fadak.pdf ON THE WIFE OF THE GOLDSMITH FROM A STUDY FADAK IN JAHILI AND HER PROGENY TRADITIONS GENEALOGICAL The section in Ibn al-Kalbi's Jamhara concerning the pedigree of Hisn b. Damdam and of his clan of Kalb 1 may shed some light on the relations between the different groups of the population in the North of the Arabian peninsula in the second half of the sixth century AD; some additional data from other sources enable us to get a better perception of the events. The passage of Ibn al-Kalbi, summarized by W. Caskel ", deserves a closer examination . • •* Al-Harith, the son of Hisn b. Damdam, nicknamed al-Harsha, was the chief of his people. When Fadak was conquered by Kalb in the period of the Jahiliyya his share of the booty consisted of the captives (wa-lahu sara sabyu fadaka hina ftatahahii kalbun fi l-jdhiliyyatii. The very concise report about the conquest of Fadak given by Ibn al-Kalbi is amplified by an account recorded by Abu l-Baqa": al-Harith b. Hisn b. Damdam b. 'Adi b. Janab al-Kalbi, known as al-Harsha, had the right to the pay (ja'ala) imposed on the people of Fadak; when they refused to pay, he raided them 3. Among the captured women was Shaqiqa, the wife of the goldsmith. Wa'il b. 'Atiyya b. al-'Udays (or 'Udas): al-Harith took her to him and she bore him his son Suwayd. Ibn al-Kalbi points out that Shaqiqa was a Jewess and records her ancestors in along' pedigree which goes back to Abraham". Abu l-Baqa' is more precise: the Jewish goldsmith Wa'il was captured together wi th his Jewish wife Shaqiqa 5. Ibn al- Kal bi' s Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Ms. Br. Mus. (Esc.) Add. ll, 376, fol. 74a. See W. Caskel, Gamhara( an-Nasan, das genealogische Werk des Hiiiim ibn Muhammad al-Kalbi, Leiden 1966, II, 307 (al-Hari] b. Hisn al-Harsa'), 520 (Suwaid b. al-Harij), (Hisn b. Damdam), 3 Abii l-Baqa', al-Maniiqib al-mazyadiyya fi akhbari l-muluki I-asadiyya, Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23, 296, fol. 72b inf. - 73b sup. 4 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara (Esc.), fol. 74a. 5 Abii l-Baqa', op. cit., fol. 72b. 1 2 322 account seems to contain a vague indication of the time of this event: the mother of al-Harith b. Hisn was Hirr the daughter of Salama of 'Ulaym, to whom Imru l-Qays referred in amatory language in his poems 6. Imru I-Qays died about 550 AD7, and Hirr should have been a young woman at that time. Other chronological indications may be derived from the additional sources. Both Ibn al-Kalbi and Abu l-Baqa' report about the four daughters of the couple Wii'il and Shaqiqa ; they differ, however, as to their names. Ibn al-Kalbi records Salma, al-Rabi'a, (?) al-Shamiis and Hind; Abu al-Baqa' records: Miiwiya, Najwa, 'Afat (? perhaps 'Uqab - K) and Salma 8; thus only one name is common to both lists: Salma, The couple had also two sons: Ma'bad and 'Ubayd. The progeny of Ma'bad joined the Banu Suwayd b. al-Harith (i.e. the clan of his uterine brother - K); a family of them attached themselves to an Ansari tribal unit, falsely claiming Ansari descent. 'Ubayd settled as a tribal unit in Syria 9. The status of the four daughters can be deduced from Abu l-Baqa's account: they remained with al-Harith, at his abode (... fa-asdba wd'ila bna 'atiyyata l-yahiidiyya l-sd'igha wa-ma'ahu mra'atahu /-shaqiqata, wa-kiinat yahiidiyyatan, wa-arba'a bandtin lahu '" fa-kunna 'indahu); the daughters of the Jewish couple married members of various Arab tribes, while Salma married the king of al-Hira, al-Mundhir b. al-Mundhir, and gave birth to their son al-Nu'man b. al-Mundhir b. al-Mundhir, the last king of the Persian-protected vassal state of al-Hira. Later (i.e. after his death) she married Riimiinis b. Mu'aqqil of the 'Amr b. 'Abd Wudd of Kalb and bore him a son, Wabara. Al-Nu'man and Wabara were thus uterine brothers and this is why al-Nu'man granted Wabara the two settlements: Baradiin and La'la"!". Yaqut records the details about the Ibn al-Kalbi, op. cit., (Esc.), fol. 74a. EF s.v. Imru' al-Kays (S. Boustany). • Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara (Esc.), fol. 74a; Abu l-Baqa', op. cit., 72b. 9 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara (Esc.), fol. 74a. 10 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara (Esc.), fol. 74a; cf. Hamza al-Isfahani, Ta'rikh sini muluki l-ard! wa-l-anbiya', Beirut 1961, p. 95 (al-Nu'man is the son of Salma, the daughter of Wa'il, the goldsmith from Fadak); al-Tabari, Ta'rikh, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim, Cairo 1961, II, 194 (Nu'man's mother is Salma, the daughter of wru, the goldsmith from Fadak); al-Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh, Najaf 1384/1964, I, 185 (al-Nu'rnan's mother is Salma, a captive said to be from Kalb); al-Mas'Iidi, MUrUj al-dhahab, ed. Ch. Pellat, Beirut 1966, II, 224, no. 1061 (the mother of al-Nu'rnan is Salma, the daughter of Wa'il h. 'Atiyya from Kalb); al-Jahiz, al-Bayan wa-l-tabyin, ed. Hasan al-Sandilbi, Cairo 1351/l932, III, 156 (Salrna, the daughter of 'Uqab, is the mother of al-Nu'man): cf. G. Rothstein, Die Dynastie der Lahmiden in al-Hira, 6 7 ON THE WIFE OF THE GOLDSMITH 323 kinship relations between al-Nu'man and Wabara and reports that Wabara died in Baradan and was buried there 11. The story of the marriage of Salrna with al-Mundhir b. al-Mundhir (= al-Mundhir al-asghari is presented by Abu l-Baqa' in dramatic terms: al-Mundhir alighted on his way back from one of his raids against Syria in the abode of al-Harith, who welcomed his guest, accomodated him in a tent of hides, slaughtered for him a camel and sent Salma (i.e. the daughter of the Jewish couple captured in Fadak - K) to anoint his hair. When she entered al-Mundhir seized her and raped her. She returned to al-Harith weeping, complaining that his guest dishonoured her. Al-Harith hurried in rage to the tent of al-Mundhir with his sword drawn, and accused al-Mundhir of having put him to shame amongst Kalb. But al-Mundhir answered asking al-Harith : « Did I bring shame upon you by marrying your maid»? Thus he married Salma and set out with her to al-Hira. There she bore him his son al-Nu'man, who became later king of al-Hira. After the death of al-Mundhir Salma returned to Kalb and married Rumanis b. Mu'aqqil of the branch of 'Abd Wudd of Kalb. She bore him Wabara, who was thus the uterine brother of al-Nu'man. Al-Nu'man was satirized as the heir of the goldsmith, the coward 12. According to a tradition recorded by Abu Hilal al-Askan, Salma (the mother of al-Nu'man) was a maid servant of 'Amr b. Tha'laba al-Kalbi 13. During a raid launched by Dirar b. 'Amr al-Dabbi 14 against Kalb he captured Salrna with her mother and two of her sisters. 'Amr asked him to return them, but Dirar, who became impressed by Salma, only agreed to return her mother and sisters. 'Amr appealed to his generosity by saying: « Let the horse (granted as a gift - K) be followed by the bridle », that is: as you have already Berlin 1899 (repr.), pp. 108-109; Jawad 'Ali, al-Mufassal fi ta'rikhi 1-'arab qabla l-isliim, Beirut 1969, III, 261-2. 11 See Yaqiit, Mu'jam al-bulddn, s.v. Baradan ; cf. Abii Tarnmam, al-Wahshiyydt, ed. al-Maymani, Cairo 1963, p. 133, no. 212. 12 Abii l-Baqa', op. cit., fol. 73a (with 8 verses), 3la-b (I verse); the verses are attributed to al-Nabigha, 'Abd al-Qays b. Khufiif al-Burjumi and Murra b. Rabi'a b. Qura' al-Sa'di: cf. W. Ahlwardt, The Diwans of the six ancient Arabic poets, Paris 1913, p. 173 (4 verses); al-Nabigha, Diwdn, ed. 'Abd al-Rahrnan Salam. Beirut 1347/1929,pp. 80-90 (9 verses); Ibn Qutayba, al-Shi'r wa-l-shu'ard', ed. M.J. de Goeje, Leiden 1904, pp. 73 (l verse; the mother of al-Nu'rnan is recorded as Salrna, the daughter of 'Atiyya, the goldsmith), 76 (3 verses; about the alleged authorship of the verses as in Abii l-Baqa'ts Manaqib): al-Jahiz, al-Hayawdn, ed. 'Abd al-Salarn Hartin. Cairo 1385/1966,IV, 377, 379. 13 See on him Caskel, op. cit., II, 185 ('Amr b. Tha'laba b. al-Harith). 14 See on him Caskel, op. cit., II, 242. 324 returned the majority of the captured family, give back the remainder too. Thereupon Dirar returned Salma I 5. The version recorded by Abu l-Baqa' differs in some essential details: when al-Mundhir left the abode of al-Harith b. Hisn b. Damdam with Salma, the daughter of the Jewish goldsmith, given him as a gift by al-Harith, and set out (for al-Hira - K), he was attacked by al-Dirar al-Dabbi, who was at the head of a very strong troop. Dirar robbed him of everything he possessed, including Salma. Al-Mundhir returned to al-Harith and complained of Dirar's action. Al-Harith (who was a friend of Dirar) intervened, and Dirar returned Salma to al-Mundhir together with the other booty. Then al-Mundhir said to al-Harith : «Place the bridle on the horse» (he obviously asked an additional gift); al-Harith then gave him as an additional gift (« the bridle» - K) a sister of Salma, and al-Mundhir set out with both of them to al-Hira 16. The son of Salma from her second marriage, Wabara (according to some reports Hassan b. Wabara) played an important role in the battle of al-Qurnatayn, in which Dirar b. 'Amr al-Dabbi fought courageously with his sons on the side of Wabara (or Hassan b. Wabara) against the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a who attacked both Tamim and Dabba. According to the account of al-Mufaddal al-Dabbi, al-Nu'man appointed his brother Wabara as governor (,ammalahu) on the Ribab and he headed the forces of Dabba in the battle 17. He was captured by Yazid b. al-Sa'iq and released on the payment of a very high ransom 18. Another tradition, also recorded by al-Baladhuri, gives a quite different account. The attack against the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a was well planned and prepared by the king al-Nu'man and his brother. Al-Nu'rnan levied a strong force « from the Ma'add tribes and others» under the command of his uterine brother Wabara. Then he sent to Dirar b. 'Amr and summoned him to join his forces. Dirar responded and came with nine of his sons (eighteen according to another account) 19. Al-Nu'man sent a caravan to Mecca and ordered the (warriors escorting the - K) caravan to launch an attack (sci!. suddenly 15 Abu Hilal al-lAskari, Jamharat al-amthiil, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim, Cairo 1384/1964, I, 92, no. 78. 16 Abu l-Baqa', op. cit., fols. 128b, inf. - 129a, sup. 17 Al-Baladhuri, Ansdb ai-ash raj; Ms. fol. 956b (= 1016b). 18 See e.g. Arabica, XV (1968), 156-7; Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara (Esc.), fol. 82a inf.82b sup.; idem, Jamhara, Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23, 297, fol. 123b-124a; al-Marzubani, Mu'jam al-shu'arii', ed. F. Krenkow, Cairo 1354, p. 394 (al-Nu'rnan's brother captured by Yazid b. al-Sa'iq is Ru'ba b. Riimanis, apparently a scribal error for Wabara b. Rumanis); and see al-Nuwayri, Nihiiyat ai-arab, Cairo 1368/1949, XV, 375-77. 19 Al-Baladhuri, Ansiib, Ms. fol. 949a (= 1009a). ON THE WIFE OF THE GOLDSMITH 325 and treacherously - K) on the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a on the way back, after the arrangements (of buying and selling - K) were accomplished and Quraysh would have come back to Mecca from 'Ukaz The men (escorting the caravan - K) acted according to the plan; but the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a had been warned by 'Abdallah b. Jud'an and succeeded to defeat the joint forces of Dabba and the troops levied by the king and put under the command of Wabara. Dirar managed to escape, aided by his sons; Wabara was captured by Yazid b. al-Sa'iq and had to pay a very high ransom: a thousand camels, two singing girls and granting Yazid the right to a share in his possessions 20. Some details about the descendants of one of the warriors who fought in the battle give us a hint as to the time in which the battle took place. AI-Mundhir b. Hassan b. Dirar, the grandson of Dirar, was one of the notables of al-Kiifa and gave his daughter in marriage to 'Abd al-Rahman b. al-Hakam al-Thaqafi ". Another grandson of Dirar, Harthama, embraced Islam and settled in Basra 22. The daughter of Dirar, Mu'a~havfnarried the Tamini leader Ma'bad b. Zurara and bore him a son;ar::Qa'qa', who converted later to Islam+'. The grandsons and granddaughters of other persons connected with the account of the battle can be traced in the period of the Prophet and of the first Caliphs 24. It is significant that these persons emigrated to Mecca or Medina and their fate was closely connected with some of the Companions of the Prophet. 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Auf, one of the richest Companions of the Prophet, married Tumadir, the daughter of al-Asbagh b. 'Amr b. Tha'laba b. al-Harith b. Hisn b. Damdam from Kalb. It is evident that she was the direct descendant of al-Harith b. Hisn, the man who conquered Fadak and captured the family of the Jewish goldsmith Wa'il b. 'Atiyya, Turnadir was the first Kalbi woman married by a Qurashite, says the report. Mus'ab reports further that Tumadir's mother was «Juwayriyya the daughter of Wabara b. Riimanis, who was the brother of al-Nu'man b. al-Mundhir x+", The Al-Baladhuri, Ansdb, Ms. fol. 948b-949a (= 1008b-lOO9a). Al-Baladhuri, Ansdb, Ms. fol. 949a (= l009a); and see on him Ibn Hajar, al-Isiibafi tamyiz al-sahiiba, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawi, Cairo 1292/1972, VI, 314, no. 8470. 22 Al-Baladhuri, Ansdb, Ms. fol. 949a (= 1009a), penult. 23 Al-Baladhuri, Ansdb, Ms. fols. 948b (= lOO8b), 965a (= 1025a); and see on him: Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, V, 452, no. 7133. 24 See e.g. Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, VI, 703 (Yazid b. Qays b. Yazld b. al-Sa'iq), 301, no. 8437 (Mu'adh b. Yazid b. al-Sa'iq). 25 Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, Nasab quraysh, ed. E. Levi Provencal, Cairo 1953, p. 267; and see al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Jamharat nasab quraysh, Ms. Bodley, Marsh. 384, fol. 95b; Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara (Esc.), fol. 95b. 20 21 326 honourable position inherited by the descendants of al-Harith b. Hisn and Wabara can be seen from the account that the Prophet sent 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Auf to Kalb and advised him to marry « the daughter of their king» if they would embrace Islam. As Kalb responded, 'Abd aI::~i}man married Tumadir ; her father, al-Asbagh, was indeed « the king» (i.e. the chief - K) of Kalb 26. Another report lists three tribal groups tracing their origin to Juwayriyya, the daughter of Wabara b. Rtimanis?". The marriage of the Caliph 'Uthman with another Kalbi woman, Na'ila also reflects the position of the family of the conqueror of Fadak: her father was al-Furafisa b. al-Ahwas b. 'Amr b. Tha'laba b. al-Harith b. Hisn b. Darndam b. 'Adiyy b. Jandal ". * * * It may be of some interest to trace the pedigree and vicissitudes of a Tamimi woman, who emigrated to Mecca and married a distinguished man from the aristocratic clan of Makhziim. Her progeny played an important role in the struggle between the Prophet and Quraysh. Asma', the daughter of Mukharriba 29 from the tribal group of Nahshal b. Darirn of Tarnim, married Hisham b. al-Mughira from the clan of Makhzilm and bore him two sons: Abu Jahl (= 'Amr) and al-Harith ; after her divorce from Hisham, she married his brother, Abu Rabi'a b. al-Mughira, and bore him two sons: 'Abdallah and 'Ayyash 30. The high status of Asma' can be inferred from the report that she was entrusted with the keeping of the document of the boycott Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqat, Beirut 1377/1958, VIII, 298. Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara (Esc.), fol. 74a. 2. Ibn l;Iazm,lamharat ansab al- 'arab, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Harun, Cairo 1962, p. 456 inf. 29 On the reading « Mukharriba» and « Mukharrima » see e.g. the note of the Editor of Jumahi's Tabaqdt jubul al-shu'arii', p. 123, note 2. 30 Al-Jumahi, Tabaqdt fubul al-shu'arii', ed. Mahmiid Muhammad Shakir, Cairo 1952, p. 123, no. 142; Naqa'id Jarir wa-I-Farazdaq, ed. Bevan, Leiden 1908, p. 607; Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, fol. 36a inf. - 36b sup. (Hisham is said to have been the first Qurashite to divorce his wife Asma' by the zihii: formula; it was his father al-Mughira, who chose for Asrna' her husband after her divorce: his son Abu Rabi'a b. al-Mughira), 67b; Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, op. cit., p. 318; al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, op. cit., fol. 135a inf. (she was also the mother of Umm Hujayr, the daughter of Abu Rabi'a), 140b (and see the two verses of Hisharn b. al-Mughira, in which he expresses his regret at divorcing Asrna', the daughter of Mukharriba, ib., fol. 141a, sup.); Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VIII, 300 (she married Abu Rabi'a after the death of her husband Hisharn), V, 443-4, IV, 129 sup.; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isti'iib fi ma'rifati l-ashiib, ed. 'Ali al-Bijawi, Cairo 1380/1960, p. 1230, no. 2009, p. 961, no. 1628, p. 301, no. 440; Anonymous, al-Ta'rikh al-muhkam fiman intasaba i1a I-nabiyyi ~alla lldhu 'alayhi wa-sallam, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 8653, fol. 148a, 1.4. 26 27 ON THE WIFE OF THE GOLDSMITH 327 of the Prophet and his family. Another version says that al-Julas, the daughter of Mukharriba, her sister, kept the document 31. The marriages of the daughters of this Darimi (Tamimi) family with Qurashites are remarkable. Asma', the daughter of Salama b. Mukharriba b. Jandal of Nahshal (Darim, Tamim), married 'Ayyash b. Abi Rabi'a b. al-Mughira. She joined her husband when he set out for his hijra to Abyssinia and there she gave birth to his son 'Abdallah 32. Asma', the daughter of Salama b. Mukharriba, was for a period the wife of 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Auf; his son, 'Abd al-Rahrnan b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Auf was born from her 33. 'Abdallah b. 'Ayyash married Hind, the daughter of Mutarrif b. Salama b. Mukharriba; she bore him his son al-Harith b. 