Dhahabi: al-talulhib, II, 42; al-Baliidhurl Siyar a'liim Tadhkirat al-nubalii', al-lJ,ujjii~, ed. As'ad I, 43; Ibn 1;Iajar : Tahdhib Hamldullah, 29 : Ansiib al-ashrii], ed. Mul).. Cairo 1959, I, 248-49; al-Dhahabi: 126-29. '!'alas, Cairo 1962, III, According to the report of 'Abd al-Razzaq, Majma' al-zawii'id, op. cit., Murad Molla 604, f. 37b, 41a Cairo 1353 AH, IV, 192, the name 'J'abaqiit V, 113; Ibn 1;Iajar : and Ibn 1;Iajar al-Haythami: of the man was al-Sharid. 30 About al-Sharid see Ibn Sa'd: al-Lsiiba III, 204, no. 3887. Ibn Hajar : Buliiqh. al-mariim, p. 287, no. 1407; Abu Da'iid : $alJ,ilJ,sunan al-mW}tajii, to pray two rak'a; ib, inf. another variant: kulla ~aliitin Cairo 1348 AH, II, 79 with a variant al-Shaukani, bayti l-maqdisi; al-Nabulsi: 31 « if ~; you would pray here it would be counted (ajza'a) as much as the prayer in Jerusalem op. cit., VIII, 210 with a variant: la-qaiJii 'anka dhiilika Ii al-Tibrizi : Mishkiit al-ma~iibilJ" Karachi 1350 AH, p. 298; 'Abd al-Razzjiq op. cit., f. 41a; al-Subki, op. eit., pp. 94-95; al-Bayhaqi, Dhakhii'ir al-mawiirith, diai, op. eii., p. 134. See his biography in Ibn Hajar's Isiiba, AI-Samhiidi, Siyar op. cit., X, 82; 'Abd al-Ghani Cairo 1943, I, 145, no. 1324; Shihab ai-Din al-MaqIII, 85, no. 2189; al-Dhahabi: Tadhkirat al-lJ,uttii~, I, 44. 32 op. cit., I, 295; Ahmad b. Hajar al-Haythami, a'liim al-nubalii', ed. al-Abyar), op. eit., p. 41; al- Dhahabi: Cairo 1957, II, 342. AN EARLY TRADITION 181 To this category of traditions belongs the story told about Maymi.i.na the wife of the Prophet. A woman became ill and vowed to perform a pilgrimage to Jerusalem if she recovered. Having recuperated and prepared provisions for her journey she came to Maymi.i.nato take her leave. Maymi.i.naadvised her to stay at Medina, to consume her provisions there and to fulfil her vow by praying in the mosque of the Prophet (in Medina). Maymi.i.naquoted in this connection the utterance of the Prophet that a prayer in his mosque was better than a thousand prayers in any other mosque except that of the Ka'ba 33. A story closely resembling the preceding tradition is told on the authority of Sa'id b. al-Musayyab 34. The story told about 'Umar is however in favour of Mecca, not of Medina. A man came to 'Umar asking permission to travel to Jerusalem. 'Umar ordered him to prepare his provisions. But when these were prepared 'Umar bade him to perform the 'umra instead of going to Jerusalem 35. The essential reason for the resistance of a group of Muslim scholars to grant license of pilgrimage to Jerusalem is plainly reflected in another story about 'Umar told on the authority of the same Sa'Id b. al-Musayyab, who transmitted the preceding story; it is recorded by the early scholar of ~adith, 'Abd al-Razzaq b. Hammam in his MUl}annaf. According to this story, when 'Umar was in an enclosure of camels of I}adaqa two men passed by. He asked them wherefrom they came and they answered that they had come from Jerusalem. 'Umar hit them with his whip and said: « (Have you performed) a pilgrimage like the pilgrimage of the Ka'ba »? They said: « No, o Commander of the faithful, we came from such and such a territory, we passed by it (scil, Jerusalem) and prayed there.» Then 'Umar said: « Then it is so», and let then go 36. 33 AI-Bayhaqi, op. cit., X, 83; al-Shaukani, op. cit., VIII, 210; Juz' Abi l-Jahm al-'Alii' b. lvIusa, Ms., p. 42; Shihab aI-Din al-Maqdisl, op. cit., Ms. p. 134. 34 See on him Ibn Khallikan, op. cit., VI, 136-143; Ibn I,Iajar: Tahdhib al·tahdhib, IV, 84-88; Abu Nu'aym 35 36 al-Isfahani : I.filyat al·auliyu', 'Abd al-Razzaq Cairo 1933, II, 161-173. 'Abd al-Razzaq, 'Abd al-Razzaq, op, cit., f. 39b. op. cit., f. 39b: » Ma'mar b. Rashid> 'Abd aI-Karim al-Jazari (died 127 AH; see on him Ibn I,Iajar: Tahdhib al-tahdhib, VI, 373-75; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr : Tajrid al-tamhid, Cairo 1350 AH, p. 107» Ibn al-Musayyab: Baynii 'Umaru fi na'amin min na'am'i l-sadaqaii marra bihi rajuliini, fa-qala: min ayna ji'tumii, qiilii : min al-bayti l-bayti, bihi fa-~allaynii l-muqaddasi, fa- 'aliihumii dorban. bi-l-dirrati fa-tarakahumii. wa-qiilii : lpajjun ka-lpajji [a-mararnii qiilii: yii amira l-mu'minina, innii ji'nii, min arrf,i kadhii uxi-kadhii fihi, [a-qida : lcadhiilika idhan, 182 The story shows clearly that Muslim scholars feared that Jerusalem might become a place of pilgrimage like Mecca and acquire a sanctity like that of Mecca. The two sanctuaries, that of Mecca and the one of Jerusalem are mentioned jointly in the verse of al-Farazdaq : Wa-baytiini baytu lliihi nalJnu wuliituhu : wa-baytun bi-a'lii Iliyii'a musharrafu (To us belong) two Houses: and the revered the House of God, of which we are the governors: (i.e. Jerusalem) 37. House in the upper (part of) Iliya'a This verse testifies to the veneration of these two sanctuaries at the end of the seventh century. It is significant that the two sanctuaries are referred to as being on the same level 38. This these scholars tried to prevent. Jerusalem could only be considered as a place of devotional prayer, a holy place endowed with special merits for pilgrims to Mecca; but it could not be awarded the rank of Mecca and it never got it. The reluctance to perform the pilgrimage to Jerusalem found its expression in some utterances reported on the authority of the Companions of the Prophet. (,Abdallah) b. Mas'tld is stated to have said: « If (the whole distance) between me and Jerusalem were two parasangs I would not go there 39. Malik (b. Anas) refrained from coming to Jerusalem for fear that this may become a sunna 40. The justification of this attitude which tried to diminish the importance of the pilgrimage to Jerusalem is found in a remarkable saying of al-Sha'bi 41 : « Mul;tammad, may God bless him, was only turned 37 AI-Farazdaq: Diiciin; ed. al-Saw], Cairo 1936, p. 566; Naqil'irJ Jarir wa-l-Farazdaq, Diwiln, p. 619, composed in the first decade bihi min quliibi l·mumtarina rJaliiluhii. Jabir> alal- ed. Bevan, Leiden 1905, p. 571. 38 Comp. another verse of al-Farazdaq, of the eighth century: uia-bi-l-masjidi l-aq~il l-imilmu 39 'lladhi 'htadil: 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., f. 39b, inf.: 'Abd al-Razzaq » al-Thauri> Sha 'bi> Shaqiq (see on him Ibn I,Iajar: ('Abdallah) l~ilba III, 225, no. 3977; id. : Tahdhib bayti tahdhib, IV, 361» b. Mas'fid : lau kiina bayni wa-bayna l-maqdisi /ar8akhiini mii ataytuhu. 40 Al-Shatibi, op. cit., I, 347: wa-qad kiina Miilikun yakrahu l-maji'a ilii bayti l-maqdisi khiiata an yuttakhadha 41 dhiilika eumnatan, Tadhkirat al·hultii?, I, 79-88: Ibn 'Asakir: Tu'rikh, V, al-tahdhib, See on him al-Dhahabi: ed. Ibn Badran, 69-61. Damascus, n.d., VII, 138-155; Ibn Hajar : Tahdhib AN EARLY TRADITION 183 away from Jerusalem (i.e. from his first qibla) because of his anger.» A gloss added to this tradition states: « he means (anger with regards to Jerusalem » 42. The son of Sa'd b. Abi Waqqii/?,'.Amir 43 and his daughter 'A'isha 44 reported on the authority of their father that he would like much more to pray in the mosque of Quba' than in Jerusalem. 45 'Umar is also said to have stated that he preferred one prayer in the mosque of Quba' than four prayers in Jerusalem 46. The superiority of the mosque of Medina over al-Aq/?iiwas expressed by the Prophet himself. According to a tradition reported on the authority of Abu Hurayra, the Prophet was asked whether prayer in al-Aq/?ii as better than prayer in his mosque (i.e. in Medina). w The Prophet answered: « A prayer in my mosque is better than four prayers in it». (i.e. in al-Aqsa) 47. A peculiar tradition attributed to the Prophet recommends to journey to three mosques only, exactly as in the tradition discussed 42 'Abd al-Razza.q, op. cit., f. 40a, sup. : 'Abd al-Razzaq yuqsimu bi- lliihi mii rudda MulJammadun See al-Thauri: Ta/sir » al-Thaurf » Jabir: al-Qur'iin al-karim, sami'tu illii 'an Rampur bi- lliihi I·Sha'biyya (~) 'an bayti l-maqdisi 8ukhtihi, ya'ni 'alii bayti l-maqdisi. 1965, ed. Imtiyaz l-Sha'biyyu 'Ali 'Arshi, p. 12: Sufyan > Jabir al-d u'f'i, qiila: aqsama : rna rudda l-nabiYY1t 'ala ahli bayti l-maqdisi illii li-sukhtihi The editor of al-Thaurr's Muh, Shakir, 'ala ahli bayti l-maqdisi. The text of this tradition to the record of al-Mu~anna/. ed. Mahmud wa-yukhiililu kana 'alayhi 43 44 45 is of course blurred and has to be corrected according Tuisir remarks that he could comp. Tabar! : 'I'aisir, 173: qiilo. Cairo, ca. 1960, III, not find this utterance in the compilations of talsir and hadith, Muh. Shakir and Ahmad ba'rJuhum : kariha qiblaia bayti l-maqdisi min ajli anna, l·yahuda qaZU: yattabi'u qiblaianii dinana ... , al-Nuwayr i, op. cit., I, 329:· wa- khtalalu Ii l-sababi lladhi l-saliiiu. ioa-l-saliimu. min ajlihi yakralm qiblata bayti l-maqdisi wa-yahwa V, 64 qiblata l-Ko'biui ... On him see Ibn Hajar : 'I'ahdib al-tahdhib, On her see Ibn Hajar : al-Lsiiba, VIII, AI-Bayhaqi, 141, no. 703 III, 12; Ahmad b. 'Abd al-J;lamid op. cit., V, 249; al-MundhirI, op. cii., III, 55, no. 1748; a.l-Samhfid i, Hyderabad, al-Qasta.lla.nl, op. cit., III, 242. Damascus op. cit., II, 19; al-J;lakim : al-M'uetadralc, al- 'Abbasi, 46 47 op. cit., p. 412 sup. (three versions); 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., f. 37b. Ibn 'Asakir: Ta'rikh madinat Dimashq, ed. f?alal,l al-Din al-Munajjid, al-manihilr, 1951, I, 163; Mujir al-Dln, op. cit., I, 206; aI-Wasiti, al-Din al-Suyupi, 24 info op. cit., f. 42a; Shihab al-Dtn IV, 161; Shams op. cit., I, al-Maqdisi, op. cit., Ms. pp. 130, 146; al-Suyiit.I : Al-Durr op. cit., f. 17a; Abii l-Mahasin Yiisuf b. Miisa al-Hanaf'i, 184 above. This tradition, however, places the mosque of al-Khayf 48 instead al-Aq~a as the third mosque 49. The traditions quoted above can be taken to represent an early stratum of lore in which the opposition displayed by certain circles of Muslim scholars at the beginning of the second century to the ranking of Jerusalem on the level of Mecca and Medina is reflected. They bring out quite clearly the tendency of those who tried to subdue the excessive veneration which was forming with regard to the sanctuary of Jerusalem. II Against the records in which an attempt is made to diminish the position of the sanctuary of Jerusalem one can notice quite well in 'be traditions the existence of a trend going in the opposite direction: it aims at granting Jerusalem the rank of Medina and emphasizes the peculiar features of sanctity of the mosque, of the city and of the region of Jerusalem. « The assignment of relative ratings of efficacy to prayer in different localities is a common method of ranking towns in terms of their holiness» stated G. von Grunebaum 50. This was indeed applied to Jerusalem in comparison to Mecca and Medina. A significant tradition granting the mosque of Jerusalem an unusually high rank is recorded on the authority of Abu Hurayra and 'A.'isha. « A prayer in my mosque (i.e. in Medina) - says the Prophet in this ly,adith - is better than a thousand prayers in any other mosque except al-Aq~a» 51. It is evident that this tradition contradicts the well-known tradition in which the concluding phrase reads: « except (prayer in) the mosque of Mecca» 52. The phrase « except (prayer in) 48 See on al-Khayf : al-Bakri: Mu'jarn Mu'jam al-buldiin, mii 'sta'jam, s.v, Khayf; Shila' ed. Mu~tafa al-Saqa, Cairo Abii l-Baqa": al-Manaqib al- 1945, II, 526; Yaqiit: mazyadiyya, 49 Ms. Br. Mus., f. 93a (the grave of Mudar in the mosque of al-Khayf). al-qhariim, I, 263 inf.; al-Dhahabi: al-Jiimi" al-laii] Al-Zarkashl, op. cit., p. 68; al-Fasi: Mizan al-i'tidiil, ed. al-Bijawl, Cairo 1963, I, 650, no. 2495; Ibn ~ahira: fi larJli Makkata wa-ahlihii wa-binii' i I-bayti l-shari], Cairo 1921, p. 334. 50 G.E. von Grunebaum, op. cit., p. 31. 51 al-Mundhiri, op. ci•., III, 53, no. 1740: $alatun fi masjidi khayrun min alii ~aliitin illii l-masjidi l-aqsii ; al-Samhildi: op. cit., I, 296 sup. Al-Samhiidi, op. cit., I, 296; al-Suyutt : al-Jiimi" al-~aghir, II, 47; 'Abd al-Razzaq, lima siwahu min al-masajidi 52 op. cit., f. 37b; al-Mundhiri, op. cit., III, 50, no. 1731; Al;tmad b. Hanbal : al-Musnad III, no. 1605, VII, no. 4838, 5153, 5155, 5358, VIII, no. 5778, XII, no. 7252; Mul;t. AN EARLY TRADITION 185 the mosque of Mecca»was in this ~adith replaced by the phrase « except (prayer in) al-Aq::;a». Another tradition reported on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas links the ~adith about the three mosques with the utterance of the Prophet about the value of the prayer in these mosques granting al-Aqi?a preference over the mosque of Medina. « A prayer in the mosque of Mecca(al-masjid al-~aram) - says the Prophet - is worth a hundred thousand prayers, a prayer in my mosque (i.e. in Medina) is worth a thousand prayers, and a prayer in al-Aqi?ais worth ten thousand prayers» 03. This tradition occurs with greater exaggeration in Muthir al-qhariim. 04: The Prophet states that a prayer in the mosque of Mecca is worth a hundred thousand prayers, a prayer in the mosque of Medina a thousand prayers and a prayer in Jerusalem twenty thousand prayers. More restrained are two traditions recorded by Ibn Majah. One of them states that the Prophet when asked about the mosque of Jerusalem recommended to come to Jerusalem, the land of the Resurrection and the place of assembly for the Final Judgement 00 and to pray there, as a prayer performed in it is worth a thousand prayers Fu'ad 'Abd al-Baql, op. cit., II, 97, no. 881; Abii Yiisuf al-Ansar! : al-Athar, op. cit., 115-119, Ibn Taymiyya: ed. Abii Majmii'at I-Wafii, Cairo 135.5AH, p. 65, no. 320; Ibn al-Najjar, op. cit., II, 357; Ibn ~ahira, op. cit., p. 193; al-Fasi, op. cit., I, 79-81; al-Zarkashi, al-rasii'il, II, 54, inf. ; Ahmad b. 'Abd al-Ham id al- 'Abbasi, op. cit., p. 72-73; Abii Talib al-Makki, op. cit., III, 182; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr : Tajrid al-tamhid, p. 99, no. 305; al-Dariml, op. cit., I, 270, no. 1425; al-Rabi' b. Hablb : al-Jiimi" al-~aJ;,i"J;" airo 1349 AH, I, 52; C Abii I-Mal).asin al-Hanaf'i, op. cit., I, 24; al-Nawawi : al-IrJiil}fi l-maniisik, p. 65; al-Jarrah], op. cit., II, 27, no. 1605; Mul).. b. al-Fattal Cairo 1298 AH, al-Najaf : Ranula; al·wii'i~in, 1966, p. 408; al-Qastallan], op. cit., III, 240 inf.; etc ... 03 Ch. D. Matthews: The Kit. Bii'i!1t-n-nu!,ts, JPOS, XV (1935), p. 54; idem: Palestine, p.4. 04 Shihab al-Din al-Maqdisi, op. cit., Ms. p. 129 with the following isniid: Miziin al-i'tidiil IV, 299» Ibn Jurayj> Hisham 'Ata'> b. Sulayman (see on him al-Dhahabi: Ibn 'Abbas> the Prophet. The hadith 00 For ardu. l-mahshar wa-l-manshar ed. ~alal). al-Din al-Munajjid, of Munajjid, al-Maqdisi, tadhkirat Kit. is evaluated as weak (wiihin). see al-Raba'i: FarJii'il al-Shiim. ioa-Dimashq, 1, p. 85, ed. no. 25; Shihab al-Wahhab al-Sha'ranl al-Din Damascus 1950, p. 15, no. 25; and see ib., the introduction : Mukhta~ar p. 10, note 2; and see ib., Appendix op. cit., pp. 12, 143; and see 'Abd Cairo 1935, p. 43; al-Wasiti, Leszynsky, Kirchhain al-Qurtubi, op. cit., f. 51b-53b, 57b; and see H. 1909 (JJIohammedanische Palestine, p. 120. Traditionen Busse, Der Islam und die biblischen Kultstiitten, al-Zuhd, ed. Rudolf Der Islam, 1966, p. 124; Asad b. Miisa : op. cit., VI, 411; al-Suyirt.l : iiber das jiingste Gericht) pp. XXI, 46, 49-50; Ibn Kathir, al-Durr al-manihdir VI, 110; Ch. D. Matthews: 186 elsewhere 56. The second tradition records the utterance of the Prophet assigning to the prayer in the mosque of Jerusalem the value of fifty thousand prayers, to the prayer in the mosque of Medina fifty thousand prayers and to the prayer in the mosque of Mecca a hundred thousand prayers 57. In another tradition, reported on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas, the Prophet assigned to a prayer in the mosque of Mecca the value of a hundred thousand prayers, to a prayer in the mosque of Medina fifty thousand prayers and to a prayer in the mosque of Jerusalem twenty thousand prayers 58. In another tradition reported as well on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas the value of a prayer in the mosque of Jerusalem is considerably reduced. The Prophet - according to this tradition - assigned to a prayer in the mosque of Medina the value of hundred thousand prayers, to a prayer in the mosque of Mecca a hundred thousand prayers and to a prayer in the mosque of Jerusalem a thousand prayers 59. Another tradition reported on the authority of Abu l-Darda' states that the Prophet assigned to a prayer in the mosque of Mecca the value of a hundred thousand prayers, to a prayer in the mosque of Medina the value of a thousand prayers and to a prayer in the mosque of Jerusalem the value of five hundred prayers 60. Ibn Taymiyya records as the number of prayers 56 Ibn Majah: Sunan al-Mu§tafa, Cairo 1349 AH, I, 429 (Abii I-Hasan Muh. b. 'Abd the Prophet was probably asked whether al-Hfidt remarks in his comment ib., that the prayer was permitted in the mosque of Jerusalem after the Qibla was diverted from it. He also remarks that only prayers in mosques other that those of Mecca and Medina are meant, as a prayer in the mosque of Jerusalem is like a prayer in Medina); al-Zarkashi, op. cit., p. 289; al- Wasiti, op. cit., f. 41b; al-Samhiidi, op. cit., I, 295; Ibn Babtiya : Thauxib al-o'm/il, Tehran 1375 AH, p. 30; Shiha.b al-Din al-Maqdisi, op. cit., Ms. p. 128; Abii l-Mahaein Yiisuf b. Miisa al-HanafI, op. cit., I, 25. 57 Ibn Majah, op. cit., I, 431; al-Zarkash i, op. eit., p. 287, ll8; Maqdisi, op. cit., Ms. p. 219; al-Tibrizi: Shihs.b al-Din al- Mishkat al-masiibih, p. 72. 58 Ch. D. Matthews: Kit. Ba'i~u-n·nufus, ib., p. 60 (Palestine, p. 11). 59 Al-Zarkasht, op. cit., p. ll8 (quoted from al-Tabardnf's al-llfu'jarn al-kabirv; al-Samhiidi, op. cit., I, 299 (quoted from al-Zarkasht) : Abii l'alib al-Makki, op. cit., III, 60 182. Al-'Abdari, op. cit., II, 39; al-Sarnhudl, op. cit., I, 298 (quoted from al-Tabarant}: al-Zarkashi, op. cit., XIII, op. cit., p. 117 (quoted from al-Bazzar's 168, no. 938 (on the authority Musnad); aI-Muttaqi al-Hindi, of Jabir), no. 939, 941 (on the authority Palestine, p. 10; Shihab al-Din al-Maqdisi, op. cit., op. cit., I, 25, 1.3; al-JarraJ:ti, op. cit., II, 27, no. 1605; al-Qastalldn], op. cit., III, 241. of Abu l-Darda'}: Ch. D. Matthews: Ms., p. 128; Abu l-Mahasin Yiisuf b. Musa al-Hanafi, AN EARLY TRADITION 187 corresponding to a prayer in the mosque of Jerusalem five hundred or fifty 61. lt is evident that the traditions which assign values to prayer in the mosque of Jerusalem are contradictory and mutually exclusive. They have to be seen against the background of a controversy concerning the weight to be accorded to prayer in the mosques of Mecca and Medina. These two cities contended for a long time for the superiority of their sanctuaries 62 and their merits 63. Quite early traditions reflecting this controversy are recorded in 'Abd al-Razzaq's Mu§annaf. When asked by a man whether to journey to Medina 'Ata' answered: 61 62 Ibn Taymiyya: l-Madinati Majmu'at al-rasi'i'il, II, 54 inf. ba'tjuhum bi-mi'nii ili'i anna l-eal/ito: §alatin); and see Makkata See for instance al-Samhiidi, op. cit., I, 296 (ua-dhahaba aftjalu min al-saliiii [i masjuii Ii masjidi ib. pp. 297-300 the discussion about the value of the prayer in Medina in comparison with the prayer in Mecca; al-Zarkashi, op. cit., pp. 186-190; Shihab al-Dm al-Khafaji, op. cit., III, 583. 63 See for instance al- 'Abdari, op. cit., II, 31; al-Samhudi, op. cit., I, 34, 52; The that a man was recorded tradition Prophet was created from the clay of Medina as reported in the tradition is buried in the earth from which he is created. A contradictory by al-Zubayr b. Bakkar. According to this tradition clay of the Ka'ba. See al-Shaukant, G. E. von Grunebaum: al-Haythami: al-Ni'ma al-kubrii Muhammadan Festivals, the Prophet was created from the New York 1951, p. 20. Ibn l;Iajar Ms. (in op. cit., V. 25; Ibn ~ahira, op. cit., p. 18; and see 'ala l-'i'ilam bi -maulid Sa,yyid bani Adam, (al-Samhudi, my possession) f. 7a. AI-Sha'bi disliked to stay in Mecca because the Prophet departed from Mecca; he considered Mecca « di'ir a'ri'ibiyya» expression « di'ir a'ri'ibiyya» I. 8); and see al-Kha.trb al-Bahgdadi : Taqyid 1949, p. 72: Marwan b. al-Hakam op. cit., I, 35; for the see Abu l-Mahasin Yusuf b. Musa al-Hanafi, op. cit., II, 203, al- 'ilm, ed. Yiisuf al-'Ushsh, Damascus mentioned in his speech the merits of Mecca, its sanctity and the merits of its people. Riifi' b. Khudayj reminded him of the sanctity of Medina, the merits of its people and mentioned the fact that it was declared as haram. by the Prophet al-'Abdari, yastadilluna and that the declaration was kept in Medina, written on a khauli'ini ba'tja dhiililea); Makkata op. cit., p. 58 :... waskin. Marwdn answered: '( I heard something about it.» (qad sami'tu op. cit., II, 34; Ahmad b. 'Abd al-Hamid al-'Abbasi, bihi 'ali'i aftjaliyyati hiidhihi l-baldati 'ali'i si'i'iri l-buldi'ini muilaqan, wa-ghayrihi'i ... ; and see ib., p. 61 about the doubled blessing of the Prophet granted Medina compared with the blessing of Abraham for Mecca.; and see al-Samhudi, op. cit., I, 26: al·Madinatu khayrun min Makkata; al-Suyiit.i : al-Ji'imi' al-§aghir, II, 184; al-Fas), op. cit., I, 79 seq.; al-Samhudi, op. cit., I, 24-26; Ahmad b. 'Abd al-Hamid al-'Abbasi, op. cit., p. 69 (muslimu l-Matlinati khayrun min muslimi Makkata,); al-Faai, op. cit., pp. 77-79; al-'Abdari, l-§alatu wa-l-sali'imu op, cit., I, 257 ( wa-qad taqaddama annahu 'alayhi op. cit., aftjalu min al-Ka'bati wa-ghayrihi'i ... ); and see ib., II, 38; about the partisans of the superiority of Medina and those of Mecca see al-Shaukani, al-Mawi'ihib al·ladunniyya, V, 24; Taqi al-Din 'Abd al-Malik b. Abi l-Muna, op. cit., p. 97; al-Zurqani : Shar];, Cairo 1329 AH, VIII, 322; Shihab al-Din al-Khaffiji, op. cit., III, 584·587. 188 « to circumambulate the Ka'ba seven times is better than your journey to Medina» 64. AI-Thauri is said to have answered when asked about a journey to Medina: « do not do it » (la taf'al) 65. 'Ata: reported that he heard 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr stating in his speech on the minbar (scil. of Mecca): « a prayer in the mosque of Mecca is better than a hundred prayers in any other of the mosques. » «It seems to me added 'Ata: - that he intended the mosque of Medina» 66. Qatada said it plainly: « A prayer in the mosque of Mecca is better than a hundred prayers in the mosque of Medina» 67. An identical utterance on the authority of 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr is reported by Abu 1'Aliya 68. These traditions, some of which are early ones, shed some light on the rivalry between Mecca and Medina 69. The idea of the sanctity of Jerusalem grew and developed within the framework of this contest. III As against the tendency of restriction and limitation one can notice the opposite one, which aims to extend the number of holy mosques by the addition of one or two mosques to the three mosques, about the pilgrimage to which a consensus of the Muslim community had been reached. « The most distinguished mosques are: the mosque of Mecca,then the mosque of the Prophet (i.e. Medina), then the mosque of Jerusalem, then - it has been said - the mosque of al-Kiifa because of the consent of the Companions of the Prophet about it; and people said: the mosque of Damascus» 70. The mosque of Damascus was ranked with the three mosques and the relative value of prayers in it was fixed in a saying attributed 64 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., f. 39b: 'Abd al-Razziiq inni uridu. an atiya l-Madinata; rajulun. [a-qiila lalru : lawafun op. eit., f. 39b. qiila akhbarani abi qdlo. qult« li·l'Ala'an min qdla saiarika Muthannii: wa-sa'alahu 65 66 67 68 69 qiila : la taj'al ; sami'tu sab'am. bi-l-bayti khayrun ilii l-Madinati. 'Abd al-Razzaq, lb., f. 37b. lb., f. 38a. Ib., f. 38a. For the sanctity cities, p. 31. ed. As'ad rajas, of Medina see G. E. von Grunebaum: The sacred character of Islamic 70 Yiisuf b. 'Abd al-Hadj : Thimiir ol-maqiieid fi dhikri l·masajid, Beirut 1943, p. 183. AN EARLY TRADITION 189 to Sufyan al-Thauri. When asked by a man about the value of a prayer in Mecca Sufyan answered: « the value of a prayer in Mecca is of a hundred thousand prayers, in the mosque of the Prophet fifty thousand prayers, in the mosque of Jerusalem forty thousand prayers and in the mosque of Damascus thirty thousand prayers» 71. The equality of the mosque of Damascus with the mosque of Jerusalem is stressed in a story of a conversation between Wathila b. al-Asqa' 72 and Ka'b al-Ahbar 73. Wathila intended to set out for Jerusalem, but Ka'b showed him a spot in the mosque of Damascus in which the prayer has the same value as the prayer in the mosque of Jerusalem 74. Shi'ite tradition put the mosque of al-KUfain the rank of the three mosques; Hudhayfa b. al-Yaman stated that it was the fourth mosque after Mecca, Medina and Jerusalem 75. The mosque of al-Ktifa is said to have been - like the mosques of Jerusalem and Mecca the mosque of Adam 76 the place of prayer of prophets 77 and the place where the Prophet (Muhammad) prayed 78 at the night of his 71 AI-Raba'i, op. cit., p. 36, no. 64 and p. 86 (ad no. 64); Ch. D. Matthews: The Kit. Bii'i!u-n-nufus, JPOS, XV, p. 61; Shams al-Din al Suyuti, op. cit., f. 17b.; al-Manini : oi-I'liim. bi-fa4a'il al-Shiim, ed. Ahmad Samil;t al-Khalidl, Jerusalem, n.d., pp. 84-85. 72 See on him Ibn Hajar : Tahdhib al-tahdhib, XI, 101; idem, al-Lsiiba VI, 310, no. 9088; al-Dhahabi: Siyar a'lam al-nubalii' III, 257-59. 73 See S. D. Goitein, op. cit., p. 144; and see on Ka'b; 1. Wolfensohn: Ka'b al-A?tbiir und seine Stellung im {ladi~ und in der islamischen Legendenliteratur, Gelnhausen, 1933. 74 AI-Raba'i, op. cit., p. 37, no. 65. 75 AI-Majlisi, Bi?tiir al-anwar, lithogr. ed., XXII, 88; al-Buraqi : Ta'rikh al-Kiifa, al-Najaf, 1960, p. 36. 76 See al-Wasiti, op. cit., f. 53b (the grave of Adam); Ch. D. Matthews: Palestine, pp. 32-33; Ibn ?,ahira, op. cit., p. 143 (the prayer of Adam in Mecca); and see G. E. von Grunebaum; Muhammadan Festivals, p. 20 (<

Mecca and the Tribes of Arabia: Some Notes on Their Relations

Studies in Islamic history and civilization in honour of Professor David Ayalon. Ed. M. Sharon. Jerusalem: Cana and Leiden: E.J. Brill (1986).33-57