'Abdallah b. 'Ayyash 34. Al-Harith b. 'Abdallah begot 'Abdallah b. al-Harith b. 'Abdallah; the latter married Umm Aban, the daughter of ['Abbad b.] Mutarrif b. Salama b. Mukharriba and she bore him his son 'Abd al-'Aziz35. Also to be noted are the marriages of the members of this branch of Makhziim (descendants of al-Mughira) with the family of Zurara (Tamim), Abu Jahl married the daughter of 'Umayr b. Ma'bad b. Zurara and she bore him his sons Abu 'Alqama, Zurara and Abu Hajib, Tamim 36. 'Abd al-Rahrnan b. 'Abdallah b. Abi Rabi'a, nicknamed al-Ahwal, was the son of Layla, the daughter of 'Utarid b. Hajib b. Zurara 37. Umm Hujayr, the daughter of Abu Rabi'a 38 married a Tamimi from another family: Abu Ihab b. 'Aziz 39. *** Al-Baladhuri, Ansab, I (ed. Muhammad Harnidullah), 235 sup. Khalifa b. Khayyat, Tabaqdt, ed. Akram Diya' al-Tlmari, Baghdad 1387/1967, p. 234; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VIII, 301; Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, op. cit., p. 319; al-Fasi, al- 'Iqd al-thamin, ed. al-Tanahi, Cairo 1388/1969, VIII, 180, no. 3300; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, VII, 484, no. 10795 (and see ib., p. 492, the elucidation of the relationship between Asma' bint Mukharriba and Asma' bint Salama b. Mukharriba); Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., p. 1783; Ibn Hazrn, Jamhara, p. 230; Ibn Hisharn, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, ed. al-Saqa, al-Abyari, Shalabi, Cairo 1355/1936, I, 273. 33 Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., III, 128; Anonymous, al-Ta'rikh al-muhkam, Ms. fol. 113a, inf.; Mus'ab v. 'Abdallah, op. cit., p. 267 (,Abdallah b. 'Ayyash b. Abi Rabi'a was thus the uterine brother of 'Abd al-Rahrnan b. 'Abd al-Rahrnan b , 'Auf, adds Mus'ab). 34 Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, op. cit., p. 319; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., V, 28; al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, op. cit., fol. 141b. 35 Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, op. cit., p. 319; al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, op. cit., fol. 142a, sup. 36 Mus'ab, op. cit., p. 312 sup.; al-Zubayr, op. cit., fol. 135b inf. 37 AI-Zubayr, op. cit., fol. 141a sup. 38 See above note 30. 39 AI-Zubayr, op. cit., fol. 135b, 1.1. 31 32 328 The peculiar verses in the Diwdn of Hassan b. Thabit link the person of Asma' (the mother of Abu Jahl and al-Harith, the sons of Hashim b. al-Mughira al-Makhziimi) with that of al-Furafisa, the father of Na'ila, the wife of 'Uthman : «Had you been a scion of a noble woman you would prove it for her by a noble deed: but you are a descendant of the daughter of 'Uqab »40. The verse is directed against al-Harith b. Hisham who fled shamefully from the battlefield of Badr. 'Uqab is recorded in the commentaries as a slave of the Taghlib. Some daughters of 'Uqab ended up by chance (fa-waqa'a ba'duhunnai at al-Furafisa b. al-Ahwas where they stayed on as slaves. One of these maids was married by a man from Taghlib and bore him a daughter. This daughter was later married by Mukharriba b. Ubayr (sci1. from Nahshal, Tamnn)+'. The commentary gives insufficient details of the slave and the maids. One has thus to consult the other poem in which 'Uqab and the maidslaves are mentioned. The qasida CLXXVIII is headed by an explanatory note: «He (i.e. Hassan) said satirizing al-Harith b. al-Mughira (i.e. al-Harith b. Hisham b. al-Mughira - K); his mother, a Nahshali woman (a descendant of one - K) of the daughters of 'Uqab, a female slave staying with the Banil Taghlib; she (married and) had daughters who bore children in Kalb, Quraysh and in other tribes». The third verse of the qasida runs as follows: «Lo, al-Furafisa b. al-Ahwas is vexed: because of your mother [one] of the daughters of 'Uqab»42. The comrnentary+" does not add much for the understanding of the hints included in the two verses. It is therefore fortunate that Ibn al-Kalbi supplies some additional data about Furafisa. It was Furafisa who obtained the heritage of the goldsmith from Fadak and therefore Hassan uttered the verses against him. Ibn al-Kalbi mentions the other daughters of the goldsmith: al-Rabi'a married 'Arnr b. Kulayb b. 'Adiyy b. Janab and gave birth to daughters who got married with men from Kalb. The other daughter, al-Shamus, married 40 41 42 43 Hassan b. Thabit, Diwdn, ed. Arafat, London 1971, I. 298 (CXLIX 7): Lau kunia din'a karimatin ablaytahii : husnd, wa-liikin din 'a hinti 'uqdbi. Hassan b. Thabit, op. cit., II, 220. Hassan, op. cit., I, 343 (CLXXVIII, 3) : Inna l-furiifisata bna l-ahwasi 'indahu : shajanun /i-ummika min banati 'uqdbi. Hassan, op. cit., 11,246; and see ib .• II, 220: 'Uqab was a slave (not a slave-maid). ON THE WIFE OF THE GOLDSMITH 329 al-Jann from Taghlib and became the mother of 'Anaq. 'Anaq married Mukharriba b. Ubayr from Nahshal; she gave birth to Julas, the daughter of Mukharriba (usually recorded as Umm Julas Asma' the daughter of Mukharriba). Umm Julas bore the two sons of Hisharn b. al-Mughira: Abu Jahl and al-Harith 44. This very pedigree is recorded by al-Baladhuri on the authority of Abu 'Ubayda : Asma' was the daughter of Mukharriba (or 'Amr b. Mukharriba) and 'Anaq ; 'Anaq was the daughter of al-Jann from Taghlib b. Wa'il, and his wife al-Shamiis, the daughter of Wa'il b. 'Atiyya from Fadak "". Abu 'Ubayda gives some additional details about the marriage of Asma' with Hisham. Hisharn met Asma' in Najran ; she was a widow and Hisharn married her and moved with her to Mecca. There she gave birth to his two sons. After his death she married his brother, Abu Rabi'a ; she bore him two sons to046. This has already been mentioned above. A similar tradition about the marriage of Hisham with Asma' is recorded by al-Zubayr b. Bakkar on the authority of Ma'rnar b. Rashid; it contains some more details, such as those relating to the talk of Hisham with Asma', her cleverness and beauty?". The date of the death of Asma' is disputed: some put it at the time of the Prophet, others at the time of 'Umar=". A quite different tradition is recorded in Ps. Asma'I's Nihiiyat ai-arab. 'Adiyy b. Zayd introduced al-Nu'man to the Persian Emperor, telling him that his mother was the daughter of the goldsmith 'Atiyya, who was a Persian. He came by chance to Tayrna' and settled there. He married there. The daughter of the goldsmith, Salma, bore al-Nu'man+". Finally an early tradition identifies the first husband of Salrna as Suwayd b. Rabi'a, the well known Darimi tribesman who killed the relative of the king of al-Hira and caused thereby the slaughter of the Tamimis on the Day of Uwara 50. On his flight from the king of al-Hira Suwayd reached Mecca and became an ally (/:lalif) of the Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara (Esc.), fol. 74a inf. Al-Baladhuri, Ansiib, I, 209. 46 Al-Baladhuri, Ansdb, I, 208-209. 47 AI-Zubayr b. Bakkar, op. cit., fol. \35b, sup. 48 See e.g. Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, VII, 491, no. 10807; al-Baladhuri, Ansab, I, 209. 49 Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23, 298, fol. 237b inf. ~ 238a. 50 See e.g. on the Day of Uwara : al-Baladhuri, Ansdb, fols. 966b (= 1026b), 968b (= 1028a); among his descendants was Abu Ihab b. 'Aziz who was one of the thieves of the «Gazelle of the Ka'ba »; al-Baladhuri (Ms. fol. 342b) records his pedigree as follows: Abu Ihab b._'Aziz b. Qays b. Suwayd b. Rabi'a b. 'Abdallah b. Darirn ... the halif of the Banii Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf. 44 45 330 Banil Naufal; Asma' reached al-Yaman; she later married Hisham b. al-Mughira. When she bore him his first son she named him 'Arnr (later nicknamed by the Prophet «Abu Jahl» - K) after her father (as the real name of Mukharriba was 'Amr) 51. This account closes the chain of stories in which the fates of the descendants of the goldsmith's daughters are related. *** Some comments on the few passages quoted above may be useful. It is instructive that the Jewish settlement, Fadak, had to pay some tribute to the tribal group of Kalb. The account seems to indicate that the power of the Jewish agricultural settlements in that period, the end of the third quarter of the sixth century, began to decrease; the weakness of the rulers of al-Hira, the sudden changes in the Persian Empire, the rise of the strength of the Arab tribes, the emergence of Mecca as an influential centre in the Arabian peninsula - all these factors explain the successful raid of al-Harith b. Hisn against Fadak and its conquest; it is indeed conspicuous that the account uses the expression: iftatahahii kalbun denoting the conquest of a village or a city. It is noteworthy for the understanding of the event that about the same period the Jewish representative of Persia in Medina was replaced by the Khazraji 'Amr b. al-Itnaba 52, and the dominant position of the Jews in this city declined. The role which Mecca began to play in that period can be deduced from the reports about the migration of membres of different tribes to Mecca. The marriages between Qurashites and members of the tribal immigrants reflect the evolution of a flourishing mixed population, dominated by a well developed Meccan tradition and custom; the immigrants became integrated into the Meccan order and absorbed into the Meccan society. It was a peculiar blend of Jewish, Christian, Kalbi, Taghlibi, Tamimi and Qurashi elements, which produced devoted believers like 'Ayyash, malicious infidels like Abu Jahl and gifted poets like 'Umar b. Abi Rabi'a. 51 52 Al-Baladhuri, Ansdb, fol. 986b (= lO46b). See Arabica XV (1968) 146-8. 

Circumcised.pdf " AND HE WAS BORN CIRCUMCISED Some notes on circumcision in Hadith by " M.J. Kister Jerusalem To Professor R. Sellheim as a token of esteem and respect The ritual of circumcision, in practice throughout the Muslim world, is traced back to Ibrahim, the ancestor of the Jews and the Arabs. Arab tradition, like that of the Jews, holds that he was the first who circumcised himself on the order of God. His is said to have performed this ritual at the age of eighty and to have lived until the age of two hundred. Another tradition claims that he carried out circumcision at the age of one hundred and twenty, in a place named Qadum. According to another tradition, the tool used by Ibrahim for the circumcision was named qadum, a pick-axel. 1 Abu Hudhayfa Ishaq b. Bishr, Mubtada'u l-dunya wa-qisasu l-anbiya', MS Bodleiana, Huntington 388, fol. 187b. And see Shil'awayh b. Shahridar al-Daylami, Firdausu l-akhbiJr, ed. Fawwaz Al)mad al-Zimirli and Mubammad al-MuCtll$imbi-llllhi I-Baghdadi, Beirut 1407/1987, I, 58, no. 44; and see the references of the editors. Fac;l1ullahiI-Jilllni, Farjlu lI11hi -$amadfi taudil;!i I I-adabi I-mufrad li-abi mul;!ammadi bni ismll'Tla I-bukhllri, Him$ 1388/1969, II, 668, no. 1244, 673, no. 1250. Mubammad b. Al)mad al-An$llrr l-Qurtubi, al-JiJmieIi-al;!kllmiI-qur'lln = TafsiTU I-qurfubi, Cairo 138711967, II, 99. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Tul;!fatu l-maudi1d bi-al;!kllmi 1mauli1d, Beirut n. d., pp. 120-124. AI-Tabarllni, Musnad al-shllmiyyin, ed. Hamdi 'Abd al-Majid al-Salafi, Beirut 1409/1989, I, 88, no. 124; and see the references provided by the editor. AbU 1Qllsim 'AIi b. al-Hasan, Ibn 'Asllkir, Tabyinu I-imtinlln bi-I-amri bi-I-ikhtitlln, ed. MajdI FatbI 1Sayyid, Tantll 1410/1989, pp. 33-35, nos. 9-12 (he circumcised himself at the age of eighty) and pp. 37, 39, nos. 17-18 (he circumcised himself at the age of hundred and twenty); and see ibid. the references given by the editor. AI-Muttaqi I-HindI, Kanzu I-'ummlll, Hyderabad 1395/1975, XXII, 36, no. 305. Ibn al-Mulaqqin, Tul;!fatu I-mul;!tlljilll adil/ati I-minhlij, eel. 'Abdallah b. Sa'llf al-LaI)yllni, Mecca al-mukarrama 1406/1986, II, 496, no. 1616; and see the references of the editor. Mubammad b. 'Ali b. TOIOn, Ff1$$U I-khawlltim fimll qila fi I-walll'im, eel. Nizllr Ub~, Damascus 140311983, p. 61. Al)mad b. cAlI b. al-Muthannll al-TamlmI, Musnad abi yrrlll 1maU$iI1,ed.Husayn Salim Asad, Damascus 1407/1987, X, 383-384, no. 5981; and see the abundant references of the editor. AI-Munllwi, Fayr!u I-qadir, sharl;!u l-jllmi'i I-$aghir, Beirut 13911 1972, I, 207-208, no. 284; and see ibid. the discussion whether qadi1m or qaddi1m is a name of a place or of a tool of a carpenter; a harmonizing assumption says that he circumcised himself with a tool named qadi1m in a place called qaddam. Badr al-Din Muhammad b. 'Abdallah al-Shibli, Mal;!lIsinu l-wasl1'ilfi mrrrifati l-awll'il, MS Brit. Library, Or. 1530, fol. 48b-49a: God told Ibrahim that he had already accomplished (the ••. .. and he was born circumcised ... " 11 A slightly divergent tradition about the circumcision of Ibrahim is recorded by Abu Bakr Ahmad b. cAmr b. Abl cAsim al-Shaybani, in his Kitnbu l-awli)i/2: Ibrahim carried out the circumcision at the age of one hundred and thirty yearsl. A peculiar tradition traced back to Abu Hurayra and recorded in Suvntr's al-Durr al-manthur+, says that Ibrahim circumcised himself in Qadum at the age of thirty years. AI-CAyruquotes a tradition recorded by al-Mawardt saying that Ibrahim circumcised himself at the age of seventy; according to Ibn Qutayba, after this event he lived for a hundred years and died at the age of one hundred and seventy'. Noteworthy is a tradition recorded by al-Bayhaqi in his ai-Sun an alkubra'': God ordered Ibrahrm to circumcise himself and he carried out the order using the qadum, the pick-axe. When the pain increased and became too hard for him to bear, he invoked God. God then asked him why was he so hasty in carrying out the order and Ibrahim answered that he did it because he feared to delay the accomplishment of God's injunction". There is, however, one tradition in which the circumcision of Abraham is not linked with an injunction of God. Abraham is said to have waged war with the Amalekites. Since many warriors of both the fighting troops fell in these battles, it was necessary to make a distinction during the burial of the dead between the believing warriors, fighting on the side of Abraham, and the unbelieving Amalekites. Then Abraham introduced the circumcision in order to distinguish by that mark the believing warriors from the unbelievers". The injunctions of-K.) his religious belief, qad akmalta tmanaka, except a bit, ba¢'a, of your body which you whould remove; he then circumcised himself, using for it a pick-axe. Another tradition says that God bade him clean himself on three occasions; at the first time he performed an ablution, at the second time he washed himself, at the third time he carried out the circumcision. And see: al-Baghawl, Maslibl(1u l-sunna, ed. Muhammad SalIm Ibrahim Samara and Jamal Hamdt l-Dhahabl, Beirut 140711987, IV, 18, no. 4428. Muhammad Nasir ai-Din aIAlbant, Silsilatu 1-a(llidIthil-sahtha, Beirut 1405/1985, II, 361, no. 725; and see the references of the author. EF, s. v, khitnn, Shams ai-Din aI-SuyiitJ, [t(lll/u I-akhi$sll bi-/arJll)iJi I-masjidi t-aqss, ed. Ahmad Ramadan Ahmad, Cairo 1984, II, 74 records some technical details of the circumcision: Ibrahim used the pick-axe, qaddum for the circumcision; he drew the pick-axe towards himself and hit it with a stick; then the prepuce fell down without any pain or flow of blood. See these details of the circumcision of Ibrahim in Ibn 'Asikir's Tabylnu l-imtinan, pp. 36-37, no. 15 and in 'Ali' al-Dln 'Ali Dadah aI-SaktawAli aI-Busnawi's MU(lllrJaratal-awll'iI wa-musamarat al-awakhir, Bulaaq 1300, p. 38. 2 Ed. Muhammad b. Ni$ir aI·cAjami, aI-Kuwayt 1405, p. 64, no. 19. 3 See ibid. the references provided by the editor. 4 Cairo 1314, I, 115 sup. S A1-'Ayni, cUmdat al-qllrl shar(l sa(li(li t-bukhsrt, repr, Beirut, n. d., XV, 246. 6 Hyderabad 1355, VIII, 326. 7 See this tradition: aI-SuyiitJ, al-Durr al-manthur, I, 115. Ibn Hajar aI-CAsqalani, Fathu t-bsn shar(l sa(ll(1iI-bukhllrl, Cairo 1301, repr, Beirut, X, 288, pp. 25-26. Ibn Qayyim aI-Jauziyya, Tuhfa: al-maudud, p. 121. A1-Saffilrl, Nuzhatu l-majalis wa-muntakhabu l-najQ'is, Beirut, n. d., p. 490 inf. Ibn 'Asakir, Tabyinu l-imtinan, p. 36, no. 14. 8 Abill;iudhayfa Is\.llq b. Bishr, Mubtada)u l-dunya wa-qisasu t-anbiya', MS fol. 187b. 'Ala) 12 M.J. Kister Muslim tradition is, however, almost unanimous in saying that Ibrahim performed the circumcision on the order of God. As there is no special verse in the Qur-an enjoining the circumcision, commentators of the Qur-an strove to find some indications in the Qur'an implying that God enjoined Ibrahim to carry out the circumcision. Such was the verse 124 in surat al-baqara: ... wa-idhi btala ibrahtma rabbuhu bi-kalimatin faatammahunna ... , "and (remember) when his Lord tried Abraham with certain commands which he fulfilled ... " One of these commands, kalimat, was, according to some scholars, the injunction of the circumcision''. The story of the circumcision of Abraham according to God's injunction and his suffering is confronted by the story of the circumcision of the Prophet. Unlike Abraham, the Prophet was granted the grace of being born circumcised. The tradition of the miraculous circumcision of the Prophet, as transmitted by his servant Anas b. Malik, says that the Prophet stated: "For the sake of my honourable position at God's Presence I was born circumcised and nobody saw my pudendum," min karamatt Callillahi ann] wulidtu makhtiinan wa-lam yara ahadun sau'ati10. Al-Munawt, who recorded this tradition, adduced a remarkable list of reservations and many critical observations of Muslim orthodox scholars. Some al-Dln 'Ali Dadah al-Saktawart al-Busnawi, Mu~iit;faratu l-awli'i1 wa-musamaratu I-awakhir, p. 38; and see ibid. details about Ibrahim as a military leader. AI-Tha'iabi, Q#t1$al-anbiya', Cairo n. d., pp. 129-130. Al-Saffurl, Nuzhatu l-majdlis, p. 491 sup. 9 See e.g. Isbaq b. Bishr, Mubtad"u l-dunya, MS fol. 188b, sup. Ibn Abi Shayba, alMusannaf, (reprint) XI, 521, no. 11877. Shihabu l-Dln I-Khafaji, Naslmu f-riYllt;f i sharhi shiflJ'i I I-qllt;/lciyllt;f, airo 1327, I, 343 inf. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Tuhfatu l-maudud, p, 164: ... wa-IC khitan kana mina I-kh#a/i llati btala /lahu subMJnahu biha ibrllhima khalrlahu fa-atammahunna wa-akmalahunna fa-ja'alahu imaman li-t-nasi ... 10 Ibn al-Jauzl, al-Wa/ll bi-ahwali l-mustafa, ed. Mu~~afii cAbd aI-Wiibid, Cairo 1386/1966, p. 97. Abu Nu'aym al-Isfahanl, Dalli'ilu l-nubuwwa, ed. Muhammad Rawwas QaIcajI and 'Abd al-Barr 'Abbas, Beirut 1406/1986, I, 154, no. 91. Ibn Nasir al-Dtn al-Dimashqt, Jamieu I-II/hllrIi maulidi l-nabiyyi l-mukhtar, MS Cambridge Or. 913, fol. 192b, quoted from Abu NuCaym's Dalll'il, and fol. 193a, quoted from al-Khatib al-Baghdadl's Ta'rikh and from Ibn cAsAkir, evidently from his Ta'rikh dimashq. Ibn Kathir, al-Slra al-nabawiyya, ed. Mu~~afa 'Abd aI-Wiibid, Cairo 1385/1966, I, 209. Shihabu l-Dln aI-Khafaji, Nastmu I-riyat;f,I, 363, inf.-364. Al-Zurqant, al-Mawllhibu l-Iaduniyya, Cairo 1326, V, 244. Husayn b. Muhammad al-Diyarbakrl, Ta)rikhu 1khamts Ii a~wali anfasi nafls, Cairo 1283, I, 204 inf. 'Ali b. Burhan aI-Din al-Halabl, Inssnu 1'uyun Ii strati l-amini I-ma'mun = al-Slra al-fralabiyya, Cairo 138211962, I, 59. And see: Muhammad b. Yusuf aI-salil:u, Subulu I-hudll wa-J-rashiJdIi strati khayri I-rTkh-tahdhlb, Beirut 1399/1979, I, 283. Ibn KathIr, al-S1ra al-nabawiyya, I, 208-209. Ibn al-Jauzi, Sifatu l-safwa, I, 52. Ab1l Nu'aym al-Isfahant, DallPii al-nubuwwa, p. 154, no. 92; and see the references of the editor. Al-MaqrIzi, Imtif-u l-asmif- bi-ma li-l-rasuli mina l-anblPi wa-l-amwalt wa-l-l:uz/adati wa-lmats", ed. Mal.un1ldMuhammad Shakir, Cairo 1941, 1,4 inf. Ibn Nl$ir al-Dln al-DimashqI, Jllmi< al-llthllr, MS fol. 192b, quoted from al-BayhaqI's Dalll'il. Ibn Sa'd, al-Tabaqat al-kubra, Beirut 1380/1960, I, 103. Ibn Nasir al-Din al-Dimashql, Jllmie al-tuhar, MS fol. 192; quoted from Ibn Sa'd's Tabaqllt. Al-'Aq1llI, al-Rasf li-ma ruwiya 'ani l-nabiyyi sallllllllhu 'alayhi wa-sallam mina I-Ji'li wa-l-wasf, Cairo 1406/1986, I, 20; quoted from Ibn Sa'd, 36 I, 112. • ••. .. and he was born circumcised ...•• 17 by Amina the night when she bore the Prophet. He took the child and brought it to Hubal, who was placed in the Ka'ba: he invoked God and thanked Him for His precious gift, the birth of the Prophet!", One tradition links the entrance of cAbd al-Muttalib with the child into the Ka'ba with some socio-religious activities practiced in Mecca in the period of the Jahiliyya, It was cAbd al-Muttalib who invoked in the Sanctuary for the child, it was he who named the child Muhammad and it was he who invited Quraysh and prepared a party for them on the occasion of the birth of Muhammad-". Some traditions say that CAbd al-Muttalib circumcised the child, performing the ritual on the seventh day after his birth39• Mughultay confronts in his al-Zahr al-basim40 the tradition that the Prophet was born circumcised with the tradition that CAbdal-Muttalib circumcised the child on the seventh day of his birth, arranged a party on this occasion and named him Muhammad. Mughultay notes that this tradition seems to be more acceptable than that of the Prophet being born circumcised'", Some of the traditions saying that CAbd al-Muttalib circumcised the child stress that he performed it according to the practice of the Arabs+'. The reliability of the tradition saying that the Arabs practiced circumcision 37 And see Ibn Kathlr, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, 1,208. Ibn 'Asiildr, Tatrtkh -tahdhtb, 1,284. AlBayhaql, Shucab al-tman, ed. 'Abd al-'Aliyy cAbd al-Hamld Hamid, Bombay 140711987, III, 555; and see references of the editor. Abu Hatim Muhammad b. Hibban al-Busti, al-Sira al-nabawiyya wa-akhbaru l-khulafa", excerpted from al-Bustt's Kitabu l-thiqm, ed. 'Aziz Bek and alii, Beirut 140711987, p. 53. 38 See e.g. 'Abd al-Malik al-'I$limi, Simtu l-nujami 1-'awiil1fi anbCI'i l-awl1'i1i wa-l-tawatt, Cairo 1380, I, 263 inf.-264. 39 Al-Maqrtzt, lmtl!'u l-asms-, 1,5. Mughultay, al-Zahr al-basim, MS Leiden Or. 370, fol. 70a, 1.1. Al-Qurtubl, TafsIr, II, 100. Ibn cAsakir, Ttrrtkh-tahdbtb, I, 283. 40 MS Leiden Or. 370, fol. 69 b. 41 cr. Ibn 'Aslikir, Tairtkh-tahdhtb, I, 283. 42 See e.g. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Tuhfatu l-maudud, p. 158: ... anna jaddahu 'abda 1muttalibi khatanahu 'all1 'lIdati I-'arabi j1 khitani auladihim ... Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Zi1du 1ma'iid, I, 19, sup. And see the utterance attributed to Ibn 'Abbas in al-Suyutt's al-Durr al-manthiir, I, 114, inf. .,. 'ani bni 'abblisin qlIla: sab'un mina l-sunnati fi l-sabiyyi yauma l-sl1bi'i:yusamma wa-yukhtanu wa-yumatu 'anhu l-adhl1 wa-yu'aqqu 'anhu wa-yuhlaqu rcrsuhu wa-yultakhu min 'uqiqatihi wa-yutasaddaqu bi-wazni sha'ri ra'sihi dhahaban au flddatan, Al-Halabt, al-Sira al-halabiyya, I, 59. Shihabu I-DIn al-Khafajl, Nasimu l-riyiJfl, I, 364: .•. anna jaddahu 'abda 1murtalibi khatanahu yauma Sl1bicihiwa-ja'ala lahu ma'dubatan wa-sammahu muhammadan, wakanati I-'arabu takhtatinu li-annahu sunnatun tawilrathilhil min isma'i1a wa-ibrahtma 'alayhimli l-salamu, And see al-Ya'qnbt, Ta'rIkh, ed. Muhammad Sadiq Bahru 1-'uliim, Najar 1384/1964, I, 224: wa-kanat adyl1nu I-'arabi mukhtalifatan bi-l-mujawarat! Ii-ahli l-milali wa-l-intiqnli tta 1buldilni wa-I-intijl!'ilti. fa-kanat qurayshun wa-'ilmmatu wuJdi ma'addi bni 'adnlIna 'alil ba'f/i dtni ibrahima ya!luijiina l-bayta wa-yuqtmuna l-manasika wa-yaqruna l-dayfa wa-yucauimiina 1ashhura l-huruma wa-yunkirana l-fawill;.isha wa-l-taql1/u'a wa-t-tazsluma wa-yu'l1qibiina 'all1 1jarl1'imi, fa-lam yazillQ 'all1 dhl1lika mil kl1nQwulata l-bayti ... Al-Khafa]! emphasizes that circumcision among the Arabs was not caused by the neighbourhood of the Jews, wa-Iaysa dhillika li-mujawarati l-yahud •..• 18 M.J. Kister in pre-Islamic times is convincingly demonstrated by Uri Rubin in his article: "Hanifiyya and Ka'ba, An inquiry into the Arabian pre-Islamic background of din Ibrahim. ,,43 It is indeed noteworthy that the traditions transmitted by Ibn (Abbas emphasize the role of (Abd al-Muttalib and the continuity of the Jahill customs, according to which (Abd al-Muttalib acted. The practice of circumcision of females in the period of the Jahiliyya is indicated in a verse of Nabigha al-Dhubyani, in which he mentions young girls captured in a raid before they were circumcised+'. A third group of traditions says that the angel Jibril performed the circumcision of Muhammad in the abode of Hallma, when he opened his breast and purified his heart45. Arab sources emphasize the persistence of the Abrahamian beliefs in the Arab peninsula=, A tradition recorded on the authority of (Ikrima asserts that uncircumcised persons were not to perform the circumambulation of the Ka'ba, No uncircumcised person ever circumambulated the Ka'ba since the time of Abraham, the tradition says47. Al-Jahiz is quoted as stating that the practice of female and male circumcision remains continuous since the time of Ibrahim and Hajar until now: ... qiila l-jliJ:ziZ:wa-l-khitanu ft l-sarabi ft l-nisli'i wa-l-rijali min ladun ibrtihima 'alayhi I-salamu wa-hajara Uli yaumina hlidha. Al-Jahiz adds the following observation: ... thumma lam yiilad sabiyyun makhtunan au fl surati makhtunin, wa-nasun yaz-umuna anna l-nabiyya $alla llnhu 'alayhi wa-sallam wa-stsn 'alayhi l-salnmu khuliqd makhtunayniv: The Arab character of the practice of circumcision is reflected in the story 43 JSAI, vol. XIII (1990) 103: " ... The pre-Islamic deity of the Kaalati I-samo<, MS Hebrew Univ. AP Ar. 158, Col. 8b, penult.: ... kana 'umaru bnu I-khaflllbi ratjiya Ililhu 'anhu idhil samtia l-duffa wa-l-ghiniJla ankarahu, fa-idhil qtla khiumun au 'ursun sakata. 106 Al-Shaukant, Naylu l-autsr, I, 136, inC.: ... wa-amma man lahu dhakarani fa-in kilnil 'ilmi/ayni wajaba khitanuhuma, wa-in kilna a/laduhumll 'llmilan dana l-akhar khutina. 107 Al-ShaukanJ, Naylu l-autar, I, 136, penult.: ... ukhtullfa /l khitani l-khuntha, fa-qlla yajibu khittmuhu /l farjayhi qabla I-bulaghi, wa-qtla IIIyaiuzu ~attli yatabayyana, wa-huwa 1azharu, And see R.B. Serjeant, "Sex, Birth, Circumcision: Some Notes from South-West Arabia," Hermann von Wissmann-Festschrift, ed. A. Leidlmair, Tiibingen 1962, p. 206; repr. Variorum 1991, n. XIV. * 30 M.J. Kister, ". " and he was born circumcised ... " The sunan ibrahtm were adopted in Islam and became sunan at-islam, Circumcision became a compulsory condition for converts to Islam. Scholars considered it as a mark of Islam; some of them were of the opinion that it denoted servitude of the believer and his bondage to God, a visible sign that the believer carried out God's injunction. This is reminiscent of the Jewish idea of circumcision, according to which it is a sign of the covenant between God and His people. Circumcision is said to have been imposed on males and females alike. Some scholars advocated, however, the idea that females may be treated with certain leniency, basing their opinion on the utterance of the Prophet: al-khitanu sunnatun li-l-riiali makrumatun li-l-nisa'i, "circumcision is an obligatory ritual practice for men, a virtuous deed for women." As to the circumcision of males, there was a clear tendency to avoid any thought that it had been influenced by the Jewish practice. The early reports concerning circumcision state plainly that the Arabs were not influenced by their Jewish neighbours in that ritual practice. Similarly scholars bade to refrain from following the Jewish date of the circumcision on the seventh day after the birth of the child. A heated discussion concerning the problem whether the Prophet was born circumcised indicates that some scholars assumed that his circumcision was a miraculous event, following in this matter the traditions about other prophets who were born circumcised. It is noteworthy that in some lists of these prophets the names of some prophets from the Arab peninsula were added. Other scholars maintained that the Prophet's grandfather, CAbd al-Muttalib, took the newborn child from his mother, brought him to the Ka'ba, circumcised him and named him Muhammad, The tradition which maintains that he acted according to the Arab usage bears evidence that the tendency of the tradition is to stress the Arab custom of circumcision and the activity of the Prophet's grandfather in a framework of the old Arab tradition. The simple and modest celebrations of the circumcision in early Islam turned into popular and sometimes sumptuous festivities in the various countries of the Muslim empire 108 • See e.g. El2, s.v. khitan, 108 

Call_yourselves.pdf "CALL YOURSELVES BY GRACEFUL by NAMES ... " M. J. KISTER The transition from Jahiliyya to Islam was acompanied by considerable changes in the ideas and perceptions of the traditional tribal society of the Arabs. Some concepts of the Jahiliyya did, however, survive among the Arab tribes who conquered the territories of the Persian and Byzantine empires. The struggle between the new ideas of Islam, often enriched by the adoption of the cultural values of the conquered peoples, with the persistence of concepts of the old Arab tradition left its traces in the prolific literature of the Hadith. The hard contest between these diverse ideas and trends is reflected by the conflicting utterances attributed to the Prophet or to his Companions. One of the topics for discussion was the problem of personal names. The contradictory traditions on this theme reflect the divergent attitudes of diff,erent groups in Muslim society. Goldziher dealt with some aspects of this problem in his "Gesetzliche Bestimmungen uber Kunja-Namen im Islam," study: 1 Brau scrutinized the cultic personal names in his detailed kultischen Personennamen" 2 "Die altnordarabischen and Bar- bara Stowasser-Freyer touched upon it in her Ph. D. thesis, "Formen des geselligen Umgangs und Eigentumlichkeiten des Sprachgebrauchs in der fruhislamischen stadtischen Gesellschaft Arabiens" (Nach Ibn Sa'd and Bukharil.3 The perusal of some additional data about proper names may help us to ,elucidate certain aspects of this problem. The Muslim concept of names is defined in an utterance of the Prophet recorded by Abu Dawud: 1 2 3 4 "You will be called on the Day 4 ZDMG 51 (1897), 256-266. WZKM 32 (1925), 31-59, 85-115. Der Islam 42 (1965), 26-40. Sahih sunan al-Mu$!afa, Cairo 1348, II, 307; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, Hyderabad 1355, IX, 306; al-Mundhiri, al-Targhib wa-l-tarhib, ed. Muhammad Muhyi I-Din 'Abd al-Hamid, Cairo 1381/1962, IV, 139, No. 2890; al-'Ayni, 'Umdat al-qari, [Istanbul 1308-111 x, 451; Ibn Hajar, Fath al-bari, Cairo 1325, x, 438. [3 ] of Resurrection by your names and the names of your fathers, therefore call yourselves by graceful names." The same emphasis on graceful names is apparent in two other traditions: "When you send to me a 5 messenger, send a man with a pleasant face and a beautiful name," and "He whom God granted a pretty face and a graceful name and put him in a place which is not disgraceful, he is the choicest man of God among His creature." 6 As is to be expected, tradition credited names into the Prophet with the changing of ugly and unpleasant to change it into a pretty one," rity of 'Urwa. 7 pleasant ones. "The Prophet, when he heard an odious name, used says a tradition reported on the authorecord a The collections of hadith and the Tabaqat compilations good deal of the changes of names performed by the Prophet. The first to be changed, as one would expect, were the names indicating worship of idols. 'Abd al-'Uzza was changed by the Prophet to 'Abd al-Rahman 8 or 'Abd Rabbihi 9 or 'Abdallah 10 or 'Abd al-'Aziz.ll 'Abd 5 Ibn Abi Hatim, 'Ilal al-hadith, Cairo 1343, Il, 329, No. 2508; al-Munawi, Fayd al-qadir, sharh al-jami' al-saghir, Cairo 1391/1972, I, 311, No. 511; 'Ali al-Qari, al-Asrar al-marfu'a fi I-akhbar al-maudu'a, ed. Muhammad al-Sabbagh, Beirut 1391/1971, 437; al-Samarqandi, Bustan al-'arifin (on margin of Tanbih al-ghafilin), Cairo 1347, 155 inf.; 'Ali b. Burhan al-Din, Insan al-'uyun (= al-Sira al-halabiyya), Cairo 1351/1932, I, 94; aI-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal, Hyderabad 1377/1958, VI, 22-3, Nos. 196-7; alSuyUti, al-La'ali al-m~nu'a fi l-ahOdith al-mau{iu'a, Cairo n. d., I, 112-3; al-Nawawi, Kit. al-adhkiir al-muntakhab min kaliim sayyid al-abriir, Cairo 1323, 127. 6 7 8 9 Al-Shaukani, al-Fawa'id al-majmu'a, ed. 'Abd al-RaJ,unin al-Mu'allami alYamini, Cairo 1380/1960, 221; :AIi I-Qari, op. cit., 437; al-Raghib alI~fahani, Muhii{iarat al-udaba', Beirut 1961, III, 336. Al-'Ayni, op. cit., x, 451; al-Munawi, op. cit., v, 144, No. 6727; al-Mundhiri, op. cit., IV, 140, No. 2895. Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiit, Beirut 1377 /1957, III, 474; al-Balidhuri, Futiih al-buldan, ed. 'Abdallah Anis al-Tabba' and 'Umar al-Tabba', Beirut 1377/1957, 125; al-Fisi, al-'Iqd al-thamin, ed. Fu'ad Sayyid, Cairo 1385/1966, V, 371, line 1; Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, al-Isti'ab, ed. 'Ali MuI;1ammadal-Bijiwi, Cairo 1380/ 1960, p. 832, No. 1408 and 838, No. 1432; Nur aI-Din al-Haythami, Majma' al-zawa'id, Beirut 1967, VIII, 50, 54; Ibn Qudama al-Maqdisi, al-Istibsar fi nasabi I-SaJ:raba in al-~ar, ed. 'Ali Nuwayhic;!, eirut 1392/1972, 319. m B Ibn Hajar, al-ISaba, Cairo 1328, II, 388, No. 5074. [4 ] Shams was changed by the Prophet to 'Abdallah." 'Abd Kulal was changed to 'Abd al-Rahman," 'Abd al-Jann to 'Abdallah." 'Abd alKa'ba to 'Abd al-Rahman IS or 'Abdallah." The Banii 'Abd ManAf were renamed by the Prophet and called Banii 'Abdallah." 'Abd alHajar (or al-Hijr) was altered to 'Abdallah," 'Abd 'Amr into 'Abd al-Rahman.> The substitution of 'Abdallah for Bujayr 20 as recorded 10 AbU Nu'aym al-Isfahani, lJilyaJ al-auliya', Beirut 1387/1967 (reprint), I, 365; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 871, No. 1480; Anonymous, History 01 the prophets (Ar.), Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 1510, fol. 234a; Ibn Hajar, al-l~aba, II, 280, No. 4557. 11 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1006, No. 1700; Ibn l;Iajar, al-lsiiba, II, 428, Nos. 5240-41. 12 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 884, No. 1496; Ibn l;Iajar, al-l$aba, II, 292, No. 4602 and 293, No. 4606. 13 N1ir aI-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 55; Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'ari/, ed. al-Sawl, Cairo 1390/1970 (reprint), 132. 14 Al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Iamharat nasab quraysh, Ms. Bodley, Marsh. 384, fo1. l06b; MughultiiY, al-Zahr al-bdsim ii sirat Abi l-Qiisim, Ms. Leiden, Or. 370, fol. 145a; Anonymous, al-Ta'rikh ol-muhkam Ii man intasaba ilii l-nabiyyi ~alla lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallam, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 8653, fols. 115b, ult.-1l6a sup.; Ibn Hajar, al-l~aba, II, 325, No. 4753; Ibn al-Kalbi, lamhara, Ms.Br.Mus., Add. 23297, fol. 27b inf 15 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., p. 844, Nos. 1446-7 and 824, No. 1394; Anonymous, al-Ta'rikh al-muhkam, Ms., fol. 112b; Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah alZubayri, Nasab Quraysh, ed. Levi-Provencal, Cairo 1953, 265, line 17 (his name was 'Abd 'Amr); 'Ali b. Burhan al-Din, op. cit., I, 312 ('Abd 'Amr, or 'Abd al-Ka'ba, or 'Abd al-Harith). 16 Al-Fasi, op. cit., V, 208; Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'iiril, 73; al-Majlisi, BiMr alanwar (lithogr. ed.) VIII, 272, line 5. 17 Niir al-Din aI-Haythami, op, cit., VIII, 53; comp. Ibn Hajar, al-lsiiba, II, 431, No. 5263 ('Abd Manif changed into 'Abdallah). 18 Fadlullah l-Jilani (= al-Jilani), F adlu lliihi l-samad ii tau{ii~ al-adab 01muirad, 1;I~ 1388/1969, II, 283, No. 811; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 943, No. 1596,and 895, No. 1524. 19 Ntir al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 53; al-Mu'ifa b. Zakariya, al-Jalis al-~iilil;!al-If.ali wa-l-anis al-nii#b al-shiifi, Ms. Ahmet III, No. 2321, fol. 113a; al-Fasawi, al-Mctrila wa-l-tarikh, Ms. Esad Ef. 2391, fol. 134b, sup.; al-Waqidi, al-Maghiizi, ed. Marsden Jones, London 1966, I, 82 (he was however addressed 'Abd al-Ilah, because the name of Musaylima was al-Rahman), 20 See Goldziher, Gesetzliche Bestimmungen, 257, line 7. [ 5] by al-Baladhuri the idol Biijir.22 21 may have been connected with the odious name of It was deemed equally desirable to change the names of persons and tribes in which mention of devils or demons could be found. The name of the Banii Shaytan was changed to Banii 'Abdallah; b. QUI1 was altered to 'Abdallah b. QUI1. 