Mecca and the Tribes of Arabia: Some Notes on Their Relations

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M. J. Kister

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mecca_tribes.pdf MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA: SOME NOTES ON THEIR RELATIONS Reports about the relations between Mecca, Medina and the various tribal units of the Arabian peninsula are scarce. A scrutiny of some of these reports may contribute to a better understanding of certain events in the Arabian peninsula in the second half of the sixth century and the beginning of the seventh century. Certain data supplied by early transmitters may be helpfu1 in elucidating the peculiar methods used by the Meccan clans in their attempts to gain the sympathy of other tribal units and acquire their cooperation in order to secure the continuity of the Meccan mercantile activities and the performance of the ritual practices at the Ka cba. Some accounts indicate that clashes broke out from time to time between certain Meccan clans and the tribal groups; others point to the involvement of the Meccan and Medinan Ieaders in the efforts to solve intertribal conflicts. A few reports give information concerning the activities of the tribal groups at Mecca itself, their share in the politics of Mecca, and their involvement in the erection of the building of the Sanctuary at Mecca. Some aspects of these relations will be discussed in the following pages. I A clash which took place between a tribal faction and a Qurashi clan comes to light in a story recorded by al-Zubayr b. Bakkar 1 on the authority of Mul:tammad b. al-Qahhak al-l:lizimi,2 a Fazari transmitter I:lurayth b. Riyal:t "and others"; Everybody who performed the pilgrimage from among the Bedouins used to stop by one of the clans of Quraysh and that clan supplied them garments in which they used to perform the circumambulation of the Ka 'ba; at their arrival at Mecca they (i.e. the Bedouin pilgrims - K) threw away the clothes which they wore. The Qurashi clan in whose abode they 1 AI-Zubayr b. Bakkiir, Jamharat nasab quraysh, MS. Bodley, Marsh 384, fol. 128b. , See on him: al-Zubayr b. Bakkiir, op. cit., ed. MaJ;miid Muqammad,Shiikir (Cairo, 1381), I, 402, 494; al-Fiisi, al-'Iqd al-thamin fi ta'rikhi l-baladi l-amin, ed. Fu'iid Sayyid (Cairo, 1385/1966), V, 47-48, no. 1421; al-Bukhiri, al-Ta'rikh al-kabir(rpt. Hyderabad, n.d.), IV, 334, no. 3030: al-Sam'iini, al-Anstib, ed. 'Abd al-Ral}miin al-Mu'alliml (Hyderabad, 1384/1964), IV, 148; Fuat Sezgin, GAS, I, 266, no. 2. sojourned, used to take from them (a part of - K) what they slaughtered. The Fazara, the report continues, used to alight with al-Mughira b. (Abdallah b. 'Umar al-Makhzumi, The first who denied al-Mughira the (lots of the - K) slaughtered beasts was Khushayn b. La'y al-Fazari aI-Shamkhi. AI-Mughira threatened him and Khushayn refrained from performing the pilgrimage. He said: Ya rabbi hal 'indaka min ghafirah: uslihu mali wa-ada ( nahirali inna minan mdnituhu l-mughirah: wa-mant'un baida minan thabirah wa-mani'un baytaka an azurah "0 Lord, is there forgiveness with you: I shall set my herds right and leave their slaughter Indeed I am prevented from coming to Minii by al-Mughira: and prevented by him to come to Thabir after Minii. And he prevents me from visiting thy House." The report recorded by Ibn Abi l-Hadid is a shorter version of aI-Zubayr's account; it contains however some peculiar divergencies; it is told within the frame of a series of utterances and anecdotes which emphasize the virtues and laudable deeds of the members of the clan of Makhziim: among the eminent men of Makhziim there is mentioned "the leader of Quraysh" (sayyid quraysh fi l-jahiliyya), who was the man who debarred (the tribe of - K) Faziira from performing the hajj (wa-huwa lladhi mana' a fazdrata mina l-~aiil). This happened, the report says, when Khushayn b. La)y blamed "a people of Quraysh" ('ayyara qawman min quraysh) of having taken (a share of - K) the camels slaughtered by the Bedouins tal-t arab) during the period of the pilgrimage (al-mawsim). Then Khushayn recited the verses about al-Mughira's action. 3 A more detailed report is recorded by al-Baladhuri" on the authority of Abu l-Yaqzan.! The Fazari who refused to give al-Mughira the required share of the slaughtered beasts was Zuwaylim b. 'Arin b. Khushayn, the grandson of Khushayn. Zuwaylim, according to the tradition, set out in the period of the Jiihiliyya in order to perform the pilgrimage and alighted at the court of alMughira b. (Abdallah al-Makhziimi, Al-Mughira bade him pay the harim, i.e. the pay rendered to Quraysh by the men of the tribes who alighted in their dwellings in the period of the Jiihiliyya; this harim consisted of a part of the J Ibn Abi I-Hadid, SharI] nahj al-baldgha, ed. Muhammad Abu I-Fa41 Ibrahim (Cairo, 1382/1963), XVIII, 297 (read in the first hemistich ghajira, not 'aqira; in the third hemistich read minan mdni'uhu instead of minnd mdniiun; in the fourth read thabirah instead of bathirah. 4 Al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-ashrdf, MS. Ashir Efendi 597/8, fol. 1161a. l See on him, GAS, I, 266, no. 3. 34 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA clothes (of the Bedouins whom the Qurashites acommodated - K) and a share of the meat of the slaughtered beasts. Then Zuwaylim recited the verses in which he complained of al-Mughira's iniquitous demands and of his actions which prevented him (i.e. Zuwaylim - K) from performing the rites of pilgrimage." A shortened version of this report is given by Ibn Durayd.? Zuwaylirn's deed was praised by one of his relatives, the Fazari poet Jabbar b. Malik b. Himar b. Hazn b. 'Amr b. Jabir b. Khushayn." Jabbar said: wa-nahnu mana' nii min qurayshin harimaha : bi-makkata ayyama 1tahdluqi wa-l-nahri. "We denied Quraysh their harim : at Mecca on the days of the shaving [of heads - KJ and of the siaughter [of victims - KJ."9 But Zuwaylim revolted not only against the iniquitous rules and payments imposed on his tribe by some of the Meccan Ieaders; he also rebelled against the unjust deeds of his relatives, the Ieaders of his tribe. According to some reports Khushayn b. La 'y, the grandfather of Zuwaylim, was one of the famous warriors of Fazara; he was nicknamed dhsi l-ra'sayn, "The Man with the Two Heads," and nobody in Fazara equalled him in the number of raids carried out by him.!? His grandson 'Amr b. Jabir b. Khushayn regarded it as his privilege to get two young camels from every captive captured by Ghatafan (to whom Fazara belonged - K) and freed on ransom. II Zuwaylim decided to prevent him from unjustly levying this share of the ransom. The motives of his action are clearly expounded in two of his verses: ard 'amran yastimu l-ndsa khasfan : lahu min kulli 'iinin bakratdni fa-inn; diifi'un md kunta tu'{ii : fa-hal laka bi-ntizdilhimd yaddni "I see 'Amr wronging the people : to him [belongs the right - KJ to take from every captive two young camels. , The verses recorded by al-Baladhuri differ slightly from those recorded by al-Zubayr b. Bakkiir; they read as follows: yei rabbi hal 'Indaka min ghqfirah : inna minan mdni' uhd 1mughirah. wa-mdni' un baida minan thabirah : wa-mdnt'T rabbi an aztiran : ahbisu mali waada' tanhtrah. 7 Ibn Durayd, al-Ishtiqdq, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hiiriin (Cairo, 1378/1958), p. 282 (the final hemistich, as recorded by al-Baladhuri, is missing). • On Miilik b. Himar see Caskel, {;amhara! an-nasab (Das Genealogische Werk des Ibn alKalM (Leiden, 1966), II, 389. • Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 116Ib, sup.; on Jabbar b. Miilik see al-Amidi, al-Mu'talif wa-lmukhtalif, ed. 'Abd al-Sattar Farriij (Cairo, 1381/1961), pp. 128, 138. 10 Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 1161, quoting it on the authority of Ibn al-Kalbi, This assessment is indeed recorded in Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamharat al-nasab, MS. Br. Mus., Add. 23, 297, fol. 175b. 11 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS. Br. Mus., fol. 175b; Ibn Hazrn, Jamharat ansdb al-t arab, ed. 'Abd al-Saliim Hiiriin (Cairo, 1382/1963), p. 259; al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 1161a. 35 But I am repudiating what you have been given : do you have the power to snatch them [from my hands - KJ? 12 The leadership of one of the sons of Khushayn (Jabir? - K) was apparently anything but benign; he killed a man who dared to compose verses against him. This deed was praised by a Fazari poet, Ibn a1-'Anqa, who extolled the strength and glory of the "Son of the Man with Two Heads." 13 The few details about Zuwaylim give us some insight into the struggle for justice waged by certain courageous tribal rebels against the iniquitous actions of tribal Ieaders and the oppressive deeds of members of the Meccan nobility. According to a peculiar tradition even the fundamental event of the transfer of custody over the Ka 'ba to Qusayy came about as an outcome of struggle against the iniquity of Qusayy's predecessor, Abu Ghubshan, According to an account traced back to Ibn Jurayj and recorded by al-Fakihi from a compilation of al-Waqidi, the slaughter ofthe bahira camels (i.e. Iope-eared she camels set free - K) was carried out (scil. in the period of the J ahiliyya - K) at the Ka' ba, close to Isaf and N a 'ila (who were at that time Iocated close to the Ka 'ba - K).14 Abu-Ghubshan used to take for himself the head and the neck of every bahira slaughtered; later he considered this to be insufficient and ordered to add to it the shoulders, and people obeyed. But afterwards Abu Ghubshan required in addition the hind part of the victim; however, people were reluctant to obey this. When a man of the Bami 'Uqayl, Murra b. Kathir (or Kabir), slaughtered the victim at the Ka'ba, Abu Ghubshan demanded to hand over to him the parts of the animal which he regarded as his due. The 'Uqayli disobeyed and "people from Quraysh and others" supported the argument of the 'Uqayli and pronounced the bid of Abu Ghubshan as 'abath, "a wicked deed". Consequently Abu Ghubshan declared that he would not stay in Mecca if people did not accede to his demands, and decided to give up his prerogative at the Ka 'ba for a wine skin. In this way Qusayy acquired control of the Ka 'ba, IS AI-Balidhuri, MS., fol. 1161a. Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 1161b: abd li-bni dhi l-ra'sayni majdun muqaddamun: wa-sayfun idhd massa l-daribata yaqla'u fa-qultu li-shawwdlin tawaqqa dhubdbahd: wa-Id-ta~mi anfan an yusabba muraqqa'u The name of the executed man was Shawwil b. Muraqqa' . •< About the location of lsir and Ni'i1a see U. Rubin, "The Ka'ba. Aspects of its ritual functions and position in pre-Islamic and early Islamic times," JSAI (forthcoming) ad notes 12 13 49-50, 121, 172-173, 175. •, Al-Fasi, Shlfd al-ghardm bi-akhbdri I-baladi I-~ardm (Cairo, 1956), II, 54. 36 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA The stories concerning Abu Ghubshan and Qusayy, or Zuwaylim and Mughira, are but two instances in a chain of reports relating to the incessant struggle of some tribal groups associated with Quraysh to establish fair and honest relations with Meccan clans and the strenuous efforts of some Meccan leaders to secure justice at Mecca itself. Terms like baghy, khasf, zulm and jawr appearing in reports of this kind enable us to reach an understanding of the character of the struggle against iniquity and oppression . • The period of the end of the sixth and the beginning of the seventh century was characterized by intertribal conflicts and by the pressure of the Byzantine and Persian Empires (through their vassal states) on the tribal divisions aimed at widening their influence and tightening their control over the Arabian peninsula. Mecca extended in that period its commercial relations, becoming a centre of economic activity for the tribes of the Arabian peninsula. and strengthened its ties with other centres Iike Medina and Tit )if; transactions of considerable extent involving the purchase of landed property and financial enterprises were carried out by Meccan businessmen.l" The commercial co-operation of the merchants of the cities (like Mecca and Medina) with the tribes called for acumen, flexibility and close knowledge of intertribal relations. This can be seen in the story of Qays b. Zuhayr al-'Absi:" when he decided to prepare a raid against the Bami (Amir in order to avenge the murder of his father, he set out to Medina and approached Uhayha b. alJulah al-Awsi, asking that he should sell him weapons. He inquired especially about a strongly built coat of mail owned by Uhayha; he wished to buy it or to receive it as a gift. Uhayha's answer was a shrewd one: "A man like me does not sell weapons; would I know that the Bami (Amir will not claim that I extended help against them to their enemies I would present it to you as a gift." Uhayha was grateful to the Banii (Amir for the praises by which he was lauded in the poem of Khalid b. Ja'far of the (Amir b. ~a(~a(a; he extolled him as the man of Yathrib who was capable of granting shelter and protection. Uhayha was not ready to forfeit his friendly relations with the (Amir. 18 He nevertheless 16 17 18 See e.g. JSAl, 1 (1979), 8-'10, 17. See on him e.g. Caskel, Gamhara, II, 464. Al-Baladhuri, MS., fot. 1154a: wa-kdna ulJaylJatu yal1fa;u II-bani 'timirin anna khdlida bna ja'farin abytitin awwaluhti •. idhti mti aradta 1-'izza fi ahli yathribin •.fa-ndd! bi-sawtin yti-ul}ayl}atu tumna'» fa-tusbihu bi-l-awst bni 'amri bni 'timirin •. ka-annaka jtirun li-l-yamtiniyyi tubba"! madahahu bi- 37 handed over to Qays the coat of mail and Qays succeeded in acquiring at Medina the needed weapons: spears and coats of mail.t? It was indeed Uhayha's coat of mail which brought about a serious clash between Qays b. Zuhayr and one of his relatives, al-Rabi' b. Zuyad a1-'Absi, 20 Qays drove away 400 pregnant camels belonging to ai-Rabie b. Ziyad; he brought them to Mecca and sold them to Harb b. Umayya, (Abdallah b. Judfan and Hisham b. al-Mughira in exchange for horses and weapons. Qays remained for some time in Mecca (seeking asylum there - K); then he went to the Banu Badr of Fazara and was granted their protection." It is interesting to note that Qays b. Zuhayr bought in Mecca the ominous horse, Dahis, out of the money which he received for the plundered camels of Rabi( b. Ziyad." The keen interest of the Medinan notables in the feud between the quarrelling and clashing tribes of 'Abs and Fazara and their attempt to bring about a peace agreement between them can be gauged from the report stating that a delegation of the people of Yathrib including the Ieading personalities of the city - 'Amr b. al-Itnaba, Uhayha b. al-Julah, Qays b. al-Khatim, Abu Qays b. al-Aslat and the Jew Ka(b (perhaps Ka(b b. ai-Ashraf - K) - came in order to reconcilie the fighting tribes." The fact that Qays b. Zuhayr asked for protection of the Banu Badr of F azara is instructive. This family became at that time the Ieading and influential family-group of Fazara, played a decisive role in the tribal clashes and established close relations, with Mecca. 'Abd al-Rahman b.Hassan put the clan of the Banii Badr on a par with that of the Makhziimi clan of the Banu Mughira as to pride and glory." Hudhayfa b. Badr was nicknamed rabbu 19 Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol, 1154a: '" thumma bta:« qaysun min yathriba rimdhan waadrd'on; this report bears evidence that Yathrib was not merely a rural centre of agricultural activity; there seem to have been a considerable amount of commercial transactions. 20 See on him g.e., Caskel, Gamhara, II, 475. 21 Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol, 1I54a: .. .fa-lammd balagha dhdlika qaysan aghara 'ala I-na'am fa-tarada li-l-rabi"i (text: al-rabi') arba'a mi' ati ndqatin laqu~infa-marra biha i/a makkata fa-ba' aha min harbt bni umayyata wa-' abdi llahi bni jud" ana wa-hishdmi bni l-mughirati bi-Ikhayli wa-I-sila~i. wa-aqdma bi-makkata, thumma innahu lahiqa bi-bani badri bni "amrtn ... 22 Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol, 1I54b, 1. 20: ... wa-kdna qaysu bnu zuhayrin bta'a da~isan bimakkata min thamani ibli l-rabr i.fa-anzdhu "ala farasin lahufa-ja'atbi-muhratin sammahti l-ghabra?«: 23 Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 1156a: ... wa-qadimat jama'atun min ah/i yathriba Ii-I-i#a~i bayna I-~ayyayni : 'amru bnu l-undbati, wa-u~ay~atu bnu l-jula~i. wa-qaysu bnu l-khatimi waaM qaysin bnu l-aslati wa-ka' bun I-yahudi ... 24 Ibn Abi l-Hadid, XVIII, 287: inni tami'tu bi-fakhri man law rdmahu : alu l-mughirati-aw banu dhakwdn! 38 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA ma'addin, the "Lord of Ma'add."2s Abu l-Yaqzan reports that Hisn b. Hudhayfa was one of the greatest Ieaders of the federation of Ghatafan; he commanded all the allied forces of Ghatafan and Asad. A man attending the council (maj/is) of Mu 'awiya said: "We have never seen a Bedouin who, while leaning on his bow between the two allies, Asad and Ghatafan, and dividing the spoils among them, was more dignified (a'~amu qadran) than Hisn b. Hudhayfa." 26 Two Fazari chiefs are highly praised by the poet of 'A.mir b. ~a'~a'a, 'A.mir b. al-Tufayl: they granted him protection when he was captured during a clash with the Fazara and the Fazari leader 'Uyayna b. Hisn demanded to decapitate him; he extols them in one of his poems saying: 1. When thou desirest to meet with a sure defence, seek the protection of Khidharn son of Zayd, if Khidharn will grant it thee. 2. I called upon Abu l-Jabbar, specially naming Malik; and from aforetime he whom thou tookest under thy shield was never scathed (Lyall's translation). 27 The competition between tribal leaders to gain rank, position and recognition of governors and rulers is fairly clear in the report about the meeting of Hudhayfa b. Badr al-Fazari and al-Hakam b. Marwan b. Zinba' a1'Absi at the court of Hira, Hudhayfa used to frequent the court of al-Nu'rnan b. al-Mundhir; the king (al-Nu'rnan) treated him with honour and kindness. Hudhayfa used to bring gifts to al-Mutajarrida." Al-Hakam also used to visit the court of al-Nu'rnan and bring him gifts. When Hudhayfa and al-Hakam met some day in al-Hira, al-Hakam said to Hudhayfa: "May God curse a dignity gained through [the intercession of] women". AI-Mutajarrida became enraged when she heard the words of al-Hakam and decided to send to Hudhayfa a songstress and wine. When al-Hakam attended the council (maj/is) of Hudhayfa the Iatter asked the girl to sing some poems of Imru ' 1-Qays in la-mala' tuhd khaylan tadibbu lithdtuhd : mithla l-dabd wa-kawdsiri 1-'iqMni Banu Dhakwan are explained to denote Banii Badr b. 'Amr b. Juwayya b. Dhakwan of the Banii 'Adiyy of Fazara; to this clan belong Hudhayfa, Hamal and their families. See on the descendants of Dhakwan: Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS. Br. Mus., fol. Ina, ult. rs Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. Jl53b: ... wa-kdna yuqdlu lahu rabbu ma'addin ... : and see: Labid, Diwdn, ed. Ihsan 'Abbas (Kuwayt, 1962), p. 55; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, XVIII. 295; Muhammad b. Habib, al-Muhabbar, ed. lise Lichtenstaedter (Hyderabad, 1361/1942), p. 461; Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'tirlf; ed. Tharwat 'Ukasha (Cairo, 1969), pp, 83, 402, 592. ze Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. I 158b. 27 'Amir b. al-Tufayl, Diwdn, ed. Ch. Lyall (Leiden, 1913), p. 141, no~XXVI (Arabic text); see ibid., "Introduction," pp. 81, 114; and see al-Mufaddal al-Dabbi, al-Miifa44aliyydt, ed. Ch. Lyall (Oxford, 1921), p. 33. 28 See on her e.g. Aghdni; index. 39 which he mentioned love-affairs with 'Absi women. Al-Hakam became furious and hit the songstress. Hudhayfa rebuked him, saying that he had lost his mind and hurt the honour of al-Nu 'man. When the two leaders returned to their tribes they related the event; this accident widened the rift between the two leaders and increased the animosity between their tribal divisions. 29 The position of the Fazari leaders among the federation of Ghatafan caused some tribal divisions to attempt at concluding agreements or alliances with them. The cAmir b. ~ac~aca tried to persuade Hisn b. Hudhayfa and his son 'Uyayna to withdraw from their alliance with the Asad, to enable Asad to return to their relations with Kinana, and to conclude an alliance of the Ghatafan with cAmir b. ~ac~aca. 'Uyayna b. Hisn considered the offer and consulted about it the Banii Dhubyan (one of the main branches of Ghatafan K); they however refused and 'Uyayna had to give up the idea of the alliance with C Amir. 30 'Uyayna and his tribal division, the Fazara, played a very important role in the struggle of the Prophet and the Muslim community with Quraysh at Mecca. An agreement of non-aggression was concluded between the Prophet and 'Uyayna for a limited period; when the Muslim forces left Medina for the raid of Muraysi' they feared that 'Uyayna may attack the city in which there were no warriors Ieft, because the treaty was to expire at that time; the Prophet allayed their fears, assuring them that 'Uyayna would not attack the city." 'Uyayna attended the Battle of the Ditch commanding a fighting body of a thousand warriors of Faziira; it was the strongest force of the allies of Quraysh. Smaller units numbering about 400 warriors each were recruited from among the relatives of Faziira, Ashja C and Murra" When the situation of the besieged Muslim community became serious, the Prophet sent to 'Uyayna offering him a third of the date harvest of Medina if he withdrew with his force, thus causing disarray among the other forces of the allies of Quraysh. 'Uyayna asked for half the harvest, but consented Iater to accept the proposal of the Prophet to accept a third of it. However, when the agreement had to be signed, the Companions of the Prophet opposed it and persuaded the Prophet to annul it.33 The failure of 'Uyayna to gain profits and success on the "Day of the Ditch" (i.e. the siege of Medina) recurred in the siege of Khaybar. 'Uyayna promised to hurry to help the besieged Jews against the besieging Muslims in 2. Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 1154b. Al-Nabigha al-Dhubyani, Diwdn, ed. Muhammad Jamal (Beirut, 1347/1929), p. 98. Al-Waqidi, al-Maghcizi, ed. Marsden Jones (London, 1966), p. 422. 32 See e.g. al-Waqidi, p. 443. as AI-Waqidi, pp. 477-480; Ibn Hisham, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, ed. Mu~lafa l-Saqa, Ibrahim al-Abyiiri, 'Abd al-Hafiz Shalabi (Cairo, 1355/1936), III, 234. 30 31 40 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA return for half of the date harvest of Khaybar; he negotiated, however, at the same time with the Prophet the withdrawal of his force of 400 warriors in return for half of the date harvest. In one of the stages of the Muslim attack on Khaybar the Fazari force withdrew forsaking the besieged Jews. 'Uyayna did not get his half of the date harvest and had to satisfy himself with the grant bestowed on him by the Prophet: a mountain at Khaybar called Dhu 1Ruqayba." There were some clashes between troops of the Prophet and some Fazari units, but 'Uyayna was shrewd enough to appear at the conquest of Mecca (although without his tribe) and to accompany the Prophet at his entrance to the city;3' he is counted among "those whose hearts had to be reconciled" (al-mu'allaja qulubuhum) and was indeed granted by the Prophet a gift of a hundred camels." In spite of his treacherous behaviour when he was sent as messenger of the Muslim forces to al-Ta'if,37 he was dispatched by the Prophet against a group of Tamim who prevented their neighbours, the Khuza "a, from paying taxes." Finally the Prophet appointed 'Uyayna as tax-collector of F azara, an influential and responsible office." This short sketch of the role of 'Uyayna and his tribal division, the Fazara, in the Prophet's period indicates clearly that they had close relations with Mecca." They joined the Prophet only after his victory. The high position acquired by 'Uyayna in the period of the Prophet can be seen from the fact that the Caliph 'Uthman b. cAffan married his daughter, Umm al-Banin bint 'Uyayna b. Hisn." Only two wives of 'Uthman attended his clandestine 34 See e.g. al-Waqidi, pp. 650-652, 676; and see Yaqiit, Mu'jam al-bulddn (Beirut, 1376/1957), s.v. Ruqayba. 3' See e.g. al-Waqidi, pp. 803-804. 36 See e.g. Ibn Hisham, IV, 136-137; al-Maqrizi, Imta'» l-asma'; ed. Mahmud Muhammad Shakir (Cairo, 1941), I, 424. 37 See al-Waqidi, pp. 932-933. 38 Al-Waqidi, pp. 974-975. Al-Baladhuri, op. cit.; I (ed. Muhammad Hamidullah, Cairo 1959) 530. The Fazara seem to have taken part in certain ritual practices at the Ka 'ba since very early times: see e.g. Ibn Hisharn, I, 128: nahnu dafa'rui 'an abi sayydrah : wa-'an mawalihi bantfazdrah and see al-Fasi, Shifa, II, 32-34 and 351. 15; al-'I~iimi, Simi al-nujtim al-'awali(Cairo, 1380), 1,217; al-Kala'j, al-Iktifa' fi maghdztrastilt lldhi wa-l-thaldthati l-khulafd, ed. MuHafa 'Abd al-Wal)id (Cairo, 1287/1968), I, 77; al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 1180b. 41 Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 1158a, sup.; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt, (Beirut, 1377/1957), III, 54; Muhammad b. Yahya al-Maliqi, al-Tamhid wa-l-baytin fi maqtali I=shahid "uthman, ed. Mahrmid Yiisuf Za 'id (Beirut, 1~64), p. 4; Umm al-Banin was before that offered by 'Uyayna to the Prophet as wife (see Ibn 'AIX! al-Barr, al-Isti'tibjima'rifati I-a~~tib, ed. 'Ali Muhammad alBijawi [Cairo, 1380/1960], p. 1249 ult.) 39 40 41 funeral: the Kalbite Na'ila and the Fazarite Umm al-Banin." The prophet rightly characterized 'Uyayna as "the fool obeyed by his people.t' " He got indeed the allegiance and loyalty of his people when he decided to fight the body politic of Medina, leading the troops of the Fazara against the Muslim forces after the death of the Prophet in the "War of the Ridda."44 II Another division of Ghatafan, the Banu Murra b. 'Awf, seem to have had close relations with Mecca. Some clans of Murra claimed that their ancestor was 'Awf b. Lu 'ayy, the ancestor of Quraysh." Al-Harith b. Zalim al-Murri asked for the protection of 'Abdallah b. Jud'iin, denied his descent from Ghatafan and stated that he was from Quraysh." 'Umar is said to have justified their claim and was even ready to accept them into the fold of Quraysh." It is of interest that the Meccan notable, 'Abdallah b. Jud'an,48 interceded with the king of al-Hira, al-Nu'rnan, on behalf of al-Harith b. Zalim and asked that the protection of the king be renewed for him." A distinctive feature of the religio-economic system of the Banu Murra was the institution of the basI. They observed eight months as the trucia1 period during the year and travelled during these months through the territories of the Bedouins undisturbed; the Bedouin tribes accepted this order and granted them security during these months. so One may assume that this basi order was designed to bring about a competition between Mecca with its four trucial months and the basi system of the Banu Murra. Ibn Sa'd, III, 78 inf.-79 sup. See e.g, Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, pp. 1249 inf.-1250; al-JiIl:Ii~al-Baydn wa-l-tabyin, ed. 'Abd alSalam Harlin (rpt. Beirut of Cairo, 1367/1948), II, 253. 44 See e.g. Ella Landau-Tasseron, Aspects of the Ridda Wars, Ph.D. Diss., Hebrew University, 1981 (in Hebrew), Chapter III (Ghatafan) ad notes 137-149. 4' See e.g. al-Suhayli, al-Rawd al-unuf, ed. 'Abd al-Rahrnan al-Wakil (Cairo, 1387/1967). I. 410-412; al-Baladhuri, I, 42-43; Ibn Kathir, al-Biddya wa-l-nihdya (Riyad-Beirut, 1966), II, 204. 4' 43 46 Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 1143b; idem, I, 42 inf.; al-Suhayli, I, 411; al-Jahiz, al-Bursdn wa-l"urjdn, ed. Muhammad Mursi l-Khiili (Beirut, 1392/1972), p. 298; Abii l-Baqa Hibatullah, alMandqib al-mazyadiyya fi akhbdri l-muliiki I-asadiyya, MS. Br. Mus. add. 23, 296, fol. 43a. 47 Al-Suhayli, I, 411, 412. See on him EI', s.v. 'Abd Allah b. Djud'iin (Ch. Pellat); and see above ad notes 18,43. Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 1143b: thumma innahu talaba lahu l-amdna mina l-nut mdni fadmanahu wa-qadima fa-aqdma 'Indahu. so See e.g. al-Suhayli, I, 414, 421; Ibn Hisham, i, 106-107; and see additional sources In JESHO, 8 (1965), 141. n. 4. 48 49 42 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA The conflict between Mecca and the Bami Murra is reflected in the report about a building erected by the Manu Murra at BUSS.51 explanatory note on An a verse of al-Husayn b. al-Humam says: "Buss is a building erected by the Ghatafan; they built it in a shape similar to that of the Ka "ba, performed pilgrimage to it, revered it an called it al-haram. Zuhayr b. Janab al-Kalbi raided them and destroyed it."52 An anonymous report recorded by alFayruzabadi gives more details: Buss is a House of Ghatafan, built by Zalim b. Asad. He saw that Quraysh circumambulated the Ka''ba and performed the sa'y between al-Safa and al-Marwa; he therefore measured the Ka'ba, took a stone from al-Safa and a stone from al-Marwa, returned to his people and built a House like the Ka'ba; he laid down the two stones and said: "These are the Safa and the Marwa". So they (i.e. his people) became satisfied with it instead of the pilgrimage to Mecca. Subsequently Zuhayr b. Janab al-Kalbi raided (scil, the Ghatafan - K), killed ~iilim and destroyed his building. 53 AIBaladhuri's report is concise: al-Muthallam b. Riyal].b. ~alim b. As'ad (in text: Sa'd) b. Rabi'a b. 'Amir was a noble man (kana shari/an). His grandfather, Zalim, was the man who built Buss; Buss is the House, which Ghatafan worshipped. Zuhayr b. Janab said: Thus Ghatafan Ieft afterwards Buss: and what has Ghatafan (to do) with a spacious tract of land? 54 This report corresponds to that of Ibn al-Kalbi." Another report in Ibn al-Kalbi's Jamhara contains details similar to those given in the account of al-Faynizabadi (the two stones of al-~afa and alMarwa, the House erected in the territory of Ghatafan, Zuhayr b. Janab destroyed the House and [buildings? - KJ around it), but has a significant passage, not recorded in other sources: when the Prophet heard about Zuhayr II In text "lubs" which is an error. See L. 'A. s.v. bss (correctly Buss); and see the correction in Wellhausen, Reste Arabischen Heidentums (Berlin, 1887), p. 33, n. 2; and see Ihsan 'Abbas, "Two Hitherto Unpublished Texts on Pre-Islamic Religion," La Signification du Bas Moyen Age dans I'Histoire et la Culture du Monde Musulman, Actes du 8me Congres de l'Union Europeenne des Arabisants et Islamisants (Aix-en-Provence, 1976), pp. 7-16; and see Ihsan 'Abbas, "Na~~ani jadidani 'ani l-dini fi l-jahiliyyati," al-AblJath, 1973-1977, pp. 27-34. " Aghtim~ XII, 126; see on Buss: Yiiqiit, Mu'jam al-bulddn, s.v. b.s.s.: ... wa-buss aydan bay tun banat-hu gha/q{anu mu4ahatan li-l-ka' ba. 53 Al-Fayruzabadi, al-Qamus al-muhit, s.v. bss; and see Wellhausen, pp. 33-34; this report is recorded in al-Sinjari's, Mana'ilJ al-karam, MS. Leiden, Or. 7018, fols. )3b, ult.-14a. 54 Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 1146b-1147a sup. ss Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS. Br. Mus., fol. 168b, sup.: ... al-Muthallam b. RiyalJ b. ~alim b. As'ad b. Rabi"'a b. 'Amir kana sharif an. wa-abuhu riytilJun lladhi qala lahu zuhayru bnu jandbin: fa-khalld ba'daha ghatq{anu ... ; wa-kdna bandhu jadduhu ~alimun ... 43 b. Janiib's action he said: "Of the matters of the Jiihiliyya nothing is in agreement with Islam except that which Zuhayr b. Janab did."56 It was no doubt an act of great significance as it helped to preserve the Ka 'ba as the only sanctuary of the Arabian peninsula and spoiled a bold attempt at erecting a tribal sanctuary in competition with the Ka 'ba at Mecca. The intention to imitate the Kacba comes out even in the name of Ghatafani sanctuary, Buss, which is derived from the root bss and is reminiscent of the name of the Meccan sanctuary, which is called al-Bassa." The destruction of Buss served indirectly the cause of Islam and the utterance attributed to the Prophet undoubtedly reflects a historical truth. It is worthwhile mentioning that Buss was not the only sanctuary which was erected by a tribe or a governor: such was for instance the case of the sanctuary of Abraha which was erected in order to compete with the Ka 'ba 58 and the sanctuary erected in Qawdam." • The reasons for the enmity between Zuhayr b. Janiib and the Banu Murra, his position in his tribe, the Kalb, his role in the intertribal contests on the background of the rivalry of the petty kingdoms and the struggle of the Byzantine and Sassanian powers for control of the tribes of the Arabian peninsula, all these data are recorded in reports which are often obscure, blurred, divergent or contradictory. A scrutiny of these reports may provide a clue for the elucidation of, at least, some aspects of these events. According to a tradition traced back to Ibn al-A 'rabi (d. ca. 230 AH) the Banu Baghid were attacked by the Suda? (a division of Madhhij) when they were on their way from Tihama, The Bami Baghid succeeded however in repelling the attack, gained a sweeping victory and took rich booty. Then they decided to build a haram, like that at Mecca, in which no hunted beast would be killed, no tree would be felled and no man seeking refuge would be troubled (la yuhaju ca'idhuhu). The pIan was carried out by the tribal division of Ghatafan, the Bami Murra; the man in charge of the haram and the builder of '6 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS. Br. Mus., fo1. 191a inf.-191b sup.: .. .fa-hadama (i.e. Zuhayr b. Janab) l-bayta wa-ma ~awlahu,fa-balagha dhalika l-nabiyya (~)fa-qala: "lam yakun shay'un min amri l-jahiliyyati wdfaqa l-isldma ilia rna sana'« zuhayru bnu jandbin". " See L. 'A., S.v. bss; Ibn ?:uhayra, al-Jdmi" al-Ia(iffifafjli makkata wa-ahlihd wa-bind"! 1bayti I-sharif (Cairo, 1357/1938), p. 160, penult.; al-Azraqi, Kltab akhbtiri makkata, ed. F. Wiistenfeld (rpt. Beirut), p. 50, 1.8; Ibn Nii~ir al-Din a1-Dimashqi, Jami' al-dthdr fi mawlidi 1nab/yyi l-mukhtdr, MS. Cambridge Or. 913, fol. 269a. " See e.g. EI2, S.V. Abraha (A.F.L. Beeston). 50 See Yaqiit, Mu'jam al-bulddn, s.v. Qawdam. 44 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA its walls was Riyah b. Zalirn (not his father, ~alim - K). They built it when staying at a well called Buss. When the news reached Zuhayr b. Janab, who was then the sayyid of Kalb, he vowed to prevent the Ghatafan from carrying out their plan. He summoned his tribal relatives to aid him in the noble enterprise (akram ma'thura) of the destruction of the Fazari haram, but the Banu l-Qayn from Jusham refused to participate in the raid; he carried out the raid with his people only and defeated the Ghatafan, He captured a rider (jaris) of the Ghatafan in the haram of Buss and ordered to kill him; his order was however disobeyed by one of his warriors, who argued that the man was a basl.60 Zuhayr stated that for him there was no obligation to refrain from harming a basi (i.e. to take his life - K; md baslun "alayya bi-haramins and he himself decapitated him. He desecrated the haram (Ca!{ala dhdlika l-haramt, generously released the captured women and returned them to their tribe." The passage about the decapitation of the basi and the desecration of the haram of Buss is of importance. It may be deduced that this event put an end to the free and undisturbed traffic of the Bami Murra during eight months in the Arabian peninsula and did away with the sanctity of the haram of Buss; the only sacred months to remain were thus the four months of the Pax Meccana; the only sanctuary which continued to be venerated was the haram of Mecca. Zuhayr's deed appears to be the reason why the group of Janab b. Hubal were included in the organization of the l;Iums.62 Some of the accounts link the person of Janab with that of Dawud b. Hubala,63 whose kingdom was conquered by the Byzantines and who fought at that time on their side. He later embraced Christianity and became reluctant to shed blood; he was however compelled to obey the order of the Byzantines to raid the Arab tribes. In his force was (according to this report) Zuhayr b. Janab, Zuhayr went out, fought and killed Haddaj b. Malik of the cAbd Qays and Haddaj b. Malik b. Taymallah b. Thaclaba b. cUkaba.64 Some reports connect Zuhayr b. Janab with the expedition of Abraha." When the Abyssinians went out on their expedition to destroy the sanctuary at Mecca they were approached by Zuhayr; he met their king, was welcomed by 60 61 62 See on basi n. 50 above. Aghani, XXI, 63. See JESHO, 8 (1965),133, n. 4, 134, n. 3; and see Caskel, Gamhara, II, 77 inf.-78 sup. Caskel, Gamhara, II, 232 (Dawud b. Habala). See on him Ibn Habib, ''Asnui' al-mughttilin min al-ashrtif" in cAbd al-Salam Hanin's 63 64 Nawddir al-makh!u!tit (Cairo, 1374/1954), II, 127-128; on the two Haddaj see Caskel, Gamhala, II, 276. See on Abraha: EJ2, s.v. Abraha (A.F.L. Beeston); and see R. Paret, Der Koran. Kommentarund Konkordanz (Stuttgart, 1980), ad Sura 105; and seeJESHO, 15 (1972), 61-76. 6' 45 him and was sent as his messenger to (the tribes in - K) the vicinity (niilJiya) of Iraq in order to summon them to submit to his authority (i/ii l-dukhuli fi {ii'atihl). When he was in the territory of Bakr b. Wa'iI, he was attacked by a man of the tribe and seriously wounded, but managed to escape." A similar report is given in the Aghdnioti the authority of Abu 'Arnr al-Shaybani; there are, however, several differences which may be noted: Abraha appointed Zuhayr b. Janab over the tribes of Bakr and Taghlib; he ruled them for a time until they were afflicted by a drought. Zuhayr prevented them from pasturing their herds unless they paid the taxes imposed upon them; their situation worsened and they were on the brink of perishing. One of the Taymallah b. Tha 'laba 67 decided to assassinate Zuhayr; he attacked him in his sleep and pierced his belly with a sword; he left the tent of Zuhayr with the conviction that he had killed him. Zuhayr remained however alive, and a group of his people wrapped him in a shroud and were given permission to leave with what was supposed to be his corpse in order to bury him in the territory of his tribe. The stratagem succeeded: Zuhayr returned to his tribe, recovered and ordered to prepare a raid against the Bakr and Taghlib. The raid was successful and Zuhayr returned with a rich booty. Kulayb and Muhalhil were captured and many warriors from Taghlib were killed.68 Zuhayr's appointment over the Bakr and Taghlib is explicitly mentioned in a poem of a1-Musayyib b. a1-Rifall, a descendant of Zuhayr: 1. wa-abrahatu lladhi kdna ~{afiinii " wa-sawwasanii wa-tiiju l-mulki wa-qdsama nisfa imro.tihi zuhayran " wa-lam yaku dtinahu fi l-amri wdli wa-ammarahu 'alii hayyay mai addin : wa-ammarahu 'alii l-hayyi 1- 'au 2. 3. 4. mu'tilt 'alii bnay wii'ilin lahumd muhinan " yarudduhumd 'alii raghmi 1sibdli 5. bi-habsihimd bi-ddri l-dhul/i lJattii "alammd yahlikdni mina l-huziili 1. And Abraha, he who had chosen us : and invested us with authority : and high is the crown of kingdom. 2. And he gave half of the rule to Zuhayr : nobody except him was a ruler of the affairs. 3. And he invested him with power over the two tribes of Ma 'add: and he gave him authority over the tribe competing for superiority 00 01 08 Ibn Qutayba, al-Shi'r wa-l-shu' ard", ed. M. J. de Goeje (Leiden, 1904), pp. 223-225. A group of Bakr b. Wii'il; see Caskel, Gamhara, II, 543. Aghdni, XXI, 64. 46 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA 4. 5. Over the two sons of Wii'il (i.e. their descendants) treating them with contempt : turning them humbled and abased. Detaining them in the abode of vileness: until they would perish out of emaciation." Some reports tell about his visits to the court of the Ghassani ruler and his stratagems in spreading false accusations against his opponents and foes in order to keep the favours of the ruler al-Harith b. Miiriya exclusively to himself." Some accounts relate anecdotes about the attendance of Zuhayr at the courts of governors and rulers in company of certain fools of his family; Zuhayr succeeds in saving the people from the fateful results of their stupid words. 71 The sources are unanimous about the strength and power of Zuhayr; he is said to have been one of the jarrdnin (i.e. commanding more than thousand warriors - K) and one who succeeded in uniting the whole tribe of Ka1b, or even the whole federation of QU9iicaY Ibn al-Kalbi reports a conflict between Zuhayr and Rizah (a half brother of Qusayy, the leader of 'Udhra - K) concerning their attitude towards the tribal divisions of N ahd, Hawtaka and J arm; these tribal divisions were driven out by Rizah from the federation of Qudaa, and were compelled to migrate and join other tribes. Rizah's action was severely censured by Zuhayr." Al-Bakri records the story of the conflict. mentions the role of Nahd and their strength in the past and draws the line of succession of that power: Hanzala b. Nahd, the ancestor of Nahd, was the arbiter of Tihama and the Ieader of the Bedouins (al-' arab) at 'Ukaz during the period of the markets. Then the leadership went over to the Kalb b. • 9 Abu Hatim al-Sijistiini, Kitdb al-mu'ammarin; ed. Goldziher, (Leiden, 1899), p. 29 (Ar. text); al-Marzubani, Mu'jam al-shui ara", ed. F. Krenkow (Cairo, 1354), p. 386 (only 4 verses). 70 Aghiini, IV, 175-176; Ibn 'Asakir, Tahdhib ta'rikh (Beirut, 1399/1979), V, 321-322. 71 Aghdni; XXI, 65 (the fool was his brother, Haritha); Abu Hilal al-'Askari, Jamharat alamthdl, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim and 'Abd al-Majid Qatamish (Cairo, 1384/1964), I, 151 (the fool was his brother, 'Adiyy. According to Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Escurial 1968, p. 380 'Adiyy was considered a fool: kana yu~ammaqu). Another fool in his family was his son Khidash (Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Esc. p. 405 ult.-406; see the utterance of al-Samaw 'al about him: laysa li-qalbi khiddshin udhundni). 12 See Muhammad b. Habib, al-Muhabbar, p. 250 (Zuhayr and Rizii~ b. Rabi'a al- 'Udhri), Aghdnt, XXI, 65 (Zuhayr and Hunn b. Zayd); al-Bakri, Mu'jam md sta'fam, ed. Mustafa I· Saqa (Cairo, 1364/1945), p. 39 (Zuhayr and Rizii~ b. Rabi'a); Abu !iatim al-Sijistani, p. 28 (Zuhayr and Rizah); and see al-Majlisi, Bi~ar ai-an war (Teheran, 1392), LI, 268; al-Murtada, Amali; ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim (Cairo, 1373/1954), I, 240; Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Esc. p. 514 (Zuhayr and Rizah), 73 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Esc., p. 514; al-Bakri, Mu'jam ma sta'jam, p. 39. 47 Wabara, afterwards to 'Awf b. Kinana b. 'Awf.74 After some generations it passed over to Zuhayr b. Janab, then to 'Adiyy b. Janab and finally it remained in the family of al-Harith b. Hisn b. Damdam b. 'Adiyy b. Janab." The conflict between Rizah and the two tribes, Nahd and Hawtaka, is mentioned in Ibn Hisham's Sira: but in this account it was Qusayy who censured Rizah for his expulsion of these two tribal divisions of Quda ' a. He said the following verses: 1. Who will tell Rizah from me : that I blame you on two accounts: 2. I blame you for the Banii Nahd b. Zayd : because you drove a wedge between them and me. 3. And for Hawtaka b. Aslum : verily, he who treats them badly has badly treated me. (A. Guillaume's translation, slightly modified). It is of great importance that Qusayy wanted Quda' a to increase and to be united because of "their goodwill to him when they responded to his appeal for help." 76 The account confirms that there were contacts between Quraysh and the Quda'I divisions and shows the help extended by some Quda'ii groups to Qusayy. Al-Arnidi records a story in which Zuhayr is connected with the person of Muha1hi1,the legendary leader of Taghlib during the wars of Basus, 77 Zuhayr is said to have attacked the Taghlib, succeeded in getting away with booty, was however pursued by Muhalhil, who tracked down one of the attackers (Imru? 1Qays b. Humam al-Kalbi) and wounded him." The reports about contacts between Zuhayr and Muhalhil are however refuted by a statement saying that Zuhayr preceded Muhalhil. 79 The amusing story about the capture of Zuhayr by Hamrnam b. Murra 80 also belongs to the period of the war of Basiis. Zuhayr offered as ransom for his release a hundred camels, but Hammam refused; he consented however to free him on condition that Zuhayr would mention his name and make an invocation for his Iife before every drink." 74 Al-Bakri, Mu'jam, p. 56: 'Auf b. Kiniina b. 'Auf b. 'Udhra ... b. Kalb was the first to whom the idol of Wadd was handed over and a tent was pitched over him; and see Caskel, Gamhara, II, 210. rs See e.g. al-Bakri, Mu'jam, pp. 30, 39, 49, 51. ,. Ibn Hisharn, I, 136 (=A. Guillaume, The Life of Muhammad [Karachi, 1967J, p. 55); the verses are attributed to Zuhayr in Bakri's Mu'jam, p. 39. 77 See on him Caskel, Gamhara, II, 421; and see above ad n. 68. ,8 AI-A midi, ai-Mu'taiij", pp. 7-8; Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Esc., pp. 413 inf.-414. ,. Abii Ahmad al-Hasan b. 'Abdallah a!-'Askari, SharlJ md yaqa' u fihi l-tashif wa-l-tahrif; ed. 'Abd al-'Aziz Ahmad (Cairo, 1383/1963), p. 427. 80 See on him e.g. Caskel, Gamhara, II, 278. 81 AI-Maghribi, Nashwat al-tarab, MS., Tiibingen I, fo1. 52 r. 48 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA According to some reports Zuhayr's brother 'Ulayrn introduced the mirbd' in the tribal division of Kalb (i.e. the fourth of the booty, paid to the leader of the tribe; in this case paid to 'Ulaym - K).82His son, (Abdallah b. (Ulaym, is said to have opposed Zuhayr and bade the people disobey his orders. Zuhayr became embittered and angry over the loss of his position in the tribe and decided to drink unmixed wine until his death." * There are divergent traditions about the Iife-span of Zuhayr; he was included in the list of the mut ammartin, men distinguished for their longevity, and unusual periods of life were attributed to him. Accounts vary from 450 years," 420 years," 350 years," 250 years," 220 years," 200 years 89to 150 years.?? The list is confusing and does not give any clue for establishing the period in which the events happened. It may therefore be useful to cast a brief glance at the other persons mentioned in the preceding accounts. A1-Mughira b. (Abdallah al-Makhzumi who caused the rebellious action of the Fazari chief is known as the father of the wealthy and influential family of the Banu I-Mughira. His son Hisham b. aI-Mughira died, according to some accounts, in the last decade of the sixth century." The grandsons of alMughira, the sons of Hisham, took active part in the struggle between the Prophet and the Meccan unbelievers." The period of the activity of a1Mughira, the father of Hisham, may be put in the middle of the sixth century. Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Esc., p. 380; and see ibid., the verse of Zuhayr: sannahd rcibi'u l-juyushi 'ulaymun: kulla yawmin ta'ti l-mandyd bi-qadri 83 Muhammad b. Habib, al-Muhabbar, p. 471; Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Esc., p. 394; Abii Hatirn al-Sijistani, pp. 28-29; Aghdnl; III, 17, XXI, 66; Ibn Qutayba, al-Shiir, p. 224. 84 Aghdni; XXI, 65 penult. 85 Abii Hatirn al-Sijistani, p. 25. 86 Abii Hatirn al-Sijistani, ibid. 87 Aghdni; XXI, 65. 82 88 89 90 91 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Esc., p. 380; al-Majlisi, Blhtir, LI, 267. Abii Hatim al-Sijistani, p. 28. Aghdni; III, 17. See on him: al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, MS., fol. 129a-b; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, XVIII, 285 seq. (and see the utterance attributed to the Prophet about him p. 293: law dakhala ahadun min mushriki qurayshin al-jannata la-dakhalahd hishdmu bnu l-mughirati; kana abdhalahum li-l-matrufi waahmalahum Ii-I-kalli); Mu~'ab b. 'Abdallah al-Zubayri, Nasab quraysh, ed. Levi-Provencal (Cairo, 1953), p. 301; and see Le Museon, 78 (1965), 427 (according t9 this report he died AD 598). 92 See e.g. on the Banii l-Mughira and their relatives: Mu 'arrij b. 'Amr al-Sadiisi, Kiuib hadhf min nasab quraysh, ed. ~alal,1 al-Din al-Munajjid (Cairo, 1960), pp. 66-75; and see Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, pp. 301-303; on al-Harith b. Hisham see e.g. Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-ghaba fi ma'rifati 49 This was the period of the growth of the Meccan body politic and the incubation of the opposition of certain Fazari clans against their Makhzumi hosts at Mecca. As to Zuhayr b. Janab, it is pIau sible to give credence to the reports about the relations between Zuhayr and Abraha. Abraha, when on his expeditions against Mecca, was evidently interested in the collaboration with Kalb in order to gain control over the Bakr and Taghlib when he would continue his march against al-Hira, The appointment of Zuhayr as tax-collector seems to have taken place when Abraha went out against Mecca; this may be dated to the middle of the sixth century." The failure of Abraha's expedition and his retreat to the Yaman stimulated the Bakr and Taghlib to rebel against Zuhayr, the merciless tax-collector. The destruction of the sanctuary of Buss must have taken ",lace after the strength of Abraha was crushed and Zuhayr renewed close relations with Mecca; these relations began already in the period of Qusayy, which is said to have preceded that of Zuhayr: Qusayy was active in the first half of the sixth century." Qusayy succeeded in gaining control of Mecca and expelled the former ruler of Khuza (a, aided by his Quda (i halfbrother (from the (Udhra) and probably by a Byzantine troop sent by the governor of Syria." The tradition that he rebuilt the Ka 'ba 96 seems plausible. l-sahdba (Cairo, 1280), I, 351-352; on 'Amr b. Hishiim (Abu Jahl) see al-Baladhuri, I, index (esp. pp. 125-130); on al-'A~ b. Hishiim see al-Baladhuri, I, 292, 299; on Salama b. Hishiim see e.g. Ibn al-Athir, Usd, II, 341. The hostile attitude of the Shi'a towards the Makhziim is exposed in the interpretation of verses 28-29 ofSiirat Ibrahim: "Hast thou not seen those who exchanged the bounty of God with unthankfulness and caused their people to dwell in the abode of ruin? Gehenna wherein they are roasted, an evil establishment." (Arberry's translation). According to an utterance attributed to 'Ali and 'Umar the verses refer to the Bami l-Mughira and to the Banu Umayya; they are meant by "those who exchanged the bounty of God with unthankfulness" and "caused their people to dwell in the abode of ruin." The Banii l-Mughira were killed on the Day of Badr; the Banu Umayya were given some period of time to enjoy life. (... wa-qila: nazalat fi-l-afjarayni min qurayshin : bani makhzumin wa-bani umayyata; faammd banii umayyata fa-muttiiti ild hinin, wa-ammd banu makhzumin fa-uhliku yauma badrin; qdlahuiali b. abi tdltb wa-'umaru bnu l-khattdbi ... ) See: al-Qurtubi, al-Jtimi' li-ahkdmi 1qur'tin (Cairo, 1387/1967), IX, 364; 'Ali b. Miisii b. Ja'far b. Muhammad b. Tawiis, alMalahim wa-l-fitan (Najaf, 1382/1962), p. 98; Hiishim b. Sulaymiin al-Tawbali al-Katakani, alBurhdn fi-tafsiri l-qur'tin (Qumm, 1393), II, 316-317; al- 'Ayyiishi, Tafsir al-qur'tin, ed. Hiishim al-Rasuli al-Mahallati (Qumm, 1385), II, 229-230, nos. 22-23, 27-28. 9J See EI', s.v. Abraha (A.F.L. Beeston); and see Khiilid al-'Asali, "Aljwa' 'ala kitab almufassal ji ta'rikhi I-'arab qabla l-isldm", al-t Arab, 1971, pp. 37-38, no. 14. '4 See EI', s.v. Kuraysh (Montgomery Watt): " ... On the death of Kusayy, probably in the first half of the sixth century AD ... " ss See Ibn Qutayba, Kiuib al-ma'tirif, ed. Tharwat 'Ukasha (Cairo, 1969), pp. 640 ult.-64I : ... wa-a'tinahu qaYljar "alayhd •• See Muhammad b. Yiisuf aH?wit:U, Subul al-hudd wa-l-rashdd fi sirat khayri 1-'ibad (=al- 50 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA Qusayy introduced substantial changes in the sanctuary of Mecca, ordered to build houses in areas in which building was hitherto forbidden and permitted to fell trees in the sacred territory."? The changes introduced by Qusayy in Mecca, the repatriation of the dispersed Qurashi factions and their unification into a coherent tribal body at Mecca 98 opened a new era of development and expansion for Mecca. The crucial event of the defeat of the army of Abraha enhanced the growth of the power of Mecca and strengthened the prestige of Quraysh. The activity of Zuhayr can be estimated to have taken place in the period following the "Day of the Elephant." The date of the destruction of Buss can further be conjectured by the examination of the data about the persons who are mentioned in the accounts about this event. Al-Muthallam b. Riya~ b. Zalim, the grandson of the builder of Buss, killed a man named Hubasha who was under the protection of alHarith b. Zalim al-Murri, Al-Muthallam asked the protection of al-Husayn b. Humam al-Murri; when al-Harith b. ~aIim heard about it he demanded of alHusayn b. al-Humam to pay the blood-wit of the siain Hubasha." According to an account traced back to Abu 'Ubayda the poet al-Husayn b. al-Humam reached the time of Islam.P" This opinion is indeed recorded in the compilations about the Companions of the Prophet.'?' His son is said to have visited the court of Mu'awiya!02 The ill-famed commander sent by Yazid b. Sira al-shdmiyya), ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wiil:1id (Cairo, 1392/1972), I, 192: ... al-marrata 1siibi'ata .. "imdratu qusayyi bni kilabin; naqalahu I-zubayru bnu bakkarin fi Kitdbi I-Nasabi wajazama bihi l-imdmu Abu Ishdqa al-Mtiwardiyyu l-ahkdmi l-sultdniyya ... ; and see al-Maqrizi, Dhikru md warada ji bunyan! I-ka'bati l-mu'assama, MS. Leiden, Or. 560, fols. 175b: ... dhakara l-zubayru bnu bakkdrin wa-ghayruhu anna qll~ayya bna kilabin band l-bayta, walam yadhkur dhdlika l-azraqi . .. fol. 176b, I. 10: wa-bana qu~ayyun al-ka'bata 'ala khamsin wa- 'Ishrina dhira'n ... Fol. 178a, I. 17: fa-lammd stabadda qusayyun bi-amri makkata akhadha ji blln~ani I-bayti wa-jam'i nafaqatihi thumma hadamahu wa-banahu bina'an lam yabnmi ahadun mimman bandhu mithlahu wa-ja'ala yaqUiu wa-huwa yabni... abni wa-yabni lldhu yarfa'uhci .. wa-l-yabni ahlu wirathi!ra ba'di; bunyanuhci wa-tamdmllha wa-Wabuha .. bi-yadi l-ildhi wa-Iaysa bi-I-'abdi; fa-bandha wa-saqqafahd bi-khashabi l-daumi l-jayyidi wa-bi-jaridi l-nakhli wa-bandhd 'ala khamsatin wa-'ishrina dhire'on ... al-Zurqani, Shar~ al-mawdhib al-Iaduniyya (Cairo, 1325),1,206,1. 18: .. .fa-banat-hu jurhum, thumma qu~ayy b. kilab. naqalahu l-zubayr b. bakkdr wa-jazama bihi l-mawardi ... 97 See e.g. Ibn Hishiim, I, 132; and ~ee JESHO, 8 (1965), 126. 9. See e.g. al-Baliidhuri, I, 50; Ibn Kathir, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, ed. Mu~~afii 'Abd al-Wahid (Cairo, 1384/1964), I, 97. 99 See Aghani, XII, 126. 100 Aghcini, XII, 128. 101 See e.g. Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba ji tamyizi l-~a~aba, ed. 'Ali Muhammad 1392/1972), II, 84-85, no. 1735. 102 Aghcini, XII, 123. al-Bijiiwi, (Cairo, 51 Muawiya to attack Medina on the "Day of the Harra" (63 AH), the aged Muslim b. 'Uqba al-Murri (he went out to Medina at the age of more than 90 years), is listed with the same number of genealogical links as Muthallam.l'" The demolition of Buss may thus be dated to the third quarter of the sixth century. Some other reports may be scrutinized as well. A tradition says that Zuhayr b. J anab remained alive until he met a man of the fifth generation of the descendants of his brother; it was Abu l-Ahwas 'Amr b. Tha 'laba b. al-Harith b. Hisn b. Damdam b. 'Adiyy b. Janab.i'" Ibn al-Kalbi reports that 'Amr b. Tha 'Iaba captured al-A (sha when he was on his way to the king of the family of Jafna, IO~ He was released according to the request of Shurayh b. Hisn b. 'Imran b. Samaw 'al. 106 This report, as recorded in the commentary of a qasida of a1-A(sha, is corroborated by an account in Abu l-Baqa's Mandqib.v" The accounts quoted above seem to indicate that the activity of Zuhayr b. Janab and the strengthening of the ties of QU9a(a with Mecca took place in the second half of the sixth century and that Zuhayr died in the late decades of that century. III Authority and rule were based in the Meccan body politic on mutual agreements concluded between the various tribal factions and clans. Duties were imposed and privileges were established after intertribal struggles ceased; the stipulations in the agreements were laid down according to the balance of strength of the negotiating tribal groups. According to such agreements or pacts, usages upheld by custom turned into customary Iaw, administratively bidding taxes became obligatory payments, customary religious practices became mandatory regulations. The struggle for power of the different tribal factions on the one hand and the necessity to prevent disorder in Mecca on the other hand originated the institution of the hukkdm, the arbitrators. A1-Maqrizi provides a list of the arbiters of Quraysh in the period of the Jahiliyya (in fact at the end of the sixth and the beginning of the seventh century - K): 'Abd a1103 See Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, VI, 294, no. 8420; al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 1147a; Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS. Br. Mus., fol. 168b (in all these sources; Muslim b. 'Uqba b. Riyal} b. As'ad b. Rabi'a 104 10' 106 b. 'Amir.) Abu Hatirn al-Sijistani, p. 29. Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Esc., p. 384, I. I; Caskel, Gamhara, II, 185. See a[-A'shii. Diwdn, ed. R. Geyer (Wien, 1928), pp. 125-126, (nos. XXIII-XXIV) MS., fol. 141a. commentary. 107 Abu l-Baqa, a[-Maniiqib al-mazyadiyya, 52 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA Muttalib and his two sons, al-Zubayr and Abu Talib; Abu Sutyan and his father Harb on behalf of the Banu Umayya; al-Walid b. a1-Mughira on behalf of the Makhzum; al-' A~ b. wsu and Qays b. 'Adiyy on behalf of Banu Sahm; Nawfal b. 'Abd al- 'Uzza on behalf of the Banii 'Adiyy and a1-'Ala' b. Haritha al-Thaqafi on behalf of the Bami Sahm; Naufal b. 'Abd al-'Uzza on behalf of the Banu Zuhra.l'" A passage quoted by al-Maqrizi from al-Fakihi's Ta'rikh Makka sheds some light on the position of the arbiters and on the way in which they were elected: in order to avoid wickedness they were chosen by mutual consent and none of them would strive to overpower the rest of Quraysh (... wa-Iam yakun minhum ahadun mutamallikan 'ala baqiyyati qurayshin. wa-innama dhdlika bi-tarddihim 'alayhi hasman li-mdddati 1sharri; qdlahu l-fdkihiyyu ...). 109 Qusayy's innovations and regulations (taxes imposed on aliens entering Mecca [soil, with merchandise - K), food provided for the pilgrims, fire lit on Muzdalifa, practices in the dar al-nadwa etc.) became binding and obligatory, as the different clans agreed to carry them out: the hukkdm of Mecca seem to have acted according to that tradition. This is reflected in the following passage recorded by Maqrizi: wa-inna amra qusayyin fi qawmihi ka-l-dini l-muttaba"i la yu'malu bi-ghayrihi fi haydtihi wa-min ba'dihi.110 The mutual agreements between the chiefs of the different tribal factions of Quraysh are reflected in the story of the rebuilding of the Ka 'ba by Quraysh. The different factions and clans agreed upon to allot every faction its share in the erection of the building: the Banu 'Abd Manaf and the Banu Zuhra were entrusted with the side of the door; the space between the Black Stone and the southern corner was assigned to the Bami Makhziim and groups of Quraysh who joined them; the back of the Ka 'ba was entrusted to the Banu Jumah and Banu Sahm; the section of the ~ijr was given to the 'Abd al-Dar b. Qusayy, the Banu Asad b. 'Abd aI-'Uzza and the Banii 'Adiyy b. Ka'b; the Wr is the ~a,im - says an attached note. III According to tradition Quraysh planned to rebuild the Ka 'ba and to cover 108 Al-Maqrizi, Sinjari, Mana'ilj 109 AI-Maqrizi, 110 AI-Maqrizi, 111 Dhikru rna warada ji bunyan al-ka' 00, MS., fols. I77b inf.-178a sup.; alal-karam, MS., fol. 59b. Dhikru rna warada, MS., fol. 178a sup.; al-Sinjiiri, Manci'ilj, MS., fol. 59b. Dhikru rna warada, MS., fol. 176b. Ibn Hishiim, I, 207; al- 'I~iimi, Sim; al-nujum; I, 166; al-Sinjiiri, Manci'ilj, MS., fol. 62a; Ibn Ruzayq, al-~aljifa al-'adnciniyya, MS. Br. Mus. Or. 6569, fol. 259b; al-Shatibi, al-Jumdn fi akhbdri l-zamdn, MS. Br. Mus. Or. 3008, fol. 58b; al-Maqrizi, Dhikru rna warada, MS., fol. 180a-b; al-$iiliJ:ll,Subul al-huda, II, 229; Ibn Kathir, al-Stra al-nabawiyya, I, 277 penult.-278 sup. Ibn Kathir, Tqfsir (Beirut, 1385/1966), I, 318; 'Ali b. Burhan al-Din al-Halabi, Insdn al'uytin (=al-Sira al-Ijalabiyya) (Cairo, 1382/1962), I, 159 inf.-160 sup. 53 the building with a roof; their calculation of the expenditure seems to have been inaccurate 112and they were compelled to limit the size ofthe building; they did not include in the building the space of the hijr; the lJ.ijr remained outside the Ka 'ba.1l3 The exclusion of the lJ.ijr led later to a heated discussion in connection with the circumambulation of the Ka 'ba; the question posed was whether the believers should during the {awdf disregard the area of the lJ.ijr excluded from the building or to circumambulate behind it, considering it as part of the Sanctuary. The Prophet's answer was clear: the lJ.ijr is part of the Ka 'ba and the circumambulation has to be performed from behind the space of the lJ.ijr.114 The reason for this decision is said to have been that the hijr was part of the House erected by Abraham."! This fact was taken into consideration by 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr when he decided to rebuild the Ka'ba (anno 64/683); although he was advised to confine himself to the repairing of the building "as built by Quraysh," he decided to pull down the Ka 'ba and to erect the building of the Sanctuary in its original "Abrahamian" dimensions (i.e. to include the hijr, which was excluded by Quraysh - K); he indeed carried out his plan.!" Al-Hajja] changed the building of the Ka 'ba: he Ieft Ibn al-Zubayr's extension of the building, but ordered to pull down the part of the lJ.ijr built by Ibn al-Zubayr.'!? 112 See the references provided by U. Rubin, The Ka'ba, n. 26; and see al-Suyuti, Jam' al- jawdmi' (Cairo, 1978), I, 1218. 113 See e.g. Ibn Kathir, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, I, 281-282; al-Zurqiini, Sharh al-mawdhib, I. 206, 1. 20; al-Maqrizi, Dhikru md warada, MS., fol. 181b; al-Shatibi, al-Jumiin, MS., fol. 59a; 'Ali b. Burhiin aI-Din,lnsan al-t uytin, 1,189; and see the thorough scrutiny of the problem in U. Rubin, The Ka'ba. 114 See e.g. al-Shatibi, al-Jumdn, MS., fol. 59a: ... wa-su'ila rastilu lkih! (s) 'ani l-hijri, hal huwa mina l-ka' bati am la,fa-qala huwa mina I-ka' bati wa-ld yqjrizu l-tawdfu ilia khalfahu ... ; and see al-Muhibbu l-Tabari, al-Qira li-qasid! ummi l-qurd, ad. Mu~~afa l-Saqa (Cairo, 1390/1970), p. 507: ., .fa-inna I-~ijra mina l-bayti fa-dhhabi fa-salli fihi ... 115 See U. Rubin, The Ka'ba, chapter 2: "the ritual functions" ... esp. n. 54. 116 See e.g. al-Harbi, al-Mandsik wa-amdkin turuqi I-~ajj, ed. Hamad al-Jasir (Riyad, 1389/1969), pp. 488-491 (see esp. p. 488 penult.: ... fa-adkhala jfha na~wan min sab'i adhru'In mina l-hijri ... and 489: ... fa-in bada li-qawmiki min ba'diki an yabntihu fahalummi uriki ma tarakii fa-ardha nahwan min sab'] adhru'in ... ); Muhibb ai-Din al-Tabari, al-Qira, pp. 508-509; and see al-Shatibi, al-Jumdn, MS., fol. 59a (seven cubits of the ~ijr not included in the building erected by Quraysh; according to a tradition recorded by Muhibb alDin, al-Qira, p. 509, 'Abdallah b. aI-Zubayr included five cubits of the Wr in the Ka 'ba erected b.y him). 117 See e.g, Muhibb ai-Din al-Tabari, al-Qira, p. 509 (... ammd rna zatiaji{rilihifa-aqirrahu, wa-ammd rna zdda fihi mina I-Wrifa-ruddahu ila bina'ihi ... ); Ibn Zuhayra, al-Jami' ai-latif, p. 92 has an erroneous reading: ... ammd ma zdda ji {rilihl fa-akhkhirhu ... ; al-Maqrizi, Dhikru rna warada, MS., fol. 184a: ... thumma hadama (i.e. aI-l:laijiij) rna bandhu bnu 1zubayri fi l-ka'bati min nti~iyati l-hijri, thumma a'adahu 'ala ma kdna 'alayhi wa-akhraja 1- 54 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA Tradition says that the Prophet attended the building of the Ka 'ba by Quraysh; when the chiefs of the Qurashi clans quarrelled as to who would put the Black Stone in its place the Prophet was unanimously chosen by the contending factions to put the Stone in its place.!'" Traditions are however divergent about the age of the Prophet at the time of the building of the Ka'ba: whether he was a youth, a boy who had reached virility, 15 years old, 25 years, 30 years, 35 years, 15 years before he got his revelation, five years before revelation or before he was employed by Khadija. I19 All the traditions are unanimous that he participated in the building. An important role in the erection of the Ka 'ba was allotted to aI-Walid b. al-Mughira al-Makhziimi, 120 a noble member of Quraysh; he was a courageous man and did not fear to start the demolition of the oid building of the Sanctuary. According to a tradition recorded by Ibn al-Ka1bi when the Meccans were engaged in building the Ka 'ba and realized that they lacked the necessary funds for accomplishing of the building, they were surprised by a generous offer for help from a wealthy triballeader of the Kalb. It was Ubayy b. Salim al-Kalbi who came to Mecca and asked the Meccans to allow him to get a share in the building. They agreed and he built the right side of the Ka 'ba. A1Jawwas b. al-Qatal said about that: Lana aymanu I-bayti lladhi tahjubunahu : wirdthatu md abqd ubayyu bnu sdlimi To us belongs the right side of the House which you cover with curtains: an inheritance left by Ubayy b. Salim. I2I This tradition is quoted (with few variants) by Ibn Qutayba.!" AI-Maqrizi records the tradition on the authority of Ibn al-Kalbi and gives the full name of the Kalbi leader: Ubayy b. Swim b. al-Harith b. aI-Wiil}id(Malik) b. 'Abdallah ~ijra min at-ka'batt, wa-kdna dhdlika ft sanati arba'in wa-sabiinat fa-laysa fi I-ka'bati al-tina min bind"! I-lJaiidji ghayru l-jiddri l/adhi ya/i I-lJijra faqat. 118 See e.g. Ibn Is~iq, al-Siyar wa-l-maghdzi, ed. Suhayl Zakkir, (Damascus, 1398/1978), pp. 107-108; al-Harbi, al-Mandsik, p. 487; aI-$ili~i, Subul al-hudd, II, 231-232; 'Ali b. Burhan al-Din al-Halabi, Insdn al- 'uyUn, I, 161; Ibn Ni~ir al-Din al-Dimashqi, Jdmi' al-dthdr ji mawlidi l-nabiyyi l-mukhuir, MS. Cambridge Or. 913, fol. 268a • • 1> See e.g. aI-$ilil}i, Subul al-hudd, II, 233-234; aI-Zurqini, SharlJ al-mawdhib, I, 203; alHarbi, al-Mandsik, pp, 494-495; Ibn Nasir al-Din, Jlimi' al-athdr, MS., fol. 268a; Ibn Ishaq, alSiyar wa-l-maghdzt, p. 109; and see the references given by U. Rubin, The Ka'ba; n. 16. 120 See e.g. Ibn Hisham, I, 206-207. 121 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Esc., MS., pp. 414-415; intalaqa ubayyun ma'ahu mdlun kathirun fa-atd qurayshan lJina arddu bind'a l-kaibati fa-qdla: da'uni ushrikkum fi bind'ihd, fa-adhimi lahu, fa-band janibaha l-aymana ... m Ibn Qutayba, Kitdb al-ma'drif, p, 561. 55 b. Hubal b. 'Abdallah b. 'Ulaym b. Janab.l2l He was thus a descendant of 'Ulaym, the brother of Zuhayr b. Janab, There is nothing to make us doubt the soundness of this tradition; it is indeed credible that the Qurashites were glad to allot a share of the building to a Kalbite tribal group. • The memory of Janab b. Hubal remained alive among the Ka1b. The troops levied from among his descendants are praised in the poems of aI-Jawwas b. alQa'tal, himself a descendant of Janab: Da'o bi-sildhin, thumma ahjama idh ra'a : suytifa jandbin wa-l-tiwdla 1madhdkiyti He called for weapons, then he turned back as he saw : the swords of J anab and the long-bodied horses, which had reached full age and complete strength. 124 In a verse in which al-Jawwas describes the march of the divisions of Janab and' Auf he says that they are filling the high mountains formed of one mass of rocks. izs Ibn Sa' d recorded a Ietter sent by the Prophet to the Banu Janab and their allies.126 • Kalb were famous for their wealth and the multitude of their flocks. The Prophet is reported as saying that God would grant forgiveness to a countless multitude of believers on the night of mid-Sha 'ban as numerous as the hairs of the flocks of the tribe of Kalb.127 The close ties of Kalb with the Umayyad rulers seem to be reflected in a saying reported by 'Awana in which the Al-Maqrizi, Dhikru md warada, MS., fol. 180a inf.-180 sup. Al-Baladhuri, op. cit.; V (ed. Goitein, Jerusalem, 1936), 142; al-Tabari, Ta'rikh, ed. Abii I· Fadl Ibrahim (Cairo, 1971), V, 542; al-Mas'iidi, al-Tanbih wa-I-ishr4f, ed. de Goeje (rpt, 123 124 Baghdad), p. 310. m Aghdni; XVII, 112: idhd sdrat qaba'tlu min jandbin : wa- "awfin ash~anii shumma I-hit/dbi. 126 Ibn Sa' d, Tabaqdt, I, 285. 127 See e.g. al-Naysiibiiri, Ghard'ib al-qur'tin wa-ragha'ib al-furqan, ed. Ibrahim 'Atwa 'Awad (Cairo, 1388/1968), XXV, 65; Muhammad l;Iasanayn Makhliif al'Adawi, Risdla fi fadli laylati l-nisfi min sha'bdn, ed. l;Iasanayn Muhammad Makhliif (Cairo, 1394/1974), p. 20 (and see ibid., the explanation of the Prophet: ... qultu: yd nabiyya lldhi, rna bdlu ghanami bani kalbin? qdla: laysaji I-'arabi qawmun aktharu ghanaman minhum ... ); and see the references given in Kister, "Sha'ban is my month," in Studia Orientalia Memoriae D.H. Baneth Dedicata (Jerusalem, 1979), p. 26, n. 52. 56 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA position of different tribes was assessed. "The kingdom was never aided by a tribe (stronger - K) than that of Kalb." 128 It is not surprising that they attracted the enmity of the opposition-groups of the Umayyads. Apocalyptic tradition has gloomy things to say about the fate of Kalb during the crucial clash between the Mahdi and his enemy, the Sufyani, The Kalb will be attacked by the forces of the Mahdi and plundered. The event will be named: "The Day of the Plunder of the Bedouins" or "The Day of the Plunder of Kalb." "The man who will be disappointed on that Day will [indeed] be disappointed." 129 • The few accounts discussed above may provide us with a clue for a better understanding of the relations of Mecca with certain tribal groups. These reports seem to reflect the ingenious and sagacious policy of the Meccan leaders, who succeeded in their wisdom and flexibility to establish friendly relations with influential tribal leaders and to win them over to a peaceful cooperation with Mecca. The wise leaders of Mecca did not hesitate even to attach them as partners in the erection of the Sanctuary of Mecca. 12. Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Ishrtif fi mandzil al-ashrdf, MS. Chester Beatty 4427, fol. 43b: ... akhbarand l-hakamu bnut awdnata I-kalbiyyu 'an abihi, qdla, lam yu'ayyadi 1mulku bi-mithli kalbin, wa-Iam tu'Ia l-mandbiru bi-mithli qurayshin, wa-lam tutlabi 1tirtitu bi-mithli tamimin, wa-Iam tur'a t-rt'oya bi-mithli thaqifin, wa-Iam tusadda 1thughiiru bi-mithli qaysin, wa-Iam tuhaji l-jitanu bi-mithli rabi' ata, wa-Iam yujba 1khartiju bi-mithli I-yamani. 12, Nu'aym b. Harnmad, Kiuib al-fitan, MS. Br. Mus. Or. 9449, fol. 95b: ... thumma yasiru ild kalbin fa-yanhabuhum fa-l-khd'tbu man khdba yawma nahbi kalbin ... ; fol. 96a: ... 'an ka'bin qdla: wadidtu anniudriku nahba l-a'rab; wa-hiya nahbatu kalbinfaI-khti'ibu man khdba yawma kalbin ... ; fol. 96b: .. .Ja-yaqtatilu huwa wa-jayshu 1slifyaniyyi 'ala sab'I rtiydt, kullu ~alJibi rdyatin minhum yarju I-amra li-nofsihi fayahzimuhumu I-mahdiyyu; qdla abu hurayrata: fa-l-mahriimu man lJurima nahba kalbin ... ; fol. 97b: .. .fa-l-klui'ibu man khdba yawma kalbin.lJatiti tuba'« l-jdriyatu 1"adhrti'u bi-thamdniyati dardhima. And see Yiisuf b. YaI}yii I-Maqdisi I-Shiifj'i, 'Lqd aldurar fi-akhbdri l-muntazar, ed. 'Abd al-Fattah al-Hilw (Cairo, 1399/1979), pp. 69-70, 85, 86 (and see the references provided by the editor). 57 