24 23 Shaytan 'Umar changed the name al-Ajda', he of Masriiq b. al-Ajda' to Masrfiq b. 'Abd al-Rahman; said, is the name of the Devil. 25 Another man was called Hubab; the Prophet changed his name to 'Abdallah, stating that Hubab is the name of the DeviJ.26 It apparently denotes an idol, as assumed by Wellhausen." A rather humorous story narrates another version by which the name Hubab was changed unintentionally: A man called Hubab negotiated with a bedouin for the purchase of two camels; he succeeded in getting the camels and set off with them. When he was later brought into the presence of the Prophet, the Prophet address.ed him as "Surraq," "the thief." The man refused to change this name, because it was the Prophet who granted it to him." The name of 'Abd al-Harith 21 Ansiib al-ashriii, ed. Muhammad Hamidullah, Cairo 1959, I, 233; al-Tabari, Dhayl al-mudhayyal, Cairo 1358/1939,59. 22 See L'A, s. v. bjr; and see Ibn al-Kalbi, al-Asniim, ed. Ahmad Zaki Pasha, Cairo 1343/1924,63. 23 Ibn Wahb, Jami', ed. J. David-Weill,Cairo 1939,11, lines 4-6. 24 Niir al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 51 sup.; Ibn Hajar, al-lsiiba, II, 358,No. 4890. 25 Ibn Hanbal, 'I/al, ed. Talat Kocigit and Ismail Cerrahoglu, Ankara 1963, I, 9, No. 31; Ibn Majah, Sunan, Cairo 1349, II, 405; L'A, s. v. jd'; Ibn l;Iajar, al-Isiiba, III, 492, No. 8406;Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., v, 76. 26 Al-Baladhuri, Futiih, 125; Nirr al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 50; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 6, lines 12-1~; 7, lines 5-7; 9, lines 11-13, 16-19; 10, lines 1-2; al-Fasawi, op. cit., fol, 134b sup.; Ma'rnar b. Rashid, Iiimi' (attached to 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, ed. Habibu l-Rahman al-A'zami, Beirut 1392/1972), XI, 40, No .19849; Anonymous, History, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 1510, fol, 233a; L'A, s. v, hbb; and see al-Suytiti, al-Durr al-manthiir ii l-tafsir bi-l-ma'thia, Cairo 1314, I, 48 (the name of Iblis at the time when God created Adam was Hubab), 50 (the name of Iblis was al-Harith; in other traditions his name was 'Azazil), 27 J. Wellhausen, Reste Arabischen Heidentums, Berlin 1887,171,n. 2. 28 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 683, No. 1132; Ibn l;Iajar, al-lsiiba, II, 20, No. 3122. [6] was changed by the Prophet to 'Abdallah; Heaven was al-Harith.?'' He frightened 29 the name of Iblis in when she became Hawwa' pregnant by telling her that she would give birth to a beast and promised that she would have a normal human baby if she gave it his name; he lied, claiming that his name was 'Abd al-Harith (not al-Harith), The baby born was indeed normal, was named 'Abd al-Harith, but died as a child." It is of interest that this very name, al-Harith, the name of Iblis and apparently the name of an idol, survived in the period of the Prophet and was even recommended by the Prophet, according to one tradition." widest circulation. It was not only the name of the Devil which was prohibited. His kunya, Abu Murra,v was also considered disagreeable and was changed It subsequently became one of the names with the by the Prophet to Abu Hulwa." God, 3~ Murra is the name most disliked by stated th.e Prophet. The name of a jinni who embraced Islam, 29 Ibn l;Iajar, al-Isiiba, II, 374, No. 4983; 388, No. 5068; and see ibid, 387-8. 30 AI-Majlisi, Bi~iir al-anwiir, Tehran 1390, LXJII, 241, 247; Anonymous, History, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 1510, fol. 4b; aI-ShibIi, Akiim al-mariiin n gharii'ibi l-akhbiir wa-ahkiim al-idnn, ed. 'Abdallah Muhammad al-Sadiq, Cairo 1376, 156; aI-'I~mi, Simt al-nuiiim al-iawiili, Cairo 1380, I, 35; Brau, op. cit., 56. 31 Muqatil, Toisir, Ms. Ahrnet III, 741, fol. 140a; and see al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, Hyderabad 1342, II, 545; Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rikh (Tahdhib), Damascus 1349, VI, 353; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr, III, 151-2 (in one of the reports, 151 ult., the Devil advised Hawwa' to name the baby 'Abd Shams); al-Nuwayri, Nlhiiyat ol-arab, Cairo n.d., XIII, 30; al-Shatibi, al-Iumdn Ms. Br.Mus., Or. 1555, fol. 8b (Adam tries in vain to convince Hawwa' to name the child 'Abdallah); Ibn Kathir, al-Bidiiya wa-l-nihiiya, Beirut-e-al-Riyad 1966, I, %; al-Tabari, Taisir, ed. Mahmud and Ahmad Shakir, Cairo 1958, XIII, 306-314, Nos. 15510-15525; Ibn 'Asakir, op. cit., VI, 353; Muhammad N~ir al-Din al-Albani, Silsilat al-ahiidit]: al-da'ija wa-l-maudii'a, Damascus 1384, No. 342. 32 Ibn Hajar, al-lsiiba, II, 288, No. 4588; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., page 6, lines 1617; al-Munawi, op. cit., I, 169, No. 207; Abu Dawtid, op. cit., II, 307; alJilani, op. cit., II, 286, No. 814 ... ; etc. 33 See Ibn al-Athir, al-Murassa' ed. C. F. Seybold, Weimar 18%, 97: .. , abii murrata huwa ashharu kunii iblis ... ,' and see al- Majlisi, op. cit., LXIII, 226; al-Zarnakhshari, Rabi' al-abrdr, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 6511, fol. 104a, sup. 34 Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 8 ,line 10. 35 Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 286, No. 814; Ibn Wahb, op, cit., page 6, line 17; 8. line 18; 9, line 1,4-7. [7 ] Samhaj, (a mare thin in the belly) was changed by the Prophet to 'Abdallah." Durays is mentioned as a name of the Devil," but this is not recorded in any other source; the name must have been felt to be odious: The Prophet bought a horse named al-Daris and changed its name to al-Sakb." The ominous name Ghaylan, which is reminiscent of the demons, was changed to 'Abdallah; 39 'Abd Sharr was changed to 'Abd Khayr," Haram was altered into Halal." In the overwhelming majority of the cases quoted above the odious name was changed to 'Abd al-Rahman or 'Abdallah. These two names, belonging to the type of ta'bid names, in which the word "t abd" is attached to one of the names of God, were a clear indication of the new Islamic spirit of obedience and submission to Allah. This trend was given expression in the utterance of the Prophet: "In naming fa(your children - K.) use the expression 'abd" (idhii sammaytum 'abbidil).42 Among this group of names 'Abdallah and 'Abd al-Rahman were considered the best. "The names most liked by God are 'Abdallah and 'Abd al-Rahman," says an utterance of the Prophet." This idea brought about changes in the names which served in Islam as attributes of Allah. Jabbar was changed to 'Abd al-Jabbar.v al-Qayyum to 'Abd al-Oayyum," 'Aziz to 'Abd al-'Aziz 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 46 and to 'Abd al-Rahman." An 44 45 46 47 Ibn Na~ir al-Din, Jiimi' al-dthdr, Ms. Cambridge, Or. 913, fol. 358b; alDamiri, Hayii: al-hayawdn, Cairo 1383fl963, I, 208. Rijiil al-Kashshi, Karbala' n.d., 156 inf. L'A, s.v. drs, Nilr al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., Vlll, 54. Ibn l.Iajar, al-Isdba, II, 388, No. 5072. Nut al-Din al-Haytharni, op. cit., Vlll, 51. Nur al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., Vlll, 50. Al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 306; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 834, No. 1419; Nur al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., vnr, 49-50; al-Mundhiri, op. cit., IV, 139, No. 2891; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 9, line 3--4; al-Munawi, op. cit., I, 168, No. 206; Ibn Majah, op. cit., II, 404; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, II, 288, No. 4588. Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, II, 387, No. 5063. Ntir al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., Vlll, 54. Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, II, 428, No. 5242. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 834, No. 1419; Ntir al-Din l-Haythami, op. cit., Vlll, 49-50; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VI, 50. [8 ] utterance of the Prophet gives explicitly the reason why the name alHakam and the kunya AbU l-Hakam are prohibited. "Do not name (your children) al-Hakam, nor Abu l-Hakam, as God is the hakam," b. Sa'id; Shurayh." The abhorrence which the pious felt with regard to using names attributed to the Prophet: 51 49 48 Consequently, the name of al-Hakam b. Sa'id was changed to 'Abdallah the kunya of Hani', Abu l-Hakam, was changed to AbU denoting the attributes of Allah gave rise to an early tradition, recorded by Ma'mar b. Rashidand "The names most detested by God are Khalid and Malik." Kingdom and eternal exis- tence are, of course, attributes of God and man is not permitted to apply them in his name. It is of interest that another version of this tradition states: takdhabu l-asmai "The most deceiving names are Khalid and Malik" khiilidun wa-malikuns." The kunya AbU Malik is Abu 'Isa, listed among the four kunyas prohibited by the Prophet: when the child is named Muhammad." AbU l-Hakam, AbU Malik and Abu l-Oasim: the last one in the case Contrary to the Bedouin custom to call their slaves by nice names and to call their own children by disagreeable names,5f the Muslims 48 49 Ma'mar b. Rashid. op. cit., XI, 42, No. 19859; al-Majlisi, op. cit., LXXVI, 175; al-'Ayni, op. cit., X, 457 inf. Anonymous, al-Ta'rikh l-muhkam, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 8653, fol. 67b, inf.; Nfir al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 53; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 355, No. 523; Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, fol. 14a. Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 283, No. 811; Ibn al-Athir, al-Nihdya, s.v. hkm; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1688, No. 3031; 'Ali b. Balaban, al-lhsdn [i taqrib $al;Ii~ Ibn I;libbiin, Ms.Br.Mus., Add. 27519, fol. 117b; Ibn al-I;l1ijj, alMadkhol, Beirut 1972, I, 120; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VI, 49; al-Nawawi, op. cit., 129 sup. Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., XI, 42, No. 19860; al-'Ayni, op. cit., X, 457 ult. -8. Ibn Abi l;Iatim, op. cit., No. 2525. Al-'Ayni, op. cit., X, 450; about the use of the kunya Abu l-Qasim see e.g. Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., XI, 44, No. 19867; Abu DawUd, op. cit., II, 309310; al-'Ayni, op, cit., X, 449; al-Tahawi, Sharb maiini l-iithiir, ed. Muhammad Zuhri l-Najjar, Cairo 1388/1968, IV, 335-341. Al-Raghib al-Isfahani, op. cit., III, 339; aHlaliJ.1i, Subul al-hudii wa-l-rashiid [i sirat khayri l-'ibiid (~ al-Sira al-shiimiyya), ed. Mu~tafa 'Abd al-Wahid, 50 51 52 53 54 [9 ] were required to give their children graceful names. The Prophet stated that the obligation of a father towards his child is to give him a graceful name and a good education. 55 The Prophet used to ask about the name of a man whom he met and was glad to hear that his name was a nice one. 56 One should be careful to select a beautiful name, as an angel and a devil attend the birth of a child; the angel advises to give him a graceful name, the devil recommends a disagreeable one." The name of the child constitutes a proof for the intelligence of his father. 58 There is a very dose relationship between the meaning of the name and the character of the child who is giv.en it. The name chosen by the father thus has considerable bearing on the fate and life of the child. 59 A name fits the character of the person named, by decree of God. The Prophet was given names which were precisely fitting: Muhammad and Ahmad. The name and the person named. says Ibn Qayyim, were in this case as dosely connected to each other as the body is to the soul." The name Muhammad, for instance is derived from the name of God as attested by the verse of Hassan : wa-shaqqa lahii min ismihi li-yuiillahii : [a-dhii l-tarshi mahmiidun wa-hiulhii muhammadii And He derived (a name) from His name in order to honour him: thus the Owner of the Throne is Mahmud (Praised) and this one is Muhammad." Cairo 1392/1972, I, 326; Ibn Durayd, ol-lshtiqaq, ed. 'Abd al-Salam HiirUn, Cairo 1378/1958, 4. Ntir al-Din al-Haytharni, op. cit., VIII, 47. Ntir al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 47; al-'Ayni, op. cit., x, 197. Al-Raghib al-Isfahani, op. cit., III, 336. Al-Raghib al-Isfahani, op. cit., III, 336. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Ziid al-ma'iid ti hadyi khayri l-'ibad, Beirut n.d. II, 5; Majd al-Din al-Fayruzabadi, Sijr al-sa'dda, Cairo 1382/1962, 88. Ibn Qayyim, op. cit., II, 5. See A. Fischer, Muhammad and Ahmad, die Narnen des arabischen Propheten, Leipzig 1932, 20; al-Suyuti, al-Khasdis al-kubrii, ed. Muhammad Khalil Harras, Cairo 1386/1967, I, 194-5; al-Bayhaqi Dalii'il al-nubuwwa, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman Muhammad 'Uthman, al-Madina al-munawwara 1389/ 1969, I, 93, 122; Hassan b. Thabit, Diwan, ed. W. N. 'Arafat, London 1971, I, 306. 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 [ 10] The name of Muhammad was given to the Prophet as a good omen." The name Uhud was given to the mountain by God, pointing to the people who believed in the unity of God and to the Prophet who summoned people to this faith. 63 * The fa'l, the omen, either good or bad, become the leading principle in the choice of names. It had, of course, to be distinguished from tiyara, which was interdicted by Islam as a practice of the Jahiliyya, The Prophet is said to have disliked augury, but was pleased by the use of good omens.v' "There is no tiyara, augury, and the best of it is the [a'l, the good omen." The Prophet was asked about the fa'i and he defined it as "a good ($iili~) word heard by one of you." 65 Ibn Hajar devotes a lengthy and detailed discussion to the problem of the relation betwe.en tiyara and fa'l, stressing that the meaning of tiyara is negative and undesirable while that of fa'l is acceptable." "The truest (kind of) augury is the omen," says the Prophet." The favourable attitude of the Prophet towards omens of names is mirrored in a tradition about the milking of a camel. Three men ~olunteered to milk the camel. The Prophet disapproved of the first because of his name Murra, and of the second because of his name Harb; he ordered the third to milk because of his name: Ya'ish." Another version of 62 63 Fischer, op. ctt., 18. Majd al-Din al-Fayruzabadi, aI-Maghiinim al-mutiiba [i ma'ii1im Tiiba, ed. Hamad al-Jasir, al-Riyad 1389/1%9, 10. 64 Al-Munawi, op. cit., v, 231, No. 7101; Ibn Hajar, FatJ:zal-biiri, x, 167, lines 3-4. 65 Ibn Hajar, Eath, x, 166-7; aI-'Ayni, op. cit., x, 197. 66 Ibn Hajar, Fath, x, 167-8; cf. al-Munawi, op. cit., I, 312, line 10 seq. 67 Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 93, line 16 (asdaqu l-tiyarati l-fa'lu); Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., x, 406, No. 19512 (the same version); Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 280, No. 379 (asdaqu l-tayri I-fa'lu). This tradition was misread by T. Fahd in E/2, s.v. fa'[ (asdaqa l-tayru l-fa'la) and consequently misinterpreted. 68 Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 96, line 10-14; Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., XI, 41, No. 19854; Ntlr al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., Vlll, 47; 'Ali b. Burhan al-Din, op. cit., I, 94; Ibn Qayyim, op. cit., II, 5; Majd al-Din al-Fayruzabadi, Siir aI-sa'iida, 88; al-Suyfiti, Tanwir al-hawiilik, sharh 'alii Muwaua: Miilik, Cairo n.d. lll, 140-1; al-Samarqandi, op. cit., 157; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. [ 11] this story reflects the tendency of separation of augury, tiyara, which should be rejected, from ial, acting according to the principle of "omen nomen", which should be permitted. Two persons volunteered to milk a she-camel: al-Musawir and Khaddash, Both were disqualified by the Prophet. Then 'Umar asked the Prophet: "Shall I speak or remain silent?" The Prophet said: "Remain silent and I shall tell you what you wanted (to say)" 'Urnar said: "Then tell me, 0 Messenger of God." The Prophet said: "You thought that is was augury." He (i.e. the Prophet - K.) said: "There is no bird except His bird, there is no good except His good; but I like the good omen." 69 The evident intention of this tradition is to reject augury and to legitimize the practice of fa'i. It may be mentioned that the names Harb and Murra mentioned above as a bad fa'l are included in the list of the names disliked by the Prophet: Harb, Murra, Jamra, Hanzala, 70 Kalb and Kulayb." In another case the Prophet preferred a man called Najiya to two other men (evid.ently with unpleasant names) and let him lead his camel. 72 The Prophet chose the way of "Marhab" for reasons of good omen when on his way to attack Khaybar in preference to all other ways proposed to him (al-Hazn, Shas, Halib).73 When th.e Prophet went out on his hiira to Medina he met Burayda al-Aslami with a group of seventy riders of the clan of Sahm. The Prophet drew the omens from these names: Burayda - barada amrunii wa-soluha, firm and just is our affair; As/am - we are safe; sahm - our arrow came 69 70 71 72 73 cit., 459, No. 694; 1588, No. 2820; Ibn l:Iajar, al-I$iiba, III, 669; cf. Anonymous, al-Dhakhira wa-kashju l-tauqi' /i-ahli l-basira, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 3922, fo1. 52b: ... al-asmii'u l-diillatu 'alii l-nuhiisi [a-mithlu harbin wa-jahdin wa-kalbin wa-namirin wa-/;Iimiirin wa-abi lahabin wa-abi /-biirithi wa-abi murrata wa-abi shihiibin wa-mii ashbahahii ... Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 97, lines 1-7; cf. 'Ali b. Burhan al-Din, op. cit., I, 94. Ibn al-Hajj, op. cit., I, 122. Al-Munawi, op. cit., VI, 342, No. 9523. Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 284, No. 812; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 47; and see about the name Dhakwiin changed into Najiya : Ibn 'Abd alBarr, op. cit., IV, 1522, No. 2650; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, III, 541, No. 8642. Majd aI-Din al-Fayruzabadi, al-Maghiinim, 376. [ 12] out,t- When the Prophet entered Medina he heard a man shouting: "Ya Ghiinim"; the Prophet drew the following omen from the name: "We have earned without effort." 75 When Suhayl came to the Prophet at Hudaybiyya to negotiate peace, the Prophet drew from his name the following omen: "Suhayl has come to you, your affair has become easy." 76 When the Prophet heard a man in his army addressing some- one: "Yii Hasan", he said: "From your mouth we have taken the good omen." 77 When the Prophet once went out for some of his needs he was pleased to hear (incidentally) someone addressing another person: "Ya NajilJ, ya Rashid." 78 Disagreeable names caused, of course, misfortune and had to be altered. When a man came to 'Umar and told him that his name was Jamra (= burning coal), the son of Shihab (= bright blaze), from the tribal group of Hurqa (= fire), staying in Harrat al-nar (= the stony tract of fire), in the part of it called Dhat al-laza (= that of the fiery 74 Al-Samhiidi, Wafii'u l-waiii, ed. Muhammad Muhyi I-Din 'Abd al-Hamid, Cairo 1374/1955, I, 243; Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, op. cit., 185, No. 217; al-Kazarimi, Sirat al-nabi, Ms.Br.Mus., Add. 18499, fol. 139a (noteworthy is the formulation of the phrase: kiina Iii yatatayyaru, wa-kii:a yalafii' alu); alZandawaysiti, Rauda: aI-'ulamii', Ms.Br.Mus., Add. 7258, fol, 277a. AI-Riighib al-Isfahani, op. cit., I, 144. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 670 No. 1106; al-Raghib al-Isfahani, op. cit., I, 144; al-Shaukani, Nay/ al-autiir, shari: muntaqii l-akhbar, Cairo 1380/1961, VIII 47; cf. al-Tabari, Dhayl al-mudhayyal, 17: nabbilii sahlan [a-innahu sahlun. Ibn Abi l-Dunya, aI-lshriif [i maniizil al-ashriii, Ms. Chester Beatty 4427, fol. 74b; al-Raghib al-Isfahani, op, cit., I, 144; al-Sakhawi, al-Maqiisid aIhasana, ed. 'Abdallah Muhammad al-Sadiq, Cairo 1375/1956, 27, No. 40; al-Munawi, op. cit., I, 212, No. 290 (see ibid, inf. the additional stories about omens drawn by the Prophet: when he went out against Khaybar he heard 'Ali exclaiming "yii khudro"; he said: "we took the omen from your mouth, let us go out against Khudra" (= Khaybar]. No sword was drawn (by the Muslims] in this expedition. And see the opinion of alZamakhshari about the difference between tiyara and flil); ai-Muttaqi l-Hindi, op. cit., x, 66, No. 511; al-Shaukani, Nayl, VII, 194. AI-Muniiwi, op. cit., V, 229, No. 7089; Yilsuf h. Musii I-Hanafi, al-Mu'tasar min al-mukhtasar min mushkil aI-iithiir, Cairo 1362, II, 206; and see alJilani, op. cit., II, 285; Ibn al-Jauzi al~Wafii bi-ahwdli l-mustaiii, ed. Mu~tafii 'Abd al-WiiQ.id, Cairo 1386/1966, II, 465. 75 76 77 78 r 13 ] blaze), 'Umar ordered him to return to his family because they were caught by fire. It happened as 'Umar foretold." The Prophet indeed changed the name Shihab to Hisham." The rough Jahili character of names is emphasized in a dubious tradition about the conversion of AbU Sufra to Islam. He came clad in a yellow robe and presented himself as ~lim (= the oppressing) b. Sariq (= the thief) b. Shihab (= the blazing fire) ... the scion of Julanda who used to snatch the passing ships. "I am a king," said Abu Sufra. The Prophet advised him gently to "leave the thief and the oppressor" and named him Abu Sufra (= the man of the yellow suit). Thereupon Abu Sufra decided to name his new born female-baby Sufra." AntiMuhallabid traditions wholly refute this story, stating that he did not meet the Prophet at all, that he was captured during he ridda, etc.; one of the traditions claims that he was uncircumcised and did not even know the meaning of circumcision. A man with the name Hazn (= hard, rugged ground) was told by the Prophet to change it to Sahl (plain, easy ground). His answer reflects the Jahiliyya spirit: "The plain is trodden and despised" (or in another version: "I am not going to change a name given to me by my father").82 * 79 Al-Suytlti, Tanw;r al-hawiilik, III. 141; Ibn Qayyim, op, cit., II, 5; alSamarqandi, op. cit., 157; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, I, 275; No. 1294; Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., XI, 43, No. 19864; Ibn Wahb, op, cit., 10, lines 2-5; alRaghib al-Isfahani, op. cit., III, 340; Ibn al-Jauzi, Sirat 'Umar b. al-Khauiib, Cairo 1342/1924, 63; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahj al-baliigha, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim, Cairo 1%1, XII, 103; al-Nuwayri, op. cit., III, 144; al-Mandstk wa-amiikin turuqi l...f;rajj. dv Hamad al-Jasir, al-Riyad 1389/ e 1969, 518; al-Bakri, Mu'jam md sta'jam, ed. Mu~tafli al-Saqa, Cairo 1364/ 1945, I, 436-7. AbU DiiwUd, op. cit., II, 308; al-Mundhiri, op, cit., IV, 141; al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 298, No. 825; Ntlr al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 51; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1541, No. 2685; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 308. Al-Samarqandi, op. cit., 156; Ibn Hajar, al-l~aba, III, 500, No. 8454, 535, No. 8633; IV, 108, No. 652; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., ff)), 101. Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 309, No. 841; Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., XI, 41, No. 19851; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 401, No. 560; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 8, line 80 81 82 [ 14 ] Some names changed by the Prophet are connected with the Meccan aristocracy in the period of the Jahiliyya, The disagreeable name Harb (= war) was changed into Silm." 'Ali intended to name his sons Harb; the Prophet himself named them Hasan, Husayn, Muhassin; these names correspond to the names of Aharon's sons: Shubbar, Shubbayr, Mushabbir, As the position of 'Ali in relation to the Prophet corresponds in Shi'a faith to the position of Aharon to Moses, it is plausible to consider this tradition as a Shi'i one.> According to one tradition the Prophet disapproved of the name Harb and described it as one of the worst names." As one of the ancestors of the Umayyads was Harb, this tradition might have been rather unpleasant for the ruling dynasty. One of the Jahili names changed by the Prophet was al-Walid. This name was a common one among the Bami Makhziim and the Prophet remarked that the Banu Makhztim nearly turned al-Walid into a deity (rna kiidat banii makhziimin ilIii an taj'a!a l-waiida rabban; in another version: hananani. The Prophet changed the name of al-Walid b. abi Umayya to al-Muhajir b. abi Umayya.w the name of al-Walid b. alWiilid b. al-Walid b. al-Mughira into 'Abdallah b. al-Walid." The 83 84 85 86 87 10; Abu Diiwud, op. cit., II, 308; al-'Ayni, op, cit., x, 450, 452; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 307; al-Muttaqi I-Hindi, op. cit., xv, 319, No. 898; Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, op. cit., 345; al-Nawawi, op .cit., 128 inf.; al-Qastallani, Irshiid ai-sari, Cairo 1326, IX, 111; Muhammad Hasan al-Muzaffar, Dalii'i/ alsidq, n.p., 1373, III, II 29 inf. Al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 308; al-Mundhiri, op. cit., IV, 141; al-Sha'rani, Lawaqi~ al-anwiir, Cairo 1381/1961,756, line 2. Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 296, No. 823; al-Samarqandi, op. cit., 155 inf.; Anonymous, al-To'rikh. al-muhkam, fol. 41a sup.; Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, op, cit., 384, No. 555; Nur al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 52; al-Munawi, op. cit., IV, 111, No. 4710; and see Israel Oriental Studies 2 (1972),223, n. 37. See e.g. al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 306; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 8, line 18-9; ... wa-sharruhii harbun wa-murra; al-Jilani, op. cit., 755. Al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, op. cit., fol. 138b; al-Fasi, op, cit., VII, 291-2; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba. III, 465, No. 8253; III, 636, No. 9142; cf. about the name 'Amr changed into Muhajir : Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1454, No. 2506; Ibn Hajar; al-Isiiba, III, 466, No. 8256. AI-Zubayr b. Bakkiir, op. cit., fol. 146a; Ibn 'Asakir, op. cit., VI, 230; Ibn [ 15 ] interdiction of the Prophet was often associated with the statement that al-Walid was a name of one of the tyrannical Pharaohs and with a prophecy that there will come a ruler with the name al-Walid, who will be worse for the community than Pharaoh." The question as to which one of the Umayyad rulers was meant by the Prophet and the problem of the character of the Prophet's interdiction to use the name al-Walid were extensively discussed by scholars of Qadith.89 The disagreeable name al-'A~ (close in association to al-'A~i) was changed into al-Muti' 90 and 'Abdallah."! 'A~iya was changed into Jamila."" It is noteworthy that the names of al-'A~ were common among the 'Abd Shams, the tribal group of the Umayyads; al-'A~, AbU l-·A~. al-Ts, and Abii l-'I~ were the sons of Umayya and were called al-A'yas." It is sufficient to mention al-Hakam b. al-'A~, the stubborn enemy of the Prophet. to understand what the change of the name al-'A~ could mean for the ruling descendants of Marwan b. al-Hakam b. al-'A~. * 88 Hajar, al-Isiiba, II, 380, No: 5024; III, 640, No. 9151; Anonymous, al-Tarikh al-mu{lkam, fol, 136a. See al-Muttaqi I-Hindi, op. cit., XI, 237, No. 1074; Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., XI, 43, No. 19861; al-Suytlti, al-Ladli al-masnii'a, I, 107-111; al-Qastallani, op. cit., IX, 115; Ibn al-Athir, al-Nihiiya, s.v, hnn, See al-'Ayni, op. cit., X, 454; and see al-Tabarsi, I'liim al-warii bi-a'liim al-hudii, ed, Akbar al-Ghaffari, Tehran 1389, 45; al-Suyuti, al-La'iili al-masnii'a, I, 107-110. Al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, op. cit., fol. 174b inf.-175a sup.; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 308; al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 298, No. 826; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 9, line 15 (and see 8, line 10); al-Fasi, op. cit., VII, 224, No. 2473; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., v, 450; Mu'arrij al-Sadtisi, Hadh] min nasab quraysh, ed. ~alal;l al-Din alMunajjid, Cairo 1960, 83, line 2. Nilr al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 53; al-Dhahabi, Siyar a'ldm alnubalii', ed. As'ad Talas, Cairo 1962, III, 138; Ibn Hajar, ol-Isiiba, II, 291, No. 4598. Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., III, 266; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 9, lines 13-14; al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 294, No. 820; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 307; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1803, No. 3277; Ibn Majah, op. cit., II, 405; al-Mundhiri, op. cit., IV, 140, No. 2896; Ibn 'Asakir, op. cit., VII, 366; Ibn al-Jauzi, al-Waiii, II, 465-6; al-Nawawi, op. cit., 128 inf. Ibn Durayd, op. cit., 54,73, 166. 89 90 91 92 93 [ 16] Further changes of names may be mentioned. Aswad (= black) was changed to Abyad (= white)," Akbar (= the greatest) to Bashir (= the messenger of good tidings)," Jaththama Dhii (= the sleepy) to Hassana," l-shimalayn to Dhii l-yadayn." Asram (= waterless desert) to Zur'a (= seed)," al-Sarm to Sa'id.?" 'Atala (= clod of earth; or iron rod for lifting stones) to 'Utba,100Qrr<;iab (= the thief) to Rashid,'?' (= Ghafil the heedless, the neglectful) to 'Aqil/02 Zalim to Rashid,':" Oalil to Kathir.'> Ghurab (= the crow) to Muslim,':" Dhu'ayb (= the little wolf) to 'Abdallah.t= Kalal) (= a barren year) to Dhu'ayb (= a forelock; he had namely a long forelock),':" Muhan (= despised) to 94 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 138, No. 143; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 11, lines 1-2; Nur al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 55. 95 Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, op. cit., 177, No. 209; GoIdziher, Gesetzliche Bestimmungen, 257. 96 Ibn Nasir al-Din, op. cit., fo1. 266a; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1810, No. 3295; al-Jarrahi, Kashj al-khaidi wa-muzilu l-ilbiis (reprint, Beirut), I, 360, No. 1146. 97 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 478; Ibn Rustah, al-A'liiq al-naiisa, ed. de Goeje, Leiden 1892, 214; al-Mubarrad, al-Kiimil, ed. Abu I-Fa41 Ibrahim, Cairo 1376/1956, IV, 101. 98 Abu Dawud, op. cit., II, 308; Ntir al-Din al-Haytharni, op. cit., VIII, 54; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 308; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit:: 519, No. 816 (and see 141, No. 153). 99 Al-Safadi, Nakt al-himyiin, Cairo 1911, 159-160; al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 290, No. 822; Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, op. cit., 627, No. 993 (and see 835, No. 1421); Nur al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 52 inf.-53 sup.; Ibn Hajar, alIsiiba, II, 5l. No. 3291. 100 Nur al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 53: L'A, s.v. 'ail; Ibn l;Iajar, lsiiba, II, 454, No. 5407. 101 Ibn al-Kalbf, al-Iamhara; fo1. 245b; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, I, 495, No. 2516. 102 Al-Mausili, Ghiiyat ol-wasdil ilii ma'rijati l-awii'il, Ms. Cambridge Qq 33(10), fol. 26a; al-Fasi, op. cit., V, 81, No. 1453; Ibn 1:Iajar, al-Isiiba, II, 247, No. 3461; Ibn Rustah, op. cit., 228. 103 Ibn 1:Iajar, ai-Isiiba, I, 494, No. 2514. 104 Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 9, lines 14-15; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 296, No. 419; 3308, No. 2176. 105 AI-Fasi, op. cit., VII, 194, No. 2454; al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 297, No. 824; Nur al-Din al-Haythami, op, cit., VIII, 52 inf. 106 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 464, No. 707; Ibn Hajar, ai-Isiiba, I, 493, No. 2506. 107 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 465, No. 709; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, I, 490, No. 2490 (his name: al-Kilabi - an error). [ 17 ] Mukram.10B Kusayr was changed to Jubayr/09 Khilifa to RAshida,l!O al-Mudtaji' to al-Munba'ith.t= AbO Maghwiyya to AbU lUshid,1l2 Bann l-Ghawiyy to Banu l-Rashad.v" Banu Ghayyan to Banii Rasbdan,1l4 Banu l-Samma' to Banu l-Sami'a,':" Zahm to Bashir,ll8 and Muqsim to Muslim. 11 The Prophet changed the name of al-Sa'ib (= the 1 freely flowing) to 'Abdallah; his people, however, continued to call him al-Sa'ib and he became mad.r= To 'Abdallah were changed the names of the famous Jewish convert al-Husayn (= the small fortress) b. Salam 119 well as those of Dinar 120 as and Nu'm.i= The Prophet gave some names in connection with certain events and occasions. A Persian slave (of whose name some 21 versions are recorded), on whom the Companions of the Prophet loaded their garments when on a walk on a hot day, was granted the name Safina (= the ship).122 A girl, born when Surat Maryam was revealed, was 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 AI-Muttaqi l-Hindi, op. cit., xv, 264, No. 766; Ibn Hajar, al-I1aba, III, 456, No. 8194. Anonymous, al-Dhakhira wa-kashj al-tauqi', fol. 52a. Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 11, lines 4-6. Ibn l;Iajar. aJ-I1aba, III, 457-8, Nos. 8103-4. Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., XI, 43, No. 19862; al-Muttaqi l-Hindi, op. cit., xv, 290, No. 819. Ibn al-Kalbi, al-Iomhara, fol. 48b. Ibid, fol. 166b. Ibn Qudama al-Maqdisi, al-Istibsiir, 326. Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, op. cit., 173, No. 196; Nur aI-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 51; al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 302-3, Nos. 829-30; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VI, 50; aI-Muttaqi l-Hindi, op. cit., XV, 272, No. 782; Ibn l;Iajar, aJ-l1iiba, 1, 159, No. 704. Ibn l;Iajar, al-l~iiba, III, 415, No. 7966; Nur aI-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 54. Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 6, lines 5-8; 10, lines 14-17; Ibn I;Iajar, al-l~iiba, II. 385, No. 5047. Anonymous, History 0/ prophets, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 1510, fol. 18tb; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 921, No. 1561; Ibn l;Iajar, aJ-l~iiba, II, 320, No. 4725; al-Fasawi, op. cit., Iol, 134a inf.; Ibn 'Asiikir, op. cit., VII, 443. Ibn l;Iajar, al-Isiiba, II, 370, No. 4957. AI-l;Iakim, Marija: 'uliim aJ-lJadith, ed. Mu'azzam l;Iusayn, Cairo 1937, 101; Nur al-Din al-Hayrhami, op. cit., VIII, 53. Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, op. cit., 685; Ibn l;Iajar, al-Isdba, II, 58, No. 3335. 117 118 119 120 121 122 [ 18] named by the Prophet Maryem."? The slave Fath was granted the name Simj, because he made light in the mosque of the Prophet.'> A baby born on the day of a battle fought by the Prophet was called by him Sinan (= spear head).':" Scholars of I)adith discuss vigorously a special group of names given to slaves and servants. The Prophet is said to have forbidden. or intended to forbid, the names of Rabah, Yasar, Najih, Aflah, Nafi', al·'Ala', Ya'Iii and the female names Baraka and Barra.!" The reason given for it is that if a person asks about a servant whose name denotes success, good luck or blessing and the servant is not there, he may have a feeling of disappointment and failure. Recommended names were Yazid, al-Harith and Hammam, These names might be called "neutral ones". In the explanation given for these names the traditions point out that everybody increases (yaztdu) in good or bad (deeds), that everybody tills tyahruthut for his affairs in this world and in the next one and that everybody cares tyahtammut for his affairs in this world and in the next one.!" Al-Harith and Hammam are called by the Prophet "asdaqu l-asmii','J,o"names most truthful." A recommended name was Hamza.?" The Prophet granted 123 124 Nur al-Din al-Haythami, op, cit., VIII, 55. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 683, No. 1131; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, II, 18, No. 3103. 