'Labbayka, Allāhumma, Labbayka…' On a Monotheistic Aspect of a Jāhiliyya Practice

Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 2 (1980): 33-57

'Labbayka, Allāhumma, Labbayka…' On a Monotheistic Aspect of a Jāhiliyya Practice

Author:

M. J. Kister

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labbayka-full.pdf LABBA YKA, ALLAHUMMA, LABBA YKA ... On a monotheistic aspect of a Jahiliyya practice In memory of Dr. Isaiah Shachar In his article Talbiyat al-Jahiliyya1 S.M. Husain recorded twenty five formulae of ritual invocation, talbiyat, uttered by the tribes in the period of the Jiihiliyya during their pilgrimage to Mecca. He mentions that Abill-'Alii' al-Ma'arr! had given in his Risalat al-ghufran seven such fonnulae of tribal talbiyat, classifying them by prosody and metre. I:Iusain supposes that the labbayka allahumma labbayka "was probably adopted from the first responders to the call of Abraham,,,2 and emphasizes that the Prophet changed the Jahilf fonnula: labbayka allahumma labbayka, la sharlka laka ilia sharlkun huwa laka, tamlikuhu wa-mii malaka ("Here I am, 0 God, here I am; Thou hast no partner except such partner as Thou hast; Thou possessest him and all that is his,,)3 into the Muslim one: labbayka allahumma labbayka, la sharlka laka; inna 1-lJamda wa-l-ni'mata laka wa-l-mulka, la sharlka laka ("Here I am, 0 God, here I am, Thou hast no partner; the praise and Proceedings of the 9th All India Or. Conference, 1937, pp. 361-369. Ibid., p. 362. • See this Jahill talbiya e.g.: Ibn al-KalbI, al-A~nlZm, ed. Al:tmad Zakl Pasha, CaiIo 1343/ 1924, p. 7; al-Azraqr,: AkhblZr Makka, ed. F. Wiistenfeld, p. 134; al-Kala'I, al-IktiflZ' ft maghlZzf rasali lllZhi wa-l-thallZthati l·khulaflZ', ed. Mu~tafa: 'Abd al-Wahid, CaiIo 1387/1968, I, 94; al-Tabar!, Tafslr, ed. ShakiI, CaiIo 1969, XVI, 289, no. 19973; al-SuyotI, al-Du" al·manthar, Cairo 1314, IV, 40, 359; al-BayhaqI, al-Sunan al-kubrlZ, Hyderabad 1352, V, 45 inf.; Ibn i:Iazm, Ijajjat al-wadlZ', ed. Mamdol) i:IaqqI, BeiIut 1966, pp. 349 inf. -350; al-NaysabilrI, GharlZ'ib al-Qur' IZn, ed. IbrahIm 'Atwa 'Awac:I,CaiIo 1384/1965, XVII, 96; al-Khazin, LublZb al-ta'wll, CaiIo 1381, III, 261, V, 13; al-BaghawI, Ma'iilim al-tanzll (on margin of Lubilb a/· ta'wf/), ibid.; al-ShahrastanI, al-Milal wa-l-nihal, ed. Mul:tammad Sayyid KaylanI ,Cairo 1387/ 1967, II, 238, 247; Ibn Sa'Id al-AndalusI, Nashwat al-rarab ft ta'rTkhi jlZhiliyyati l-'arab, Ms. Tiibingen I, fot. 194, inf.; Nor al-DIn al-HaythamI, Majma'al-zawii'id, BeiIut 1967, III, 223; AbO l-'AJa' al-Ma'arrI, RislZlat al-ghufriin, ed. )\'isha 'Abd al-Rahman, Cairo 1382/1963, p. 535 (with an additional hemistich: aM baniitin bi-fadak; it is expfained by Abo I-'Ala' as pointing to the idols that were in that time in Fadak); Ibn al-Athrr, JlZmi' al-u~al, ed. Muhammad /::Iamid al-Fiql, Cairo 1368/1949, III, 444, no. 1377; 'Umar b. Mul:tammad al-MausilI, KitlZb al-waslla, Hyderabad 1392/1973, III", 196; A. Guthrie, The Significance of Abraham, MW, 1955, p. 116. I 2 the grace are Thine and the empire; Thou hast no partner.")" Husain points out that the tribes performing the pilgrimage acknowledged in their talbiydt a supreme God who was the Master of their gods, giving Him such names as al-Rahrnan, al-Ma'bud, al-Dayyan, al-Mustajib, al-Qahhar, al-Sarnad, and emphasizes the Muslim character of some of the utterances of the talbiya. The Prophet used in his prayer the utterance: in taghfir alliihumma taghfir jammd, wa-ayyu 'abdin laka Iii alammd, a phrase which, according to Husain, occurs in the talbiya of the Ash'ariyyun." This idea of the presence of an all-powerful and all-pervading Divinity, concludes Husain, was working amongst the Arabs preparing the field for the propagation of the sublime monotheism as preached by Muhammad. Husain, although he carefully collected and edited the valuable text of the talbiydt, did not, however, record the sources from which he derived his material. It may be of some importance to trace the sources of the talbiyiit and to examine more closely their content and purport. The talbiydt of certain tribes are given in a1-Ya' qiib'i's (d. 248 H) Ta'rlkh.6 Al-Ya' qiib'i's account of the talbiyiit is pre· ceded by a short account of the gods and idols worshipped by the Arabs. More detailed is the account of talbiyiit in Muhammad b. Habib's (d. 145 H) al-Muhabbar," followed by a list of idols worshipped by the different tribes. The complete text of several talbiyiit is given in the commentary to the phrase: ... wajtanibii qaula l-ziiri (Sura XXII, 31) in Muqatil b. Sulayrnan's (d. 150 H) Tafslr8 and this is followed by a list of idols worshipped by the various tribes. Zia' is 4 See the various forms of the Muslim talbiya: AbO Yusuf at-Ansarr, Kitab al-athar, ed. Abu I-Wafa, Cairo 1355, nos. 456-458; al-Shafi'I, al-Umm, Cairo 1321 (reprint 1388/1968) II, 132-133; al-Tayalist, Musnad, Hyderabad 1321, p. 232, no. 1668; Ibn Hazm, Hajjar al. wadtr, p. 350; Nor al-Dtn al-Haytharnt , op. cit., III, 222-223; al-Tahawt, Sharh ma'am l-athar ed. Muhammad ZuhrI l-Najjar, Cairo 1388/1968 II, 124-l25; ibn aI-Athir,JiJmi' al-usal: III, 438-443, nos. 1371-1375; al-Zurqant, Sharh al-muwatta', ed Ibrahtm 'Atwa 'Awad C~iro 1381/1961, III, 34; Arnrn Mahrnud Khattab: Fathu 1-~~IiI'i l-ma'bud, takmilatu I-~anhali I· 'adhbi l-maurud, sharh sunan abI dawud, Cairo 1394/1974, I, 109-111; ai-BayhaqI, al-Sunan al-kubra, V, 44-45; al-Khatlb al-Baghdadt, Ta'rzkh Baghdad, Cairo 1349/1931, V, 55; Muhibb al-Dtn al-TabarI, al-Qira li-qasidi ummi l-qura, ed Mustafa f-Saqa, Cairo 1390/1970, pp. i73175, 415; al-tAyni, 'Umdat al-qart, Cairo 1348, IX, 172-174; al-Qastallant, Irshad al-sarr., Cairo 1323, III, 114-115; Ibn Hajar, Fath al-bart, Cairo 1300, III, 324-326; al-Harbt, Kitab al-manasik, ed, Hamad al-Jasir, al-Riyad 1389/1969, p. 429; 'Umar b. Muhammad alMausilr, op. cit., III", 193-195; IV" 183; Ibn Babuyah al-Qummt, 'Ilal al-shara'i', Najaf 1385/1966, pp, 416-418; Muhammad b. abI l-Qasirn al-Tabarr, Bisharat al-mustafa tt-snt'at al-murtada, Najaf 1383/1963, pp. 213-214; al-Majlisr, Bihar al-anwar, Tehran 1388, XLIX, 92, 93, 183, 339; Murtada l-Zabtdr, Ithaf al-sada al-muttaqtn bi-sharh asrar thya' 'ulurni 1_ din, Cairo 1311, IV, 336; Muhammad Nasir al-Dtn al-AlbanI, Haijat al-nabt , Damascus 1387, p. 60, nos. 14-15; G.E. von Grunebaum, Muhammadan Festivals, New York 1951, p. 28. s Husain,op. cit., pp, 362-364; text no. 3. • Ed. M. Th. Houtsma, Leiden 1883, I, 296-297. 7 Ed. lise Lichtenstaedter, Hyderabad 1361/1942, pp. 311-315; the list of the idols ibid. pp, 315-318. 8 Ms. Ahmet III, 74/11, fols. 22a-24a; the list of the idols is given on fol. 24a, inf.-24b. 34 On a monotheistic aspect of a Jiihiliyya practice rendered by Muqatil by kadhib, lie, and identified with the falsehood inherent in the Jilin talbiyiit, that associate gods and idols with God. Ziir is thus defined as al-shirku fi l-talbiya, 9 attribution of a partner to God in the talbiya. Muqatil's list, in which fifty six forms of talbiya are recorded, is however a composite affair. Several of the talbiyiit are in fact duplicates with certain variations. The first eight talbiyiit give the utterances of the tribes without referring to the names of the gods. The ninth relates the utterances of the women who perform the circumambulation of the Ka' ba while naked. The tenth gives the talbiya of Adam. The following twenty talbiydt (nos. 11-31) are listed by the names of the gods worshipped by the different tribes, without however giving the names of the tribes. This series of talbiyiit is preceded by the heading: talbiyatu l-'arabi Ii l-jdhiliyyati and ends with the phrase: wa-hiidhihi ru'iisu tawdghitihim ... The forms of talbiya which constitute this series correspond to those which occur in the report of Muhammad b. Habib. The close relation between the text of Muqatil and that of Ibn Habib is evident. In the talbiya of the tribes worshipping Sa'lda (no. 23) the last line of the talbiya breaks the chain of sal -rhymes: miyiiha and raqiiha are followed by tii'o. This same wording is recorded in Ibn Habib's alMuhabbar, where however a marginal gloss in the Ms. of al-Muhabbar replaces the last word by al-nasdha. 10 The lacuna in the talbiya of the worshippers of a1Muntabiq (Muqatil, no. 19) can clearly be seen in the Mss., indicating that some phrases of the utterance are missing; the text is identical with that given in alMuhabbar (p. 313, 1.1), but the printed edition of al-Muhabbar has no note about a lacuna in the Ms. The heading missing in the talbiya no. 25 (Muqatil, fo1. 23a sup.): wa-kanat talbiyata man nasaka li-yaghiitha can be supplied from the account of al-Muhabbar (p. 314, 1.1). Furthermore Ibn Habib's account of the idols worshipped by the Arabs also shows close similarity with that of Muqatil, though it is more detailed.'! In another series of talbiyiit (nos. 32-56) only the name of the tribe in which the invocation was used is given, or else both the name of the tribe and that of the idol of the tribe are specified. Three of the talbiya invocations in this series (nos. 33, 34, 36) are reported on the authority of Ibn Ishaq (d. 150 H); one talbiya (no. 35) is recorded on the authority of al-Sha b i (d. 109 H). The divergent versions of the talbiyiit as recorded in the chapter of Muqatil's Tafsir, the variously formulated utterances, the three traditions on the authority of Ibn Ishaq and the one of al-Sha bI - all this seems to indicate that the chapter was put together by the combination of several sources. This conjecture is corroborated by the fact that two out of the five consulted Mss. (Koprulu 143, fols. 175b penult.-176a; Hamidiyya 58, fo1. 255a.-255b) contain only the first ten 9 10 11 Muqatil,op. cit., fol. 22a, sup. Al-Muhabbar, p. 313, note 5. See Muqatil, op. cit., fol. 24b; and see another short account ibid., fol. 210b. 35 talbiyiit. One may venture to say that some parts of the account were inserted by the transmitter of the Tafsir, al-Hudhayl b.Habib al·Dandani.12 An examination of the talbiyiit mentioned above together with a few more from other sources may shed some light on certain Significant aspects of these ritual invocations. The well known Jahili talbiya associating a partner with GOd13 is recorded in Muqatil's account as the talbiya of Quraysh, who were worshippers of Isiif.14 This very talbiya is however recorded as the ritual invocation of the Hums, a group of tribes including Quraysh, Khuza' a, Kinana and 'Amlr b. Sa'sa'a, as stated in this report. IS In another form of the talbiya of the Hums they invoke God, addressing Him as the Lord of Sirius (rabbu I-shi'ra) and ask His aid against the offenders. They address Him as the Lord of Manat, 16 3I.Lat and al~Uzza and as the Lord of the sanctuary of the Ka'ba (rabbu l-ka 'bati l-hariim). They came to Him riding on lean camels - having evidently made an ardous journey - and left the idols forsaken and desolate, (khilwan sifran), as they say in their invocation. I? It is, of course, of some importance to find the talbiya of the Hums, a group closely connected by ties of loyalty and allegiance with the Ka'ba, observing distinctive ritual practices during the IJ.ajj and enjoying a special privileged position in Mecca. While the Jahil] talbiya with regard to associating a partner is usually attibuted to Quraysh, or to Quraysh and Kmana," the latter talbiya attributed to the Hums seems to be congruous with their religious ideas and their duties during the lJajj. The talbiya expounds clearly their belief in the authority of Allah over the principal Arab deities al-Lat, al~Uzza and Manat. God is the Lord of the Kaba and the idols of the gods had been left behind void and insignificant. This may be quite a faithful exposition of their belief. Moreover, the arduous journey fits in well with the fact that they exercised exertions in worship during the lJajj. See Sezgin GAS, I, 37 ( ... "Dieser fiigte an manchem Stellen dem Text von Muqlltil von anderen hinzu "), On the transmission of the Tafstr see al-Khatfb alBaghdadt, Ta'nkh Baghdlld, VII, 143, no. 3591, IX, 426, no. 5039; and see MuqatiI, op. cit., fol, 33a. IS See above, note 3. I. MuqatiI op. cit., fol. 22b (no. 11); Ibn Habtb, al·Mu/Jllbbar, p. 311; al-Ya'qobt, op. cit. I, 296; Husain, op. cit. p. 367, no. 15 (with the addition: aba l-banat bi-fadak , like inAba 1-'AII1' 's Risalat al-ghufran, p. 535). " MuqatiI, op. cit., fol. 22a (no. 1); a following comment says that the partner attachec by the Hums to God referred to the angels worshipped by them; this is the zQr, the falsehood (mentioned in the verse of the Qur'an), •• The phrase in the text: rabbu l-thalithati I-ukhra denotes, of course, Manat. 17 Muqatil op. cit., fol. 23b (no. 45). 18 See the talbiya uttered by Quraysh and Kinana on the Day of 'Arafa, containing the declaration of the associate partner: MuqatiI, op, cit., fol. 23a (no. 32). 12 Uberlieferugen 36 On a monotheistic aspect of a Jiihiliyya practice Their invocation of God to aid them against those who transgress seems to point to these tribal groups who did not observe the sanctity of the K~ba and violated the peace of the holy months of the /Jaji No clear answer can be given why their talbiya stressed that Allah was the Lord of Sirius..This very expression occurs in the Qur'an only once (Sura LIII, 49). Early commentators attribute the worship of Sirius to the tribe of Himyar, or to some ancestor of the Prophet or to the tribe of Khuza'a, This could explain the naming of God as the Lord of Sirius, as Khuza'a were a part of the Hums. But the expression "the Lord of Sirius ... the Lord of al-Iiit and al-'Uzza" recurs as well in the talbiya of Madhhij.19 Quite different was the talbiya of Ghassan. They invoke God on behalf of their kings, addressing Him as the Lord of their people.j" In the same vein is cast the very short talbiya of Rabta. They uttered their invocation, addressing God as the Lord of Rabfat al-Qasll'am.21 In both forms of the talbiya God is perceived as the Lord of the tribe. Another version of the talbiya of RabI'a (the worshippers of MuJ:larriq22) reflects sincere devotion and servitude and expresses the request that the pilgrimage be correct and sound: labbayka /Jajjan haqqan tdabbudan wa.riqqan.23 A third relation has some additional phrases describing the race of the pilgrims towards Mecca so that they may shave their heads.2A A fourth version shows some divergence: the Bakr b. ws'u stress in their talbiya on behalf of RabI' a their obedience to the Lord who is not worshipped in a church or in a synagogue. Their idols, they say, they have left protected and safe.25 A fifth report adds to the concise form of the devotion and servitude a phrase stating the Rabl'a did not come to Mecca to ask for gifts nor for reasons of trade. 26 This expression, stating that the pilgrims did not come for trade or profit, recurs in the talbiyiit of other tribes.?" It confirms the early traditions that the tribes refrained from trade activities during their pilgrimage. This was changed by " Muqatil,op. cit., fol. 23b (no. 41); al-Ya'qobI, op. cit., I, 297; and cornp, H.A.R. Gibb, "Pre-Islamic Monotheism in Arabia," Harvard Theological Review, 1962, pp. 275 inf. -276 . • 0 Muql!til, op. cit., fol. 24a (no. 54). '1 Ibn Hisham, Kitab at-ttisn, Hyderabad 1347, p. 219; and see on qash 'am as the sobriquet of RabI'a L 'A, s.v. q sh 'm . •• See Muqatil, op. cit., fol. 24b: we-kana al-muharriq bi-salmanali-bakri bni wa'ilin wa-sa'iri rabt'ata; Ibn l;Iablb,op. cit., p. 317. 23 Muqatil, op. cit., fol. 22b (no. 17); Ibn Habtb, p. 312; Aba 1-'AIl!' al-Ma'arrt, op. cit., p.536. . Muqatil,op. cit., for 23b (no. 38) . •s Muqatil,op. cit., fol. 24a (no. 50) . •• Muqatil,op. cit., fol 22a (no. 4); cf. L 'A, s.v. r q h: some people used to utter in their talbiya in the period of the Jl!hiliyya: ii'nska li-l-na~alJa a-lamna'ti li-l-raqaha. w 2? See e.g. Muqatil, op. cit., fol. 22b (no. 23), fol. 23b (nos. 36, 39,44); Ibn Habtb, op. cit., p. 313. 24 37 th revelation (Siira II, 198) which gave Muslims permission to carry out business transactions during the haii. 28 The description of the hardship of travel during the pilgrimage, the lean camels, the race to reach Mecca, the exertion of performing the haii by foot as exposed in the talbiyar" - all these features are in agreement with the reports about the pilgrimage in the period of the Jahiliyya and with the stories about exertions during the f;aji in Islamic times. The talbiyiit reflect the ideas of the tribes about the supreme God as well as their perception of the relation between the lesser gods and the supreme God. The idea that the gods are inferior and dependent upon God is expressed in the talbiya of Kinda, Hadramaut and Sakiin, To the Jahili talbiya of association (above note 3) they added: ... "Thou possessest him (i.e. the partner - K) whether Thou destroyest or leavest him; Thou art the Forbearing (al-I}al/m), therefore leave him.3o Judham prided themselves in their talbiya of their royal descendance, of their forbearing minds and addressed God as "the God of the idols" (ilahu l-asndmii, naming Him al-Rahman." In the talbiya of Daus God is named "the Lord of the idols" (rabbu l-a~niimi).32 Tamirn mentioned in their talbiya God the Creator; it is He whom they singled out by their invocation (wa-akhlasat /i-rabbiha duCahii).33 Qays 'Aylan describe themselves as being together with their idols, in humble submission to al-Rahrnan.P' Thaqif, asking for forgiveness of their sins, stated that their goddesses, al-Lat and al-' Uzza, were in the hands of God and that the idols yielded obediently to Him.3s Asad named God "the One," "the Subduer" and asserted that they did not worship the idols;36 they also mentioned Him in the talbiya as "al-rabbu l-samad," The meaning of the word al-samad, which occurs only once in the Qur'an,37 as one of God's attributes is usually explained as "the Lord to whom people direct themselves in their needs;,,38 there 28 See e.g. Muqatil, op. cir., I, 31b; Ibn al-tArabt, Ahkam al-qur'an, Cairo 1387/1967, 1,135 inf. -136; al-Tabarr, Ta[Slr, ed. Shakir, IV, 164-168. nos. 3763, 3771, 3775,3777,3781 (noteworthy is the expression of the commentator: [a-rukhkhisa lahum ... "and they were granted concession") 3787 (and see another version of the verse: no. 3766); al-SuYU~I, alDurr an-manthur, I, 222; al-Raghib al-Isfahant, MuJ;adariit al-udaba', Beirut 1961, II, 465; and see JESHO XV (1972) 76, note 4. 29 See e.g. Muqatil, op. cit ; fol. 22a (nos. 3,7), 23a (no. 34), 23b (no. 44), 24a (no. 49). 3. Muqatil,op. cit ; fol. 24a (no. 53); al-Ya'qnbr, op. cit., I, 297, 11.4-5. 31 Muqatil,op. cit., fol. 24a (no. 52); comp. the fragmentary talbiya in al-Ya'qubt, op. cit., 1,297. 32 Muqatil,op. cit., fol, 24a (no. 56). 33 Muqatil,op. cit., fol. 23a (no. 33); cornp. al-Ya'qubt, op. cit., I, 296. 34 Muqatil,op. cit., fol. 23b (no. 37); and comp. the talbiya of 'Akk and the Ash'ariyynn (ib. no. 40): haijun li-l-rahman, dhallat lahu l-asnam. 35 Muql1til,op. cit" fol. 24a (no. 48). 36 Muqatil,op. cit., fol, 23a (no. 35), 37 SOra CXII, 2. 38 See e.g. Abo Mishal, Kitab al-nawadir, ed. 'Izzat Hasan, Damascus 1380/1961, pp. 122-123 (and see the references of the editor, ib., note "35"); L'A s.v, s m d; Ahmad bv Hamdan al-Razt, al-Ztna, edv Husayn al-Hamdant, Cairo 1958, II, 43-45; and comp. linin al-'Aud, 38 On a monotheistic aspect of a Jdhlliy y a practice are however other explanations and some of them seem to have been introduced together with the later ideas about the attributes of God. The talbiya of Himyar is significant. They stress in their invocation that they address God on behalf of the kings and the petty rulers (ani l-muliiki wa-l-aqwdl} [of people - KJ of prudence and forbearing minds, who practise piety towards their kinsmen, staying away from sins by self-withdrawal (from shame - k) and out of Islam (tanazzuhan wa-isldmi. They declare that they humbly submit to the Lord of mankind, yielding to Him on every elevated place [they and their - K] idols and gods.39 The word isliim and its meaning need elucidation. It occurs only once in the talbiyat ; in the quoted invocation of Hirnyar ; it is preceded by the phrase of eschewing sins, coupled with the word tanazzun denoting keeping aloof from shameful and wicked deeds, and followed by the statement of obedience to the God of mankind. It is apparent that the word islam placed between a word which denotes abstention from sin and another one, which talks of submission to God, both terms bearing as they do a religio-ethical connotation, also belongs to the same semantic field. It probably denotes the idea of exclusive devotion to one God, as assumed by the late D.Z. Baneth. In his illuminating discussion of the social and religious background of the Prophet's activity, Baneth made the following observation: ... The fundamental change required by Muhammad was the abandonment of polytheism, to serve one god only, the same god which they had already previously known under the name of Allah. Does not the idea suggest itself to seek this very meaning of adopting monotheism in the words aslama, isliim:>40 This meaning proposed for islam by Baneth, is indeed confirmed by the definition given by Muqatil in his Tafsir: muslim is consistently interpreted by mukhlisun bi-l-tauhidi (or: bi-tauhidi llahi);41 Islam and ikhlds are here given as identical in connotation. H. Ringgren, analyzing the meaning of ikhliis and mukhlis states that "the context indicates that making one's religion khdlis to God is contrary to choosing patrons apart from Him,,,42 and finds fit Bell's translation: "making Him the exclusive object of religion.,,43 One may venture to assume Dtwan, ed, Ahmad Naslm, Cairo 1350/1931, p. 39,1. 12; Ibn Muqbil, Dtwan, ed. 'Izzat Hasan, Damascus 1:,81/ 1962, p. 51, 1. 3; al-Raghib al-Isfahanr, al-Mufradat ft ghartbi l-qur'an, Cairo 1324, p. 288. 39 Muqatil,op. cit., fol. 23b (no. 43). 40 D.Z.H. Baneth, "What did Muhammad mean when he called his religion Isillm? The original rnearning of A slama and its derivatives," Israel Oriental Studies I (1971) 184. 41 See e.g. Muqatil, op. cit ; I, 51a (aslamtu ya'nt akhlastu), I, 57a tkuntum muslimtna ya'nt mukhlistna lahu bi-l-tauhtdii, II, 58b, ult.-59a, 1. 1 tqabla an ya'tunt muslimtna, ya'· nl mukhlistna bi-l-tauhtdii. II, 59b, 1. 3 twa-kunna muslimtna ya'nt mukhlistna bi-l-tauhtdi min qabliha'; II, 61b, 1.4 from bottom, II, 62a, 1. 5 from bottom, II, 73b, II, 83a, b, 1. 2, II, 123a, II, 2Ila, I. 6. 42 H. Ringgren, "The Pure Religion," Oriens XV (1962), 93-96. 43 Ibid., p. 94 inf. 39 that isliim here denotes the idea ascribed to it in the Qur'an. This may change to some extent the accepted views about the beliefs of the people of the Jahiliyya and provide a clue for an evaluation as to how monotheistic ideas were adopted and transmitted from the Jahiliyya period to Islam. The talbiya of Jurhum'" is of an altogether different content and purport. This tribe was already extinct by the advent of Islam, and traditions as to their origin and ancestors were shrouded in a web of miracles and legend. The talbiya of Jurhum is thus merely a reminiscence of an early talbiya of an ancient tribe perpetuated in the invocation of the worshippers of Dhu l-Kaffaynj" this idol was worshipped by Daus'" and Khuza'a.?? Muqatil records two versions of the talbiya of Jurhum: a short one, the talbiya of the worshippers of Dhii l-Kaffayn, who utter the invocation of Jurhum, and a longer one referred to above (note 44), recorded as the talbiya of Jurhum. They invoke God, stating that they are his servants; that people are (like) newly acquired property, while they are (like) the hereditary property of God; that they have dwelt in God's land and caused it to flourish and that to be remote from God is something which one cannot stand. Further they say in their invocation that they are the first to come to God's meeting place; they will oppose anyone who shows hostility towards God until they set the faith straight in His valley/" The first three hemistichs of this rajaz are often quoted in the sources and attributed to 'Arnr b. al-Harith (or 'Arnfr b. al Harith) b. Mu4a(L49 they became incorporated into the talbiya. The concept of man assisting God against His enemies is of considerable antiquity in Islam, recurring as it does in the Qur'an and in early Islamic literature. The contrasting pair of notions "tirf" (or (Urf) and "tiliid", current in ancient Arabic poetry is here interpreted as pointing to the heavenly origin of Jurhum, "tiliiduka", "Thy hereditary property"; their ancestor is said to have been an angel who, having sinned, was sent down to earth. 50 It is noteworthy that al-Tufayl b. 'Amr al-Dausi pulling down the idol of Dhii l-Kaffayn uttered his denunciation of the pagan worship of the idol in the same metre, rajaz, and with the same rhyme. 51 See on this tribe EP, s.v. Djurhum (W.M. Watt). Muqatil,op. cit., fo1. 23a (no. 30) . • 6 Al-Ya'qubr, op. cit., I, 296; al-Baghdadt, Khizanat al-adab (ed. Balaq), III, 246 sup. 47 Muhammad b.l:lablb, op. cit., p. 318. 48 Muqatil,op. cit., fo1. 22a (no. 6); comp. Ibn l:lablb, op. cit 0' p. 314 . •• Al-Tabart, Ta'rtkh, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahtrn, Cairo 1961, II, 285; al-Fast, Shifa' al-gharam, Cairo 1956, I, 357, 374; al-Tsamt, Simt al-nujum al-tawalt ; Cairo 1380, I, 174; al-Mawardt, A'llIm al-nubuwwa, Cairo 1319, p. 120; Abll l-Baqa', al-Manaqib al-mazyadiyya, Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23, 296, fol. 79b. so AI-'I~amI, op. cit., I, 174 inf. - 175. 51 Ibn Hisham, al-Stra al-nabawiyya, ed. al-Saqa, al-Abyart , Shalabt, Cairo 1355/1936, II, 25; al-Kalbt, al-Asnam, p. 37; Ibn Habfb, op. cit., p. 318 (with the variant in the first hemistich: ylI dha l-kaffayni lastu min tiladika): al-Waqidr, al-Maghazt , ed. Marsden Jones, London 1966, p. 923; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, ed. 'All Muhammad al-BijawI, Cairo 1392/1972, III, 521; al-Dimyatt, al-Mukhtasar ft strati sayyidi l-bashar, Ms. Chester Beatty 3332, fol. l06b. 44 4S 40 On a monotheistic aspect of a Jdhiliy y a practice The phrase "wa-humu l-awwalima 'alii ml'iidika" deserves attention. Although the word ml'iid occurs several times in the Qur 'an, the use of the word with the preposition 'alii is not attested in the Qur an, It occurs however with the preposition 'alii in the famous poem of al-Aswad b. Ya'fur." In the talbiya of Jurhum the word seems to denote an appointed time or an appointed place of meeting; in this case it is the time of the /:lajj as established by God or the place appointed by God for the pilgrimage, Mecca." To the sphere of Jahil'i custom also belongs the invocation by women who used to perform the circumambulation naked. To the usually recorded rajaz - verse 54 Muqatil adds three rajaz hemistichs about the spectators who watch the corpulent women. 55 The body-features mentioned in the last hemistich resemble the details provided about Duba'a when she circumambulated the Ka'ba in the nude.56 II Abu I-'Alii' al-Ma'arri remarks, classifying the different forms of the talbiydt , that there is no talbiya (scil. from the period fo the Jahiliyya - K) cast in one of the qasida - metres. He remarks with caution that talbiyiit may have perhaps been uttered in one of the qasida metres, but they were not recorded by the transmitters. Most of them are utterances cast in saj' or rajaz form. 57 Goldziher analyzed thoroughly the role of sai' and rajaz and their occurrence in invocations, curses, wisdom sayings and in oracular utterances." Gibb succintly referred to sal and rajaz in connection with the style of the Our an, assuming that there was an estab- 52 Al-Dabbl, al-Mufaddaliyyat, ed. Lyall, XCIV, 11, rendered by Lyall: "Now sweep the winds over all their dwellings: empty they lie, as though their lords had been set a time and no more to be"; al-A'sha, Dtwan, ed. Geyer (A'sM Nahshal XVII, II) p.296 (and see the references of the editor). 53 My son, Menahem Kister, provided me with the following note: "The word mo'ed in Hebrew has, in addition to its current meanings in the Scriptures, two other denotations: (1) a holy place, a sanctuary (see e.g. Ps. LXXIV, 4,8, Lam. II, 6; cf. ohel mo'ed in this sense; and cf. plJr m'd in the Ugaritic myths indicating the place of the meeting of the gods); (2) a festival, a holiday (see e.g. Lev. XXIII, 37). One of these two meanings suits perhaps the phrase here. The expression ba'ey mo'ed (Lam. I, 4) which seems to denote "pilgrims" is probably jlerived from one of these 2 meanings (see the commentary of Ibn Ezra on this verse)". I have failed to trace this meaning in the Arabic sources. 54 AI-AzraqI, op. cit., pp. 124-125; al-Tsamt, op. cit., I, 219; cf. the story of Duba'a bint 'Amir: Ibn J:la"bIb, l-Munammaq, ed. Kh~rsheed Ahmad Fariq , Hyderabad 1964, p. 272. a 55 Muqatil, op. cit., fol. 22a (no. 9); cf. Mughultay, al-Zahr al-btisim , Ms. Leiden Or. 370, fol. 100a. 56 Cf. Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VIII, 153 inf.; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, VIII, 6; Mughultay, op. cit., fols. 99b-l00a; al-Wahidt,op. cit., pp. 151-152. 5. 57 Abol~~Ala',op. cit., p. 537. J. Goldziher, Abhandlungen zur Arabischen Philologie , Leiden 1896. 41 lished style of religious discourse in the period of the Jahiliyya.t" Tradition stresses the efficacy of saj' invocations uttered in the haram of Mecca in the period of the Jahiliyya and directed against wrong-doers and oppressors. The Sira of Ibn Ishaq in the transmission of Yiinus b. Bukayr has a special chapter recording cases of this kind.6o In early Islam saj' and rajaz were considered a product of the Bedouin mind and it was deemed especially odious to link the Qur'ii:n with raiaz/" The Prophet is said to have prohibited the use of saj' in mvocauons." Some saj' invocations of the Jahiliyya period were indeed utterly forgotten. According to the report of al-Fakihi the people performing the tawdf between al-Safa and al-Marwa in the period of the Jahiliyya used to utter the following short invocation: al-yauma qirri 'aynd: bi-qari l-marwataynai" This invocation is never encountered again in the Islamic period. some 01 the invocations of the talbiya in their sal or rajaz forms did, however, survive and were adopted by the Prophet; he used to utter them during his pilgrimage. The invocation labbayka hajjan haqqd: taabbudan wa-riqqd mentioned above'" was uttered by the Prophet in his talbiya. 65 Ibn Manziir records the verses uttered by Abu Khirash al-Hudhali (sa' y) between al-Safa and al-Marwa: liihumma hddhii khdmisun in tamma: atammahu llahu wa-qad atammii: during running 59 H.A.R. Gibb, Arabic Literature, Oxford 1963, pp. 14-15, 34-35; idem, "Pre Islamic Monotheism in Arabia," Harvard Theological Review, 1962, pp. 278-279. 6' A. Guillaume, "New Light on the Life of Muhhamad," JSS, Monograph No, 1, Manchester n.d., pp. 15-18 ("The Potency ofInvocations Pronounced in Saj'"). Guillame remarked that he had been unable to find this passage elsewhere. The stories of this passage can, however, be traced in al-Kala'r's al-Iktifa', I, 66~9; Ibn al-Athtr, Usd al-ghaba, BOiaq 1280, III, 150-151; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, IV, 752-753; Ibn Abl I-Dunya, Kitab muiabt l-da'wa, Bombay 1389/1969, pp, 10-14, no. 5; Abo I-Baqa' Muhammad b. al- .t;>iya' al-Makkl al-Adawt, A!JWlll makka wa-l-madtna, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 11865, fols, 119b-121a; Ibn Zuhayra, al-Jami' al-lattf ft fadli makkata wa-ahliha wa-bina'i l-bayti l-shartf, Cairo 1357/1938. p. 61. 61 See al-Baladhurt, Ansab al-ashraf, Ms. fo!. 1211b: .. 'ani l-salti bni dtnarin qala: sam i'tu I-!Jajjllja 'ala minbari wasitin yaqulu: qatala llahu 'abda hudhaylin, wa-llahi ma qara 'a mimma anzala llahu 'alll muhammadin harfan, wa-mil huwa illa rajazu 1- 'arabi, wa-llahi lau adraktuhu la-saqaytu l-arda min damihi; Ibn Abr l-Dunya, al-Ishraf ft manazil al-ashraf, Ms. Chester Beatty 4427, fol. 62b (al-Hajjaj refers to the version of the Qur'an of Ibn Mas'ud). " See L 'A, s.v.s j 'a; 'All al-Qart, al-Asrar al-marfu'a ft l-akhbar al-maudu'a, ed. Muhammad al-Sabbagh, Beirut 1391/1971, p. 140, no. 109 (see the comments of the editor); cf. 'Abd ai-Malik b. HabIb, al-Ta'rtkh, Ms. Bodleian, Marsh. 288, p. 167,1. 17. (. .. qillll; aqbalna min al-fajji t-tamtq na'ummu l-bayta l-tattq: fa qala 'umaru: qad waqa'u ft hadha, ya'nr saj'a l-kalam wa-tahstnahu. " AI-FakihI, Ta'rlkh makka, Ms. Leiden, Or. 463, fo!. 380a, 11. 2-3. 6. Note 22. " Abo 'Abdallah al-Sarr, Juz', Leiden, Or. 2465, fols. 7a-b, 8b; Nor al-Dtn al-Haythamt, op. cit., II, 223; al-Muttaqr I-Hindr, Kanz al-tummal. Hyderabad 1374/1954, V, 16, 77-78, nos. 138, 634~35; Murta"a l-Zabrdr, op. cit., IV 337 inf. 42 On a monotheistic aspect of a Jdhiliy y a practice in taghfiri lliihumma tagfir jammii: wa-ayyu 'abdin laka Iii alammii:66 AI-Tabari who reports on the authority of Mujahid that the people used to circumambulate the Ka 'ba uttering the second verse: in taghfiri lliihuma ... 67 records however another tradition saying that the Prophet recited this verse.t" According to a tradition recorded by Ibn Manziir the second verse (in taghfir ... ) was composed by Umayya b. abi 1_~alt.69 The verse is indeed ascribed to Umayya b. ab'i l-Salt in the Kitiib al-Aghiini and two versions are related about the circumstances in which Umayya composed the verse: according to al-Zuhri he uttered it during the miraculous opening of his breast; according to Thabit b. al-Zubayr he recited it before his death.?" According to a tradition reported by Ibn al-Kalbi the verse was uttered by al-Dayyan (the ancestor of the Bami l-Dayyan)?' during his prayer.72 These verses (with the variant: alliihumma hiidhii wdhidun in tammii ... ) are recorded by Husain as the talbiya of the Ash 'ariyyun. 73 Muqatil records a talk between 'Umar and Abu Burda (the son of Abu Milsa al-Ash'arl) in which he asked him about the talbiya of the Ash'ariyyun. Abu Burda quoted the following form of their Jahili talbiya: alliihumma hiidhii wdhidun innamii: 74 athamahu lliihu wa-qad athimii: in taghfiri lliihumma ... 75 It is thus a divergent version with a different intent: God knows the sins of the men who commit them (and will certainly punish them - K); if God forgives He will forgive them all together, as there is no believer who has not sinned. The four hemistichs seem to have been a widely current popular invocation and their authorship was, as usually in such cases, ascribed to different poets, or recorded as a ritual invocation of individuals or groups.?" •• L:4 s.v. I m m; aI-SUy1ltI, Sharh shawahid al-mughnt , ed. al-Shanqrtt, rev. Ahmad zsfir Kojan, Damascus 1386/1966, p.625, no.388 (with the variant in the first hemistich: hadha rabi'un); Ahmad b. Hamdan aI-Razr, op. cit., II, 15. 67 AI-Tabarl, Tafslr (BOIag) XXVII, 40; al-Suyntt, Sharh shawahid, p. 625. 68 AI-Tabar1, Tafstr, XXVII, 39; al-Qurtubt, Tafslr, XVII, 107; aI-SUy1lt1, al-Durr al-manthui, VI, 127 inf.; al-Munawr, Fayd al-qadtr, Cairo 1391/1972, III, 28, no. 2662; cf. L'A, s.v. jmm. 69 L 'A, s.v. I m m. 70 Aghant (BOlag) III, 190-191; al-Darnrrr, Hayat al-hayawan, Cairo 1383/1963, II, 402403; al-Jumaht, Tabaqat fuhut ai-shu 'ara " ed. Mahmud Shakir, Cairo 1952, pp. 223-224 (and see the references of the editor, p. 224, note 3); and see Sadr aI-DIn al-Basrt, al-Hamasa albasriyya, ed. Mukhtar al-Drn Ahmad, Hyderabad 1383/1964, II, 431, no. 53 (and see the references recorded by the editor); 'Abd al-Qadir al-Baghdadt, Khizanat al-adab, ed. 'Abd alSalam Hartin, Cairo 1388/1968, II, 295-296 (and see the references given by the editor); Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, I, 252. 71 See on him Ibn Hazrn , Jamharat ansab al-tarab, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Haran, Cairo 1962, p.416. 72 Aghant ; X, 146, penult. 73 Husain, op cit., p. 365, no. 3. 74 The metre here is defective. Perhaps: lahumma has to be read. 7S Mugatil,op. cit., 24a (no. 51). "a Cf. 'Abd aI Qadir al-Baghdadt, op. cit., 11,295. 43 The two last hemistichs were adopted by the Prophet and uttered by him in his invocation. This is another instance for the way in which Jahilf pious ideas tainted by a shade of monotheism were taken up by Islam. The delegation of Najran, who journeyed to Medina to meet the Prophet, was preceded by Kurz b. 'Alqama who uttered the following rajaz verses: i/ayka ta'du qaliqan wadinuhii: mu'taridan fi batnihii janinuhii: mukhaztfan dina'l-na~ara dinuha76 Several traditions report that 'Umar recited these verseswhen driving his riding beast swiftly through the Wadi Muhassir during his ~ajj. 77 Another tradition relates that the Prophet uttered these verses when on his ifoqa from 'Arafa." It is quite significant that these rajaz verses, marked as a piece of Yamani poetry, are recorded as the talbiya of the Asad and Ghatafan."" These rajaz-verses are yet another case of the absorption of Jahil'i material, whereby it was transformed into a part of the Muslim ritual invocation. According to current tradition the tribal talbiyiit were prohibited and were substituted by a Muslim formula. This is c1early reflected in the story of 'Amr b. Ma'dfkarib, reported on the authority of Sharqi b. Qutami: the old tribal talbiya, telling about the strenuous efforts of the journey and about the idols left void behind them, was replaced by the prescribed Muslim talbiya.80 The case of the talbiya of Zubayd, as recorded by Muqatil, is however different. The Jahili talbiya mentioned above was replaced by a new one in which God is addressed as "the Lord of the lords" (rabbu l-arbdb) and "the Subduer of every idol and graven image in the land" tqdhiru kulli wathanin wa-sanamin fi l-bilad).81 It is the only , ,. Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., I, 357; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, V, 586, no. 7403; al-Kalil'I, al-Ikti/4, 1,259. 77 Al-Bayhaqt, al-Sunan al-kubra, V, 126; al-Bakrr, Mu'jam mil sta'jam, ed. Mu~~afa l-Saqa, Cairo 1368/1949, pp. 1191 inf. - 1192; Ibn AbI Shayba,al-Mu¥lnflll[. ed. 'Abd alKMliq al-Afghant, Hyderabad 1386/1966, IV, 81; Nor ai-DIn al-Haythamt, op, cit., III, 256; L 'A, s.v, wdn; al-Muttaqt l-Hindt, op. cit.; V, 116, no. 866, 111, no. 837 (with the hemistich: wa·ayyu 'abdin laka III alamma, added); Muhibb al-Dtn al-Tabar I, op. cit., p. 414; Ibn al-Athlr, al-Nihaya, s.v. wdn; cf al-Fakihr,op. cit ; fol. 531a; and see Abo 'Ubayda, Majllz al-Qur'l1n, ed. F. Sezgin, Cairo, 1381/1962, II, 249, no. 898, Murtac;la I-ZabIdI, op. cit., IV, 386. ,8 Ibn al-Athtr, al-Nihaya, s.v. wdn; L'A, s.v. wdn; Mul:tibb al-Drn al-Tabart, op. cit., p. 414; NOr al-Drn al-Haythamr, op. cit., Ill, 156. ,. Muqatil,op. cit., 22a (no. 8). 80 Al-Tabarant, al-Mu'jam al-sagbtr, ed. 'Abd al-Rahrnan 'Uthman, Cairo 1388/1968, I, 59; Nor al-Dtn al-Haythamt, op. cit., III, 111; al-Tahawr, SharlJ ma'ant l-athar, II, 124-125; Ibn al-Athtr, Usd ai-ghaba, IV, 133; Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba, IV, 690; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isn'ab, ed. 'All Muhammad al-Bijawt, Cairo 1380/1960, p. 1203; aI-Kha~Ib ai-BaghdadI, Ta'rlkh, V,282. 81 Muqatil,op. cit., 24a (no.49). 44 On a monotheistic aspect of a Jiihiliyya practice case in which a separate talbiya of a tribe is mentioned in the period of Islam. It is interesting to note that this talbiya stresses the struggle of God against the gods and the idols and His subjugation of them, thus giving a clear idea how Islam was conceived by the tribes in its nascent period. The animosities between the tribes are reflected in the talbiyiit of 'Abd al-Qays and Qays 'Aylan. The Qays 'Aylan in their talbiya make the complaint that Bakr (scil. b. Wa)il) interpose between them and God; people obey God, while Bakr disbelieve Him. Were it not for Bakr b. Wa)il people would set out in crowds for the pilgrimage.82 The worshippers of Dhii I·LIba (i.e. the 'Abd al-Qays) invoke God that He may turn Mudar away from them, make the journey safe and relieve them from the lords of Hajar.83 The complaint of the 'Abd al-Qays recurs in fact in another setting: when the delegation of 'Abd al-Qays came to the Prophet they complained that they were unable to reach Medina, save during the holy months, because the Mudartribes stood in their way. 84 • Different in content and in setting is the talbiya of Adam. Adam mentions that God created him with His own hand, bestowed on him graces and attests that God is the Lord of the House (i.e. the Ka'ba).85 It is apparent that this talbiya, in contradistinction to the other Jiihili ones, is rooted in the Muslim concept of the role of Adam and of other prophets in establishing the lJajj and its rites. Adam built the Ka'ba;86 he is said to have performed the lJajj from India seventy times.87 Prophets 82 Muqatil, op. cit., fol. 22a (no. 5), 22b (no. 22, given as the talbiya of the worshippers of Manat; and so Ibn Habrb, al·Mul}abbar p. 313); see AbQ I-'Ala',op. cit., p. 536 (recorded as the talbiya of Tamtm). 8' Muqatil,op. cit., fol. 23a (no. 27); Ibn HabIb,al-Muhabbar, p. 314 . •• See e.g. al-Zurqanl, Sharh al-mawahib al-laduniyya, Cairo 1327, IV, 13-14; Ibn Kaunr, al-Stra al-nabawiyya, ed. Mu~tafa 'Abd al-WaJ:tid,Cairo 1385/1966, IV, 88; 'AIr b. Burhan al-Dtn, Insan al-tuyan (= al-Stra al-halabiyyar, Cairo, 1382/1962, III, 251. The animosity between TamIm and RabI'a was reflected in certain I}a//-practices: the tribes used to rally in al-Muhassab and would leave according to an established order, to avoid clashes among them. Ibn 'Abbas remarked that Tamtm and RabI'a used to fear each other (kanat banu tamtmin wa-rabt'atu takhafu ba'duha ba'dan). See al-Fakiht, op. cit.; fol. 481b. 85 Muqatil,op. cit., fol, 22b (no. 10) . •• See e.g, Muhibb al-Dtn al-TabarI, op. cit., p. 47 inf.; al-$aliJ:tI,Subul al-huda wa-l-rashad, ed. Mu~tafa 'Abd al-WaJ;1.id 167 (1.4 from bottom) I, 167, 168 (1.3 from bottom), 168, I, (1.3 from bottom), 171-172; al-Khuwarizmt, Itharatu l-targhtb wa-l-tashwtq illJ l-masaiidi l-thalathati wa-ila l-bayti l-tattq, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 4584, fol. 17a, 1.4; cf. Murta~a 1-ZabldI, op. cit., IV, 356 sup. 87 AI-Isfara'Inr, Zubdatu l-a'mal, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3034, fol. 35a (or 40 times as Ibid., fol, 36a); Muhibb al-Dtn al-Tabart, op. cit., p. 48 sup.; al~aliJ:tI. op. cit., 1,242-243; and see al-Daylamt, Firdaus, Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 117a, inf.: qad aUllldamu hadha l-bayta alfa utyatin mina l-hindi 'allJ riilayhi, 10m yarkab [thinna min dhalika thalntha mi'ati !la/jatin wa-sab'a mi'ati 'umratin, wa-awwalu !lajjatin haiiahlllldamu wa-huwa waqifun bi-tarafatin atahu jibrtlu fa-qala yll adamu burra nuskuka, amll inna qad tufna bi-hadha l-bayti qabla an tukhlaqa bi-khamstna alfa sana tin. . 45 and saints used since then to perform the pilgrimage, mostly walking, and used to utter the talbiya in various fonns.88 It is evident that the Muslim talbiya is, according to Muslim concepts, an adequate extension of the talbiyiit uttered by the prophets while performing their /:lajj to the Ka'ba in Mecca. III Muslim scholars differ in their assessment of the position of the talbiya: whether it has to be considered a sunna, an obligatory practice (wiijib), a recommended practice imandiibv, or an essential part of the ihrdm: 119 Neither are they unanimous concerning the form of the talbiya: some of them approve of an addition to the widely circulated talbiya of the Prophet and adduce various versions of the talbiya, others recommend to adhere to the accepted wording of the talbiya.i" A rather liberal opinion is given by al-Harbi: the muhrim utters his talbiya in whatever way he likes." According to a widely current tradition the Prophet was ordered by the angel Jibrfl to enjoin his Companions to utter the talbiya in a loud voice; the best pilgrimage was considered to be one which combined the loud cry of the talbiya with the slaughter of the sacrifice (afdalu l-lJajj al-'ajj wa-l-thajj). The Companions used to recite it in such a loud voice that they would become hoarse.92 There •• See e.g. Ahmad b. Hanbal, Kttab al-zuhd, Beirut 1396/1976, pp. 58, 74, 87; aI-BayhaqI, al-Sunan al-kubra, V, 42; al-~alil;1I, op. cit., I, 243-247; Muhibb at-urn aI-Tabarl, op. cit., pp, 49-56; al-Mundhirt, al-Tarhtb, ed. Muhammad Mul;1yr I-DIn 'Abd al-Harnld, Cairo 1380/ 1961, III, 20-22, nos. 1657-1662; ai-MuttaqI l-Hindt, op. cit., V, 78, no. 636; al-Qastallant, [rshad ai-sarI, III, 115; Nur aI-DIn al-Haythamt, op. cit ; III, 220-222; al..'Aynl, op. cit., IX, 173; al-Nuwayrt, Nihl1yat at-arab, Cairo n.d. I, 309-310; al-Majlisl, Bif;l1r al-anwar, XCIX, 44, no. 33; Ibn Babliyah, 'Ilal al-shara'i', pp. 418419 . •0 Al-Zurqant, Sharf; al-muwatta', III, 44, al-Shaukant, Nayl al-autar, Cairo 1380/1961, IV, 359 ult. - 360; Amrn Mahrned Khattab, op. cit., 1,111-112 sup.; al-'Aynl, op. cit., IX, 17linf.;al-Qastallanl,op. cit., III, 113;lbn i:lajar,Fatf;, III, 326 inf. - 327. O. AI-Shafi'I, op. cit., II, 132-133, 186; al-Zurqant, Sharf; al-muwatta', III, 34-37; Nor ai-DIn al-Haythamt, op. cit., III, 222; al-Shaukant, op. cit., IV, 359; Muhibb aI-DIn al-Tabarr, op. cit., pp. 173-174 (and see pp. 424,430);AmIn Mahmud Kha~~ab,op. cit., 1,109,112-113; aI-'Aynl, op. cit., IX, 173; Ibn Hajar, Fath, III, 325-326; al-Qastallant, op. cit., III, 114-115. 0' Al-Harbt, op. cit., p. 429: ... wa-kayfama sha'a l-muhrimu an yulabbiya labba. Ol See e.g. Abo Yosuf, op. cit., p. 95, no. 459; aI-Shafi'l, op. cit., 11,133; al-Harbt, op. cit., p. 429; al-Shaukant, op. cit., IV, 360 inf. -361; Muhibb aI-DIn al-Tabarr, op. cit., pp. 171-172; AmIn Ma.l;!mod aI-KhaHab, op. cit., I, 114-115; al-Zurqanr, Sharf; al-muwana', III, 4445; al-MundhirI, op. cit., III, 23 (no. 1663), 25 (nos. 1667-1668, 1670); al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, I, 450451; al-Munawt, Fayd al-qadtr, II, 31, no. 1248; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, ['111m al-muwaqqi'tn, Beirut 1973, IV, i99; Ibn al-Athtr, al-Nihaya, s.v. 'ajj; Ibn Hajar, Fath, III, 324; alQastallanj, op. cit., III, 113; L 'A, s.v. th j j, 'a j j; Murtada I-ZabIdl, op. cit., IV, 338; cf. Muhammad Na~ al-Albant, Silsilat al-ahadtth al·~af;I':a, Damascus 1392/1972, p. 504, no. 830; and see Gaudefroy Demornbynes, op. cit., p. 184. 46 On a monotheistic aspect of a Jdhiliy y a practice were, however, other traditions, mitigating ones, which warned of too loud cries which might cause harm to the pilgrims. It was recommended that the pilgrim utter the talbiya at every spot and in various positions: riding, alighting, Iying, ascending a hill or a mountain, descending into a valley, at meeting of caravans, in markets and in mosques; some scholars however tried to confine the permission to utter the talbiya to certain mosques in Mecca. It is advisable, according to some, that the talbiya be followed by an invocation for the Prophet (al-~aliit 'alii l-nabiyyi, ~allii lldhu 'alayhi wa-sallam). 93 It was permitted to utter the talbiya in foreign Ianguages too, even by a person with a good knowledge of Arabic." Scholars were not unanimous with regard to the place where the Prophet commenced the utterance of the talbiya nor about the time and the place where he concluded it.95 The divergencies of scholarly opinions about the various practices of the talbiya bear evidence that the mandatory forms of the talbiya had not been established by the end of the second century of the hijra, as already pointed out by Gaudefroy Dernombynes.P' The talbiya was however incorporated in the rites of the pilgrimage by the unanimous opinion of Muslim scholars, and its merits and reo wards were recorded in the compilations of hadith, 97 IV The chapter of the talbiyiit in Muqatil's Tafsir gives us a clue for a better understanding of the religious ideas of the tribes during the period of the Jahiliyya. The tribes of course had their gods and the places of worship of these gods were usually shared by other tribes allied with them or living in their neighbourhood. They believed however in a supreme God, who had His House in Mecca. On their pilgrimage to Mecca they directed themselves to this God, who held supremacy over their tribal gods. The relation between God and their gods, as perceived by the tribes, is reflected in the report of al-Ya'qnbt: when intending to perform the .3 Al-Shafi't, op. cit., II, 133-134, 186; al-Zurqant, Sharh al-muwatta', III, 46; Muhibb al-Drn al-Tabart, op. cit., pp. 172-180; al-Harbr, op. cit., p. 429; Amrn Mahmnd Khattab, op. cit., I, 11 i, 115; and see Gaudefroy Demombynes, op. cit., 181, 183-184; Murtada I-ZabldY, op. cit., IV, 339 . •• Arntn Mahmod Khattab, op. cit., I, 111; Gaudefroy Dernombynes, op. cit., p. 180. 95 See e.g. Ibn I:Iajar"Fat~, III, 317 inf. -318; al-Aynt, op. cit., IX, 159-160; al-Zurqant, Shar~ al-muwatta', III, 37-38, 43; Nor al-Dtn al-Haythamj, op. cit., III, 221; al-Tahawt, Sharh ma'ani t-amar, II, 120-123; al-Shaukant, op. cit., IV, 360-361; Muhibb al-Dtn al-Taban: op. cit., pp. 180-184 (and see pp. 415416); Amtn MaJ:tmod Khattab, op. cit., 1,31-35, 116-121; Gaudefroy Dernombynes, op. cit., pp. 181-183 . •• Gaudefroy Demombynes, op. cit., p, 183. 9? See e.g, al-Mundhirt, op. cit., III, 24-26, nos. 1665-1666, 1669, 1671; al-Hakim, op, cit., I, 451; al-Tibrtzt, MishklJt al-ma~bll}, Karachi 1350, p. 223 inf.; N11ral-Dtn al Haythaml, op. cit., III, 223 uIt.; Mul,tibb al-Dtn al-TabarI.op. cit., pp. 41, 70; see al-DayIamI, Firdaus, Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 157b: man labba sab'tna marratan ft ilJrlJmihiashhada llahu 'azza wa-jallasab'tna alfa malakin lahu bi-bara'atin min al-nari wa-barn'atin min al-nifiiqi. 47 pilgrimage to the Sanctuary at Mecca every tribe would come to ( the abode of) their idol and pray there; then they would set out uttering the talbiya (on their journey - K) until they reached Mecca." This report demonstrates to what extent there prevailed harmonious co-existence and co-operation between the tribal deities and the supreme God of Mecca. The Jahiliyya tribes cannot be said to have been straightforward polytheists; they were mushrikiin, i.e. while accepting and admitting the existence and supreme authority of God, they associated other deities with Him. The talbiyiit expose a remarkably rich religious vocabulary and termino .. logy. The attributes of God are well attested in the two monotheistic faiths pre .... ceding Isiam and are recurring in the Qur"an.99 It is the merit of Brockelmann, who in his study of the religious terms in the extant compilations of ancient Arabic poetry, adduced an abundant body of references to Allah and Rahman in the Jahi.. Ii poetry. Brockelmann also pointed out the various expressions pertaining to the conception of Allah in the Jahiliyya: God the Creator, the Lord of the creatures, the Omnipotent; God punishes and grants rewards; this is why He ought to be feared, revered, and praised. Brockelmann shows that expressions like hamd, khashya, hudii, taqwii occurring in the JIihiII poetry suggest a kind of religious perception of a High God akin to that of EI-' Olam and EI-'Elyon. Admitting that some details of the Genesis-story of creation might have reached Arabia, Broc.. kelmann refutes definitely the assumption that the concept of Allah might have been borrowed from one of the religions of Revelation or originated from animism.lOO Gibb, starting from a quite different point and using different material arrives at a rather similar conclusion, stressing the original Arabian concepts of monotheism which developed in the Arab peninsula and denying the hypothesis of a Jewish or Christian source for the Qur'an.101 In another article Gibb analyses the process of the rededication of the Jahili religious symbolism and the re..nter .. i pretation of the religious terms of the Jahiliyya into the monotheistic, Muslim ones.102 They are moulded in the genuine old Arabic forms of sa;' and rajaz and expose the belief in the supreme God of the Ka'ba, Allah, associated with tribal gods; this was an indigenous religious tradition, developed in the Arabian peninsula, •• AI-Ya'qnbI,Op. cit., I, 296 . •• See W. Montgomery Watt, "Belief in a 'High God' in Pre-Islamic Mecca," JSS 16(1971) pp. 35-40; the assumption on p. 40 about the pre-nomadic agriculture times in which the deities represented the neutral forces, thus forming "a vigorous paganism" in contradistinction to the Bedouin for whom "it was not incongruous that AUah rather than the pagan deities should send rain and supply man with his rizq or provision," seems, however, not to be based on solid textual evidence. 100 C. Brockelmann, "Allah und die Gotzen, der Ursprung des islamischen Monotheismus," Archiv fur Religionswissenschaft 21 (1922) 99-121. 101 H.A.R. Gibb, "Pre-Islamic Monotheism in Arabia", pp.269, 271, 277 inf.-278; and see idem. Studies on the Civilization of Islam, ed. S.J. Shaw and W.R. Polk, Boston 1962, p. 192; cr. C. Torrey, The Jewish Foundation of Islam, New York 1933, pp. 54-56; W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Mecca. Oxford 1953, pp. 158-161. 102 H.A.R. Gibb, Studies on the Civilization of Islam. pp, 176-192. 48 On a monotheistic aspect of a liihiliyya practice and reflecting the peculiar setting of co-operation between the tribes and Mecca. It was against the people who recited these talbiyiit, the mushrikiin, that Muhammad preached his exclusive monotheistic ideas. It is thus not surprising that some of the expressions and terms in these talbiydt found their way into the Qur'an. Reiriterpreted and transformed they coalesced with other elements to form the body of ideas represented by the religious literature of Islam. Addenda Note 3: See: al-Samarqandi, Tafstr, Ms. Chester Beatty 3668/11, fol. 37a; Muqatil, Tafstr, Ms. Ahmet III, 74/11, fol. 78a; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Ighiithat al-lahfan min masayid al-shaytan, ed. Muhammad Hamid al-Fiqi, Cairo 1358/1939, II, 210, 245. Note 4: See Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Badii't al-fawl/id, Beirut, n.d. (repr.) II, 214-215; Ibn Abf Uitim al-Razr, 'Ilal al-hadtth. , ed. Muhibb al-Dm al-Khatrb, Cairo 1343, I, nos. 842, 843, 876, 888; al-Nawawr, al-Adhkdr, Cairo 1324, p. 87; Ghulam Tha'lab, Juz", Ms. Chester Beatty 3495 (mojrnifa), fol. 96b; Abu Nu'aym, Ifilyat al-auliyd", IX, 28; al-Tabarf', Tafsfr, ed. Shakir, XIII, 512, No. 16000; alTabarani. al.Mu'jam al-~aghfr, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman 'Uthman, al-Madina almunawwara 1388/1968, I, 87. Note 38: See F. Rosenthal, "Some Minor Problems in the Qur'an", The Joshua Starr Memorial Volume, New York 1953, pp. 72-83; Rudi Paret, "Der Ausdruck samad in Sure 112,2," Der Islam 1979, pp. 294-295. Note 55: Cf. Ibn Abr l-Dunya, al-Ishriif manazil al-ashraf, Ms. Chester Beatty 4427, fol. 43a: ... kiinat imra'atun jiihiliyyatun tatufu bi-l-bayti wa-lahd sittatu banina yasturunahii min at-nasi wa-hiya taqidu tawa[iha ... tr tr Note 76: Cf. Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, V, 586, No. 7403. Note 80: See Ibn Athlr, Usd al-ghiiba, IV, 133. 49 ‫ﻡﻟﻢﺝ ﻡ ﻭ ﻡ ﻡ0 ﻡ ﻭﺍﺑﻤﺘﺐ ﺍﻗﻮﻝﺍﻟﺰﻭﺭ ، ﻳﻘﻮﻝ . ﺍﺗﻘﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﺬﺏ ، ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻙ < ﺣﺪ~ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻌﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻝ ﺣﺪﺛﻨﻲ :ﺑﻲ ﻗﺎﻝ ﺣﺪﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻢ ﻣﺬﻳﻞ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﺗﻞ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺒﻮﺍ ﻗﻮﻝﺍﻟﺰﻭﺭ ﻗﺎﻝ . ﺍﻟﻜﺬﺏ ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ «‬ ‫) « ( ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻥ~ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺲ ،ﻗﺮﻳﺸﺎﻭﺧﺰﺍﻋﺖﻭﻛﻤﺎﻣﺖﺍ ﻭﻋﺎﻣﺮ ﺑﻦﻣﻌﺼﻌﺖ ، ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻫﻠﻴﺔﺍﻛﺎﻧﺮﺍ ﻳﻘﻮﻟﻮﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔﺍ 0 ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﻻ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻻ ﺷﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻟﻚ ﺗﻤﻠﻚ ﻭﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﻚ . ﻳﻌﻤﻮﻥ ﺷﻜﺖ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺒﺪ . ﻫﺬﺍ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺰﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﻮﻟﻬﻢ . ﺍﻻ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﻫﻮ ﻟﻚ <‬ ‫) « ﻟﻢ ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻫﻠﻴﺔﺍ ﻳﻘﻮﻟﻮﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔﺍ . ﻣﺤﻦ ﻏﺮﺍﺑﺎ «‬ ‫ﺍ~ﻻﺹ‬ ‫ﻋﻚ، ﻣﺚ ﺍﻟﺒﻚ ( ﻋﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻙ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﺎﻣﻴﻪ ، ﻛﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺤﺞ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﻪ ، ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺟﻴﻪ <‬ ‫) ﻩ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻤﻴﻢ « ﺗﻘﻮﻝ . ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺭﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺮﻩ ، ﺍﺩﻻﺟﻪ ﻭﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﺣﺮﻩ ،‬ ‫ﻻﻣﺘﻘﻲ ﻣﺘﻴﺜﺄ «ﻭﻻﻣﺼﺮﻩ ، ﺣﺠﺎ ﻟﺮﺏ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻩ <‬ ‫) ( ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖﻭﻳﺒﻌﺖ ﺗﻘﻮﻝ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﺣﺠﺎ ﺣﻔﺎ، ﺗﻌﺒﺪﺍ ﻭﺭ( ، ﻟﻢ ﻧﺄﺗﻚ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺼﺎﺣﻪ ، « ﻭﻻ ﺣﺒﺎ « ﻟﻠﺮﺑﺎ~ «‬ ‫) ﻩ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﻗﻴﺲ ﻣﻴﺔ ﺭ ﺗﻘﻮﻝ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﻟﻮﻻ :ﻥ ﺑﻜﺮﺍ ﺃﻭﻣﻜﺎ ، « ﺑﻤﻮ ﻏﻔﺎﺭ «‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻢ ﻳﻠﻮﻣﻚ ، ﻻ ﺑﻴﺮﺙ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺱﻭﻳﻔﺠﺮﻭﻣﻜﺎ ، ﻣﺎﺯﺍﻝ ﻣﻤﺎ ﻋﺠﻴﺞ ( ﻳﺄﺗﻮﻣﻜﺎ «‬ ‫) 6 ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺟﺮﻫﻢ ﺗﻘﻮﻝ . ﻟﻴﻨﻚ ﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻫﻤﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻙ ، ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺎﺱﻃﺮﻑ ﻭﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺩﻙ ، ´ « ﻭﻫﻢ ﻟﻌﻤﺮﻱﻋﻤﺮﻭﺍ ﺑﻼﺩﻙ ، ﻻﻳﻄﺎﻕ ﺭﺑﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺎﺩﻙ ، ﻭﻫﻢ ﺍﻻ~ﻭﻟﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻌﺎﺩﻙ ، ﻓﺎﻥ )ﺇ (ﻳﻌﺎﺩﻭﺍ « ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻌﺎﺩﻙ ، ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻘﻴﻤﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﺩﻙ < ﻻ‬ ‫ﺃﻟﺮﻣﻮﺯ.‬ ‫.ﻡ ﻡ ﻭﻡ000 ﻡ ﻭﻡ ﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺭﻡﺭﻯ _ ..~‬ ‫0 ﺭﻡ ﺭﺭﺡ _ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻩ»ﺭ‬ ‫ﺡ‬ ‫85 »ﻻﻻﺃ 9 1ﺍ» 7‬ ‫ﺁﺍ‬ ‫71 ﺗﺎﺍﺍﻷﻵﻻ .ﻻ « ﻣﺲ‬ ‫)ﺍ( ) ﺍ ( < ﻗﺎﺭﻥ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﺒﻲ ، ﺍﻻﻣﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮ ﻡ .‬ ‫) « ( ﺍ ﻙﻭﺭ . ﻣﺨﺰ ﺍﻡﻣﺤﻜﺎ: ﺱ ﻭﻣﺲ ﻭ(ﺡ . ﻣﺤﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻚ > ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻤﺮ ﻣﺮ ﺀﺍﺀ. « ﺍﻟﺒﻚ _ﻣﺤﺪﺭﺀ ﻣﻰ ﻙ ﻭ ﻭ .‬ ‫) ﻻ ( » ﻓﻲ ﻙ ﻭﺡ . ﻭﻛﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﻢ « ﻣﻰ ﻙﻭﺡ . ﺳﺎ ﻭﻻ ﺑﻨﺮﻩ.‬ ‫) ( ( < ﻓﻲ~ ﻡ ﻭ:ﻟﻠﻤﻤﺎﺏ . . . . ﻟﻠﺮﻓﺎ~ ، ﻭﻣﻤﺪﻭ ﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻭﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻤﺮ ﻭ (<ﻡ ، ﺍﻟﻄﺮ ﺍﻻﺣﻴﻰ > ﻟﻠﻤﻴﺎﺱ .< .. ﻟﻠﺮﻣﺎ~ .‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻥ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﻢ ﻡ ،ﻩ،ﻩ ﻡ . ﺀ ﺃﺡ ﻭﻣﺮﻭﻣﺲ . ﻭﻻﺣﺎ.‬ ‫) ﻩ ( < ﺍﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﺎ ﻣﻲ ´ﺡ ﻭﻣﺲ ﻭﺱ:ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﺎﻭﺭﺩﻣﺎ« ﻣﺮ ﻙﻭﻯ‬ ‫« ﻛﺬﺍ ﻣﻲ ﻙﻭﺡ . ﻭﻗﺎﺭﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ (« ﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ . ﻣﻤﻲ ﻓﻄﻔﺎﻥ . ﻡ ﻣﻰ ﻙﻭﺭ . ﻣﻼﻙ‬ ‫ﻡ ﻣﻲ ﻙ ﻭ ﺭ:ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﻴﺤﺎ:ﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﺮ:ﺣﺖ ، ﻣﻤﺮ : ﺑﻰﻭﺳﺎﻟﺖﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﺮﺍﺭ . ﺳﻮ . ﻭﺍﻣﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻮ~ . ﻋﺸﺮ .‬ ‫ﺍ ﺍﻧﻪ ( < ﻣﻰ ﻙﻭﺭ . ﻭﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺩﻙ ﻭﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﻣﺮ ﺳﻤﻞ ﺍ ؟ ﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﻙ . «‬ ‫0‬ ‫ﻣﺮ ﻙﻭﺭ . ﻭﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺎﺩﻭﺍ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺮ ﻋﺎﺩﺍﻙ . ﻡ ﻣﻰ ﻙﺡ . ﻣﻰ ﻣﺎﺩﻙ ﻭﻻ ﻣﻪ ﻭﺭﻣﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﺎﻋﺖﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻝ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﻞﻭﺍﻻﺣﺮﺍﻡ ، ﺍﺭﺣﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺃ ﻣﺒﺪ ﻡ‬ ‫) ﻡ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ~ﻡ ، ﺃﺗﻮﻙ ﻳﻤﺘﻨﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻗﺪﺍﻡ >‬ ‫) ﻡ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ :ﺳﺪ ﻭﻏﻄﻔﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻝ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﻣﻬﺎ ﺑﺸﻌﺮ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﻦ« . ﻟﺘﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﻴﻚ ﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﻭ ﻗﻠﻘﺎ ﻭﻓﻴﻨﻬﺎ ، ﻣﻌﺘﺮﻓﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻄﻬﺎ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎ ، ﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎ ﻟﺪﻳﻦ ( ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﺴﺎ .‬ ‫0 ﻳﻄﻔﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﺒﺖ « ﻋﺮﺍﺓ ، ﺗﺄﺧﺬ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﻫﻦ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﺔ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺗﺴﺘﺘﺮ‬ ‫) ﻭ ( ﻭﻛﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎ‬ ‫~‬ ‫ﻩ ﻭﺗﻘﻮﻝ . ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺑﻌﻒ ﺃﻭﻛﻼ، ﻭﻣﺎ « ﺑﺪﺍ ﺳﺮ ﻓﺔ ﺍ~ ، ﻛﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻻ‬ ‫ﻯﻟﻮﻳﻀﻠﻰ،ﻭﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﻡ ﻳﻤﻈﺮﻓﻤﺎ ~، ﻓﻴﺨﻢﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺠﺜﻢ ﻩ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻇﻠﺚ <‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺩ22 _()01 ( ﻭﻻﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔﺍ~ﺩﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ« .ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﻳﺒﺪﻳﻚ ، ﻛﺮﻣﺖ ﻓﺄ ﻋﻄﻴﺔ ، ﺗﺮﺑﺖ ﻓﺄﺩﻣﻴﺖ ، ﺗﺒﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ، ﺃﻧﺖ ﺭﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺖ <‬ ‫ﻓﺄﻣﺮﻝ ﺍﻟﻠﻮ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ > ﻭﺍﺟﺘﻨﺒﻮﺍ ﻗﻮﻝﺍﻟﺰﻭﺭ ﺣﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻮﺍ . ﻻ ﺛﺮﻳﻚ ﻟﻚ ﺍﻻ ﺛﺮﺑﻜﺎ ﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﻟﻚ ، ﻧﻤﻠﻚﻭﻣﺎﻣﻠﻚ < «‬ ‫< ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻫﻠﻴﺔ <‬ ‫) »« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖﻗﺮﻳﻨﺜﺮ ﺗﺴﻚﻻﺳﺎﻑ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﺎ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ >‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﻻﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﻟﻚ ، ﺍﻻﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﻫﻮ ﻟﻚ ، ﺗﻤﻠﻜﻲﻭﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﻚ <‬ ‫) (« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﻟﻠﻌﺰﻯ > ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ «‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺪﻳﻚ،ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﻣﺎ ﺃﺣﺒﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻚ <‬ ‫) ﻡ« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖﺗﻠﺒﻴﻮﻙ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻚ ﺍﻻﺕ 0 . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻛﻔﻰ « ﻣﻴﻴﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻮ ، ﻟﻴﺴﺮ ﺑﻤﺠﻮﺭ ﻭﻻ ~ ، ﻟﻜﻤﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺮﺑﺔﺍ ﺯﻛﻴﻪ ، :ﻭﺑﺎﺑﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻣﻠﺢ ﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻳﻪ <‬ ‫) (« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﻬﻴﺔﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﻟﺠﻬﺎﺭ. ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻤﻴﻚ،« ﺍﺟﻌﻞ ﺫﻣﻮﺑﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺎﺭﺍ ،ﻭﺍﻫﺪﻧﺎ ﻻﻣﻠﺢﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺭﺍ«، ﻭﻣﺘﻌﻨﺎ ﻭﻣﻠﻨﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﺭﺍ< ﻡ‬ ‫) 7 ﺍ ﺍ ~ﻙ ﻭﺹ . ﺗﺴﺪ . ﻭﻓﻰ ﻙﻭﺀ . ´ﻣﻤﺪ ، ﻓﺎﺭ، :ﺩﻁ ﺩ ﺭﻡ 64‬ ‫ﺡ‬ ‫) / ( < ﺑﺸﻤﺮ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﺭﻑ ﻓﻲ ﻙﻭﺡ. « ﺍﻟﻴﻚ ﺣﺬ~ ﻓﻲ1 ﺡﻭﺱ ﻭﺣﻰ .‬ ‫ﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻙﻭﺡ > ﻓﻲ ﺑﻄﻤﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﻓﻌﺎ ﺣﻨﻴﻬﺎ. 4 ﻓﻲ ﻭﻣﺮﻭﺣﺲ . ﻟﺬﻱﺍﻟﻌﺼﺎﺭﻯ .‬ ‫ﺃﺡ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﻙﻭﺡ . ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻤﻬﺎ ﻩ‬ ‫) 5 (« ﻓﻲ ﻙﻭﺡ > ﺑﺎﻟﻴﺒﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻠﺐﻝ. ﻟﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻙﻭﺡ > ﻓﻤﺎ. ﻩ ´´ﻣﻦ´´ ﺣﺪﻑ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻙﻭﺡ ﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻙﻭﺡ . ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻇﻰ ﻩ ﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺃ ﺡ ﺣﺲ> ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻢ:ﻙ ﻭ ﺡ ﻫﻦ »ﻝ_)< (‬ ‫ﻭﺱ‬ ‫) .« ( ﻓﻲ ﻙ ﻭ ﺡ .ﺍﺩﻡ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻠﻪ ﻋﻠﺐ ﻭﺳﻠﻢ « ﻓﻲ ﻙﻭﺡ . ﻓﺎﻣﺰﻝ ﺍ~‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺟﺘﺘﺒﻮﺍ ﻛﻮﻝ ﺍﺍﺯﻭﺭﻡ ﻭﻫﻮﺍﻟﻨﺮﻙ ﺩﺭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﺒﺔ ،ﺣﺪﺗﻤﺎ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻠﻪ ﻗﺎﻝ . ﺣﺪﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﻲ ﻗﺎﻝ ،‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺛﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺰﻳﻞ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﺗﻞ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻮﻝ ﺍ~ ﻋﺰﻭ ﺟﻞ .ﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺒﻮﺍ ﻓﻮﻝﺍﻟﺰﻭﺭ ﻗﺎﻝ:‬ ‫ﻳﻘﺎﻝ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻋﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺮﻛﻴﻦ ، ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻋﻴﻦ ) ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻰ > ﺍﻟﺴﻌﺎ ﻣﻴﻦ ( ﻭﻧﻤﻴﺮﻩ ، ﻓﺬﻟﻚ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻠﻪ ﻟﻠﺤﻤﺲ . ﺍﺟﺘﺒﻮﺍ ﻓﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﻉ ﺣﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻟﻮﺍ . ﺍﻻﺗﺤﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻟﻚ • ﻭﺃﻣﻈﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺗﻞ‬ ‫ﺍ ﺡ ﻭﻡ(ﺏ «‬ ‫)«« ( « ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺣﺪﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺡ ﻭﺱ ﻭﺣﺲ.ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﻣﻰ < «ﻡ «‬ ‫)ﻻ« ( «ﻓﻲ ﺃﺡ`ﻭﺱ ﻭﺣﺮ . ﻟﻼ~ . « ﻓﻲ1 ﺡ ﻭﺱ ﻭﺳﻰ. ﻛﻌﺎ . ﻡ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮﺹ «»ﻡ . ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﺤﻲ «‬ ‫)ﺀ« ( « ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﻫﺮ ﻻ«ﻻ . .< ﻩ ﻟﺒﻨﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﺣﻌﻞ < « ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ.‬ ‫ﺣﺒﺎﺭ ، ﻭﺍﻫﺪﻧﺎﻻﻭﺿﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺭ . ﻻ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ . ﻭﻣﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﺤﻬﺎﺭ <‬ ‫15‬ ‫) ﻩ« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻨﺰ ﻓﻠﺒﺒﺄ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻤﻚ ﻟﺴﺮﺍﻉ . ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ~ﻧﺒﺘﺎ«‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻚ ، ﻣﻤﻮﺍﻋﺎ ﻃﻠﺒﻦ « ﺍﻟﺒﻚ «‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‬ ‫) «» ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻨﺰ ﻙ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﻟﻠﺸﺲ « _ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ، ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺮ« ﻭﻓﺮﻩ، ﻻﻧﺸﻔﻲ ﺷﺜﺎﻭﻻﻧﻀﺮﻩ، ﺣﺠﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻔﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻩ<«‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺮﻩ، ﺍﺩﻻﺟﻪ‬ ‫) ﻫﺎ« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻨﺰ ﻧﻠﺒﺒﺄﺍ ﻣﻦﻧﺴﻚ ﻟﻤﺤﺮﻥ - ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺣﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﺎ ، ﻓﻔﺒﺪﺍﻭﺭﻓﺎ <‬ ‫) ﻭ« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻨﺰ ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚﻟﻮﺙ . ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﻴﺒﻚ ﻣﻌﺬﺭﻩ ﺁﻟﺒﺒﻚ.