125 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 657, No. 1071. 126 NUf al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 50; Ibn Miijah, op. cit., I, 405; Abu Diiwiid, op, cit., II, 308; al-Jilani, op, cit., II, 305, No. 834; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 306 ('Umar also intended to forbid, but later refrained); aI•. Samarqandi, op, cit., 157; al-Munawi, op. cit., VI, 349, No. 9562; 402, No. 9799; Yusuf b. Musii al-Hanafi, op. cit., II, 206; al-Mundhiri, op. cit; IV, 140, No. 2893; al-Sha'rani, op. cit., 755. On Barra changed into Zaynab or Juwayriya see: Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1805, No. 3282; 1849, No. 3355; 1855, No. 3361; 1915-6; No. 4099 (changed into Maymtlna); Ibn Wabb, op. cit., 8, lines 6-7; al-Jilani, op, cit., II, 294, No. 821; 303, No. 831: al-Qastallani, op. cit., IX, 112; al-'Ayni, op. cit., X, 452; AbU Diiwiid, op. cit., 11,307; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 307; al-Mundhiri, op, cit., IV, 141, Nos. 2897-8; al-Nawawi, op. cit., 127 inf. 127 Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 7, lines 7-9. 128 Al-Muniiwi, op. cit., IV, 111, No. 4712; Ibn Wahb, op, cit., 10, lines 9-'-11. [ 19 J a baby the name al-Mundhir (= the warner); 129a slave was given by him the name 'Al1im.130 * The close relation between Muhammad and the former prophets, the idea that Muhammad continued the mission of the preceding messengers found the expression in the domain of names in the utterances attributed to the Prophet: "Call yourselves by the names of the prophets" (tasammau bi-asmii'i l-anbiyai) and "the names most liked by God are the nam,es of prophets." 131Ibn al-Hajj stresses that names conforming to the prescriptions of Islam (al-asmii'u l-shar';yya) contain the name of Allah, or (are - K.) the names of prophets or Companions; he points out the blessing (baraka) which such names impart.':" "There is no family, said the Prophet, in which the name of a prophet is carried by one of its members to which God, the Exalted and Blessed, does not send an angel in the morning and in the evening to bless them." 133The Prophet himself gave his child, born from his femaleservant Mariya, the name Ibriihim.134 The same name was given by the Prophet to the child born to AbU Musil al-Ash'ari.>" The Prophet changed the IJ,ame of Yasar b. Surad to Sulayman b. Surad,186 and gave the son of 'Abdallah b. Salam the name Yusuf.':" Giving the son of Khallad b. Rafi' the name Yahya, the Prophet remarked: "I shall 129 Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 288, No. 816; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 306; alQastallani, op. cit., IX, 111. 130 Ntlr al-Din al-Haythami, op, cit., VIII, 54. 131 Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 286, No. 814; Abu DiiwUd, op. cit., II, 307; Ibn Abi Hatim, op. cit., II, 312, No. 2451; al-Qastallzni, op. cit., IX, 114; al-Nawawi, op. cit., 127. 132 Ibn al-Haj], op. cit., I, 123. 133 Al-Suytiti, al-La'aJi l-masnii'a, I, 100; Ibn al-Hajj, op. cit., I, 123. 134 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 54-61. 135 Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 308, No. 840; al-Qastallani, op. cit., IX, 114 (see the arguments that Abu Musa was his kunya before his first-born was named Ibrahim); al-'Ayni, op. cit., IX, 711; x, 454. 136 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 650, No. 1056; al-Tabari, Dhayl al-mudhayyai, 26, line 12; 73, line 6. [lO] give him a name, by which none was called after Yahya b. Zakariya' ." 138 There were, however, differences in opinion as to whether it is permissible to use name of angels. In a combined tradition the Prophet recommended to give children the names of prophets, but forbade to give them names of angels (sammii bi-asmii'i l-anbiyii' wa-lii tusammii bi-asma'i l-malii'ikatl).139 This opinion was not commonly accepted. Malik disliked naming children by the names of angels.>" but Hammad b. abi Sulayman 141stated that there is nothing objectionable in naming a person Jibril or Mikii'il.142 It is most highly recommended indeed to name the child Muhammad. He who names his child Muhammad hoping for blessing by this, both he and the one who got the name will gain Paradise, says an utterance attributed to the Prophet.>" On the Day of Resurrection the believer bearing the name Ahmad or Muhammad will stand up in the Presence of God and God will rebuke him for his sins committed even though he was named by the name of His beloved Muhammad, The believer will confess his sins and God will order Jibril to introduce him to Paradise, as God is ashamed to chastise with the fire of Hell a believer bearing the name Muhammad.>" It is highly recommended to name 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144 Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 307, No. 838; Ibn 1;Iajar. al-Isiiba, III, 671. No. 9375; Ibn'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1590, No. 2827 (the Prophet gave him the kunya Abu Ya'qtib). Ibn 1;Iajar, al-Isdba, III, 671, No. 9380; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1569, No. 2750. AI-Munawi,op. cit., IV, 113, No. 4717. AI-Qastalliini, op. cit., IX, 111 sup.; and see Ibn al-Hajj, op. cit., I, 122 (... malik : la yanbaghi an yusammd I-rajulu bi-yiisin wa-Ia jibril wats mahdi). See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, II, 16, No. 15. Ma'mar.b. Rashid, op. cit., XI, 40, No. 19850. Al-Siili\ti, op. cit., I, 509; al-Jarrahi, op. cit., II, 284, No. 2644; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, al-Maniir al-munii [i I-~abi~ wa-l-da'i], ed. 'Abd al-Fattah Ghudda, 1;Ialab 1390/1970, 61, No. 94; and see ibid, No. 93. Ibn al-1;Iajj, op. cit., I, 123. [21 ] one of the children in the family Muhammad and to treat the child named by this name with due respect.>" Goldziher quotes in his article, "Gesetzliche Bestimmungen ... " a phrase from Ibn Qutayba's aI-Ma'iirif, according to which 'Umar intended to change the names of all the Muslims to those of prophets. If this were true, it would mean that we have here a continuation and a deepening of the Muslim trend expounded in the saying of the Prophet when he named his child Ibrahim: "I named him with the name of my father (i.e. ancestor) Ibrahim." The passage referred to (as quoted by Goldziher) runs as follows: ariida (i.e. 'Umar) an yughayytra asmii'a l-muslimina bi-asma'i l-anbiyii'i.146 The reading of Wtistenfeld was, however, erroneous and Goldziher was misled by this reading. The correct reading is: ariida an yughayyira asmii'a l-musammayna bi-asma'i l-anbiyii'i "He wanted to alter the names of these who were called by the names of prophets." 'Umar tried indeed to carry out his plan. Ibrahim b. al-Harith b. Hisham entered the court of 'Umar "at the time when he wanted to alter the names of those who were called by the names of the prophets" and he changgd his name to 'Abd al-Rahman b. al-Harith.>" 'Umar changed the name of Miisa b. Sa'id to 'Abd al-Rahman b. Sa'id,148 When 'Umar heard how the son of his nephew, Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Zayd b. al-Khattab was slandered by a person, who repeatedly abused his name Muhammad, he vowed not to have the Prophet Muhammad being abused through the name of the son of his nephew anymore; he thereupon changed his name to 'Abd alRal,tman.149 The action of 'Umar seems to have been wider in scope than the 145 146 147 148 149 Al-Munliwi, op. cit., I, 385, Nos. 705-6; VI, 237, No. 9084; and see Ibn Abi l;Ilitim, op. cit., II, 299, No. 2410. Goldziher, Gesetzliche Bestimmungen, 256. Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., V, 6; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, III, 66, No. 6199; see Stowasser-Freyer, op. cit., Der Islam, 42(1965), 29. Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., V, 51. See Ibn l;Iajar, al-Isiiba, III, 69, No. 6211; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., V, 50; al'Ayni, op. cit., VII, 143; Ibn Hajar, Fat/:! al-biiri, x, 435. r 22] mere changing of some names of persons called by the names of prophets. 'Umar is reported to have written to the people of aI-Kiifa and ordered them not to name their children by the names of prophets; he also ordered "a group of people" at Medina to change the names of their children called Muhammad, They argued that the Prophet permitted them to call their children by this name, and 'Umar let them. AI-'Ayni argues that the reason for 'Umar's action was the case of abusing Muhammad, the bearer of the name of the Prophet; he states that the consensus of the community has been established, that it is permitted to give children names of prophets.>" Who was "the group" who were called by the names of prophets, can be gauged from a very short report, recorded by Ibn Hajar about the attempt of 'Umar to change names of prophets and the name of Muhammad as well. He summoned the sons of Talha, ordering them to change their names. Muhammad b. Talha, the first born, answered that is was the Prophet who had named him Muhammad: 'Umar had to admit that he could not do anything against him. Ibn Hajar concludes that 'Umar withdrew from his plan."" The names of the sons of Talha bear clear evidence for the tendency to name children by names of prophets in the earliest period of Islam. Talha had nine children and he gave them the following names: Muhammad, 'Imran, 152 Miisa, Ya'qiib, Isma'Il, Ishaq, 'Isa, Zakariyya', YaQya. It is not surprising to read in a remarkable story how Talha in a talk with al-Zubayr prided himself with the names of his sons. "The names of my sons are names of prophets," he said; ••the names of your sons are names of martyrs." "I hope that my sons will become martyrs," said aI-Zubayr, "while you don't have hopes that your sons will become prophets." 153 This anecdote points 150 Al-'Ayni, op. cit., VII, 143; x, 449 inf.; cf. Ibn Hajar, Fat/.! al-biiri, X, 435, 440; al-Qastallani, op. cit., IX, 110 inf.-l11 sup. 151 Ibn I;Iajar, Fat/.! al-bdri, X, 435, lines 21-2. 152 See Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, op. cit., 281 seq.; Ibn Hazm, Jamharat ansiib al-'arab, ed. Levi-Provencal, Cairo 1948, 129 (and see the list of the sons of Ibrahim b. Muhammad b. Talha : Ya'qtib, ~ali/;l, Sulayman, YUnus, Diwfid, al-Yasa', Shu'ayb, RarUo - Mus'ab, op. cit., 285; Ibn Hazm, op. cit., 129). 153 Ibn 1;Iajar, Fat/.! al-biiri, x, 440. [23 ] clearly to the importance which was attached to the names in early Islam and to the diverging opinions about this subject. The alleged intervention of 'Umar is justified by 'Umar's care in respecting these names and preventing them from being tarnished. The real reason seems. however, to be quite different. We gain a deeper insight into the motives of 'Umar from a significant passage recorded by Ibn Wahb. A female servant (muwallada) came to'Umar asking for a garment for herself. When asked who her maulii was, she said: Abu 'Isa, the son of 'Umar. 'Umar ordered to bring his son. beat him and said: "Do you know what the names of Arabs are? They are: 'Amir. 'Uwaymir, MAlik, Surma, Muwaylik, Sidra and Murra." He repeated this three times and finally said: "Leave 'lsa! By God. we do not know of 'lsa having a father." 154 The parallel passage, recorded by Ibn Abi l-Hadid gives the name of 'Umar's son: 'Ubaydullah b. 'Umar. 'Umar counts, beating him, the kunyas of the Arabs: AbU Salama, Abu Hanzala, AbU 'Urfuta and AbU Murra.>" Needless to recall that the list of names recommended by 'Umar contains names disapproved of by the Prophet, like Murra, Surma, Hanzala and- Malik. It is evident that this story ascribed to 'Umar reflects a reaction against the naming of. children by the foreign names of prophets. The story affords an insight into the struggle between the effort of introducing Biblical elements already present in the Our'an, and later developed in the hadith, into the sphere of name-giving in Muslim society against the opposition of conservative groups among the Arabs, who persevered in their resistance to this new pietistic trend. It is not surprising that this idea is expressed as coming from the mouth of 'Umar, the representative of Arab conservatism, as is evid.ent from his famous saying: lkhshaushinii wa-tama'dadii=r • 154 Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 7. lines 15 - 8, line 5. 155 Ibn Abi l-Hadid, op. cit., XII, 44. 156 Al-Tabari, Dhayl al-mudhayyal, 78 (attributed to the Prophet); Ibn Durayd, op. cit., 31 (traced back to 'Urnar); al-Sakhawi, al-Maqiisid, 163, No. 348; Ibn 'Asiikir, op. cit., VII, 349; al-$iilil}.i,op. cit., I, 346. [ 241 The old ways of naming children and the Jahili names themselves persisted in Bedouin society. The statement of J. J. Hess that names containing the name of Allah and these of specific Islamic nature like Ahmad, TaM etc. were almost wholly missing in the material examined by him, is Instructive.':" Unpleasant names were, like in the Jahiliyya, reserved for children of free Bedouin, while pretty names were given to slaves.!" It is noteworthy that the explanation for this practice given by the shaykh of the 'Oneze("The names of our slaves are for us, our names are for our enemies") corresponds exactly to the answer given by al-'Utbi to Abii Hatim al-Sijistani.!" Accordingly one can find in the list of names supplied by Hess, slaves named Yaqiit, Mabriik, Mubashshir, Sa'Id, and names like Ghurab, Barghiith, Juway'iI. Juraydhi, Jukhaydib, Juhaysh, Jarbii', Shubaytha, Ourada, Hijris borne by free Bedouin. The names disliked in Islam, like Murra, Kalb. Malik and Harb, are recorded in the list of Hess as names of free Bedouin. Names given according to the place, time or conditions of birth of the children 160are reminiscent of similar cases in the Jahiliyya.l6l As in the Jahiliyya, children are called Julaymid, Fihran, Fahra and Hajar,162 and sometimes several children are called by their father by names derived from the same root.':" These vestiges of the Jahiliyya, which can be traced in Bedouin society, clearly underline the considerable changes and developments which took place in Muslim society. 157 I. I. Hess, Beduinennamen aus Zentralarabien, Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Klasse, Heidelberg 1912 (III, 19),4. 158 Hess, op. cit., 7 ("6"). 159 Hess, op. cit., 7; Ibn Durayd, op. cit., 4 (and see n. 54 above). 160 Hess, op, cit., 6-7. 161 See e.g, Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, fol. 95a; Ibn Durayd, op. cit., 6-7. 162 See e.g. Ibn Durayd, op. cit., 5, penult. 163 Hess, op. cit., 7 ("8"); cf. e.g. Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, fol. 175b, line 1 (Khushayn, Khashin, Mukhashin, Khashshan); fol. 154a, (Mu'attib, 'Attab, 'Itban); fol. 107b (Hashim, Hisham, Hushaym, Muhashshim); Ibn Durayd, op. cit; 166 (al-'A4, AbU 1-'A4, al-'i~, Abu l-'i~, 'Uways - the sons of Umayya, called al-A'y~). [25 ] 

Bag_Of_Meat.pdf 'A BAG OF MEAT': A STUDY OF AN EARLY h a d i t h By M. J. KISTER The manuscript Qarawiyiin 727 in Fez contains on folios 37b-38a a tradition reported by Yunus b. Bukayr on the authority of Ibn Ishaq The tradition tells of a meeting between the Prophet and Zayd b. 'Amr b. Nufayl, one of the h u n a f a in Mecca. During the meeting Zayd b. 'Amr was offered meat which he, however, refused to eat, arguing that he never ate meat sacrificed before idols. This tradition was published and translated by A. Guillaume in his New light on the life of m u h a m m a d It runs in his translation as follows: ' I was told that the apostle of God while speaking of Zayd ibn 'Amr ibn Nufayl said, h e was the first to blame me for worshipping idols and forbade me to do so. I had come from al ta'ifwith Zayd ibn haritha when I passed by Zayd ibn 'Amr on the high ground above Mecca, for Quraysh had made a public example of him (shaharathu) for abandoning their religion, so that he went forth from among them and (stayed) in the high ground of Mecca. I went and sat with him. I had with me a bag of meat from our sacrifices to our idols which Zayd ibn h a r i t h a was carrying, and I offered it to him. I was a young lad at the time. I said' Eat some of this food, 0 my uncle'. He replied' Nephew, it is a part of those sacrifices of yours which you offer to your idols, isn't it ' When I answered that it was he said ' If you were to ask the daughters of 'Abdu'l-Muttalib they would tell you that I never eat of these sacrifices and I want nothing to do with them '. Then he blamed me and those who worship idols and sacrifice to them saying ' They are futile : they can do neither good nor harm ', or words to that effect The apostle added" After that with that knowledge I never stroked an idol of theirs nor did I sacrifice to them until God honoured me with His apostleship"'. Guillaume considers this report as' a tradition of outstanding importance'. 'It is the only extant evidence', he says, 'of the influence of a monotheist on Muhammad by way of admonition.' 2 Guillaume remarks that 'this tradition has been expunged from Ibn hishamss recension altogether, but there are traces of it inS. [al-suhaylis a l r a u d al-unuf] (p. 146) and Bukhari (K. p. 63, bab 24) where there is an imposing isnad going back to 'Abdullah ibn 'Umar to the effect that the Prophet met bag was brought Zayd in the lower part of baldah before his apostleship. to the prophet o r the prophet brought it to him and he refused to eat of it saying ' I never eat what you sacrifice before your idols. I eat only that over which the name of God has been mentioned '. He blamed Quraysh for their sacrifices '. (Journal of Semitic Studies. Monograph No.1), Manchester University Press, 27-8; text, 59. 2 ibid., 27; see L. c a e t a n i a n n a l idell' i s l a m Milano, I, § 186: tra.dizione dovremmo ritenere che egli conoscesse Maometto dell'inizio della missione, e condotta di questo originale e i disoorsi del medesimo possono forse aver influitto sull' animo di Maometto'; T. noldeke, geschichte des qorans bearbeitet von F. Schwally, Leipzig, I, 18. 1 268 M. J. KISTER Guillaume surveys the discussion of the tradition in Suhayli's raud and remarks that Ibn Kathir ' (p. 239) also retains part of the original tradition which our contains. He says : "Zayd ibn 'Amr came to the apostle who was with Zayd ibn h a r i t h a as they were eating from a bag they had with them. nephew, I never eat from When they invited him to eat with them he said, what has been offered to idols'" '. 3 The different versions of the tradition concerning the meeting of the Prophet with Zayd b. 'Amr deserve to be surveyed. The tradition of al-Bukhari 4 (with the isnad musa (b. 'Uqba) >Salim b. 'Abdallah> 'Abdallah b. 'Umar) is recorded by Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, 5 Ibn s a ' d al-Bakri, 7 Ibn Kathir, 8 a h m a d b. h a n b a l Ibn ' a s a k i r i r a l - D h a h a b i and a h a l a b i a b i A tradition recorded by Ibn Durayd 13 has a quite different setting: the Prophet was made to cherish solitude before he received the revelation and he sojourned in the folds of the mountains of Mecca. He said (i.e. the Prophet): 'I saw Zayd b. 'Amr in one of the folds when he too secluded himself from the world. I sat down in his company and I offered him a meal containing meat. He then said nephew, I do not eat from these sacrifices (inni l a akulu min hadhihi ' l d h a n b a ' i h i '. In this tradition the Prophet was alone; Zayd b. h a r i t h a is not mentioned. One may only deduce from the expression hadhihi ' l d h a b a ' i h that meat of sacrifices slaughtered before idols is intended. A similar tradition is recorded by al-khargushi.14 The Prophet said 'Zayd b. 'Amr came to me when I was pasturing; with me was cooked meat. I invited him to (eat) it and adjured him to do it (i.e. to eat). He a n s w e r e d nephew, if you were to ask your aunts they would tell you that I do not eat meat offered to any god other than God, who is Exalted '. The difference between the tradition recorded by Ibn Durayd and the tradition of al-khargushi is noteworthy: the tradition of Ibn Durayd refers to the story of the solitude of the Prophet before he received the apostleship; the tradition of al-khargushi refers to the story that the Prophet pastured the cattle of some people of Mecca. op. cit., 28. 'With the version fa quddimad ilii 'l-nabiyyi s u f r a t u n v, Cairo, n. d. m u h 'Ali s u b a y h and Sons printers). a l i s t i ' a b ed. 'Ali m u h al-Bijawi, Cairo, 1960, 617, with the version: fa qaddama ilayhi rasulu 'llahi s a l l a 'lliihu 'alayhi wa sallama aufratan f i h a l a h m u n Tabaqiit, Beirut, 1957, III, 7 mu'jam m a stajam, ed. al-Saqa, Cairo, 1945, I, 273. 8 Al-Bidiiya wa 'l-nihaya, Beirut and a l r i y a d 1966, II, 240 (quoted from a l b u k h a r i Al-Musnad, ed. a h m a d , u h a m m a d Shakir, Cairo, 1949, vii, 225-6, no. 5369. 10 tahdhib ta'rikh d i m a s h q VI, 32. 11 Ta'rikh a l i s l a m Cairo, 1367/1947-8, I, 52; Siyar a'liim al-nubala', ed. s a l a h al-Din al-Munajjid, Cairo, 1956, I, 90; and see A. Sprenger, Daa Leben und die Lehre des m o h a m m a d zweite Aujlage, Berlin, 1869, I, 119. 12 'Ali b. b u r h a n al-Din a k h a l a b i i n s a n n al-'uyun fi sirat al-amin al,a'mun = a l s i r a al halabiyya Cairo, 1932, I, 147. 1a Al-Iahtiqiiq, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hariin, Cairo, 1958, 134. "Sharaf a l m u s t a f a BM MS Or. 3014, fol. 28a. 3 'A BAG OF m e a t A STUDY OF AN EARLY h a d i t h 269 Significant is the phrase ' if you were to ask your aunts ... ' which is ahnost identical with that in the tradition of Yiinus b. Bukayr. A certain divergence is seen in a tradition recorded on the authority of 'A'isha (with an isniid: Hisham b. 'Urwa > 'Urwa > 'A'isha who heard the Prophet say' I heard Zayd b. 'Amr b. Nufayl condemning the eating of meat of sacrifices offered to someone other than God. So I did not taste anything (slaughtered) on the nusub b b b 15 until God honoured me by the Call '. 16 In this tradition there is no mention of a bag of meat, nor that the Prophet invited Zayd b. 'Amr to eat meat. The Prophet merely heard Zayd b. 'Amr condemn the eating of such meat. The person of Zayd b. haritha is mentioned in a tradition recorded by a h m a d b / h a n b a l with the following i s n a d Yazid > al-Mas'iidi > Nufayl b. Hisham b. Sa'id b. Zayd b. 'Amr b. Nufayl > Hisham b. Sa'id > Sa'id b. Zayd. 18 'When the Prophet and Zayd b. haritha ',says the tradition, 'stayed in Mecca, Zayd b. 'Amr passed by. They invited him to (share) a bag of theirs. Zayd b. 'Amr answered" 0 nephew, I do not eat what has been sacrificed on the n u s u b The transmitter (i.e. Sa'id b. Zayd b. 'Amr) said: 'the Prophet was after this never seen eating something sacrificed on the n u s u b b '. This tradition with the same isnad is recorded by a l t a y a l i s i s i It contains, however, a slight variant. Zayd b. 'Amr passed by the Prophet who was in the company of Zayd h a r i t h a they both (i.e. the Prophet and Zayd h a r i t h a ate from a bag of theirs They invited him, etc .... This is, of course, the source of the tradition of Ibn kathir {II, 239) mentioned above. An almost identical tradition is recorded by Ibn 'Abd al-barr. 20 It is in fact a combined tradition containing details about the search for a true religion by Zayd b. 'Amr and Waraqa b. Naufal; the report concerning the invitation to Zayd b. 'Amr to eat meat from a bag is only a part of the tradition. The important difference is that the Prophet was in the company of a b u Sufyan b. al harith 21 (not Zayd b. h a r i t h a The tradition recorded in MS Fez, qarawiyun 727, and translated by Guillaume, is not an isolated one. The tradition is recorded in the Musnad of al-Rabi' b. h a b i b 22 on the authority of a b u 'Ubayda. The variants are few: For the explanation of the word see a l t a b a r i t a s f i r ed. m a h m u dand a h m a d m u h a m m a d Shakir, Cairo, 1957, 18 AJ.Khargiishi, op. cit., fol. 27b ; a l s u y u t i a l k h a s a ' i s al kubra Hyderabad, 1319/ I, 89; 'Ali b. burhan a l d i n a l h a l a b i op. cit., I, almuttaqii al-Hindi, Kanz 68, no. 387. al-'ummiil, Hyderabad, 1965, 17 a l m u s n a d III, 116-17, no. 1648; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidiiya, II, 239; Ibn h a j a r f a t h al bari Cairo, 1325/1907-8, vn, 98; al-Dhahabi, Siyar a'lam al-nubala', I, 87 (on the authority of yunus b. Bukayr). 18 the editor's remarks on the men of the isnad, al-Musnad, Joe. cit., m, 116-17, no. 1648. Abu d a ' u d a l t a y a l i s i i Musnad, Hyderabad, p. 32, no. 234. a l i s t i ' a b 616; al muhibb a l t a b a r i al riyad al nadira fi manaqib al 'ashara Cairo, 1953, II, on him Ibn h a j a r al isaba Cairo, VII, 86, no. 535; Ibn 'Abd. al-Barr, op. cit., p. 1673, no. a l j a m i ' a l s a h i h Musnad al-Rabi' b. Ifabib b. 'Umar al-Azdi a l b a s r i i'ala tarlib al-8haykh Abi Ya'qub y u s u f b. Ibrahim al- Wurjilani, Cairo, 1349/1930-1, I, 18. M. J. the phrase ' if you were to ask the daughters of 'Abd al-Muttalib they would tell you that I never eat of these sacrifices ... 'is missing. The question of Zayd b. 'Amr here was quite frank: '0 nephew, do you indeed sacrifice before these idols of yours y a bna akhi antum t a d h b a h u n a 'ala a s n a m i k u m hadhihi?) '. The Prophet answered' Yes'. Then Zayd b. 'Amr said' I shall not eat it (i.e. the meat from the bag) '. He condemned the idols (thumma 'aba ' l a s n a m a a wa 'l authana and those who fed and approached them with reverence. The Prophet said' By God, I did not draw near the idols at all until God granted me prophethood '. A significant tradition, lengthy and detailed, is recorded by a l - K h a r g u s h i It is reported by Usama b. Zayd on the authority of his father Zayd b. h a r i t h a ' The Prophet ', says the report, ' slaughtered a ewe for a n u s u b of the a n s a b d h a b a h a rasulu 'llahi s a l l a 'llahu 'alayhi wa-sallama shatan l i n u s u b i n min a l a n s a b i ; then he roasted it and carried it with him qala : thumma shawaha f a h t a m a l a h a ma'ahu). Then Zayd b. 'Amr b. Nufayl met us in the upper part of the valley; (it was) on one of the hot days of Mecca. When we met, we greeted each other with the greeting of the jahiliyya, in'am s a b a h a n n The Prophet said He This do I see you, son of 'Amr, hated by your people (happened) without me being the cause of their hatred (qiila: dhaka li-ghayri tha'ra ntha'iratin minni f i h i m 25 ; but I found them associating divinities with God and I was reluctant to do the same. I wanted (to worship God according to) the religion of i b r a h i m I came to the learned men a a h b a r r r of Yatbrib and I found them worshipping God, but associating other divinities with Him. Then I said (in my soul): this is not the religion that I seek and I travelled till I came to the learned men of the Jews in Syria. Then a man from among them said 'You are asking about a religion which no one we know of follows, except an old man in the jazira '. I came to him and he asked me ' Which people do you belong to ' I said' I am from the people of thorns and acacia trees (al-shauk wa ' l q a r a z a z from the people of the haram of God'. He told me 'Return, as God who is blessed and exalted caused to rise the star of a prophet who has already appeared, or is about to appear; follow him, because he will worship God according to the religion about which yon are inquiring'." He (i.e. Zayd b. 'Amr) said "So I came, but-by God- I do not notice 27 anything". The Prophet said "Would you like some food 1" He (i.e. Zayd b. 'Amr) said "Yes". Then he (i.e. the Prophet) put before him the (meat of the) ewe. He said (i.e. Zayd b. 'Amr) " What did you sacrifice it to, 0 muhammad (li-ayyi 23 Sharaf al mustafa fols. 27b-28a. "'In MS, shaqaqaka in other parallels shanifu l a k a and see lisan, s.v., sh n f: wa-fi hadithi Zaydi bni 'Amri bni Nufaylin: qala li rasuli'llahi salla 'llahu 'alayhi wa-sallama: ma li ara qaumaka qad shanifuka. In our MS, correctly: qala lahu 'l-nabiyyu salla 'llahu 'alayhi wa sallama ma liaraka ya bna 'Amrin . .. etc. In MS, ttha'iratinr parallels : na'ilatina'latin'iratina'ratin In MS, min ahli bayti 'l shirki wa ' l q a r a z i in Siyar a'lam al-nubala', I, 161, min ahli bayti ' l l a h i in Majma' al-zawa'id rx, 418, ahl al-shauk wa 'l qaraz In u h s i n u in Siyar a'lam, correctly u h i s s u al-Mustadrak, like our MS, u h s i n u 'A BAG OF MEAT': A STUDY OF AN EARLY h a d i t h 271 shay' in dhabahta ya m u h a m m a d u He (i.e. the Prophet) said" To one of the ansab q a l a li nusuninmin al ansabi He (i.e. Zayd b. 'Amr) I am not the one to eat anything slaughtered for a divinity other than God The Prophet went on his way and after a short time he was given the prophethood. He (i.e. Zayd b. h a r i t h a said" Zayd b. 'Amr was mentioned to the Prophet and he (i.e. the Prophet) said' He (i.e. Zayd b. 'Amr) will rise in the Resurrection as a 2s people by himself ' This tradition with slight variants is recorded in al hakim's Mustadrak, 29 in al-Haythami's z a w a ' i d and in al-Dhahabi's Siyar 31 and his Ta'rikh al-Isliim. 32 In the Mustadrak, Siyar, and Ta'rikh the tradition is traced back to Usama b. Zayd, told on the authority of his father, Zayd b. haritha and is followed by an appended tradition that the Prophet went afterwards to the Ka'ba and performed the circumambulation accompanied by Zayd b. h a r i t h a He forbade Zayd b. haritha to stroke the idols of Isaf and Na'ila. 33 The slight variants may be of some importance. In some of the sources, instead of the learned men of Yathrib a h b a r the scholars of Fadak are mentioned. In some sources, the scholars of Khaybar are mentioned ; others mention the scholars of Ayla. All the sources, except al-Khargiishi, tell the tradition in the first person plural : ' and we slaughtered a ewe ... and he (i.e. Zayd b. 'Amr) asked What We It is a ewe which we slaughtered far this nusub ... is By examining these traditions, one can discern the diverging details. Some of the traditions report that the Prophet heard from Zayd and refrained from eating meat offered to the n u s u b other traditions state that the Prophet met Zayd and offered him the meat ; some traditions state that the Prophet was alone ; other traditions report that he was in the company of Zayd b. haritha or in the company of a b u Sufyan b. al haritha Some of the traditions state that Zayd b. h a r i t h a slaughtered the animal, others claim that both he and the Prophet slaughtered it. The only tradition stating frankly that the Prophet himself offered the ewe to a nusub is the tradition of al-Khargiishi. The slight variants of the traditions were closely examined by Muslim scholars. Guillaume quotes al-Suhayli discussing the question as to 'how it could be thought that God allowed Zayd to give up meat offered to idols when the apostle had the better right to such a privilege. He says that the hadith does not say that the apostle actually ate of it; merely that Zayd refused to do so. 28 For the expression ummatan wahidatan and ummatan wahdahu see Ahmad b. h a n b a l l op. cit., III, 117, no. 1648, note; l i s a n n s.v. umm; Ibn K.athir, op. cit., II, 241 ; aJ.Dhahabi, Siyar a'lam, I, 88 ; and see a!-Muttaqi al-Hindi, op. cit., xm, 67-8, nos. 384-6. Hyderabad, 1334/1915-16---1342/1923-4, m, 216-17. Majma' al zawa'idwa-manba' al fawa'id Cairo, 1353/1934-5, IX, 417-18. I, 53. This tradition is recorded an independent report in a l s u y u t i ' sal khasa'isal kubra I, 89. In al-Dhahabi's Ta'rikh: shatun dhubihat li 'l nusubii against thumma qaddamna ilayhi 'l sufrata in al-mustadrakk; al-Dhahabi's Siyar a'lam, I, 161, has fa-qarraba ilayhi 'l sufraiaa (i.e. Muhammad). 32 31 I, 38 272 M. J. KISTER Secondly Zayd was simply following his own opinion, and not obeying an earlier law, for the law of Abraham forbade the eating of the flesh of animals that had died, not the flesh of animals that had been sacrificed to idols. Before Islam came to forbid the practice there was nothing against it, so that if the apostle did eat of such meat he did what was permissible, and if he did not, there is no difficulty. The truth is that it was neither expressly permitted nor forbidden '. 35 The arguments of Suhayli were not unanimously accepted by the scholars. The opinion that 'the law of Abraham (shar'u Ibrahim) forbade the eating of the flesh of animals that had died, not the flesh of animals that had been sacrificed to idols' was refuted by some scholars, who argued that the law of Abraham forbade the eating of the flesh of animals sacrificed to a divinity other than God (i.e. to the idols) as he was an enemy of the idols. 36 Three hundred years before al-Suhayli (d. 581/1285) the tradition was discussed by Ibrahim al harbi (d. 285/898) 37 as reported by a l d h a h a b i The expression discussed is ' and we slaughtered for him ' f a d h a b a h n a lahu) in the first person plural. a l h a r b i argues: 'in the slaughter (of the ewe) on the n u s u b there are two possibilities: (I) either Zayd (b. h a r i t h a performed it (i.e. the slaughter) without being ordered by the Prophet, but as he was in his company the deed (of slaughter) was attributed to him (which is indicated by the usage of the plural first p e r s o n d h a b a h n a Zayd h a r i t h a had not the immunity from sin ' i s m a and God's guidance (taufiq), granted to the Prophet by God. How would it be possible (to think that the Prophet ordered him to do so) as the Prophet forbade Zayd to touch an idol and (indeed) he (i.e. the Prophet) did not touch it before he received prophethood? So how could he acquiesce in the thought that he may slaughter for an i d o l That is impossible. (2) (It may be that) he slaughtered for God and it happened that it was done in front of an idol before which they (i.e. Quraysh) used to slaughter'. Ibn m a n z u r r records the opinion of Ibrahim al harbi 39 as quoted by Ibn al-Athir; in this record the second possibility is more plainly discussed: he Zayd h a r i t h a slaughtered the ewe in front of an idol (at a spot) at which they (i.e. Quraysh) used to slaughter; but he did not slaughter for the idol. This is the explanation of the phrase, if n u s u b denotes an idol. If, however, nusub denotes a stone, there was a semantic misunderstanding : when the Prophet was asked by Zayd b. 'Amr about the bag of meat he answered that the ewe was slaughtered on a n u s u b on a stone, but Zayd b. 'Amr understood that it had been slaughtered for a n u s u b an idol, and refused to eat it, remarking that he did not eat the meat of animals slaughtered for idols. It is evident that we face here attempts of the commentators to interpret Guillaume, op. cit., 27-8; 'Ali b. Burhan a.l-Din, op. cit., I, 147 (quoting al-Suha.yli). a l q a s t a l l a n i irshadal sari Cairo, 1326/1908, 427. 37 On whom, see a.l-Dha.habi, tadhkirat al huffaz Hyderaba.d, 1956, II, 584, no. 609; a.l-Khatib 27; a.l-Subki, tabaqat al sha'iyyaa ed. a l h i l w a l b a g h d a d i Ta'rikh baghdad Cairo, 1931, and a l t a n a h iCairo, 1964, II, 256 (see the additional references supplied by the editors, ibid.). Siyar a ' l a m 1, 91. l i s a n s.v. n b; and see ibid., s.v. sf r. 35 38 'A BAG OF MEAT': A STUDY OF AN EARLY h a d i t h 273 these h a d i t h s in a way showing that the Prophet did not slaughter for idols, nor did he eat meat slaughtered for idols. This path is followed by al-dhahabi who endeavours to interpret the opening phrases of this tradition. ' Zayd b. h a r i t h a said I went out with the Prophet, mounted behind him (on the riding beast) to one of the ansab and we slaughtered for him a kharajtu ma'a rasuli 'llahi s a l l a 'llahu 'alayki wa-sallama, wa-huwa murdifi, i l anusubinmin al ansabif a d h a b a h n a a lahu shatan). The crucial problem is, of course, the slaughter. The key for the interpretation of the sentence is the suffixed pronoun hu in lahu. If lahu is referred to n u s u b it would mean that the Prophet and Zayd b. h a r i t h a offered the ewe to the idol. This is evaded by the attribution of the suffixed pronoun to the Prophet. ' The suffixed pronoun in lahu refers to the Prophet', says al-Dhahabi d a m i r u lahu raji'un i l a rasuli 'llahi salla 'llahu 'alayhi wa-sallama). Zayd used the first person plural, 'we slaughtered for him (i.e. for the Prophet) a ewe', but it was Zayd who slaughtered it. Consequently when Zayd b. 