‬ ‫) ﻭ« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴﻚ ﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﺼﻪ 0 _ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﻟﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﻟﺒﻚ . «‬ ‫) <« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﻓﻠﺒﺒﺄ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﻟﻤﻨﻄﺒﻦ . ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ < «‬ ‫) «« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪ ﻋﻚ3 ﺍﺫﺍ ﺑﻠﻐﻮﺍ ﻙ ﺑﺒﻌﻨﻮﻥ ﻏﻼﺑﺒﻦ ﺑﺴﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻮﻛﻴﻦ ﻓﺪ ﺟﺮﺩﺍ ﻋﺮﺍﺑﺎ ، « ﻓﺔ ﺑﺰﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻥ ﺑﻔﻮﻻ . ﻣﺤﻦ ﻏﺮﺍﺑﺎ « ﻋﺚ ، ﻓﺎﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﻐﻼﻣﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﻚﻣﻤﺎﺡ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻠﻔﻬﻤﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻚ . ﻋﻚ ﺍﻟﺒﻚ ﻋﺎﻣﺐ ، ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻙ ﺍﻟﺒﻤﺎﻣﺐ،‬ ‫ﻛﺒﻤﺎﻣﺤﺞ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻋﺐ، ﻋﻠﻰ ﺹ ﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺟﺐ < ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺔ‬ ‫)ﻡ«( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻨﺰ ﻧﻠﺒﺄ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻚ ﻣﻨﺎﻩ - ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ،ﻟﺒﺒﻚﻟﻮﻻ ﺍﻥﺑﻜﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﻧﻜﺎ،‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻔﺠﺮﻭﻣﻜﺎ ، « ﻣﺎ ﺯﺍﻝ ﻣﻨﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﺠﺎﺀﻹﻧﻮﺗﻜﺎ«‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻲ ﻏﻄﻔﺎﻥ ﻭﻫﻢ ﺑﻠﻮﻣﻜﺎ ،« ﻧﺒﺮﻙ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺎﻭﻧﻨﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻭﻣﻜﺎ <‬ ‫) ﻡ« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻨﺰ ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴﻚ ﻟﺴﻌﺒﺪ « _ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ، ﻟﻢ ﻣﺄﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﺒﺎﺣﻪ،« ﻭﻻﻟﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﺣﻪ، « ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺟﺌﻨﺎﻙ ﻟﻠﻄﺎﻋﺔ < ﻩ‬ ‫)ﻩ ﺍ ( « ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻤﺮﺹ ﻻ«ﻻ . ﺍﺑﻨﺎ ﻩ ﻟﻢ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﺰﻥ ﻟﺤﻠﺒﻰ ﻩ‬ ‫0 ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺳﺦ . ´´ ﻳﻮﺣﺬ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻼﻩ ﺍﻻﺗﻲ ﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺲ‬ ‫)«« ( » ﻓﻲ ﻫﺎﻣﺶ ﺃ »ﻻﺣﻈﺖ‬ ‫ﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎ ﻭﺛﻦ ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻴﻢ ﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺗﺐ ´´ < ﺀ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮﻫﻰ ﻩ» 7 . ﺣﺠﺎ ﻟﺮﺏ ﻣﺴﺘﻔﻴﻢ‬ ‫)«<(‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺮﺍ ﻟﻴﻚ.‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻟﻤﺒﺮﻣﺮ«ﺩ«ﻣﺮ ﺍ > ..< ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ، ﻟﻤﻤﻚ .‬ ‫).(( »‬ ‫)>(( » ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﻣﺮﻡ<( . ..< ﺗﺪ ﺣﺮﺩﺍ ﻣﻤﻤﺎ ﻣﺮﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﺭ (ﺭﺍ ﻭﻭﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺲ . ﻣﺮﺍﻳﺎ. ( ﻣﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ > ﻣﻠﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﺮﺍﺃ . 4 .ﺍﺣﺮ ﻣﻠﻴﺒﺖ ﻣﻚ 0 ﺍﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻠﺒﺪ،ﺍﻻﺳﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﻡ .‬ ‫)ﻟﻢ ﺀ( <~ ﺑﺐ ﻣﻄﺎﻥ ﻭﻣﻢ ﻳﻠﻮﻣﺔ ´´ ﻣﺤﺬﻭﻑ ﻣﺪ ﻣﻤﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺮ ﻭ «ﺍﻡ .‬ ‫« ﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ. ﻡﻳﻤﺠﺮﻭﻣﻚ < ﻻ ﻓﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ . ﻣﺎ ،ﺍﻝ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺮ ،ﻭﺍﻅ.ﻻﺣﻸ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺍ~ ﺭﻑ ﻡ . ﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ . ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻭﺍﻫﻤﻢ ، ﻭﺗﺎﻡ ﻥ.ﻣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭ~~~ .‬ ‫)ﻡﻟﻢ( < ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺮ ﻣﺮ «>( . ﻟﺴﻴﺪﺓ < ﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺭ ﻭﻣﺮ ﻭﻣﺮ. ﻟﻠﻤﻴﺎ-.‬ ‫ﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺮ .ﻟﻠﻤﻴﺎ- ﻭﻻ ﻫﻠﺒﺎ ﻟﻠﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ، ﻭﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﻣﺮ ﺍﻻﻫﻮ . ﻡ ﺁﻅ‬ ‫.ﻻﺣﻈﺖ ﺭﻑ ﻩ ﻟﻤﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻼ .‬ ‫ﻣﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﻭ «<ﻡ > ﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻐﻠﻤﺔ> . ﺀ ﻣﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ . ﺑﻤﺎ ﻣﻮ‬ ‫ﺍ‬ ‫.>ﻩ ﺀﺩﻩ‬ ‫) ﻭﻡ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﻟﻴﻌﻮﻕ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ،ﻟﺒﻴﻚﺑﻐﺾ ﺍﻟﻴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﺩﻭﺣﺒﺐ ﺍﻟﻴﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﺨﻴﺮ، ﻭﻻﻧﺒﻄﺮ« ﻓﻨﺄﺷﺮ « «‬ ‫)ﻩ ﻡ( )ﻭﻡ«ﺃ(ﺍﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔﻣﻦﻧﺴﻚﻟﻴﻐﻮﺙ(«0 ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﻚ، ﺍﺣﻴﻨﺎ ﻟﺪﻳﻚ،ﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﺤﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻙ ﻗﺪ ﻣﺮﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻚ <‬ ‫)6« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﻟﻤﺲ 0 ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ،ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻣﺘﺎ ﻋﻴﺒﺎ ،‬ ‫ﻭﻛﻨﺎﻣﻴﺴﺮ » ﻋﺘﻴﺪ ،ﻡ ﻭﺃﻣﺖ ﺭﺑﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﻴﺪ ، ﺍﺭﺩﺩﻧﺎ ﻩ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻴﺪ <‬ ‫) ﻣﺎ( ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﻴﺒﺄﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﺎ .ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ، ﺭ( ﻣﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺜﺎﻣﻀﺮ ، ﻭﺳﻠﻢ « ﻟﻨﺎ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺮ ، ﻭﺍﺭﺳﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺰﺩﺟﺮ ، « ﺛﻢ ﺍﻛﻔﺎ ﻩ ﺍﻟﻠﻤﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻫﺠﺮ<‬ ‫) ﻡ ﻡ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴﻚ ﻟﻤﺮﺣﺐ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﺍﻣﺘﺎ ﻟﺪﻳﻚ ،‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺣﺒﺒﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻚ «‬ ‫)5«( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻦﻧﺴﻚ ﻟﺬﺭﻳﺢ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ،ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﻃﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﺩ،‬ ‫ﻭﻛﻄﺎﻟﻨﻌﻤﺖ ﺟﺤﻮﺩ ، ﻓﺎﻛﻔﺎ ﻛﻞ ﺣﻴﺔﺭﻋﻮﺩ <‬ ‫) <ﻡ ﻟﻢ ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﻦ . ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭﻫﻢ ﺗﻼﺩﻙ،ﻭﻣﺤﻦ:ﻭﻟﻰﺑﻮﻻﺷﻚ < »‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻫﻤﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻙ ، ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫) »ﻩ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﻫﺒﻞ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻤﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﺛﻨﺎ ﻟﻘﺎﺡ.‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻣﺘﻨﺎ)ﻋﻠﻰ(« ﺃﻋﻨﺖﺍﻟﺮﻣﺎﺡ ، ﻳﺤﺴﺪﻧﺎ ( ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻉ <‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺬﻩﺭﻭﺀﻭﺱ ﻃﻮﺍﻏﻴﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻮﺍ ﻳﻘﺼﺪﻭﻥ ﻩ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺠﻬﻢ ﻭﻻ ﻳﺄﺗﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻮﺗﻬﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻤﺮﻭﺍ ﺑﻬﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻌﻈﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﻭﻳﺘﻘﺮﺑﻮﻥ 0 ﻟﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﻳﻨﺴﻜﻮﺍ ( ﻟﻢ«( ﻟﻤﺎ « ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺴﺠﺪﻭﻥ ﻟﻬﺎ «‬ ‫) «ﻡ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻛﻌﺎﻧﺖﺍ ﻭﻗﺮﻳﺜﺮ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﻳﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻑ ، « ﻟﻤﻴﻚ ﻻ ﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻟﻚ ﺍﻻﺷﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻟﻚ ، ﺗﻤﻠﻚ ﻭﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﻚ <‬ ‫) ﻡ«( ﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻧﻔﺎﺣﻨﺎ ﺑﻌﻨﺎﺭ ﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻩ7 ﺍ « ﺍ ( ﻣﺤﺪﺭﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺡ، ﺣﺲ، ﻭﺍﻟﺰﺑﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺺ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮﺹ 4 «ﻩ‬ ‫ﺱ‬ ‫ﺍ~ : ﺍﺣﺒﻨﺎﺑﺼﺎ ﻟﺪﺑﻚ ﻩ‬ ‫( ﻓﺐ‬ ‫0 :ﻓﻲ1 ﺡﻡﻭﺱ ﻭﺣﺲ .ﻋﺒﺒﺪ ، ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ_‬ ‫)6«( « ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﻣﻰ 4«ﻻﺩ ﻣﺒﻤﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺒﺄ < ﻩ ﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ > ﺍﺭﺩﺃ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎ <‬ ‫) 7«( ´ « ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﺹ 4«ﻻ . ﺭﺙ ﻓﺎﻫﻮﻓﻦ ﻋﻨﺎ ﻣﻀﺮﻭﻣﻄﻤﻦ <<< ﻟﻢ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ . ﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﺎ ﻓﺒﻬﻢ ﻟﻤﺰﺩﺟﺮ ﻩ ﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ . ﻭﺍﻛﺨﺎ «‬ ‫) «ﻻ( « ﺏ ﺍﺡ ﻭﻭ ﻭﺣﺲ« ﻭﻧﺤﻦ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺑﻬﻢ ﺍﻭﻻﻣﻚ، ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺺ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺩﻣﺎ«‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺧﻮﺫ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻤﺮ ﻣﻰ ( <ﻡ، ﺍﻟﺴﻄﺮ ﺍﻻﺧﻴﺮ _ﻣﻰ ﻫﺪﻡ ﺱ » <‬ ‫ﺍ~ ﻣﻰ ﻩ«ﻻ .7ﻫﺐ1 ﺡ ﻭﺣﺲ ﻭﺱ . ﻟﺤﺴﺪﻧﻨﺎ~‬ ‫) «ﻩ( ﻡ)ﻋﻠﻰﻟﻢ_ ﺍﻟﺰﺑﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫7 ﻓﺎﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﻫﺮ 5 »ﻩ ﺱ« . ﻣﻤﺪﺭﺭﻥ ﺁﻟﺒﺒﻬﺎ « 4 ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ . ﻓﺒﻌﻈﻤﻮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﺘﻔﺮﺑﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎ ﻭﺑﻨﺴﻜﻮﺍﻟﻬﺎ_´´ ﺑﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺴﺤﺪﻭﻥ ﻟﻬﺎ ´´ ﻟﻢﺑﺒﻰ ﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻤﺮ <‬ ‫)23 ( » ﻅﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﻔﻮﺑﻲ ، ﻓﺎﺭﺑﺦﺝ»ﻣﻰ6 ﻫﻢ ﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﻣﻰ4«ﻻ:ﻭﻻ ﻧﺒﻄﺮﻧﺎ ﻩ « ﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﺟﻤﻚ ﺯﺍﺋﺪﻩ‬ ‫) ﻡ ﻡ ﻟﻢ ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺳﺤﻖ . ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺖ ﺗﻤﻴﻢ ﻭﺃ ﺳﺪ ﻭﻣﺰﻳﻤﺖ، ﻓﻜﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺒﺔﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﻴﻢ ﺗﻘﻮﻝ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻤﻴﻢ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﻗﺪ ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﺍﻭﺛﺎﺳﻬﺎﻭﺭﺍﻫﺎ ،‬ ‫ﻭﺃﺧﻠﻤﺖ ﻟﺮﺛﻬﺎ ﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ، ﻗﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺩﺕ ﺣﺞ )ﺑﺎ ( ﻟﻤﻦﺑﺮﺍﻫﺎ ، ﻗﺪ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﺑﺘﻨﺎﻫﺎ ،‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺖ ﻟﻠﺮﺏ ﻭﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻫﺎ < «‬ ‫) ﻭﻡ ( ﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﻣﺤﻖ . ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺧﻨﺪﻕ ، ﺗﻤﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻣﺪ ﻭﻣﺰﻳﻤﺖ،ﻳﻌﻈﻤﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻤﺮﻩ، ﻻﻳﺘﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺒﻞ ﻭﻳﻘﻮﻟﻮﻥ . ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻣﺎﻣﻬﺎﺭﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺮﻩ ، ﺍﺩﻻﺟﻪ ﻭﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﻀﺮ« ، ﺣﺠﺎ ﻟﺮﺏ ﺳﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻩ < 0‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺌﺎ‬ ‫) ﻩ ﻩ ( ﻗﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻲ . ﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﺪ ﺍﺫﺍ ﺣﺠﻮﺍ . ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ‬ ‫0 ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻠﺪ ، ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﻴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﺍﻟﻴﻚ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻗﺒﻠﺖ ﺑﻨﻮ ﺍﺳﺪ ، :ﻫﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﻤﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻨﺮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺪﺩ ، ﻭ:ﻧﺖ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻌﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ، ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﻌﺒﺪ ﺍﻻﻭﺛﺎﻥ ﻣﻊ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺪ ﻋﺒﺪ « 0‬ ‫)ﻩ ﻩ( ﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺳﺤﻖ . ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻞﺍﻭ ﻩ« ﺏ ﺳﻮﺍﻋﺎﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﻢ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻙ ﻫﺰﻳﻞ ، ﺣﺞ ﺍﻟﻴﻚ ﻛﺎﻟﺤﻴﻞ ،ﻧﺼﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﻴﻞ ، ﻟﻢ ﻣﺄﺕ ﻟﻠﻤﻴﺎﺣﻮ ، «‬ ‫ﻭﺟﺜﻤﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺎﺣﻪ < «‬ ‫) ﻩ ﻩ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﻗﻴﺲ ﻯﻻﻥ ﺗﻌﻈﻢﺍﻻﻟﺖ،ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﺫﺍ ﺍﻫﻠﻮﺍ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻠﻤﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ، ﺃﺗﺘﻚ ﻗﻴﺲ ﻯﻻﻥ ، ﺭﺍﺟﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻛﺒﺎﻥ « ﻭﻧﻤﻴﺨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻟﺪﺍﻥ ، ﺫﻟﻴﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻻﻭﺛﺎﻥ « «‬ ‫ﺍ ﻡ ﻡ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔﻭﻳﺒﻌﺖﺍ ﺑﻦﻣﺰﺍﺭ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺣﺠﺎ ﺣﻔﺎ ، ﺗﻌﺒﺪﺍ ﻭﺭﻓﺎ.‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺀﻭﺱ ﺣﻠﻘﺎ «‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻛﺐ ﻃﺮﻗﺎ، ﺳﺘﺒﻘﻴﻰ ﻣﺒﻘﺎ ، ﻟﺤﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﻚ‬ ‫) ﻭﻩ ( ﻗﺎﻝ ،ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻚ . ﻻﺣﺞ ﺍﻻ ﺣﺠﻚ ، ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻚ ﻭﺳﺘﻐﻴﺚ ﺑﻚ ،‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺳﻖ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﺭﺑﻤﺎ ﻓﻜﺎ ، 0 ﻭﺯﺍﺩﺯﻛﺎ ، ﻟﻢ ﻣﺄﺕ ﻟﻠﺮﻗﺎﺣﻪ.ﻭﺍﻭﺟﺒﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺣﻪ <‬ ‫)< (( ﻗﺎﻝ .ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻚ ﻭﺍﻻﺷﺮﺑﻴﻦ ،« ﺍﺫﺍ ﺣﺠﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﻴﺒﺖ .ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ، ﺣﺞ ﻟﻠﺮﺣﻤﻦ ، ﺯﻟﺖ ~ ﺍﻻﺳﻤﺎﻡ ، ﻓﺎﻧﻤﻔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﻴﺖﻣﻤﺎ ﻣﺪﺩﺍ <‬ ‫) « ﻭ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﺬﺣﺞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻫﻠﻴﺔﺍ ،ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻮﺍ ﻳﻌﻈﻤﻮﻥ ﻳﻐﻮﺙ ﻭﺳﻞﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻮ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺮﻯ ، ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻰ ، ﺭﺏ (ﺍﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺰﻯ < 0‬ ‫ﻭﻯ‬ ‫)ﻻﻻ( 0 ﻓﺎﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻴﻌﻔﻮﻣﻲ ، ﺗﺎ.ﻳﺦ ﻫﺮ 65ﻟﻢ ، ﺗﻠﻌﺒﺖﺍ ﻣﻤﻲ ﻣﻤﻴﻢ .‬ ‫)4 ﻻ( ´« ﺍﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻓﻢ ﻻ ﺍﻋﻼﻩ ﺩ‬ ‫)ﻩﻻ( « ﻗﺎﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﻌﻮﻣﻲ ، ﺗﺎﺭﻣﺢ ﺹ 65 ( ، ﺗﻠﻴﺐ ﻣﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺪ 0 ﻭﺃﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ، ﻓﻠﻤﺒﺎﺕ ﻫﻰ ﻩ6ﻻ ﺭﻓﻢ ﻻ .‬ ‫)«ﻡ( ﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺡ ، ﺣﺲ ﻭﺱ . ﻟﻠﻨﻴﺎﺣﻪ ﺩ ( ﻗﺎ.ﻥ ﺍﻟﻴﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ، ﺗﺎﺭﻣﺢ‬ ‫ﻫﻰ652 ﻭﺣﺒﻦ ، ﺗﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻰ /6 ﻻﺭﻓﻢ ﻻ«.‬ ‫)ﻻﻩ( « ﺍﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﻴﻌﺤﻮﺑﻲ ﺹ «5 «. « ﻓﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﺣﻴﻦ ،‬ ‫ﻓﻠﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺍﻟﻢ > . . . ﺳﺸﻴﺨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻟﺪﺍﻥ ، ﻣﺬﻟﻠﺖ ﻟﻸﻳﺎﻥ .‬ ‫)5 ﻩ( « ﻛﺪﺍ ﺍﺡﻭﺱ ﻭﺣﺲ:ﻭﻟﻌﻠﻪ . ﻣﻨﻜﺎ .‬ ‫) . ( ( ﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺡ ﻭﺱ ﻭﺣﺲ.ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺴﺮﻣﻮﻥ .‬ ‫)«4 ( » ﻓﻲ ﺍﺡ ﻭﺱ ﻭﺣﺲ0 . . . . ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺍ . . . ﺍﻟﻌﻼ .. . ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺰﺍ .‬ ‫) «ﻭ ( ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﻡ ﻭﺧﻮﻻﻥ ! ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻤﺪﺍﻥ « ﺗﻌﻈﻢ ﻳﻌﻮﻕ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﻢ . ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﺎﻥ ، ﻫﺬﺍ ﺣﺠﻴﺞ ﻣﻤﺪﺍﻥ ، ﻗﺪ ﺃﺗﺎﻙ ﻭﻛﺒﺎﻥ ، ﺗﺮﻳﺪ ﺭﺏ‬ ‫ﻏﻔﺮﺍﻥ ، ﻗﺪ ﺃﻭﺟﺒﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﺎ~ <‬ ‫) ﻩﻭ ( ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔﺍ ﺣﻤﻴﺮ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻌﺒﺪ ﻧﺴﺮﺍ 0 ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﻗﻮﺍﻝ « ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻰ ﻭﺍﻻﺣﻼﻡ ، ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺍﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﺭﺣﺎﻡ ، ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﺮﺑﻮﺍ « ﻟﺔﺷﺎﻡ ، 2ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﻼﻡ ،ﺯﻟﻮﺍ ﻟﺮﺏ ﺍﻻﻣﺎﻡ ، ﻡ ﺩﺍﻣﻮﺍ ﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ، ﺃﻭﻧﺂﻧﻢ ﻭﺍﻻﻣﻨﺎﻡ .ﻭ‬ ‫) ﻭﻭ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﻢ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺣﻤﻴﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﻤﺎ ﺳﺮ ، ﻗﺪ ﺃﺗﺘﻚ ﺷﻌﺜﺎ ﻋﺎﻧﺲ ، ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻼﺹ ﻧﺎﺳﺮ ، ﻛﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﺤﺞ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻣﻴﻪ ، ﻟﻢ ﻧﺄﺕ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺮﺑﺎ~.ﻭﺍﻭﺟﺒﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﺎﺣﻪ <‬ ‫) ﻩ( ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔﺍ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺲ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻧﺖ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻤﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﻯ ، ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻟﺜﺖ ﺍﻻﺧﺮﻯ ، ﻭﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺰﻯ ، ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻌﺒﺖ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺍﻧﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺪﻋﺎ ، ﺟﺌﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺨﺶ > ﺗﻬﺪﻱ ﺑﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻀﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ، ﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻔﻮﺍ ﺍﻻﻭﺛﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﻮﺍﺻﻔﺮﺍ <‬ ‫ﺗﻀﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫) «ﻭ ( ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﻌﺐ)ﺍ(ﺑﻦ ﻭﺑﺮﺓ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻌﺒﺪ ﻭﺩﺍ ، ﻭﺗﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﻢ ﻭﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ ، ﺍﻏﻔﺮ ﺧﻄﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻋﺒﺪ ﻭﺍﻡ ، :ﺗﻮﻙ ﻳﻤﺸﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻗﺪﺍﻡ <‬ ‫)ﻩ ﻭ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻭ (( ﺍ ( ﺣﺎﻣﺖ 0 ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ، ﺯﻟﺖ ﻟﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﻋﻪ ، ﺳﻌﺎ ﻟﻪ ﻭﻃﺎ~ ، ﻳﻘﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﻭﺩﺍﻯ <‬ ‫) ﻡﻭ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺖﺍ ﺛﻘﻴﻒ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻫﻠﻴﺔ . ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻳﺎﺩ «‬ ‫ﻗﺪ ﺃﺗﻮﻙ ، ﻗﺪ ﻣﻤﻄﻠﻮﺍ 2 ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺪ ﺭﺟﺮﻙ ،ﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺰﻯ ﻓﻲ ﻳﺪﻳﻚ > ( ﺩﺍﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﻚ ﺍﻻﺻﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﻈﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻚ ، ﻗﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﻨﺖ ﺑﺴﻠﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻚ ، ﻓﺎﻏﻔﺮ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻩ ﻓﻄﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻔﻮﺕ. «‬ ‫) 5 ( ( ﻗﺎﻝ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻥﻋﻤﺮﻭ ﺑﻦ ﻣﻌﺪﻳﻜﺮﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ.ﻟﻘﺪﺭﺍﻳﺘﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺤﻦ ﺍﺫﺍ ﺣﺠﺠﻨﺎ ﻧﻘﻮﻝ:ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺗﻌﻈﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻚ ﻋﺬﺭﺃ«ﻫﺬﻩ ﺯﺑﻴﺄ ﻗﺪ ﺍﺗﺘﻚ ﻗﺼﺮﺍ ، ﺗﻌﺪﻭ «‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺎ ﻣﻀﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺰﺭﺍ ، ﻳﻘﻄﻌﻦ ﺧﺒﺘﺎ ﻭﺟﺒﺎﻻ ﻭﻋﺮﺍ ، ﻗﺪ ﺣﻠﻔﻮﺍ ﺍﻻﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﻠﻮﺍ ﻣﻔﺮﺍ:‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﺪ ~ ، ﻣﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ، ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺖ ﺻﺪﻕ ، ﻟﺒﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺤﻦ،‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ، ﺭﺏ ﺍﻻﺭﺑﺎﺏ ، ﺗﻌﺪﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺳﺮﺭ ﻏﺔﺏ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﻣﺨﻠﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﺠﻮﺍﺏ ، ﺍﻟﻌﺠﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻣﺎ~ ﻭﺍﻻﻣﺒﺎﺏ ، ﻗﺎﻫﺮ ﻛﻞ ﻭﺛﻦ ﻭﻣﻨﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺐﻻﺩ ﻩ‬ ‫) <ﻩ ( ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺑﻜﺮ ﺑﻦ ﻭﺍﺛﻞ . ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﻋﻦ ﺭﺑﺴﺮ ،ﺳﺎﻣﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺴﺮ ، ﻟﺮﺏ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﺒﺪ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻴﺴﺮ ﻭﻳﺴﺮ ، ﻗﺪ ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﺃﻭﺷﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺼﻤﺔ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ <«‬ ‫)«4 ( « ﻭﻣﺮﻭﺣﺲ . ﻓﻤﺬﺍﻥ <‬ ‫ﺍﺡ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻴﻮﺭﻗﻢ <« . ﻭﺍﻻﻗﻴﺎﻝ . ﺀ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ . ﻻﻳﺘﺮﺑﻮﻥ‬ ‫)ﻻﻡ( « ﻓﻲ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻻ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ . ﻫﻺﻡ ( ´´ﺩﺍﻣﻮﺍ <<.<<<<<<ﻭﺍﻻﻣﻨﺎﻡ ´´_ﻟﻢ ﻳﺮﺩ ﻓﻴﻨﺺ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ <‬ ‫)ﻡ ﻭ( ﻡ ﺍﻟﻴﻴﻘﻮﻣﺒﻲ ﺹ ﻭﻭ« . ﺍﻥ ﺛﻌﻴﻌﺎﻗﺪﺍﺗﻮﻙ < « ﺍﻟﻴﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ - ﻭﺍﺧﻠﻔﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ • ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻭ . ﻭﻗﺪ ﻣﻈﻤﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﻩ « ﺍﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻧﺺ ﺍﻟﻴﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ « 4‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺒﻦ . ﻋﺰﺍﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻼﺕ ﻓﻴﻴﺪﻳﻚ . ﻩ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ:ﻟﻬﺎﺩ 6 ﺣﺴﻴﻦ.ﻏﻔﺮﺕ .‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺎﺡ . ﻧﻘﺪﻭﺍ <‬ ‫)5 ﻭ( »‬ ‫)<ﻩ( « ﻗﺎﺭﻥ . ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ، ﻓﻠﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﻗﻢ «ﺩﻭﺍﻟﻴﻌﻘﻮﺑﻴﺺ ﻭﻭ« <‬ ‫) ﻡ ﻭ ﻟﻢ ﻭﻓﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ ﺭﻓﻲ ﺍ~ ﻋﻤﻪ 8ﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻦ ﺍﺑﻲﻣﻮﻣﺲ‬ ‫ﺃﻧﺪﺭﻱ ﻛﺒﻒ ﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﻙ ﻓﻮﻣﻚ « ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻫﻠﺒﺄﺍ ( ﻓﺎﻝ _ ﻛﺎﻣﻮﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﻟﻮﻥ . ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻫﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﻧﻤﺎ ، ﺃﺛﻤﻮ ﺍ~ ﻭﻓﺪ ﺃﻧﻤﺎ ، ( ﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﻔﺮﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻧﻐﻔﺮﺟﻮ ﻭﺃﻯ ﻋﺒﺪ ﻟﻚ ﻻﺃﻟﺜﺎ <‬ ‫) ﻡ ﻭ ( ﻭﻛﺎ~ ﻓﻠﺒﺒﺒﻮ ﺟﺬﺍﻡ . ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﻋﻦ ﺟﺬﺍﻡ ﺫﻭﻱ «‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺲ ﻭﺍﻻﺣﻼﻡ ، ﺑﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﺎﻡ ، ﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻭﻉﻭﺍﻻﻋﻼﻡ ، ﻭﺍﻧﻮﺍ ﺍ~ﺍﻻﻣﻨﺎﻡ.‬ ‫ﺗﺘﻤﺎﺳﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻛﺒﺎﻥ، ﻓﻔﻈﺒﻤﺎ ﻟﻠﺮﺣﻤﻦ < ﻡ‬ ‫) ﻡ ﻩ ( ﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﺣﻀﺮﻣﻮﻧﺬ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻮﻥ « _ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ،ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﻻ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺒﺐ 0ﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺑﺒﻚ ﻟﻚ ، ﺍﻻ ﺗﺘﺮﺑﻜﺎ ﻧﻤﻠﻚ ، « ﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﻠﻜﻪ ﺃﻭ ﻧﻨﺮﻙ ، :ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻟﺤﻠﺒﻢ « ﻓﺎﻧﺰﻛﻪ <‬ ‫)ﺍ ﻭﻩ ( ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪ ﻏﺴﺎﻥ . ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﻣﻠﻮﻛﻤﺎ« ﻓﺄﻣﻨﺬ ﻓﻮﻣﻤﺎ،‬ ‫ﺭﺏ‬ ‫ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺍ،ﻭﻋﺘﺒﺘﻤﺎﻭﻧﺤﻨﺎﻭﺣﺠﻨﺎ <‬ ‫~ . ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﻋﻦ ﺑﺠﺒﻼ ، ﻓﺎﺳﻬﺎ ﻟﻌﻤﻨﺬ ﺍﻟﻔﺒﺒﻠﻮﺀ«‬ ‫) ﻩ ﻩ ( ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻨﻨﻰ ﻧﺰﻯ ﻃﺎﺋﻔﻪﺍﺑﻜﻌﺒﻪ ﻙ~، ﻓﺪ ﺧﻠﻔﻨﺬ :ﻭﻧﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﻣﻂ ﺍ~ «ﻡ‬ ‫) «ﻩ ( ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪﺍ ﺩﻭﺱ . ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻻﻣﻤﺎﻡ ، ﺗﺘﻤﺎﻧﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻛﺒﺎﻥ ،‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﻓﻄﺴﺮ <‬ ‫:ﻧﻨﻼ ﺩﻭﺱﺳﺎﻣﻌﺎﺍ ~،ﻭﺭﺏ ﻛﻞ ﻭﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫0ﺍ ﺑﻤﺨﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻻﺳﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻠﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ .ﻻﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ . ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻯ ﺷﺠﺮ‬ ‫)ﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻭﺛﻦ ﻓﻐﺒﺪﻫﺎ ﻏﻄﻔﺎﻥ ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻨﺰ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭﺑﺎﻫﻼﺍ ﻓﻔﺒﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻡﻝﻭ ﻭ«ﺏ(ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻭﺛﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻔﻄﺴﺎ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﻟﺒﺪ ﻭﺣﻤﻮ ﺍﻟﻠﻮ < ﻭﻛﺎﺳﺮ ﺍﺍﻻ: ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺎﺋﻒ ﻟﻨﻔﺒﻒ ﻓﺒﻌﻨﺰ ﺍﻟﺒﻲ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍ~ ﻋﻠﺒﻰ ﻭﺳﻠﻢ ﺃﺑﺎ ﻣﻤﻨﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻐﺒﺮﻩ ﺑﻦ ﺷﺐﺍ ﻓﻬﺪﻣﺎﻫﺎ، ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﺟﻬﺎﺭ ﻟﻬﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺑﻌﻜﺎﻅ<‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﺳﻮﺍﻉ ﺑﻤﻌﻌﺎﻥ « ﺗﻌﺒﺪﻩ )« ( ﻛﺎﻥﺍ ﻭﻫﺬﺑﻞﻭﻣﺰﺑﺖﻭﺣﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺒﺲﻣﺐﻻﻥ < ﻭﻛﺎﺳﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺘﻤﺲ ﻟﺒﻨﻲ ﺗﻤﺒﺞ ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻨﺰ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﺒﻨﺰ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﺗﻌﺒﺪﻩ )« ( ﺑﻤﻮ ﻩ ﻭﺩ ﻛﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﻓﺴﺰﻭﻧﻨﻬﺒﻢ ﻭﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﻮﺭ ﻭﻋﻜﻞ « ﻭﻛﺎﻥﻭﺙ ﻟﺒﻨﻲ ﻭﺑﺮﻩﺍ ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻮ~ﺑﺪﻭﻣﻨﻪﺍ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻝ < ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﻰ ﺑﻤﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻋﺼﺎﺭﻭ:ﺯﺩ 0 ﻩﺍﻭﻏﺒﺮﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺯﺩ ﺑﻌﺒﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺛﻨﻤﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﻔﺒﺪﻩ 0.ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺑﺒﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺒﺪ < ﻭﻛﺎ~‬ ‫ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺰﺍ، ﺍﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻩﺍ ﻭﻛﺎﻥ )« ( ﺑﺴﺒﻒ ( ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ )« ( < ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﺳﺪ ﻫﺬﺑﻢ (ﺃ ﻭﺳﺎﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻲ ﻭﺑﺮﻩ ، ﺑﻌﺒﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺪﻩﺍ ﻭﻣﻨﺎﻩﺍ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻻﺯﺩ ﺑﻌﺒﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺪ0ﺍ< ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺫﻭ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﻮﻣﺸﺬ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺑﻨﻮ ﻫﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻟﻮ ﺑﺒﻨﺖ ﺑﻌﺪﻩﺳﺠﺒﺒﻚﺍ ﻭﺧﻨﻔﻢ ﻭﺣﺎﺭﻧﺬ ﺑﻦ ﻛﻌﺐ ﻭﺟﺮﻡ ﻭﺯﺑﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻰﻋﻤﺎﺭﻩﺍ < ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻐﻮﻧﺰ ﻟﻤﺬﺣﺞ < ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﻮﻥ ﻟﺨﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ < ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺗﺴﺮ ﻩ ﻟﺤﻤﺒﺮ‬ ‫«ﻓﻴﺎﺡ ﻭﺱ ﻭﺣﻰ- ﻓﻮﻡ ! ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺎﻣﻨﻨﻰ ﺃﺡ « ﻓﻮﺹ « «‬ ‫)«ﻩ(‬ ‫:~ﺍ~ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻧﻨﻬﺎ «‬ ‫.ﻓﻢ ﻩ . ﻓﺬﺍﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎ ،‬ ‫ﺍ«ﻩ( « ﻣﻲ:ﺡ ﻭﺣﺲ .ﺩﻱ « « ﻓﺎﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺨﻮﺑﻰﻫﻰﻻ«( «‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺣﻀﺮﻣﻮﺕ ﻩ « ﺍﻟﺒﻌﻔﻮﺑﻲ _ﻻ ﻧﻨﻰ ﺑﻚ‬ ‫)ﻡ ﻩ( « ﺍﻟﺒﻌﻔﻮﺑﻲ ﺹ ﻩ5« - ﻛﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻟﻚ ﻧﻨﻬﻠﻜﻮﺃﻭﻧﻬﻠﻜﻪ. ﻩ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ «‬ ‫0«‬ ‫0 ﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﻥ ﻭﻣﺨﺒﻠﻮ‬ ‫)ﻩ ﻩ( « ﻅﺭﻥ ﺃﻟﻴﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﻰ ﻩ5« » ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﻋﻦ ﺑﺠﻴﻠﻮ‬ ‫0 ﺃﻟﻐﻔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰ«ﻡ ﻭ .‬ ‫~ « ﻧﺒﻴﺎﻧﺬ ،ﻓﻢ ﻩ ﻭﺭﺳﺎﻷ‬ ‫2 ﻅﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻗﻤﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﻤﻦ < ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺫﻭ ﻩ ﻟﺒﺎ ﻟﻤﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺲ . ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺮﻕ ﺑﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻡ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻜﺮ ﺑﻦ ﻭﺍﺛﻞ ﺭﻳﺒﻌﺖ~ < ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻜﻤﺪﺓﺍ ﺫﺭﻳﻊ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺠﻴﺮ « ﺑﺎﻟﻴﻤﻦ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﻮﺕ.‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻒ ﻭﻟﻌﻚ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﻌﺮﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻤﺎ ﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺤﺎﺱ ﻳﺘﻜﻠﻤﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻮﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻼﻡ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺴﻤﻊ ﺑﻤﺜﻠﻮ . ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺴﺎﻕ ﻭﻋﺎﺛﻚﺍ ﻟﻘﺮﻳﺜﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﻻﺣﺎ ﻳﺒﺶ < ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﺒﻞ ﻟﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺮ ﻭﻣﻠﻚ ﻭﻣﻠﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺛﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﻧﺔ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺒﺪ ﻣﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﻨﺎﻧﺔ ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﺪ ﻣﺎﺣﺐ ﺗﺮﻳﺶ.‬ ‫ﺍ() ﺃﺝ « ﻭ <«« ﺏ ﺍﻭﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﺃ ﺍﻻﻟﻬﺖﺍ ﻓﺄ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺙ ﻣﻠﻜﻠﺐ ﺑﺪﻭﻣﺔﺍ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺪﻝ ﻭﺃ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻬﺬﻳﻞ ﺑﻤﻤﺎﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮ ، ﻭﺃﻣﺎ ﻳﻐﻮﺙ ﻓﻠﺒﻨﻲﻣﺨﻄﻴﻒ ﻭﻫﻢ 0 ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ، ﻭﺃﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﻬﻤﺪﺍﻥ ، ﻭﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺮ ﻓﻠﺤﻤﻴﺮ ﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﻼﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻤﻴﺮ ، ﻓﻜﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﻟﻬﺔ ﻳﻌﺒﺪﻫﺎ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻧﻮﺡ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﻫﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ • ﻭﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻼﺕ ﻓﻠﺘﺘﻔﻴﻖ ﻭﺃ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﻏﻄﻔﺎﻥﻭﺣﺸﻢ ﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺼﺮ ﺑﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﺑﺔ ﻭﺳﻌﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺑﻜﺮ <ﻭﺃﻣﺎ،ﻣﻨﺎﺓ ﻓﻜﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻘﺪﻳﺪ « ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﻜﺖ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔﺍ « ﻭﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺒﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺴﺎﻕ ﻭﻣﺎﺛﻠﺖ ﻭﻫﺒﻞ ﻻﻫﻞ ﻣﻜﻪﺍ 0 ﻓﻜﺎﻥ ﻳﺴﺎﻕ ﺣﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﺮ ﺍﻻﺳﺮﺩ ، ﻭﻣﺎﺛﻠﺖﺍ ﺣﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ، ﻭﻫﺒﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻮﻑ ﺍﻟﻜﻌﺒﺔ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﻩ ﻓﻤﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻋﺸﺮ ﺫﺭﺍﻋﺎ < ﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﺍﺍ )« ( ﻓﻲ ﺃﺡ > ﻭﻧﻤﺘﻢ . ﻭﺍﻧﻄﺮ . ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺳﻲ ،ﻓﻤﺤﺎﻧﺄ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺍﻡ ﺡ « ﻫﻰ «/«ﺱ ﻩ‬ ‫)7 ( ﻓﻲ ﺃﺡ > ﻟﻘﺪﻣﺪ ﻩ )ﻻ( ﺭﺍﺣﻊ . ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻯ، ﺗﻌﺴﺒﺮ )ﻣﻮﻻﻕ ﻻﻻﻣﻰ4 ﻻ_6ﻻ‬ ‫(ﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻴﻮﻛﻠﻲ ، ﺍﻟﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻮﺭ ﺝ ﻩ ﺹ««»_ﻻ«« ! ﺍﻟﺮﺭﻓﺎﻣﻲ ، ﻧﻤﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍ~ ﺍﻟﻠﺪﻣﻤﺖ‬ ‫)ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓﺍ ﻩ(ﻻ» ( ﺝ ﻡ ﻣﻰ ﻻ(ﻩ _ ﻭ(ﻻ ، ﺡ ﻩ ﻣﻰ ﻻ( ، (ﻩ _ (ﻩ : ﺍﻟﺼﺎﻟﺤﻰ ، ﺳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍ~ﻯ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺙ ﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺳﺒﺮﺓ ﺣﺒﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﺩ ، ﺝ«ﺹ (4« ~ 4 (ﻟﻢ ! ﺍﻣﻰ ﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﺑﺄ، ﺳﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻥ ، )ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻣﻮ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﻞ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻫﻤﻢ ، ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻩ/ﻻ«/ 691 ( ﺡ«‬ ‫ﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻰ 5»« _ ﻩﻻﻟﻢ ! ﻟﺤﺒﻰ ، ﺗﻔﻴﺮ ﺝ /« ﻫﻰ ﻻﻩ ﻻ~ ﻩ«ﻻ ﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﻡ.‬ 

On 'Concessions' and Conduct. A Study in early Ḥadīth

Studies on the First Century of Islamic Society. Ed. G.H.A. Juynboll. Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press (1982): 89-107, 214-230

On 'Concessions' and Conduct. A Study in early Ḥadīth

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M. J. Kister

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concessions.pdf On 'Concessions' and Conduct A Study in Early Hadith Traditions about early ritual practices and customs reported on the authority of the Prophet, of his Companions isahaba) or their Successors (tabi'un) are often divergent and even contradictory. Early compilations of haditb occasionally record these traditions in separate chapters with headings which point out their differences; they also enumerate the scholars who held these divergent views. So, for example, the chapter Man kana yutimmu l-takbir is followed by the chapter Man kana la yutimmu l-takbir ; the chapter Man qala laysa 'ala man nama sajidan wa-qa'idan w u d u' is followed by Man kana y aqisl u i d h a nama ta-t-yatawaddo'. Traditions arranged under headings Man kariha ... followed by Man rakhkhasa [i ... are of a similar type. It is obvious that these diverse traditions reflect differences in the opinions of various circles of Muslim scholars and indicate that in the early period of Islam many ritual prescriptions were not yet firmly established. The rukhas or "concessions," i.e., the changes in ritual prescriptions designed to soften their harshness, were indeed an efficient tool in adapting the prescriptions to the real conditions of life and its changing circumstances. They established practices that were in keeping with the new ideas of Islam. Yet it is evident that the concession, rukhsa, had to acquire authoritative sanction and legitimacy; this could be achieved only through an utterance of the Prophet. As a matter of fact, the following haditb is attributed to the Prophet: "Truly, God desires that His concessions be carried out [just] as He desires His injunctions to be observed" tinna llaha 2 yuhibbu an tu'ta rukhasuhu kama yuhibbu an tuta 'azaimuhui: This tradition was interpreted in manifold ways. According to one interpretation it implies a whole view of life; al-Shaybani (died 189/805) states that the believer who restricts himself to the most basic means of subsistence acts according to the prescriptions, whereas pleasant life and delights are for him a concession, a rukhsa? The purchase of the arable kharaj land in Iraq by Muslims was approved by 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz on the ground of a rukhsa interpretation of a Qur'anic verse; grants of land in the Sawiid, given to Muslims, were also based on rukhsa precedents? 'Abd al-Razzaq, al=Musanna], ed. Habib al-Rabman al-A'zami (Beirut: 11: 291, no. 20569 i=Liimi' Ma'rnar b. Riishid: ... an yu'mala bi-rukhasihi); Ibn Balban, al-Ihsan [i taqrib sahihi bni Hibban, MS. Br. Mus., Add. 27519, fol. 90a; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir [i l-taf sir bi=l=ma'thur (Cairo: 1314), 1: 193; Abu Nu'aym, Hilyat al=awliyh' (Beirut: 1387/1967, reprint), 6: 191 inf., 276, 2: 101 info C, an tuqbala rukhasuhu); al-Miiwardi, al-Amthal wa-l-bikam, MS Leiden, Or. 655, fol. 87b c.. an yu'khadha bi-rukhasihi kama yuhibbti an yu'khadha bi=farii'i dihi), al-Mundhiri, al-Targhib wa-l-tarhib, ed. Muhammad Muhyi l-Din 'Abd al-Hamid (Cairo: 1279/1960), 2: 261, no. 1541 (and see ibid. no. 1539: ._ an tu'ta rukhasuhu kama yakrahu an tu'ta masiyatuhu ; another version: ... kama yuhibbu an tutraka masiyatuhu); al-Muniiwi, Fayd al=qadlr; sharb al- jami' al-saghir (Beirut: 139111972),2: 292, no. 1879, 293, no. 1881(; an tuqbala rukhasuhu kama yuhibbu l+abdu maghfirat rabbihi ; 2: 296, no. 1894: ... Kama yakrahu an tu'ta ma'siyatuhu); al-Daylami, Firdaws al=akhbiir, Chester Beatty 4139, fo1. 53a; aI-Khatib al-Baghdiidi, M uq.ib awham at-jam' wa-l-tafriq (Hyderbad: 1379/1960), 2: 10 c.. an tu'ta mayasiruhu kama yuhibbu an tu'ta 'azdimuhu); cf. al-Kulayni al-Kiifi, ed. Najm al-Din al-Amuli (Tehran: 1388),1: 208-209, no. 4. 2 al-Shaybiini, al-Ikiisab [i l-rizqi l-mustaiab, Talkhis Muhammad b. Sama'a, ed. Mahrnud 'Arniis (Cairo: 1357/1938), p. 81: ... fa-sara l-basilu anna l-iqtisara 'ala adna ma yakfihi 'azimatun, wa-ma zada 'ala dhaiika min at-tana''umi wa-l-nayli min al-ladhdhiui rukhsatun, wa-qala sallii llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam: inna llaha yuhibbu an yu'ta bi-rukhasihi _. 3 Abu 'Ubayd, Kitab al-amwal, ed. Muhammad l:liimid al-Fiqi (Cairo: 1353), pp. 84-85; cf. al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra (Hyderabad: 1356), 9: 140-1: "... bab man kariha shiraa ardi l-khara] ._" And see the traditions against buying of khara] land: Ibn Zanjawayh, al-Amwat, MS. Burdur 183, fols. 1392/1972), 3 The Prophet is said to have denied believers perrmssion to enter baths, but later granted them a rukhsa to enter them, provided they wore loincloths, ma'iuir: There were in fact two contradictory attitudes in the matter of baths: the one disapproving' and the other 29a-32a (and see e.g. ibid., fol. 3Oa, inf., ''; sami'a l=hasana yaqidu: man khalda ribqata muiihidin fa-jdaiaha [i 'unuqihi [a-qad istaqala hijraiahu wa-walla l-islama zahrahu wa-man aqarra bi-shayin min al-jizyati [a-qad aqarra bi-babin min abwabi l-kufri'). 4 al-Shawkani, Nayl ai-awrar, sharb muntaqa l-akhbar min ahadithi sayyidi i-akhyar (Cairo: 1372/1953), 1: 299; Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, ed. 'Abd al-Khaliq Khan al-Atghani (Hyderabad: 1386/1966), 1: 109-110; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 1: 290-296, nos. 11l6-1136; l-Fakihi, Ta'rikh Makka, MS. Leiden a Or. 463, fol. 412a; al-Mundhiri, 1: 118-122,nos. 267-278; al-Sharishi, Sharb maqiimiu al-Hariri, ed. Muhammad 'Abd al-Mun'im Khafaji (Cairo: 1372/1952), 3: 74; aI-Muttaqi I-Hindi, K anz al-tummii! (Hyderabad: 138111962),9: 231-234, nos. 1978-2010;cf. al-Hakim, Marifai 'uiion ai-hadith, ed. Mu'azzam I;Iusayn (Cairo: 1937),p. 98. 5 See e.g. al-Munawi, 2: 54, no. 1311: ... uffin li-l-hammam ..." enjoins husbands " to forbid their wives to enter baths, stresses the filthiness of their water and confines the entrance of men to those wearing the ma'Iizir ; cf. al-Tayalisi, Musnad (Hyderabad: 1321), p. 212, no. 1518:'A'isha reproaches the women from Hirns for entering baths. And see Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, Majmd al-zawdid wa-manbd a/-fawa'id (Beirut: 1967, reprint), 1: 277-278 (the prohibition for women to enter baths; and see ibid., p. 114:the bath is the abode of the Devil); al-Tabari, Dhayl al-mudhayyal (Cairo: 1353/1934), 10: 246; al-Dhahabi, Mizan al-Itidal, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bajawi (Cairo: 1382/1963), 3: 631, no. 7889; al-Daylami, MS. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 90b (the prohibition to enter baths by women is preceded by a prediction of the Prophet that the Muslims will conquer the lands of the 'ajam and will find there "buildings called baths"; a concession at the end of the haditn is granted to women who are ill, or after confinement). And see al-Kattani, Juz', MS. Chester Beatty 4483, fol. 9b ("; bi'sa l-bayt al-hammam'; the Prophet permitted, however, men to enter the bath wearing the maazir, after being told of the importance of the bath for the cleanness of the body and the treatment of the sick). Cf. Ahmad b. I;Ianbal, al-Tlal wa-marifat ai-rijai, ed. Talat Kocyigit and Ismail Cerrahoglu (Ankara: 1963), I: 266, no. 1716 (the prayer in a bath is disliked), 271, no. 1745 ("ai-arq.u kulluha masjidun illa l-hammam wo-l-maqbara'), And see the story of Ibn 'Umar who was shocked when he saw the naked men in the bath (Ibn Sa'd, 4 recommending them," Accordingly scholars are divided in their opinion as to whether the water of the bath can be used for ritual washing, ghus/, or whether, on the contrary, ghusl has to be performed for cleaning oneself from the very water of the bath? The knowledge of rukhas granted by the Prophet is essential for the proper understanding of the faith and its injunctions. The misinterpretation of the verse: "Those who treasure up gold and Tabaqiu (Beirut: 1377/1957), 4: 153-154);and see the various Shi'i traditions in Yiisuf al-Bahrani's al-Haddiq ai-nadira [i ahkam al-'itra al-tahira, ed. Muhammad Taqiyy al-Ayrawani (Nadjaf: 1378),5: 528-540. 6 See al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, 2: 311, 11.4-5; Ibn al-Sunni, 'A mal ai-yawm wa-Hayla (Hyderabad: 1358),p. 85: "ni'ma l-bayt al-hammam yadkhuluhu l-rajulu l-muslim ..."; al-Daylarni, MS. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 174b; al-Wassabl al-Habashi, al-Baraka fi [adli l-sdyi wa-l-haraka (Cairo: n.d.), p. 268; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 1: 279 (a bath was built on the spot approved of by the Prophet). The tradition that the Prophet used to frequent the bath is vehemently refuted by al-Qastallanl, as recorded in a l-Zurqani's Shari) ai-mawiihib al-laduniy ya (Cairo: 1327), 4: 214. Al-Qastallanl, quoting the opinion of Ibn Kathir, states that there were no baths in the Arabian peninsula in the time of the Prophet. Al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, discussing the tradition of Umm al-Darda' about her entering a bath in Medina (Muq.ilJ 1: 359), states that there were no baths in Medina in the period of the Prophet; in that period baths existed only in Syria and Persia (Muq.ii) 1: 362-364). Cf. al-Suyiiti, al-Hiiwi li=l=i atiiwi, ed. Muhammad MulJyi I-Din 'Abd al-I:Iamid (Cairo: 1378/1959), 1: 526-528; Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rikn (Tahdhib) (Damascus: 1329), 3: 380; Murtada al-Zabidi, ItlJiif al-siida al-muttaqin bi-sharh asrar iIJy1i 'ulum al-din (Cairo: 1311) (reprinted Beirut), 2: 400. On the building of baths in Basra in the early period of Islam and the profits gained from them see al-Baladhuri, Ansiib al-ashra], 1, ed. Muhammad Hamidullah (Cairo: 1959): 502; al-Tha'alibl, Thimar al-quliib, ed. Abii l-Fadl Ibrahim (Cairo: 1384/1965), p. 318,no. 476. 7 See Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 107-108; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 1: 295-298 (see e.g. the answer of Ibn 'Abbas, "innama ja'ala llahu l-mii'a yutahhiru wa-la yutahharu.' ibid., no. 1142; and see the answer of al-Sha'bi when asked, on leaving the bath, whether one is obliged to perforn the ghusl (to clean oneself) from the water of the bath: "So why did I enter the bath?", ibid., no. 1146); and see the outspoken answer of Ibn 'Abbas when he entered a bath in the state of ihriim: "Mii ya'ba'u lliihu bi-awsakhinii shay'an.' al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 5: 63 info 5 silver, and do not expend them in the way of God -- give them good tidings of a painful chastisement ..." (Qur'an 9:34) by Abu Dharr is explained by the fact that Abu Dharr met the Prophet and heard from him some injunctions of a severe character (yasma'u min rasidi llahi [s] l-amra fihi l-shiddatur; he then left for the desert. The Prophet, in the meantime, alleviated the injunction (yurakhkhisu [ihi) and people adopted the concession. But Abu Dharr, unaware of this, came back and adhered to the first (scil, severe) injunction," In later periods of Islam the practice of rukhas was presented as the attitude of the first generations of Islam. The righteous predecessors (ai-saiat), argues Abu Talib al-Makki, were in the habit of alleviating (yurakhkhisitna) the rules of ritual impurity, but were strict in the matter of earning one's li ving by proper means alone as well as in the moral aspects of behavior like slander, futile talk, excessive indulgence in rhetoric etc., whereas contemporary scholars, Abu Talib continues, are heedless in problems of moral behavior, but are rigid tshaddadii) with regard to ritual impurity," Sufyan al-Thawri speaks about rukhsa in the following terms: "Knowledge in our opinion is merely [the knowledge of] a rukhsa [reported on the authority] of a reliable scholar; the rigid, rigoristic practice can be observed by everyone?" The pious 'Ata' al-Sulaymi asked for the traditions of rukhas ; they might relieve his grief, he said." The rukhas-traditions were of great importance for the strengthening of belief in God's mercy for the believers thusnu l-zanni bi-llah).12 Sulayman b. Tarkhan asked his son to tell him rukhas-traditions in order to come to the Presence of God (literally: to meet God) with hope for God's mercy," 8 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manihiir, 3: 243. 9 Abii Tiilib al-Makki, QUt al-quliib (Cairo: 1351/1932),2: 46. 10 Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, Jami' b ayii» ai-t ilm wa-f adlihi (a l+Mad ina al-munawwara: n.d., reprint), 2: 36: innama l-'ilmu 'indana l-rukhsatu min thiqatin ; [a-amma l-tashdidu [a-yuhsinuhu kullu ahadin. 11 Abii Nu'aym, 6: 217. 12 See Ibn Abi l-Dunya, Majmu'at al-rasiiil (Cairo: 1354/1935), pp. 39-72: kitabu husni l-zanni bi-llah. 13 Ibid., p. 45, no. 29; Abii Nu'ayrn, 3: 31. 6 In a wider sense rukhas represent in the opinion of Muslim scholars the characteristic way of Islam as opposed to Judaism and Christianity. The phrase "... and he will relieve them of their burden and the fetters that they used to wear" (Qur'an 7:157) is interpreted as referring to the Prophet, who removed the burden of excessively harsh practices of worship'? and of ritual purity," The rigid and excessive practices of worship refer to Jews and Christians alike. The Prophet forbade his believers to follow the harsh and strict way of people who brought upon themselves destruction. The remnants of these people can be found in the cells of monks and in monasteries; this, of course, refers to Christians." These very comments are coupled with the haditb about the rukhas mentioned earlier: inna llaha yuhibbu ... It is thus not surprising to find this rukhas tradition together with an additional phrase: ... ia-qbalic rukhasa llahi wa-Ia takiinic ka-bani israila hina shaddadii 'ala anfusihim ta-shaddada llahu 'alayhiml' The ruk hs a tradition is indeed recorded in chapters condemning hardship in the exertion of worship and ritual practices," stressing the benevolence of God for His creatures even if they commit grave sins, reproving cruelty even towards a cat," 14 ... al-t athqitu lladhi kana [i dinihim ... al-tashdl du fi l-'ibadati ... al-shadii'idu llati kiinat 'alayhim ... tashdidun shuddida 'ala l-qawmi, [a-iao Muhammadun (s) bi-l-taiawuzi 'anhum. 15 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthlir, 3: 135; al-Tabari, Taf sir, ed. Mahmiid and Ahmad Shakir (Cairo: 1958), 13: 167-168; al-Qurtubi, Tat sir. (Cairo: 1387/1967), 7: 300; Hashim b. Sulayman al-Bahrani al-Tawbali al-Katakani, al-Burhan [i tafsiri l-qur'an (Qumm: 1393),2: 40, no. 3. 16 al-Suyiitl, al-Durr ol-manthia, 1: 193. 17 al-'Amili, al-Kashkid, ed. Tahir Ahmad al-Zawi (Cairo: 1380/1960), 1: 221. 18 See Ibn Balban, fol. 90a-b, the headings: ... dhikru t-ikhbari 'amma yustahabbu li=lrmari min qubidi ma rukhkhisa lahu bi-tarki l-tahammuli 'ala l-naf si ma la tuiiqu min aHa'ati _ ; ai-ikhbaru bi-anna 'ala l-mar'i qubida rukhsati llahi lahu fi ta'atihi diina l-tahammuli 'ala l-najsi ma yashuqqu 'alayha hamluhu ... ; ... mii yustahabbu li-l-mar'i l-tarafiuqu bi-l-taiui wa-al-amru bi-l-qaSdi fi Ha'ati diina an yuhmala 'ala l-naisi ma la tutiqu. 19 See 'Abd al-Razzaq, 11, no. 20549. The authenticity of the story of the woman who was put in Hell because she caused the death of a cat, was 7 and recommending leniency, moderation and mildness towards the believers. Rukh sa is rukhsatu llah; God's concession for His community; it imposes on the believers kindness and moderation towards each other. Rukhsa is in this context associated with riiq, yusr, samaha and qasd?" In a different context a concession, rukhsa, is meant to ease the burden of the decreed prescription (al-hukm) for an excusable reason ilir'udhrin hasala); the acceptance of rukhsa is almost obligatory in such a case (yakiidu yulhaqu bi-l-wujub); the believer must act according to the rukh sa, subduing his pride and haughtiness." Breaking the fast of sawm al-dahr is such a rukhsa ; continuing the fast is stubborness." Commenting on the haditb "The best of my people are those who act according to the rukhas,' al-Munawi stresses that the rukhas apply to specific times only; otherwise one should follow the incumbent prescription." The haditb "He who does not accept the concession of God will bear a sin as heavy as the mountains of 'Arafat" 24 was quoted in connection with a concession according to which it is recommended 20 21 22 23 14 questioned by 'A'lsha, She asserted that the woman was an unbeliever, a kalira. The believer is more respected by God iakramu 'inda [[jihi) than that He would chastise him because of a cat, she argued. She rebuked Abii Hurayra, the transmitter of the hadlth, and bade him to transmit the tradition more accurately. See al-Zarkashi, al+l jaba li-Iriidi rna st adrakat-hu 'A'ishatu 'ala I-sahaba (Cairo: n.d.), p. 61; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 1: 116; and see Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, Futuh misr, ed. C. Torrey (Leiden; 1920), p. 292; Hanniid b. al-Sariyy, Kitab al-suhd, MS. Princeton, Garret 1419,fo!. lOla, inf. -lOlb. See 'Abd al-Razziiq, 11: 282-288, nos. 20546; 20559 (Bab al-rukhas wa-l-shadiiid) and 11:290-292, nos. 20566-20574 (Bab al-rukhas [i l-'amal wa-l-qasd). al-Muniiwi, 2: 296-297; and see ibid., pp. 292-293 (see the commentary: the 'azima, injunction, order, has an equal standing with the rukhsa. According to the circumstances the ordained wu4u' is as obligatory as the rukhsa 0 f tayammum). And see ibid., p. 293: the concessions have to be carried out according to the circumstances for which they were given. Abii Tiilib al-Makki, 1: 11l. al-Muniiwi, 2: 51, no. 1300;al-Daylami, MS. Chester Beatty 4139, fo!. 94b. Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, p. 292; al-Muniiwi, 6: 225, no. 9031; al-Daylami, MS. 8 to break the fast when on a journey. The core of the discussion was whether the breaking of the fast during a journey is obligatory or merely permitted. Some scholars considered it as a rukhsai? The phrase in Qur'an 2:187 "... and seek what God had prescribed for you" (fa-i-i.zna bashiriihunna wa-btaghii ma kataba llahu lakum) indicates, according to one interpretation, God's concession concerning the nights of Ramadan." The phrase in Qur'an 2:158 .,. io-ta junaha 'alayhi an yattawwaja bihima ... ("... it is no fault in him to circumambulate them ..."), referring to the circumambulation of al-Safa and Marwa, gave rise to the discussion whether it indicated an order or a concession." The bewailing of the dead by hired women, the niyaha, is forbidden; but the Prophet granted the afflicted relatives the rukhsa to mourn the dead and to weep over a dead person's grave," Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 158b. 25 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir, 1: 193; Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, p. 265; Ahmad b. Hanbal, Musnad, ed. Shakir (Cairo: l368/1949), 8: 238, no. 5392; al-Dhahabi, 2: 483; Ibn Kathir, Taf sir (Beirut: l385/1966), 1: 382; cf. al-Tabari, Tafsir 3: 461-469 (see p. 460: al-iftaru [i l-maradi 'azmatun min alliihi wajibatun wa-laysa bi-tarkhis ; and see p. 464: al-iitaru fi l-saf ari rukhsatun min allahi tdala dhikruhu, rakhkhasaha li=ibadihi wa-l-fardu l-sawmu ...); Ibn Balban, fol. 9Ob, sup; al-Sha'rani, Lawaqin al-anwar (Cairo: 138111961), p. p 716-717; al-Mundhiri, 2: 258-262; Ibn Qutayba, Ta'wil mukht ali] al-badith (Cairo: 1326), pp. 307-308; al-Zurqani, Sharb al-muwatta (Cairo: 1381/1961), 2: 415-420. 26 al-Tabari, Tafsir, 3: 500 ult., 508; Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, 1: 390, line 5 from bottom; al-Suyiitl, al-Durr al-manthiir, 1: 199, line l. 27 See al-Tabarl, Tafsir, 3: 230-246; al-Qurtubi, 2: 182 (and see ibid., about the reading: fa-lii junaha 'alayhi an la yattawwaf ar; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-anwar (Tehran: 1388),99: 235, 237-8, 239 line 2; al-Zarkashi, al-/ jaba, pp. 78-9; al-Fakihi, fols. 374b-380a; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrii, 5: 96-8; Amin Mahmiid Khattjib, Fatb al-malik at-mabiid, takmilat al-manhal al-'adhb al-mawriid, sharh. sunan abi dawitd (Cairo: 1394/1974), 1: 243-50, 2: 15-16. 28 al-l;Iakim, al=Mustadrak (Hyderabad: 1342), 1: 203; aI-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Mit(j.ih, 2: 12 sup.; al-Zajjjiji, Amali, ed. 'Abd aI-Salam Hariin (Cairo: 1382), p. 181 L wa-kadhalika al-naqu: raf'u l-sawti bi-l-bukiii ; wa-hadha kana manhiyyan 'anhu [i awwali l-islami+ani l-bukita 'ala l-mayyit, thumma rukhkhisa [ihi ... ; al-Raghib al-Isfahanl, MuhMarat al-udabd (Beirut: 1961), 9 In some cases the choice between the prescription and the rukhsa has been left to the believer: such is the case of the ablution of the junub. Three traditions about how the Prophet practised wudu' ablution, when in the state of janaba contain contradictory details: two of them state that he, being a junub, performed the wudu' before he went to sleep, while the third one says that he went to sleep without performing wudu'. Ibn Qutayba, trying to bridge between the contradictory traditions, states that in a state of janaba washing before one goes to sleep is the preferred practice (afejal); by not washing the Prophet pointed to the rukhsa?" The believer may choose one of the two practices. In some cases the rukhsa completely reverses a former prohibition. The Prophet forbade the visiting of graves, but later changed his decision and granted a rukhsa to visit them: naha rasidu llahi [S] 'an ziyaraii l-qubkri thumma rakhkhasa fihlz bddu/" Cupping during a fast was forbidden by the Prophet; both the cupper and the person whose blood was drawn were considered to have broken their fast. The Prophet, however, changed his decision and granted a rukhsa ; cupping did not stop the fast," Lengthy chapters contain discussions of the problem as to whether kissing one's wife while fasting is permitted. Some scholars considered kissing or touching the body of the wife as breaking the fast, others considered it permissible. Both parties quote traditions in support of their arguments. The wives of the Prophet, who 4: 506; Ibn Abi Shayba, 3: 389-395; al-Tabarani, al-Mujam al-saghir, ed. 'Abd al-Rahrnan Muhammad 'Uthman (al-Madina al-munawwara: 1388/1968), 2: 82 (noteworthy is the report of Ibn Abi Shayba 3: 391 about the faqih Abu I-Bakhtari: ... kana rajulan [aqihan wa-kana yasmau l-nawh); Mahrniid Muhammad Khattab al-Subki, al-Manhal alradhb al-mawriid, 8: 281-4; al-Zarkashi, al-/ jaba, pp. 34, 50-1. 29 Ibn Qutayba, pp. 305-6. 30 a l+Hji z i m I, at-F't ibiir f i b a yiini l=niisikh' wa-l=mansickk min al-akhbar (Hyderabad: 1359),pp. 130-1, 228; al-Fakihi, fol. 478b, 479 penult. 31 Ibn Daqiq al-'Id, al-Ilmam bi-ahadithi l-ahkam, ed. Muhammad Sa'Id al-Mawlawi (Damascus: 1383/1963), p. 244, no. 592; al-Zurqani, Shorb al-muwatta, 2: 428-30; al-Hazimi, pp. 137-42. 10 testified as to their experience, were not unanimous about the problem. 'A'isha's evidence was in favor of kissing. The statement that old and weak people may kiss their wives, while men may not, is an obvious attempt at harmonization." A similar problem was whether kissing one's wife imposes wudu, Scholars were divided in their opinions. 'A'isha testified that the Prophet used to kiss his wives and set out to pray without performing ablution. Many scholars stated that kissing or touching one's wife does not require wudu', but others argued that it does. Some scholars found a compromise: wucj.u' is required if the kiss is accompanied by a feeling of lust," The rukhas, apparently, were exploited by scholars attached to rulers and governors. As usual precedents of wicked court-scholars in the period of banii isra'il were quoted: they frequented the courts of kings, granted them the required rukhas and, of course, got rewards for their deeds. They were happy to receive the rewards and to have the kings accept their 32 al-Tahawl, Sharb maani l-iuhar, ed. Muhammad Zuhri l-Najjir (Cairo: 2: 88-96; Ibn Abi Shayba, 3: 59-64; al-Bayhaqi, Mc'rif at al-sunan wa-l-iuhar, ed. Ahmad Saqr (Cairo: 1969), 1: 21 sup.; Ibn Qutayba, pp. 308-9; al-Dhahabi 2: 398 sup.; Abu Nu'aym, 7: 138;al-Zarkashi, al-[ jaba, p. 54; al-Zurqanl, Sharh al-muwatta, 2: 410-15; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 4: 182-94, nos. 8406-8456. See e.g. nos. 8412, 8418; kissing during the fast was considered as rukhsa ; against the rigid prohibition to look at a woman (see e.g. nos. 8452-8453) there are traditions permitting much more than kissing (see e.g. no. 8444 and the extremely permissive tradition no. 8439); and see Abu Nu'ayrn, 9: 309 (kuliu shay'in laka min ahlika haliilun [i l-siyami ilia ma bayna l-rijlayn); and see this tradition al-Daylami, MS. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 120b, 1.1;al-Muttaqi I-Hindi, 8: 384-5, nos. 2787-2793; Ibn Daqiq aI-'id, pp. 243-4, nos. 590-1; al-Kattiini, MS. Chester Beatty 4483, fol. 3a; al-Shafi'I, al-Umm (Cairo: 1321 reprint), 2: 84 sup.; Mahmiid Muhammad al-Subki, al-Man hal al-tadhb al-mawrisd, sharb sunan abi dawud (Cairo: 1390), 10: 109-13, 115-16;Ibn Abi l:liitim, 'Ilal al-I;!adith (Cairo: 1343 reprint), 1: 47, no. 108. 33 Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 44 (man qala: laysa fi l-qubla wu4u'), 45 (man qala: fiha l-wudli'); 'Abd al-Razziiq, 1: 132-6, nos. 496-515; al-Hakirn, al+Must adrak, 1: 135; al-Shawkani, Nayl, 1: 230-3; al-Zurqani, Sharh ai-muwauo', 1: 129-30; Ibn Abi l:liitim, 1: 48, nos. 109-110,63 no. 166. 1388/1968), 11 concessions. The verse in Qur'an 3:189 "Reckon not that those who rejoice in what they have brought, and love to be praised for what they have not done -- do not reckon them secure from chastisement ..." refers, according to one tradition, to these scholars," Orthodox, pious scholars fiercely criticized the Umayyad court-jurists and muhaddithiin= The [uqaha' seem to have been liberal in granting rukhas, as can be gauged from a remark of the pious Sulayman b. Tarkhan (who himself very much appreciated the granted rukhas, see above note 13) that anyone who would adopt every rukhsa of the [uqaha would turn out a libertine." In order to assess the actions of rulers it became quite important to find out to what extent they made use of rukhas. 'Umar is said to have asked Muhajirs and Ansaris in his council what their opinion would be if he applied rukhas in some problems. Those attending remained silent for a time and then Bishr b. Sa'id said: "We would make you straight as we make straight an arrow." 'Umar then said with approval: "You are as you are" (i,e, you are the proper menl.'? When al-Mansur bade Malik b. Anas to compile the Muwatta' he advised him to stick to the tenets agreed upon the Muslim community and to beware of the rigoristic opinions of Ibn 'Umar, the rukhas of Ibn 'Abbas and shawadhdh (readings of the Qur'an) of Ibn Mas'iid.38 34 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr ai-manthia, 2: 109 inf. 35 Ibn 'Asakir, 6: 218: ... [a-ataw l-umara'a [a-haddathiihum [a-rakhkhasii lahum, wa-atawhum [a-qabilii minhum ...; al-Qadi 'Iyiid, Tartib al-madarik, ed. Ahmad Bakir Mahmiid (Beirut: 1387/1967), 1-2, 616 (Sahniin): ... wa-baiaghani annahum yuhaddithunahum min al-rukhas ma yuhibbiina, mimma laysa 'alayhi l-'amalu ...; al-Dhahabi, 1: 14 inf.: '" ila kam tuhaddithu l-nasa bi-l-rukhasil ... and see al-Suyiiti, al-Durr ol-mamhia, 3, 139. ; 36 Abii Nu'aym, 3:32; al-Raghib al-Isfahani, 1: 133:... man akhadha bi-rukhsati kulli [aqihin kharaja minhu fasiq. And See Ahmad b. Hanbal, 'Ilal, 1: 238, no. 1499: Malik, asked about the rukhas of singing granted by some people of Medina, said: "In our place the libertines behave in this way." 37 Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, Hadith, MS. Chester Beatty 3849/4 (majmu'a), fol. 44b, inf.-45a (the text: antum idhan antum); al-Muttaqi al-Hindi, 5: 405 inf., no. 2414 (the text: antum idhan antum idhan). 38 'Abd al-Malik b. Habib, Tarikh, MS. Bodley. Marsh. 288, p. 167: ... wa-qala 12 Many a rukhsa indeed served to regulate relations between people, establish certain privileges for the weak and disabled, to alleviate some rigorous practices and finally, in some cases, to turn Jahili practices into Muslim ones by providing them with a new theoretical basis. Al-Hakim al-Naysabiiri" says that the Prophet's command to Zayd b. Thabit to learn the writing of the Jews ikitaba; al-yahiui) in order to be able to answer their letters, serves as the only rukhsa permitting the study of the writings of the People of the Book. Weak and disabled people were given special instructions on how more easily to perform certain practices during the pilgrimage.'? The Prophet enjoined that the ritual ablution (wutju') should start with the right hand; but a rukhsa was granted to start from the left." The cutting of trees and plants was forbidden in the haram of Mecca, but the Prophet allowed as a rukhsa the idhkhir rush ischoenanium) to be cut since it was used in graves and for purification." A special rukhsa was given by the Prophet to take freely the meat of animals sacrificed by him; the nuhba (plunder) of sugar and nuts at weddings was also permitted by the Prophet," A rukhsa was issued by the Prophet allowing use of gold and silver for the embellishment of swords, for the repair and fastening of damaged cups and vessels, for a treatment in 39 40 41 42 43 abi: ja'farin al-mansiiru li-maliki bni anasin hina amarahu bi-wad'i muwauaihi: ya abii 'abdi lliihi ttaqi shaddida bni 'umara wa-rukhasa bni 'abbasin wa-shawadhdha bni mas'iidin wa+alayka bi-l-amri l-mujtamdi 'alayhi. al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, 1: 75. al-Tahawi, Sharb mdani, 2: 215-218. al-Bayhaqi, ai-Sunan al-kubra, 1: 86-87. al-Baliidhuri, Futul; al-buldiin, ed. 'Abdallah and 'Umar al-Tabba' (Beirut: 1377/1958), p. 58, 1.3. Abu 'Ubayd, Gharibu l-hadltl: (Hyderabad: 1384/1965), 2: 54; al-Tai)iiwi, Sharb mdani, 3: 49-50; al-Zurqani, Sharb al-mawahib ; 4: 325 inf. -326; al-Fasawi, al-Mdrifa wa-l-tarikh; MS. Esad Ef. 2391, fol. 32a, sup. ('an ibni mas'iidin annahu kariha nihaba l-sukkar). 13 dentistry and for the restitution of a cut nose." The Prophet uttered a r uk h s a about the nabi dh of jars;45 the use of jars for nabidh (steeping of dates) was forbidden before that. The muttering of healing incantations, the ruqya, a current practice in the Jahiliyya period, was forbidden by the Prophet. Later he fixed the formulae of these healing incantations for various kinds of illnesses, bites from snakes and scorpions, and the evil eye, giving them an Islamic character." This was, of course, a rukhsa of the Prophet. It is also a rukhsa to denounce Islam in case of danger to one's life. Two Muslims were captured by a troop of Musaylima and were ordered to attest the prophethood of Musaylima. One of them refused and was killed; the other complied and saved his life. When he came to the Prophet, the Prophet said that he had chosen the way of the rukhsa:" The discussion of a rukhsa could, in certain circumstances, turn into a bitter dispute. 'Uthman disapproved of the tamattu' pilgrimage." 'Ali, who was at the council of 'Uthman, opposed this opinion fiercely, arguing that tamattu' was a sunna of the Prophet and a rukhsa granted by God to his servants. 'uthmdn 44 al-Tahawl, Mushkil al-iuhiir (Hyderabad: 1333), 2: 166-179; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 5: 147-151;al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 1: 28-30. 45 al-Hakim, Ma'rifat 'uliim, p. 196 sup.; al-Hazimi, pp. 228-230. 46 Ibn Wahb, Jami, ed. 1. David-Weill (Cairo: 1939), pp. 103-106; al-Tahawl, Sharb mdiini, 4: 326-329; Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, 5: 109-114;al-Zurqani, Shorb ai-muwatta', 6: 348-350; idem, Sharb al-mawahib, 7: 68-82; al-Wa$$iibi, al-Baraka; pp. 268-270; Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, al-Tibb al-nabawi, ed. 'Abd aI-Ghani 'Abd al-Khaliq, 'Adil al-Azharl, Mahrniid Faraj al-'Uqda (Cairo: 1377/1957), pp. 127, 131 inf.-147; idem, Zad al-ma'Iid (Beirut: n.d.), 3: 116-125; al-Damiri, Hayiu. al-I;ayawan (Cairo: 1383/1963), 2: 139-140;al-Tha'alibi, Thimar oi-quliib, pp. 126, no. 672, 431, no. 690. 47 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manihiir, 4: 133. 48 On the tamauu pilgrimage see e.g. Ibn Hazm, Haj]at al-wada', ed. Mamdiib Baqqi (Beirut: 1966), pp. 49, 89, 90, 102; Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, 3: 236; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 5: 15-26. . 14 excused himself saying that he had merely expressed his personal opinion which anybody could accept or reject. A man from Syria who attended the council and disliked 'Ali's argument said that he would be ready to kill 'Ali, if ordered to do so by the Caliph, 'Uthman, He was silenced by Habib b. Maslama'" who explained to him that the Companions of the Prophet knew better the matter in which they differed." This remark of Habib b. Maslama is a projection of later discussions and represents the attitude of orthodox circles which recommend refraining from passing judgement on the contradictory arguments of the sahaba. However the passage also reflects the contrasting ways in which the pilgrimage was performed. It is noteworthy that Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya wrote lengthy passages in which he examined in a thorough manner the contradictory opinions of the scholars about the tamattu' pilgrimage," Close to the concept of rukhsa was the idea of naskh. abrogation, total change, referring to hadith. Such a case of naskh is the practice of wudii' after the consumption of food prepared on fire. The Prophet is said to have uttered a hadith: tawadda'ii mimma massat al=nar. A great number of traditions assert that the Prophet later used to eat cooked food and immediately afterwards prayed without performing the wudii, The traditions concerning this subject are found in some of the compendia arranged in two separate chapters, recording the opinions and deeds of the righteous predecessors who respectively practised wudu' or objected to it.52 49 See on him al-Fasi, al-T qd al-thamin [i tarikhi l-baladi l-am in, ed. Fu'ad Sayyid (Cairo: 1384/1965), 4: 49-52; Nasr b. Muzahim, Waq'at Siffin, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Harlin (Cairo: 1382), index; Ibn Hajar, al-Lsiiba, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bajiwi (Cairo: 1392/1972), 2: 24-26, no. 1602. 50 Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, Jiimi' bayan, 2: 30; cf. al-Zurqani, Sharb al-muwaua; 3: 52 (and see pp. 48-51); ai-Muttaqi l-Hindi, 5: 83, no. 678, 88, no. 704. 51 Zad ol-maad. 1: 188-191,203-18. 52 'Abd al-Razzaq 1: 163-171(man qala ia yutawaddau mimma massat al-nar), pp. 172-174 (ma ja'a fimi: massat al-nar min al-shidda); Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 46-52 (man kana ia yatawadddu mimma massat ai-nar ; man kana yara lrwudiia mimma ghayyarat al-nar); al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 1: 153-158; al-Hazimi, pp. 46-52; Nlir ai-Din al-Haythami, 1: 248-249 (ai-wu4u' 15 The arguments brought forth by the partisans of both groups and toe traditions reported by them may elucidate some aspects of the problem under discussion. According to a tradition, reported by al-Hasan b. 'Ali, the Prophet was invited by Fatima and was served the shoulder of a ewe. He ate and immediately afterwards started to pray. Fatima asked him why he had not performed the wudii' and the Prophet answered, obviously surprised, "[To wash] after what, 0 my daughter?" She said, "[To wash] after a meal touched by fire." Then he said, "The purest food is that touched by fire."53 A similar tradition is recorded on the authority of 'A'isha, When she asked the Prophet why he did not perform the wudu' after eating meat and bread he answered, "Shall I perform the wudis' after the two best things: bread and meat?"54 There is a tradition on the authority of Umm Habiba, the wife of the Prophet, who had ordered the performance of wudii' after having eaten gruel of parched barley tsawiq) on the grounds of the hadith: Tawaddaii mimma massat al-nari? but traditions recorded on the authority of Safiyya, Umm Salama and the Companions of the Prophet affirm that the Prophet prayed after eating cooked food without performing the wu4it'.56 The scholars who deny the obligation of wudis' after the consumption of meals state that the principle established by the Prophet was that wudii' is obligatory 53 54 55 56 mimma massat al-nar), pp. 251-254 (tarku I-wut/u' mimma massat al-nar); al-Tahawi, Sharb maani, 1: 62-70; Ahmad b. Hanbal, al+Llal, 1: 305, nos. 1984-1985, 317, no. 2062, 366, no. 2424; al-Shawkani, N ayl, 1: 245-247, al-Fasawi, fo1. 229a; Abu Yiisuf, Kiiab al-iuhar, ed. Abu I-Wafii (Cairo: 1355), pp. 9-11, nos. 41-50; al-Hakim, Ma'rifat 'uliim, pp. 30, 217; al-Bayhaqi, Mo'rif at al=sunan, 1: 401; Ibn Sa'd, 7: 158; al-Bukhiiri, at-Ta'ri kb al-kabir (reprint), I, 2 no. 1543, III, 2 nos. 2361, 2805; Abu Nu'ayrn, 5: 363; Ibn 'Asakir, 6: 125, 174, 321;al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Tarikh Baghdad (Cairo: 135111931), 3: 100; Ibn l;Iajar, al-Isaba, 3: 263, no. 3701, 8: 248, no. 12125;Ibn 1 l;Iibbiin, Kitab al-majriihin; ed. 'Aziz aI-Qiidiri (Hyderabad: 1390/1970), 2: 173. Nur aI-Din al-Haythami, 1: 252 inf.-253. al-Dhahabi, 3: 243, no. 6270. Ibn Abi l-Jawsa', Hadith; al-Zahiriyya, Majmii'a 60, fo1. 64b. al-Tabiiwi, Shark mdiini, 1: 65. 16 after what comes out (of the body) not after food taken in.57 Ibn 'Abbas, who authoritatively stated that there is no injunction of wuqil after food prepared on fire, argued that fire is a blessing; fire does not make anything either forbidden or permitted." On the authority of Mu'adh b. Jabal, a Companion of the Prophet and a very indulgent person in matters of ablutions, who stated that no ablution is needed in case of vomiting, bleeding of the nose or when touching the genitalia, the following philological explanation is given: people had indeed heard from the Prophet the utterance: tawaddaii mimma massat ai-niir, but they did not understand the Prophet's meaning. In the time of the Prophet people called the washing of hands and mouth wudk' ; the Prophet's words simply imply the washing of hands and mouth for cleanliness (ii-i-tan?if); this washing is by no means obligatory (wiijib) in the sense of ritual ablution." There are in fact traditions stating that the Prophet ate meat, then rinsed his mouth, washed his hands and started to pray." Another tradition links the abolition of the Prophet's injunction of this wudu' with the person of Anas b. Malik, the servant of the Prophet, and puts the blame for the persistence of wudii' after the consumption of cooked food on authorities outside Medina. Anas b. Malik returned from al-Iraq and sat down to have his meal with two men of Medina. After the meal he came forth to perform the wudii'. His companions blamed him, asking: "Are you 57 Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 1: 252; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan ai-kubra, 1: 157 inf.; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 1: 170-171,nos. 658, 663; al-Tabawi, Sharb maiini, 1: 69. S8 'Abd al-Razzjiq, 1: 168-169, nos. 653, 655-656; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrii, 1: 158, lines 4-5; al-Tahawi, Sharb mdimi, 1: 70 sup. 59 al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra; 1: 141; Niir ai-Din al-Haytharni, 1: 252 ult.-253, line 1; al-Sharif al-Murtada, Amali, ed. Muhammad Abii l-Fadl Ibrahim (Cairo: 1373/1954), 1: 395-3%. 60 al-Tahawi, Sharb maiini, 1: 66, 68; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 1: 157; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 1: 252, lines 12-15, 254, line 8 and line 18; Muhammad b. Sinan al-Qazzaz, Hadith, al-Zahiriyya, Majmii'a 18, fol. 2a; Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Qattan, al-Fawdid, al-Zahiriyya, Majrnii'a 18, fol. 24a info 17 following the Iraqi way?,,61This story implies that in the practice of Medina no wudii' was observed after eating cooked meals. The emphasis that Anas's practice was Iraqi is noteworthy. It can hardly be conceived that the Iraqis stuck to the earlier practice of the Prophet which was later abrogated by him. It is more plausible to assume that Anas adopted an Iraqi usage observed there since the Sasanian period. The severe reproach which Anas faced seems to indicate that it was a foreign custom, considered as a reprehensible innovation by the Muslim communityf? The lenient character of the abrogation of wu(jil after eating food prepared on fire is exposed in a tradition reporting that the Prophet ate roast meat, performed the wu(ju' and prayed; later he turned to eat the meat that was left over, consumed it and set to pray the afternoon prayer without performing wu(ju' at all.63 It is evident that his later action (akhiru amrayhi) is the one to be adopted by the community, as it constitutes an abrogation, naskh, of the former tradition, although some scholars consider it as rukhsa. The problem of wudii' mimma massat al-nar was left in fact to the inventiveness of the [uqaha' of later centuries; it becomes still more complicated by an additional hadith according to which the Prophet enjoined wu(ju' after the consumption of the meat of camels, but did not regard wudii as necessary after eating the meat of small cattle (ghanam).64 The two chapters in the Musannai of Ibn Abi Shayba about wuQ.u' after consuming meat of 61 al-Tahawi, Sharf) maani, 1: 69; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrii, 1: 158 (Anas regrets his mistake and wishes he had not done it: laytani lam af'al); 'Abd al-Razzaq, 1: 170, no. 659; al-Zurqiini, Sharf) al-muwaud, 1: 88 inf.-89. 62 See 'Abd al-Razzaq, 1: 170, no. 659: ... ma hiidhihi l-'iraqiyyatu llatl ahdathtaha ._? 63 al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 1: 247; al-Hakim, Marif at 'uliim, p. 85; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrii, 1: 156; al-Tahawi, Sharf) mo'ani, 1: 67; al-Bayhaqi, Marifai al-sunan, 1: 395, 401, lines 1-2; Ibn 'Asakir, 6: 321. 64 Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 46-7; al-Tahawi, Sharf) maani, 1: 70-1; al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 1: 237-9; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 1: 158-9; idem, Ma'rifat al-sunan, 1: 402-6; Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, I'lam al-muwaqqiin 'an rabbi l-'alamin, ed. Tiihii 'Abd al-Ra'iif Sa'd (Cairo: 1973), 2: 15-16, 106; Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, 1: 250. 18 camels, contradictory as they are, bear additional evidence to the diversity of practice and usage, and to the divergencies in opinions held by the scholars of hadith. 'No less divergent are the views of the scholars about the wuq.u: before the consumption of food, 65 the confinement of wudii', as an obligatory act, before prayer only, the question whether ablution before every prayer was obligatory for the Prophet only,66 and whether the wuq.u' may be replaced as a concession by cleaning the mouth with a toothpicks? The great number of diverse traditions, merely hinted at above, clearly indicate that the formation of a normative code of ritual and usage began relatively late. A survey of some traditions about the t aw at, the circumambulation of the Ka'ba, and certain practices of the haji may shed some light on the peculiar observances and customs followed in the early period and may explain how they were later regulated, transformed or established. The tawaf was equated by the Prophet with prayer isaliu). In an utterance attributed to him the Prophet said, ''The tawai is indeed like a prayer; when you circumambulate diminish your talk."" In another version of this haditb the Prophet, making 65 See al-Zurqani, Shorb al-mawahib, 4: 352 barakat al-tdiim al-wuq,u' qablahu ; and see the interpretation). 66 See al-Zurqani, Sharb al-mawahib, 7: 247, lines 24-30 [aaltuhu ya 'umaru-rydni li-bayani I-jawazi Ii-I-nasi wa-khawfa an yu'taqada wujiibu mii kana yaf'alu min al-wudiii li-kulli saiiuin ; wa=qila innaha nasikhun li-wujiibi dhiilika, wa-taaqqaba bi-qawli anasin: kana khassan bihi diina ummatihi wa-annahu kana ya(aluhu li-I-faq,ila _). 67 Ibid., 7: 248, line 1 seq. Concerning the concept of Sufi rukhas cf. M. Milson, A Sufi Rule for Novices, Kitab adab al-muridin (Harvard: 1975), pp. 72-82; and see his discussion on the subject in the Introduction, pp. 19-20. 68 'Abd al-Razzaq, 5: 496; al-Qastallani, [rshad al-sari, (Cairo: 1323),3: 173-4; al-Nasa'I, Sunan, ed. Hasan al-Mas'iidi (Beirut: n.d.), 5: 222; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra; 5: 85; Yiisuf b. Miisii al-Hanafi, al-Mu'tasar min al-mukhtasar (Hyderabad: 1362), 1: 174; al-Muniiwi, 4: 292-3, nos. 5345-5347; al-Muttaqi l-Hindi, 5: 24, nos. 220-222; cf. al-Azraqi, Akhbar Makka, ed. F. Wiistenfeld, p. 258; Muhibb al-Dln al-Tabari, al-Qira li-qasidi ummi l-qura, ed. Mustafa I-Saqii (Cairo: 1390/1970), pp. 306, 331;al-Tabiiwi, SharI) c.. c.. 19 tawat equal to prayer, bade the faithful confine their conversation to good talk. During the tawai the Prophet invoked God saying, "Our Lord, give to us in this world and in the world to come and guard us against the chastisement of Fire" (Qur'an 2:201).This verse was recited as an invocation by some of the Companions," Some of the invocations were extended and included praises of God, assertion of His oneness and omnipotence as they were uttered by the angels, by Adam, Abraham and the Prophet while they went past various parts of the Ka'ba during the tawai?" The pious Ibn 'Umar and Ibn 'Abbas are said to have performed the tawat refraining from talk altogether." Tawfis and Mujahid circumambulated in solemnity and awe "as if there were birds on their heads."> This was, of course, in the spirit of the imitatio prophetarum; Wahb b. Munabbih reported on the authority of Ka'b that three hundred Messengers (the last among whom was Muhammad) and twelve thousand chosen people tmustaian) prayed in the hi jr facing the maqam, none of them speaking during the tawa], except to mention the name of God.73 When 'Urwa b. al-Zubayr approached Ibn 'Umar during the tawat, asking him to give him his daughter in marriage, Ibn 'Umar did not reply. After some time 'Urwa came to Medina and met 'Abdallah b. 'Umar. The latter explained that he had not been able to answer him because mdiini , 2: 178 info 69 al-Azraqi, p. 258; al-Fiikihi, fols. 292a, 296a; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 5: 50, 52; al-Muttaqi I-Hindi, 5: 90, nos. 717-719, 722; al-Waqidi, Maghazi, ed. M. Jones (London: 1966), p. 1098; al-Bayhaqi, at-Sun an al-kubra, 5: 84; Ibn Zuhayra, al-Jiimi' al-latif (Cairo: 1357/1938), p. 124; Ibn Kathir, Tajsir, 1: 432-3. 70 See e.g. al-Fiikihi, fo. 296a, sup. (The Prophet urges the people to praise God and to extol Him during the tawiif ; and see ibid., similar reports about some Companions); al-Azraqi, pp. 259 inf.-26O; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 5: 51, nos. 8964-8965; al-Qastallani 3: 170; al-Harbl, ai-Manasik wa-amakin turuqi l-haj], ed. Hamad al-Jasir (al-Riyiid: 1389/1969), pp. 431-3; Mubibb ai-Din al-Tabari, pp. 305-6; al-Shawkiini, Nayi, 5: 53-4. 71 al-Fiikihi, fol. 292a; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 5: 50, no. 8962. 72 al-Fiikihi, fol. 292a-b; cf. Mubibb ai-Din al-Tabari, p. 271. 73 al-Fiikihi, fol. 292a, inf. 20 he "conceived that he faced God" during the tawat (wa-nahnu natakhayalu llaha 'azza wa-ialla bayna dyunina). Now he replied and gave him his daughter in marriage." Merriment and joviality were, of course, forbidden and considered as demeaning. Wahb b. al-Ward," while staying in the hiir of the mosque of Mecca, heard the Ka'ba complain to God and Jibril against people who speak frivolous words around it.76 The Prophet foretold that Abii Hurayra would remain alive until he saw heedless people playing; they would come to circumambulate the Ka'ba, their iawat would, however, not be accepted." The concession in the matter oj speech granted during the tawai was "good talk."" Pious scholars used to give guidance, exhort, edify and recount hadiths of the Prophet." Common people made supplications during the tawai, asking God to forgive them their sins and to grant them Paradise, children, and wealth. It was, however, forbidden to stand up during the (awiif, and to raise one's hands while supplicating. "Jews in the synagogues practise it in this way," said 'Abdallah b. 'Amr (b. al-'As) and advised the man who did it to utter his invocation in his council, not to do it during the fawiif.80 The fact that large crowds were gathered during the t awat was, however, exploited by the political leaders. Ibn al-Zubayr stood up in front of the door of the Ka'ba and recounted before the people the evil deeds of the Umayyads, stressing 74 al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Jamharat nasab quraysh, MS. Bodley, Marsh 384, fol. 160b; al-Fakihi, fol. 292b; Mubibb ai-Din al-Tabari, p. 270. 75 See on him Abii Nu'aym, 8: 140-61; al-Pasl, al-Tqd, 7: 417, no. 2678. 76 al-Azraqi, p. 259; Abii Nu'aym, 8: 155 (the tafakkuh is explained as talking about women and describing their bodies during the (awaf); Muhibb al-Din al-Tabari, p. 271. 77 al-Fakihi, fol. 292b. 78 See Muhibb al-Din al-Tabarl, p. 271, line 1: ... wa-anna hukmahu hukmu l-saliui, ilia fima waradat [ihi l-rukhsaiu min al-kalam. 79 See e.g. al-Fakihi, fols. 311a-312a;'Abd al-Razzaq, 3: 377, no. 6021. &0 al-Fakihi, fol. 296b; and see al-Azraqi, p. 257; Amin Mahrniid Khattab, Fat/:! al-malik al-mdbiid, 1: 200-2; Ibn Abi Shayba, 4:96; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 5: 72-3. 21 especially the fact that they withheld their payment of fay'.8! 'Ali b. al-Husayn cursed al-Mukhtar, after his death, at the door of the Ka'ba.82 Some traditions narrate details of the behavior of certain persons in the tawat who did not conform to this requirement of awe and solemnity in the holy place. Sa'id b. Jubayr used to talk during the (awllf and even to laugh," 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Awf was seen to perform the tawaf wearing boots and singing hida' tunes. When rebuked by 'V mar he replied that he had done the same at the time of the Prophet and so 'V mar let him gO.84 Al-Fakihi records certain frivolous conversations which took place during the tawat, which may indeed be considered coarse and were certainly out of place in the sanctuary." But groups of people engaged in idle talk during the tawat were reprimanded. 'Abd al-Karim b. Abi Mukhariq" strongly reproved such talk; al-Muttalib b. Abi Wada'a" was surprised when he came to Mecca after a period of stay in the desert and saw people talk during the tawat. "Did you turn the tawaf into a meeting place," he asked," The "arabization" of the tawat is evident from an utterance attributed to the Prophet making it unlawful to talk in Persian during circumambulation. 'Vmar gently requested two men who held a conversation in Persian during the tawat to turn to Arabic," Reciting verses of the 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 al-Fiikihi, fol. 296b. al-Fakihi, fol. 296b. al-Azraqi, p. 259; Mubibb aI-Din al-Tabari p. 273; al-Fakihi, fol. 293b, sup. Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 3: 244. See al-Fakihi, fol. 293a (the remark of Husayn b. 'Ali about the buttocks of Mu'awiya during the (awaf ; and see fol. 294a: al-Sa'ib b. Sayfi and his talk with Mu'awiya about Hind). See on him Ibn I:Iajar, Tahdhlb, 6: 376-378, no. 716; aI-Fast, al-Tqd, 5: 480, no. 1856. See on him al-Fasi, al-'/qd, 7: 218, no. 2469. al-Azraqi, p. 260; Mubibb al-Din al-Tabari, p. 278. al-Fakihi fol. 291b (dhikru karahiyati l-kaliimi bi-l-farisiyyati [i l-(awaf); see the tradition about 'Umar: 'Abd al-Razzaq, 5: 496, no. 9793; cf. al-Turtiishl, al-Hawaditb wll-l-bida', ed. Muhammad Talbi (Tunis: 1959), p. 104. 22 Qur'an during the t awaf in a loud voice was disliked and considered a bad innovation tmuhdath): the Prophet is said to have asked 'Uthman to turn to dhikru llah from his qirixa. Nevertheless certain groups of scholars permitted the recitation of verses from the Qur'an.?" The problem of the reciting of poetry during the tawat is complicated. The Prophet is said to have told Abii Bakr who recited rajaz verses during the circumambulation to utter allahu akbar instead. This injunction of the Prophet seems to have been disregarded. Ibn 'Abbas, Abii Sa'id al-Khudri and Jabir b. 'Abdalliih used to talk during the (awaf and recite verses," A report on the authority of 'Abdallah b. 'Umar says that the Companions used to recite poetry to each other ty at an ash adicn) during the circumambulation/" The argument in favor of the lawfulness of the recitation of poetry during (a wa] was based on the precedent of 'Abdallah b. Rawaha who had recited his verses during the Prophet's tawat in the year A.H. 7 ('umrat al-qadii): Khallii bani Lrkutfiu: 'an sabilih ...3 Also during the fawaf 'A'isha discussed with 9 some women of Quraysh the position of Hassan b. Thiibit and spoke in his favor, mentioning his verses in defense of the Prophet; 94 Hassan, some traditions say, was aided by the angel Jibril in composing seventy verses in praise of the Prophet." Al-Nabigha al-Ja'di recited his verses in the mosque of Mecca, praising Ibn al-Zubayr and asking for his help at a time of drought." Ibn al-Zubayr asked, during the tawat, a son of Khiilid 90 Ibn Abi Shayba, 4: 10; Al-Azraqi, p. 258; al-Fakihi, fols, 295b-296a; and see the survey of the different opinions: Ibn Zuhayra, pp. 129-30; al-Majlisi, 99: 209, no. 19. 91 al-Fiikihi, Col.307b. 92 al-Fakihi, Col.307b. 93 al-Wiiqidi, p. 736; Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, 8: 130; al-Fiikihi, Col. 307a; al-Muttaqi l-Hindi, 5: 95, no. 745. 94 al-Azraqi, p. 257; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al=l stl'ab, ed. 'Ali al-Bajiwi (Cairo: 1380/1960), 1: 347; al-Fiikihi, Col.307b. 95 al-Fiikihi, Col.307b. 96 Maria Nallino, Le Poesie di an-Niibigah al-Ga'di (Rome: 1953), p. 137 (IX) (and see the references of the editor); al-Fakihi, Col.307b inf, 308a. 23 L. Ja'far al-Kilabi to recite some verses of his father against Zuhayr (b. Jadhima al-'AbsD. "But I am in a state of ihram; argued the son of Khiilid. "And so am I," said Ibn al-Zubayr and urged him to recite the verses. He responded and quoted the verse: "And if you catch me, kill me _" tPa-tmma takhudhiini ja-qtuliini: wa-in aslam [a-laysa ilii l-khuliaii). Ibn al-Zubayr sadly remarked that this verse suited his position in relation to the Banii Umayya,?? Sa'id b. Jubayr recalled having heard during the iawa] the verses of a drunkard who prided himself on the fact that he would not refrain from drinking wine even in old age," An old woman recalled verses composed about her beauty in her youth." There are moving verses composed by devoted sons, who carried on their backs their old mothers during the tawat and supplications by women asking God to forgive them their sins. Poets had the opportunity to watch women doing their tawa] and composed verses extolling their beauty.l'" The wearing of a veil by women performing the fawiit was the subject of a heated discussion among scholars who used as arguments the contradictory utterances attributed to the Prophet and quoted as precedents the fawiit of his wives.'?' Another important problem was whether men and women could lawfully perform the tawat together. According to one tradition women used to perform the fawiit together with men in the early period. The separation of women from men was first ordered by Khiilid b. 'Abdallah al-Qasri.l'? Al-Fakihi remarks that this injunction was aI-Fiikihi, fo1. 307b; and see a different version of this verse Aghani (Biiliiq), 10: 12. 98 al-Fakihi, fo1. 308a; and see the verses: Yiiqiit, Mu'jam al-buldan, s.v. Amaj; and see Ibn Abi l-Dunya, Dhamm al-muskir, al-Zahiriyya, Majmii'a 60, fo1. 8a (Sa'Id b. Jubayr changes the text of the verse from wa-kana kariman fa-lam yanzi into wa-kana shaqiyyan fa-lam yanzi). 99 aI-Fiikihi, fo1. 308a. 100 aI-Fiikihi, fols. 307b-3IOa. 101 al-Shiifi'i, 2: 127; al-Azraqi, p. 260; aI-Fiikihi, fols. 296a-297a; Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, 3: 219-20; Ibn Zuhayra, pp. 133 uIl-I34. 102 aI-Azraqi, pp. 265-6; aI-Fiikihi, fols. 299a ult.-299b; Muhibb al-Din al-Tabari, pp. 319-20; al-Qastallani, 3: 172-3; Ibn Hajar, Fath al-bari, 3: 384-5; Ibn Zuhayra, p. 127; al-Fasi, al-T qd, 4: 273. 97 24 received with approval and people conformed to it until al-Fakihi's own time. Two other decrees of al-Qasri continued to be observed by the people of Mecca: takbir during the ceremony of tawai in the month of Ramadan and a special arrangement of rows of men around the Ka'ba.103 The separation between men and women in the mosque of Mecca was carried out by the governor 'Ali b. al-Hasan al-Hashimi as late as the middle of the third century by drawing ropes between the columns of the mosque; the women sat behind the ropes,'?' At the beginning of the third century (about 209) the governor of Mecca under al-Ma'miin, 'Ubaydallah b. al-Hasan al-Tiilibi.l'" ordered a special time to be set apart for the women's tawilf after the afternoon prayer; men were not allowed to perform the tawa] at that time. This regulation was implemented again by the governor of Mecca, Ibrahim b. Muhammad about A.H. 260.106 These changes in the ceremony of the iawat seem to point to a considerable fluctuation of ideas and attitudes among the rulers and the orthodox in connection with the sanctuary and the form of the tawa]. The new arrangements, which were apparently meant to grant the haram more religious dignity and sanctity and to turn the tawilf into a solemn ceremony with fixed rules, may be compared with some peculiar customs practised in the early t awa], as recorded by al-Fakihi, The passage given by al-Fakihi begins with 103 al-Fakihi, fol. 432a (and see ibid., fol. 439b, lines 5-7 and fol. 354b: dhikru idiirati l-saffi [i shahri ramadana wa-awwalu man [dalahu wa-awwalu man ahdatha l-takbira bayna t-t ariiwibi hawla l-bayti fi shahri ramadana wa-tatsiru dhiilika); al-Zarkashi, I'lamu l-saiid bi-ahkami l-masiiiid, ed. Abii I-Wafii Mustafa I-Mariighi (Cairo: 1385),p. 98; al-Fiisi, al-'Jqd, 4: 272, 276 sup; al-Shibli, Mal;lasin al-wasdll [i mdrifaii I-awa'il, MS. Br. Mus., Or. 1530,fols.38b-39a, 41b-42a. 104 al-Fakihl, fol. 443a; al-Fiisi, al-'J qd, 6; 151, no. 2050 (quoted from al-Fiikihi); idem, Shifa' al-gharam (Cairo), 2: 188 (quoted from al-Fiikihi); Ibn Zuhayra, p. 300 inf. (quoted from al-Fakihi), 1J5 See on him Waki', Akhbiir al=qudiu, ed. 'Abd al-'Aziz Mustafa al-Mariighi (Cairo: 1366/1947), 1: 257-258; Ibn Zuhayra, p. 297. 106 al-Fiikihi, fol. 443a; al-Fasi, al-Tqd, 3: 247-8, no. 720 (quoted from al-Fiikihn. 25 a rather cautious phrase: wa-qad zaama badu ahli makkata, which clearly expresses a reservation on the part of the compiler. In the old times (kanu fima mada) when a girl reached the age of womanhood her people used to dress her up in the nicest clothes they could afford, and if they were in possession of jewels they adorned her with them; then they introduced her into the mosque of Mecca, her face uncovered; she circumambulated the Ka'ba while people looked at her and asked about her. They were then told "This is Miss so and so, the daughter of so and so," if she was a free-born person. If she was a muwallada they said: "She is a muwallada of this or that clan." Al-Fakihi remarks in a parenthetical phrase that people in those times had religious conviction and trustworthiness iahlu dinin wa-amanatin) unlike people of his day, whose manner of belief is obnoxious (laysu 'ala ma hum 'alayhi min al-madhahibi l+makriiha), After the girl had finished her tawat she would go out in the same way, while people were watching her. The purpose of this practice was to arouse in the people the desire to marry the girl (if she was free-born) or to buy her (if she was a muwallada). Then the girl returned to her home and was locked up in her apartment until she was brought out and led to her husband. They acted in the same way with slave-maidens: they led them in the tawa; around the Ka'ba clad in precious dresses, but with their faces uncovered. People used to come, look at them and buy them. Al-Awza'I asked 'Ala' (apparently Ibn Abi Rabah) whether it was lawful to look at maidens who were led in tawaf around the Ka'ba for sale; 'Ala' objected to this practice except for people who wanted to buy slave-girls,"? This report is corroborated by a story recorded by Ibn Abi Shayba, according to which 'A'isha dressed up a maiden, performed the iawat with her and remarked: "We may perhaps succeed in catching (literally: hunting) a youth of Quraysh" (scil, for 107 al-Fiikihi. fol. 309b. 26 the girO.los 'Umar is said to have encouraged the selling of slave-maidens in this manner.l'" All these reports - al-Fakihi's reference to "people with religious conviction and trustworthiness," al-Awza'i's inquiry, 'Ata"s answer, 'A'isha's story - seem to reflect t awai customs prevailing in the early period of Islam, in all likelihood during the first century of the Hijra. The reports indicate a certain informality and ease of manners. All this was bound to change if the haram was to acquire an atmosphere of sanctity and veneration. The early informality and intimacy can be gauged from a number of traditions concerned with the daily behaviour of the faithful in the mosque of Mecca. Ibn al-Zubayr passed by a group of people who were eating their meal in the mosque and invoked upon them his benediction. Abu Nawfal b. Abi 'Aqrab"? saw Ibn 'Abbas there eating roasted meat with thin bread; the fat dripped from his hands. A broth of crumbled bread used to be brought to Ibn al-Zubayr in the mosque. One day a boy crawled towards it and ate from it; 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr ordered the boy to be flogged. The people in the mosque, in their rage, cursed Ibn al-Zubayt/" A similar problem was whether it is lawful to sleep in the mosque of Mecca. Scholars arguing for it quoted the precedent of the Prophet whose isrii took place (according to the report of Anas b. Malik) from the mosque of Mecca where he had slept'" Another 108 al-Musannaf, 4: 410; Lisan al+Arab, s.v. sh-w-f; Ibn al-Athir, al-Nihaya, s.v. sh-w-f. 109 Ibn Abi Shayba, 4: 411 ('Umar remarks, however, that girls should not be compelled to marry ugly [or mean; in text dhamim ; but probably damiml men; "the girls Iike in this matter what you like," he said}, cf. Ibn Ra's Ghanama, Maniiqil al-durar Ii mana bit al-zahar, MS. Chester Beatty 4254, fol. 19b: qala 'umaru: ia yuzawwijanna l-rajulu bnatahu l-qablha [a-innahunna yarghabna lima targhabiin. 110 See on him Ibn I:Iajar, Tahdhib, 12: 260. Ill al-Fiikihi, fo!. 355b: dhikru l-akli fi l- masjidi l-harami wa-l-ghada flhi ; and see al-Turtfishl, pp. 106-8; al-Zarkashi, l'liim al-sajid, pp. 329-30. 112 al-Fiikihi, fol. 355b. 27 argument in favor of sleeping in mosques was mentioned by Sulayman b. Yasar,"" when questioned by al-Harith b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Abi Dhubab: 114 "How do you ask about it, said Sulayman, knowing that the ashab al-suita slept in the mosque of the Prophet and prayed in it." 115 Ibn 'Umar used to sleep in the mosque (of Medina) in the Prophet's Iifetime.'" When Thabit (al-Bunani) consulted 'Abdallah b. 'Ubayd b. 'Umayr"? whether to turn to the amir in the matter of the people sleeping in the mosque of Mecca, 'Abdallah bade him not to do that, quoting the opinion of Ibn 'Umar who considered these people as 'akifun, people praying in seclusion. The pious Sa'id b. Jubayr used to sleep in the mosque of Mecca. 'Ata' b. Abi Rabah spent forty years in the mosque of Mecca, sleeping there, performing the tawat, and prayingJ" In a conversation with his student Ibn Jurayj he expressed a very favourable opinion about sleeping in mosques. When 'Ata' and Sa'id b. Jubayr were asked about people sleeping in the mosque of Mecca who have night-pollutions they nevertheless gave a positive answer and advised them to continue to sleep in the mosque. In the morning, says a tradition, Sa'id b. Jubayr used to perform the tawiif, wake up the sleepers in the mosque, and bid them recite the talbiya. These reports quoted from a chapter of al-Fakihi entitled Dhikru l-nawmi fi I-masjidi l-harami wa-man rakhkhasa iihi wa-man karihahu'" give some insight into the practices in the 113 114 115 116 See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, 4: 228, no. 381. See on him ibid.• 2: 147, no. 249; al-Dhahabi, 1: 437, no. 1629. al-Turtiishi, p. 105. al-Zarkashi, l'liim al-sajid, p. 307; al-Turtiishi, p. 105;al-Mariighi, Tahqiq ai-nusra bi-talkhis mdiilim diiri l-hijra, MS. Br. Mus.• Or. 3615, fo1. 50a. 117 See on him al-Bukhiiri, al-To'rikn al=kablr, 31, no. 430; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, 5: 308, no. 524. 118 Cf. al- Turtiishi, p. 105. 119 Ta'rikh Makka, fo1. 355b-356a; al-Zarkashi, I'liim al-saiid, pp. 306-8, 317-18; Mubibb al Din al-Tabari, pp. 659-60, nos. 30-31; al-Majlisi, 99: 240, no. 1; about the odious impurity which causes bad smells see al-Fakihi, fo1. 357b, ult.-358a idhikru irsiili l=rihi [i l-masiidi l-harami); al-Zarkashi, l'lam ai-sajid, pp. 313-14; cf. about a superstitious belief 28 mosque of Mecca in the early period of Islam and help us to understand the ideas about ritual and the sanctity of the haram current at the time. Of special interest are some customs of t aw a] and include hardships, rigid self-exertion and self-castigation. Tradition tells about people who vowed to perform the fawaf while crawling's? or fastened to each other by a rope,'?' or being led with a rope threaded through a nose-ring.F' Tradition reports that the Prophet and his Companions unequivocally condemned these practices, prohibited them and prevented the people from performing the tawat in this way. It is obvious that these usages reflected the Jahiliyya ideas of self-imposed harshness, of vows of hardship and severe practices. These went contrary to the spirit of Islam which, while transforming it into an Islamic ritual, aimed to give the tawat its own religious values. Ibn Hajar is right in tracing back the prohibited forms of (awat to their Jahili source,'> Similar to these vows of self-exertion during the tawa! are the vows of hardship during the hajj. The traditions tell about men who vowed to perform the hajj on foot. Some women vowed to perform the hajj walking, or with faces uncovered, or wearing coarse garments, or keeping silent.124 The Prophet passed censure on h a i j which 120 121 122 123 124 among common people in Egypt: 'Ali Mahffiz, al-Ibdii' fi (Cairo: 1388/1968), p. 454. al-Fakihi, fol, 297a; al-Azraqi, p. 261; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 8: 457, no. 15895. al-Pakihi, fol, 297b; al-Azraqi, p. 261; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 8: 448, no. 15862; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 5:88; al-Qastallani, 3: 173-4; al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, 1: 460; Ibn l;Iajar, Fath al-bari, 3: 386-7; Muhibb aI-Din al-Tabari, p. 319, no. 73. al-Fakihi, fo!. 297b; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 8: 448, nos. 15860-15861,11:292, no. 20572; Lisan al-'Arab, s.v. z-m-m-, kh-z-m. Fath al-bari, 3: 386. al-Tabawi, Sharb maani, 3: 128-132; Yiisuf b. Miisii al-l;Ianafi, 1: 260-2; al-Suyfiti, al-Durr al-manthiir, 1: 351-2; idem, Ta'rikn al-khulaia', ed. Muhammad Muhyi I-Din 'Abd al-Hamid (Cairo: 1371/1952), p. 99; al-Shatibl, al-I'tisam (Cairo: n.d.), 2: 52; Bahshal, Ta'rikn Wasil, ed. current madarr al-ibtidii 29 these practices, emphasizing that God does not heed (literally: does Lot need) vows by which people cause harm and suffering to themselves. These practices recall certain customs observed by the Bums which therefore had to be abolished in Islam. It may however be remarked that some early Muslim ascetics or pious men used to perform the hajj on foot, or vowed not to walk under a shade during their hajj.125 It is true that the outer form of these practices recalls the old Jahiliyya ones; there is however a clear line which has to be drawn between them: the devotional practices of the pious Muslims are different in their content and intention; they are undertaken out of a deep faith and performed for God's sake. These practices of the pious gained the approval of the orthodox circles and were considered virtuous. This attitude is clearly reflected in a haditb attributed to the Prophet: 'The advantage of the people performing the hajj walking over those who ride is like the advantage of the full moon over the stars."126 Fasting on the Day of 'Arata gave rise to another important controversy. The contradictory traditions and reports are arranged in Fakihi's compilation in two chapters: the one encouraging the Gurguis 'Awwiid (Baghdad, 1387/1967), p. 231; Ibn Sa'd, 8: 470; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 10: 76; al-Fasawi, fol. 157b; Ibn 'Abd al-Hakarn, p. 294; aI-Muttaqi l-Hindi, 5: 341, no. 2265, 449, no. 2507; Ahmad b. Hanbal, Musnad, 11: 7, no. 6714; al-Tayalisi, p. 112, no. 836; al-Tahawl, Mushkil at-iuhar, 3: 37-41; 'Abd al-Razziiq, 8: 438, no. 15825, 448, no. 15863; al-Fiikihi, fols. 315a-b; Ibn Daqiq al-'ld, pp. 310-11,nos. 791-793. (And see al-Fiikihi, fol. 511b:the story of the woman who vowed to perform the pilgrimage in silence if God would help to reconcile the fighting factions of her tribe. Abu Bakr, ordering her to discontinue her silence, remarked: takallami, fa-inna I-islam a hadama ma kana qabla dhalika); al-Tusi, Amali (Najaf: 1384/1964),1: 369. 125 Ibn Abi I-Dunyii, al-Tawba, MS. Chester Beatty 3863, fol. 17b; Bahshal, p. 167; al-Khuwiirizmi, Mukhtasar ithiirati l-targhib wa-l-tashwiq ila l-masiijidi l-thaliuhati wa-ila l-bayti l-'atiq, MS. Br. Mus., Or. 4584, fol. 8a-b. 126 al-Fiikihi, fols. 321b-322a idhikru l-mashyi fi I-hajji wa-f adlihi): al-Khuwiirizmi, fol. 8b: wa-li-l-mashi [adlun 'ala l-rakibi ka-fadli laylati l-qadri 'ala sa'iri l-layali, 30 faithful to fast on this day, the other reporting about Companions who refrained from fasting,'?" According to a tradition of the Prophet the sins of a man who fasts on the Day of 'Arafa will be remitted for a year;128 another version says two years,"? a third version a thousand days.130The list of persons who did fast includes also 'A'isha, who emphasized the merits of fasting on that day. The opponents who forbade fasting on that day based their argument on accounts and evidence that the Prophet had broken the fast on the Day of 'Arafa,!" 'Umar,132 his son 'Abdallah and Ibn 'Abbas prohibited fasting.l" In another version Ibn 'Umar stressed that he performed the pilgrimage with the Prophet and the three first caliphs; none of them fasted on the Day of 'Arafa, He himself did not fast, but did not explicitly enjoin either eating or fasting.P' The 127 aI-Fiikihi, fois. 528a-529a (dhikru sawmi yawmi 'araf a wa-f adli siyamihi ; dhikru man lam yasum yawma 'arafa makhiifata l-du'fi 'ani l-du'a); Ibn Abi Shayba, 4: 1-3, 21, 3: 104; al-Tahawi, Mushkil, 4: lll. 128 aI-Fiikihi, fol. 528a, ult.; al-Mundhiri, 2: 236, no. 1463; Ibn Abi Shayba, 3: 97; al-Tahawi, Shorb maiini, 2: 72; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 4: 283. 129 aI-Fiikihi, fois. 528a, inf., 528b; al-Tabaranl, I: 255, 2: 71; Bahshal, p. 276; al-Mundhiri, 2: 236; 7 nos. 1461-1462,1464-1465, 1467-1468; Muhibb aI-Din al-Tabari, p. 403; Ibn Abi Shayba, 3: 96-97; al-Tahawl, Sharb maiini, 2: 72; idem, Mushkil, 4: 112; al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 4: 267, no. 2; al-Bayhaqi, ai-Sunan al-kubra, 4: 283, 130 al-Mundhiri, 2: 237, no. 1466; aI-Fiikihi, fol. 528b; al-Suyiltl, al-Durr ai-manthia, 1: 231 (another version 1,000 years). 131 Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, Hadith, MS. Chester Beatty 3849/4, fol. 4Oa; Abu 'Umar, GhuIiim Tha'Iab, Juz', MS. Chester Beatty 3495, fol. 97a; aI-Fiikihi, fol. 528b; al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 4: 267, no. 4; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 4: 283-4; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthia, 1: 231. 132 al-Bukhiiri, al-Ta'rikh al-kabir, 32, no. 1600. 133 al-Fakihi, fol. 529a; Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Tlal, 1: 286, nos. 1849, 1852; aI-Khatib al-Baghdiidi, Mudil), 2: 338-9; al-Pasawi, fol. 61a; cf. Abu Nu'aym, 7: 164; Mubibb aI-Din al-Tabari, p. 404. 134 Abu 'Ubayd, Gharib al-haditn 3: 4; aI-Khatib al-Baghdiidi, Mudil), 1: 434; al-Tahawl, Shorb mdiini. 2: 72; Muhibb al-Din al-Tabarl, p. 404 (and see ibid., p. 405 inf.); al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 4: 268; al-Suyiitl, al-Durr al-manthiir, 1: 231; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya wa-l-nihaya (Beirut, al-Riyad: 1966), 5: 174. 31 conciliatory interpretation assumed that the prohibition of fasting referred to the people attending 'Arafa; but people not present on that Day of 'Arafa may fast, and are even encouraged to fast.!35 The reason given for not fasting on that day in 'Arafa was the care for the pilgrims, who might be weakened by the fast and prevented from properly performing the du'ji' and dhikr, which are the most important aims of the pilgrims staying at 'Arafa.136 The transfer of some rites performed at 'Arafa to the cities conquered by the Muslims is of special interest. This practice was introduced in Basra by 'Abdallah b. 'Abbas'" and by 'Abd al-'Aziz b. Marwan in Fustat.138 the Day of 'Arafa people used to gather On in the mosques to invoke and to supplicate. When Ibn 'Abbas summoned the people to gather in the mosque he argued that he wished that the supplications of the people may be associated with those attendant at 'Arata and that God may respond to these supplications; thus they would share God's grace with the attendants 135 al-Tahawi, Sharb mdimi, 2: 72; idem, Mushkil 4: 112; Abii Nu'ayrn, 3: 347; al-Fasawi, fol. 32b; al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 4: 267, no. 3; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra 4: 289; Yiisuf b. Miisii al-Hanafi, 1: 152; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir, I: 231. 136 al-Fakihl, fol. 529a; cf. Muhibb al-Dln al-Tabari, p. 405, lines 3-7 '(fasting on the Day of 'Arafa is not favored for people performing the pilgrimage; it is however encouraged for people not performing the hajj. See the compromise-recommendations of al-Mundhiri, 2: 238: "; there is nothing wrong in fasting, if it does not weaken him in his du'a' ... for the pilgrims it is preferable to break the fast ...•.See the story of Ibn Wahb, who broke the fast at 'Arafa because he was occupied by the thought of breaking the fast: al-Qadi 'Iyiid, Tartib al-madiuik, 1, 430; and see on this subject: al-Shawkiini, Nayl 4: 269). 137 See al-Quda'i, Ta'rikh, MS. Bodley, Pococke 270, fol. 67b (quoted from al-Jahiz's Nazm al-qur'iinr; al-Qalqashandi, Ma'athir ai-inaia [i maalim al-khilafa, ed. 'Abd al-Sattiir Ahmad Farriij (Kuwait: 1964), 1: 129; Muhibb al-Dln al-Tabarl, pp. 387 inf.-388 sup; al-Fasawi, fol. 16a: ._ haddathanii abu 'awana, qiil a: ra'aytu I-has an a kharaja yawma 'oraf a min al-maqsiirau ba'da I-'asri [a-qaada fa-'arrafa; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra 5: 117 inf.; see S.D. Goitein, Studies in Islamic History and Institutions (Leiden; 1966),-p. 137. 138 al-Kindi, Wulat ut», ed. Husayn Nassar (Beirut: 1379/1959),p. 72. 32 at 'Arafa.P" Mus'ab b. al-Zubayr introduced this innovation in Kiifa.140 Some pious Muslims participated in these gatherings, others considered them as bid'ar" The tarit in Jerusalem is linked in some sources with 'Abd al-Malik, who is accused of having built the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem in order to divert the pilgrimage from Mecca to Jerusalem, since 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr, the rival caliph in Mecca, forced the pilgrims to give the oath of allegiance. When the Dome of the Rock was built people used to gather there on the Day of 'Arafa and performed there the wuqufr" So the bid'a of wuqid in Jerusalem arose. Al-Turtiishi describes a gathering of the people of Jerusalem and of its villages in the mosque, raising their voices in supplications. They believed that four "standings" twaqafiu) in Jerusalem were equal to a pilgrimage to Mecca.r" Ibn Taymiyya, of course, strongly censured this innovation.r" It is evident that the idea behind the ta'rit is that it is possible to transfer sanctity from 'Arafa to another sanctuary where the rites of 'Arata are being performed on the same day, or that one may share in the blessing of 'Arafa through the performance of certain devotions at the same time as they are done at 'Arafa (as is the case with the supplications in the tdrit mentioned in note 139 above), or the notion that two sanctities may be combined as indicated in the tradition about Zamzam visiting Sulwan on the night of 'Arafa.!" The idea of transfer of sanctity is clearly reflected in a 139 al-Mawsili, Ghiiyat al-wasiiil ila mdrifati l-awail, MS. Cambridge Qq 33 (10), fol. 153a. 140 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthia, 1: 231 inf. 141 Ibn Kathir, al-Bidiiya, 9: 307; al-Turtiishi, pp. 115-16;al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir, 1: 231 info 142 al-Quda'I, fol. 67b; al-Qalqashandi, 1: 129. 143 al-Turtiishi, pp. 116-17. 144 Majmu'at al-rasall al-kubrii (Cairo: 1323), 2: 57; Jamiil a-Din al-Qiisimi, I slab- al-masaiid min al-bidd wa-l-'awa'id (Cairo: 1341), p. 215 (from Ibn Taymiyya), 145 al-Muqaddasi, line 11. Ab-san al-taqasim, ed. M.J. de Goeje (Leiden: 1906), p. 171, 33 Shi'i tradition in which a Shi'i adherent asks the imam Ja'far al-Sadiq whether he may perform the to'rii on the grave of Husayn if the opportunity to perform the hajj (scil, to Mecca) escapes him. The imam enumerates in his answer the rewards for visiting the grave of al-Husayn on common days and those for visits on feasts, emphasizing that these rewards are multiplied for a visit on the Day of 'Arafa, This visit is equal in rewards with a thousand pious pilgrimages to Mecca and a thousand 'umr a accepted by God and a thousand military campaigns fought on the side of a prophet or a just imam. The adherent then asked, how he could get a reward similar to that of the mawqii (of 'Arata), The imam looked at him as if roused to anger and said: "The believer who comes to the grave of al-Husayn on the Day of 'Arafa, washes in the Euphrates and directs himself to the grave, he will be rewarded for every step as if he had performed a hajj with all due rites." The transmitter recalls that the imam did say: "and [took part in] a military campaignr" Some changes of ritual were attributed to the Umayyads and sharply criticized by orthodox scholars. A number of innovations of this kind are said to have been introduced by Mu'awiya, It was he who refrained from the takbir on the Day of 'Arafa, because 'Ali used to practise it.147 He forbade the loud recitation of the talbiya at 'Arafat, and people obeyed his order; then Ibn 'Abbas ostentatiously came forth and uttered the talbiya loudly,':" It was Mu'awiya who transformed a place where the Prophet had urinated into a place of prayer.v" and invented iahdatha) the adhan in the saliu a[-'idayn.150 He changed the order of the ceremony of the 'id peculiar 146 Ibn Biibawayh, Amali i-sadiu; (Najaf: 1389/1970),pp. 126-7. 147 aI-Fiikihi, fol. 529a. 148 Mubibb al-Din al-Tabari, p. 403; al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, 1: 464 inf.-465; al-Muttaqi aI-Hindi, 5: 79, nos. 646, 648. 149 Muhibb al-Din al-Tabari, p. 417; Amin Mahmiid Khattab, Fatb al-malik al-mdbisd, 2: 59 inf.-60, lines. 1-7; aI-Fiikihi, ·fol. 531a,sup. 150 al-Suyiiti, Ta'rikh al-khulafa', p. 200. 34 al-adha and ordered the khutba to be delivered before the prayer.P' He was also the one who banned the tamattu' pilgrimages.P? Changes of this kind were recorded as wicked innovations of the impious Umayyad rulers. The inconsistencies of the usages, customs and ritual practices of the early period of Islam are reflected in almost every subject dealt with in the early sources of hadith. Opinions divergent and contradictory are expressed about the sutra which has to be put in front of the praying Muslim and whether a dog or a donkey or a woman passing by invalidates the prayer-" Scholars differ in their opinions as to whether the form of sitting during the prayer called iq'a' is permitted.P' whether the prayer by a believer clad in one garment ithawb) is valid.!" and whether counting of the tasbib by pebbles is allowed!" Some of the subjects dealt with in the early hadiths lost their actuality and relevance. It is however a special feature of Muslim haditn literature and haditn criticism that some of these themes reappear and are discussed even in our days. Thus, for instance, the contemporary scholar Nasir al-Din al-Albani examines 151 al-Shibli, Maf)asin al-wasdil, fol. 120a; al-Suyiiti, Ta'rikh al-khulafd, p. 200. 152 al-Muttaqi aI-Hindi, 5: 88, no. 708; al-Shibli, MahQsin al-wasdil, fol. 119b (and see above notes 48, 50); and cf. the wicked innovations of al-Hajjij Abii Tiilib al-Makki, 2: 53-4. 153 al-Hakirn, al=Mustadrak, 1: 251-2; Niir al-Din al-Haytharni, 2: 59-62; al-Fakihi, fol. 481a inf.; al-Fasawi, fol. 217b; Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 276-83; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 2: 9-38, nos. 2272-2396; al-Tahawi, Sharf) maani, 1: 458-64; al-Muttaqi l-Hindi, 8: 132-8, nos. 946-989; al-Zarkashi, al=l iaba, pp. 66, 84. 154 Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 285; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 2: 190-7, nos. 3024-3053; and see Ibn al-Athir, al-Nihiiya, s.v. q-'-a, '-q-b. 155 al-Tal)iiwi, Sharf) maani, 1: 377-83; al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 2: 83-4; Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 310-15. 156 Ibn Abi Shayba, 2: 389-91; Ibn Abi I-ijadid, Sharf) nah] al-balagha, ed. Muhammad Abii l-Fadl Ibriihim (Cairo: 1964), 18: 164; and cf. Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Ttal, 1: 325, no. 2122; Sa'Id b. Jubayr throws out the pebbles with which a woman counted her circlings during the the tawa]. 35 the tradition prohibiting fasting on the Day of 'Arafa for people attending 'Arata,"? He carefully analyzes the isnads, finding out their faults; he harshly reprimands al-Hakim for his heedlessness in considering the haditb sound and states that the haditb is in fact weak. He argues that the haditb about the forgiveness of sins for a period of two years for him who fasts on the Day of 'Arafa is a sound tradition; but the attached phrase about the rewards for fasting on every day of Muharram is a forged one.ISS An exhaustive scrutiny of hadiths about the counting of tasbih by pebbles is included by al-Albani in the examination of the haditb about the rosary (ai-subha).IS9 Of interest are certain traditions in which some social and cultural, as well as religious, trends are exposed. Of this kind are the traditions in which the Prophet predicted that his community would erect sumptuous mosques in the manner of Jewish synagogues and Christian churches, adorn them richly and embellish them with inscriptions. This will be the sign of decline of the Muslim community and portend the End of the Days. Traditions of the very early period of Islam reflect the opposition against arched mihrab« "Beware these altars" tittaqii hadhihi l-madhabih), followed by an explanatory comment, "he meant the mahiirib' (ya'ni l-maharib), says a tradition attributed to the Prophet,"? "My people will fare well as long as they will not build in their mosques altars 157 Na s ir aI-Din aI-AIbiini, Silsilat al=ah a d i t n al+d a'Lf a wa-l-mawdiia (Damascus: 1384),no. 404. 158 Ibid., no. 412. 159 Ibid., no. 83. 160 al-Daylami, MS. Chester Beatty 4139, fo1. 27a (al-Daylami adds: wa-kana ibriihlmu l-taymi la yusalli [i (aqi l-mihrab); al-Suyiiti, ai-Khasii'is ai-kubrii; 3: 189; al-Muniiwi, 1: 144-5, no. 153 reviews the different meanings of the word mihrab. And see the peculiar story of the Christian youth in the mihrab: al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, To'rikh Baghdad, 9: 45; al-Turtiishl, p. 94; al-Bahranl, 7: 281-5; Mahmiid Mahdi al-Miisawi al-Khawansiiri, Tuhfat al-siijid fi ahkiim al-masiijid (Baghdad: 1376), pp. 111-16.And see R.B. Serjeant, "Mii)riib," BSOAS (1959):pp. 439-53. 36 like the altars of the Christians," the Prophet foretold/?' Pious men usually refrained from praying in these mihrabs.162 Of the same kind were traditions against the adornment of mosques.'" prayers in the maqsiaa of the mosque,164 and against writing Qur'an verses on the walls of the mosque, or in the qibla of the mosque.'" These traditions should, of course, be studied against the background of the reports about the sumptuous buildings which were erected by the impious rulers and their governors and the richly decorated [ami' mosques in which delegates of the rulers led the prayer. Many a time a pious Muslim had to ask himself whether he should pray behind them, as can be deduced from the numerous traditions dealing with this subject. The few traditions reviewed in this paper clearly demonstrate the fluidity of certain religious and socio-political ideas reflected in the early compilations of hadith; as already proved by I. Goldziher. The diversity and divergence of traditions expose the different opinions of various groups of Muslim scholars. The divergent traditions are faithfully recorded in the compilations 161 al-Suyiiti, al-Khasdis al-kubra; 3: 188-9; Ibn Abi Shayba, 2: 59; and see the careful evaluation of this hadith' by Albiini, Silsila, no. 448. 162 'Abd al-Razzaq, 2: 412, no. 3898-3902; the tradition about the altars of the Christians, no. 3903; Ibn Abi Shayba, 2: 59-60 (ai-saiat Ii i-taq, man rakhkhasa l-saliu Ii Haq); Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Tlal, 1: 64, no. 373. 163 al-Suyiiti, al-Khasdis al-kubrii, 3: 56-7; Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 309; al-Suyiitl, al-Durr ai-manihiir, 3: 217 inf.; al-Shaybani, pp. 77-8; Abii 'Ubayd, Gharib al-hadlth, 4: 225; al-Shawkanl, No yl, 2: 167-70; idem, al-Fawii'id al-majmiia, ed. 'Abd al-Wahhab 'Abd al-Latif (Cairo: 1960), pp. 25-7; Abii Talib al-Makki, 2: 51 inf; Ibn Abi Jamra, Bahjat al-nufiis (Beirut: 1972 reprint), 1: 183; al-Sarnarqandl, Bustan ai-'arilin (on margin of Tanbih al-ghafilin) (Cairo: 1347), pp. 127-8; Yiisuf b. 'Abd al-Radi, Thimar al-maqasid [i dhikri t-masaiid, ed. As'ad Talas (Beirut: 1943), pp. 166, 170; al-Bahrani, 7: 277; al-Zarkashi, I'liim al-siijid pp. 335-8; Muhammad Mahdi al-Miisawi, pp. 87-92. 164 See 'Abd al-Razzaq, 2: 414-16, nos. 3907-3913; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 3: 238; Abii Talib al-Makki, 2: 51 inf.; Ibn Sa'd, 7: %. 165 Ibn Abi Shayba, 2: 46; al-Turtiishi, p. 97; al-Zarkashi, I'lam al-saiid, p. 337; cf. Yiisuf b. 'Abd al-Hadi, p. 170. 37 of the second century of the Hijra with no obligatory conclusions imposed and no prescriptions issued. This activity reflects a sincere effort to establish the true path of the Prophet, the Sunna, which the believer should follow.