'Amr asks during the conversation about the contents of the bag, ' What is it ', the phrase qulnashatan d h a b a h n a h ewe which we slaughtered for a a li 'l nusubi kadha 'we said certain nusub ' may form the answer of Zayd b. h a r i t h a or the answer of the Prophet on behalf of Zayd b. h a r i t h a who actually slaughtered the ewe, not being guided by God to refrain from sacrificing before the n u s u b The reading quddimat lahu sufratun (another version: fa-quddimat i l a 'l-nabiyyi salla 'llahu 'alayhi wa-sallama sufratun) in the tradition of al-Bukhari gave the opportunity for a peculiar interpretation recorded by Ibn h a j a r a l ' a s q a l a n i Ibn b a t t a l (d. 449/1057) said that the bag was offered (quddimat) to the Prophet by Quraysh but he refused to eat it and offered it to Zayd b. 'Amr, who refused to eat it too. Ibn h a j a r remarks : ' That is possible, but I do not know whence he could determine it, because I did not find it (i.e. this form of the tradition) in the transmission of anyone '. Ibn h a j a r r prefers the explanation given by al-Khattabi (d. 388/998): 'the Prophet did not eat meat of sacrifices slaughtered on the nusubfor the idols, but he ate everything else, even if the name of God was not mentioned (during the slaughter), because the law had not been revealed then. The law prohibiting consumption of the meat of animals (over which during the slaughter the name of God was not mentioned) was not revealed until a long time after the Ibn h a j a r r interprets nusub as 'stone' and concludes that Zayd b. h a r i t h a slaughtered the ewe on a stone, not intending to sacrifice for an idol. He accepts further the opinion of Suhayli that Zayd b. 'Amr was 'following his own opinion' and refutes the assumption that he adopted the opinion of the Ahl a l k i t a b Of some interest is the interpretation of the expression about the bag in the Siyar a ' l a m I, f a t h a l b a r i VII, 98; , a l - q a s t a l l a n i op. cit., vn, 427; al-'Ayni, 'Umdat a l q a r i ' VIII, 36. f a t h a l b a r i VII, 98; a!- 'Ayni, op. cit., VIII, 36. M. J. KISTER tradition of al-Bukhari given by al-Kirmani (d. 786/1384). The fact that the meat was in the bag does not indicate that the Prophet did eat of it, argues al-Kirmani. In many cases food from a traveller's bag is not consumed by the traveller but by his companions. The Prophet did not forbid the persons in his company to consume it because he had not received the revelation at that time and had not been told to make known anything of order or prohibition. 43 Shi'i scholars strongly rejected the tradition of the bag of meat. Ibn t a w u s in his t a r a ' i f f 'Abd a l m a h m u d '0 you, may God have mercy upon you, look at this story the validity of which they attested, (alleging) that their Prophet was among those who slaughtered on the a n s a b and ate (the meat) and at the same time recording in their books that God undertook to educate and instruct him and Jibril undertook to see to his formation 45 (and stating further) that he did not follow (the customs of) the Jahiliyya and did not accept anything of their manners. How did they bespeak themselves in this matter and in (the records of) the praise of God and their praise for His First and His Last, His Inward and His Outward, and with all this they attest that Zayd b. 'Amr knew God more than he and was more strict in keeping the observances of God k a n a a'rafabi 'llahi minhu wa-atamma h i f z a n li-jiinibi ' l l a h i How can I and others among the wise imitate people who record things like this and consider them sound I asked scholars of the family of the Prophet 'ulama'a ahli 'l-'itrati) about it, from their Shi'a, and they totally refused to accept the soundness of the tradition '. The same arguments are put forth against this tradition by al-l:Iasan b. y u s u f al hilli in his Nahj al haqq wa-kashf a l s i d q q 46 a l f a d l b. r u z b a h a n in a polemic against al hilli in his Nahj al ta'til claims that al hilli deleted the final part of the saying of the Prophet (as recorded by a l b u k h a r i 'When Zayd (b. 'Amr) said" I do not eat from the meat of the sacrifices offered to the idols the Prophet said I also do not eat from their sacrifices nor from that upon which God's name was not mentioned So they both ate (sc. the meat).' m u h a m m a d h a s a n a l m u z a f f a r denies the claim of a l f a d l b. ruzbahan and states that this addition (recorded by a l f a d l could not be found in the s a h i h h of al-Bukhari. In conclusion, it may be said that the discussion in connexion with the tradition concerning the conversation of the Prophet with Zayd b. 'Amr and the offer of the bag of meat was concerned with the essential problem of the of the Prophet before he was granted prophethood. The main effort of the Muslim scholars was to prove that the Prophet did not eat meat slaughtered for a l ' a y n i op. cit., 36. Ibn t a w u s s t a r a ' i f'Abd al mahmud Tehran, n. d., llO. tahdhibahu glossed in the text by khidmatahu muhammad a l h a s a n al muzaffar d a l a ' i l al sidq no place of publication given, 1389/1969{?), I, 409. 7 ' ibid. 'A BAG OF MEAT': A STUDY OF AN EARLY h a d i t h 275 idols, nor did he slaughter it, as he was granted immunity from sin before he received prophethood. The tradition of Ibn i s h a q in the recension of Yiinus b. Bukayr discussed by Guillaume ' is given us ', as stated by Guillaume, ' in what must have been its original form '. It is not unique tradition, but it is undoubtedly an early one. The lengthy tradition recorded by al-Khargiishi belongs to the same category: it plainly states that the Prophet offered the ewe to the idol and he admitted it in his talk with Zayd b. 'Amr. The phrases mentioning that the Prophet and Zayd greeted each other with the greeting of the Jahiliyya are significant. The tradition explicitly points to the fact that the Prophet followed, before his prophethood, the practices of his people and corroborates the tradition of Ibn al-Kalbi that the Prophet' offered a white ewe to al-'Uzza following the religious practices of his people' (laqad ahdaytu li 'l-'uzza shatan 'afra'a wa ana 'ala d i n i qaumi). The tradition of al-Khargiishi based on the idea that the Prophet had no ' i s m a 51 before his Call belongs to the earliest layer of hadith traditions which fell later into oblivion or were re-shaped or expunged. New light on the life of Muhammad, 7. I. Goldziher, m u s l i m studies ed. S.M. Stern, London, 1967, 239. Ibn al-Kalbi, Kitab a l a s n a m m ed. a h m a d z a k i Pasha, Cairo, 1914, 19; J. Wellhausen, Reate arabischen Heidentums, Berlin, 1887, 30. 61 See Ibn Taymiyya, m i n h a j al-sunna al-nabawiyya, ed.. Muhammad r a s h a d Salim, Cairo, 1964, n, 308, 311 ; H. Birkeland, The Lord guideth, Oslo, 1956, 40-1. 

Al-Hira.pdf AL-HIRA Some notes on its relations with Arabia BY M. J. KISTER RIVALRY between the Persian and Byzantine Empires over the control of the regions of the Arab Peninsula at the end of the sixth and the beginning of the seventh century is reflected in a number of traditions attributed to the Prophet and recorded in some commentaries of the Qur'an. Qatada (died lI7 AH) 1 gives a description of the sad situation of the Arab population of the Peninsula before they embraced Islam, commenting on Qur'an, VIII, 26: "And remember when you were few and abased in the land and were fearful that the people (al-nas) would snatch you away" 2. He describes their sorrowful economic situation, their going astray and their weakness, and states that they were "confined on a top of a rock between Faris and Rum" (ma'kufina 'ala ra'si l;tagarin bayna Farisa wa-l-Rumi) 3. "The people" (al-nas) mentioned in the verse of the Qur'an are said to refer to Persians and Byzantines 4. A hadit reported on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas (died 68 AH) states that the Prophet interpreted al-nas as I. See about him IBN I;IAGAR: Tahrjib al-tahrjib, VIII, 355 (Hyderabad 1327 AH); AL-:)dAHABI:Miztin al-i'tidal, III, 385, No. 6864 (ed. AL-BIGAWI, Cairo 1963). 2. Translation of A. J. ARBERRY : The Koran Interpreted, p. 172 (London 1964). 3. AL-SUYUTI, al-Durr al-manlur, III, 177 (Cairo 1314 AH); TABARI'S Tajsir, XIII, 478 (ed. Mal)mud Mul:,l.~AKIR and Al:,lmad Mul:,l.~AKIR, Cairo 1958) contains the comment of Qatada, but the mentioned phrase is inserted by the Editors with variants: "between the two lions (asadayni) Paris and Rum" and "mak'umina" instead of "ma'kujina"; AL-~AWKANI,Path alQadir, II, 287 (Cairo 1932-but the phrase is omitted); IBN KA];:IR, Tajsir, III, 303 (Beirut 1966-the phrase is omitted); AL-SAMARQANDI,Tajsir, Ms. Chester Beatty, I, f. 252b (ki'inu bayna asadayni bayna Qay~ara wa-Kisra). 4. AL-SUYUTI, op. cit., ib.; AL-TABARI, op. cit., ib.-but al-Tabari prefers another interpretation, according to which "aI-ntis" refers to Qurays, ib. p. 379; AL-FAYRUZABADI, anwir al-miqbas, p. 138 (Cairo 1290 AH) records T that al-nas refers to Qurays; AL-SAMARQANDi, p. cit., ib.: al-nas refers to o Persians, Byzantines and "'Arab" who dwelt around Mecca; AL-BAYDAWI, Tajsir, I, 183 (Cairo 1355 AH) ... wa-qila li-l-cArabi kaffatan ja-innahum kanu arjilla'a ji aydi Parisa wa-l-Rumi. THE 144 M. J. KISTER [2] referring to Persians 1. Whatever the interpretation of the phrase in the verse discussed above, these early commentaries seem to mirror the apprehensions felt by the people of the Peninsula concerning the power of the two rival Empires and to bring out the impact of this rivalry on the life of the communities in the Peninsula. The struggle between the two Empires, in which the two vassalkingdoms of al-Hira and Oassan took active part, was closely watched by the unbelievers and Muslims in the different stages of their context. According to the commentaries on Qur'an, XXX, 1-2, the sympathies of the unbelievers of Mecca were with Persia whereas the Muslim community inclined towards the Byzantines 2. The victories of the Byzantines, it is stressed, coincided with the victories of the Prophet 3. The efforts of Persia to gain control over the region of al-ljigaz were noticed by R. Ruzicka, who assumed that the waning of the influence of Tamim and the rise of the influence of Oatafan were caused by the action of Persian policy performed through the medium of the Lahmid kingdom in order to get a foothold in this region 4. A tradition recorded by Ibn Sa'id in his N aswat al-iarab 5 reports I. AL-SUYUrI, op. cit., ib; but in TABARI'S Tafsir, p. 478 the comment is attributed to Wahb b. Munabbih. 2. AL-TABARI, op. cit., XXI, 16 (Cairo 1954, printed by Mustafa al-Babl AL-J:!ALABi);AL-QURrUBI, al-Gami' li-ahkam al-Qur'iin, XIV, I seq. (Cairo 1945); IBN KA:!:IR, op. cit., V, 342-43; ABU NU'AYM: Dala'il al-nubuwwa, p. 296 (Hyderabad 1950); ABU J:!AYYAN: Tafsir al-Bahr al-Muhij, VII, 161 (Cairo 1328 AH); ABU L-MAHAS1NYUSUF B. MusA AL-J:!ANAFi, al-Mu'tasar min al-muhta$ar, II, 189-190 (Hyderabad 1362 AH); and see M. HARTMANN, Der Islamische Orient, II (Die arabische Frage), pp. 50-51, 511-514 (Leipzig 1909); R. BLACHERE,Le Coran, I, 418-20 (Paris 1920); MUH. HAMlDULLAH, Le Prophete de l'Lslam, I, 18 (Paris 1959). 3. AL-QURrUBI, op. cit., XIV, 1-5; AL-TABARI, op. cit., XXI, 16 seq.; IBN KAIIR, op. cit., V, 348; of interest is a record reported by al-Qurtubr: when the tidings of the victory of the Byzantines arrived many people embraced Islam, op, cit., XIV, 2; and see F. ALTHE1Mand R. STIEHL: Finanzgeschichte der Spatantike, pp. 158-60 (Frankfurt am Main I957). 4. R. RUZICKA: Duraid b. as-Simma, I, 55 (Praha 1930): "Zda se, Ie v zaniknuti nadvlady Tamimovcu a v prevladnuti vlivu Gatafanouou !reba spatrovati ucinky politiky perske, jel se snalila postrednictvim polititky vladnouti" ... ["II semble qu'il faille voir dans la disparition de la preponderance de Tamim et la montee de celle de Gatafan les effets de Ia politique perse, qui s'efforcait d'assurer sa domination en mettant en ceuvre de petits moyens" (N.D.L.R.)J. 5. Ms. Tiibingen, f. 96 v. (See F. TRUMMETER, Ibn Sa'id's Geschichte der vorislamischen Araber, Stuttgart 1928; and see G. POTIRON: Un polygraphe andalou du XIII" Siecle, in Arabica 1966, p. 164). AL-~iRA 145 an interesting attempt of Persia to cast its power over Mecca. When QUbag embraced the faith of Mazdak 1 and deposed the Banii Nasr who refused to accept it, al-Harit al-Kindi followed suit. Qubag, the story relates, ordered al-Harit to impose this faith on the Arabs of Nagd and Tihama 2. When these tidings reached Mecca some people embraced the faith of Mazdak (fa-minhum man tazandaqa) and when Islam appeared there was a group (scil. in Mecca-K.) of people who were indicated as former Mazdakites 3. There were however people who refrained from embracing this faith. Among them was 'Abd Manaf, who gathered his people and stated that he would not abandon the religion of Isma'Il and Abraham and follow a religion imposed by the sword. When al-Hari] came to know about it he reported it to Qubag. QUbag ordered him to rush upon Mecca, to destroy the Ka 'ba, to kill 'Abd Manaf and to abolish the leadership of the Banfi Qusayy 4. Al-Hari]; was not willing to comply with the order; because of his partisanship of the Arabs he prevented QUbag from it and Qubag was busy with other people than Qurays 5. The tendency of this tradition is obvious: it tries to lay a heavy stress on the behaviour of 'Abd Manaf who remained faithful to the religion of Qurays, the din Isma'il. The tradition may be spurious, but it points to the contacts which seem to have existed between al-Hira and Mecca. Ibn Hurdadbeh in his Kitdb al-masdlik wa-l-mamalik 6 records a tradition according to which the marzuban al-badiya appointed an 'amil on al-Madina, who collected the taxes. The Qurayza and the Nadir-e-says the tradition-were kings who were appointed by them on al-Madina, upon the Aws and the lj:azrag. A verse to this effect by an Ansari poet is quoted. It says: I. fi zamani Qubiiqa sultiini l-Fursi llaqi tazandaqa wa-ttaba'a marJhaba Mazdaqa. 2. wa-amara l-Hiirita an ya'!JurJa ahla Nagdin wa-Tihamata bi-rJalika. 3. See GAWAD 'ALI, Ta'rih al-iArab qabla l-Isliim, VI, 287-88 (Baghdad 1957); he assumes that these "eaniidiqa" of Qurays embraced the magusiyya; this passage of Naiiuat al-tarab seems to give a new interpretation of the well known tradition about the" zandaqa" of some Qurays, And see the list of these "zaniidiqa" of Qurays in IBN I:fABIB'S al-Mwhabbar, p. 161 (ed. Ilse LICHTENSTADTER, Hyderabad 1942). 4. "fa-amarahu an yanhada ilii Makkata wa-yahdima l-bayta wa-yanhara 'Abda Maniifin wa-yuzila ri'iisata bani QU$ayyin". 5. "fa-kariha rJiilika al-Hiiritu wa-dii!Jalathu flamiyyatun li-l-'Arabi fadara'a 'anhum wa-sugila QubiirJu bi-gayrihim"; 6. p. 128 (ed. de Goeje, Leiden 1889). ARABICAXV 10 M. J. KISTER "You pay the tax after the tax of Kisra: and the tax of Qurayza and Nadir" 1. Yaqfit quotes the tradition that the Qurayz;a and Nadir were kings driven out by the Aws and Hazrag ; the Aws and lj:azrag used formerly to pay tax to the Jews 2. W. Caskel doubts whether Ibn Hurdadbeh had had another source than this verse of one of the Ansar ". Caskel's assumption can however hardly be accepted. The record given by Ibn Hurdadbeh and Yaqut seems to be based on a separate tradition to which the verse was attached. This verse attributed here to an Ansari poet occurs in the well-known poem of Ibn Buqayla; in the poem this verse has quite a different connotation 4. This tradition was discussed by H. Z. Hirschberg in his Yisrael be-i Ara» 5. Hirschberg does not accept the tradition as valid, arguing that this report is not confirmed by another independent source. He maintains that the people of al-Madina were free (bnei horin) with regard to Persia and Byzantium. It is not plausibleargues Hirschberg-that the 'amil of the marzubiin. of Hagar, whose power was so weak in Bahrayn, could have levied taxes in the North of Ijigaz. Altheim and Stiehl consider the tradition sound. The 'iimil of alMadina represented the king of al-Hira, on his side stood the "kings" of Qurayz;a and Nadir. This state of affairs-according to Altheim-Stiehl-could endure as long as the] ewish tribes dominated the immigrant Aws and Hazrag, i.e. till the middle of the sixth century. How things went on later with the Sassanid 'amil is unknown-state the authors 6. I. "Tu'addi l-harga ba'da !Jaragi Kisrii: wa-hargin min QuraYf:ata wa-lNtuiiri" . "Min Quraysata" would mean "for Quraysa", The variant given in YAQUT'S Mu'gam al-buldiin, IV, 460 is "wa-hargi bani Quraysata wa-lNadiri". 2. YAQUT, op. cit., ib.; and see ALTHEIM-STIEHL, op. cit., p. 150, l. 4-5. 3. F. ALTHEIM-R. STIEHL, op. cit., p. 149, n. 63. 4. See the poem AL-TABARI,Ta'rih, 1,2042; AL-MAS'UDI, urug, 1,221-222 M (ed. BARBIER DE MEYNARD,Paris 1861). A significant variant is given in ABU L-BAQA"S al-Mandqib al-Mazyadiyya, f. 34b (Ms. Br. Mus.): "ka-hargi bani-Quray?ata". Abu l-Baqa> states that 'Abd al-Masih composed this poem eulogising al-Nu-man, his son and his grandfather and wailing them after Ijiilid b. al-Walid "imposed (scil. upon his people-K.) the gizya" (lamma zahara l-Lsliimw tua-daraba ijalidu bnu l-WaHdi l-gizyata). 5. p. 122, n. 99, Tel-Aviv 1946; in this note an additional reference is given: AL-SAMHUDI,Waja' al-tuafd, II, 269 (quoted from Ibn Hurdadbeh, but without the verse). 6. Op. cit., pp. 149-150. [5] AL-I;IiRA 147 Altheim-Stiehl are probably right in their assumption. A significant record of Ibn Sa'id in his Naswat al-iarab gives important details about the continuity of the Sassanid control of al-Madina after the Jewish domination had come to an end. Ibn Sa'id reports that battles often took place between the two fighting groups (i.e. the Jews, Aws and Hazrag] 1 and no rule was imposed on them until 'Amr b. al-Itnaba al-Hazragi entered the court of al-Nu'rnan b. al-Mundir, the king of al-Hira and was appointed by him (as king) on al-Madina 2. In another passage Ibn Sa'id furnishes us with further details about this event. The author records that 'Amr b. al-Itnaba was appointed by al-Nu'rnan b. al-Mundir as king of al-Madina. The father of Hassan b. Tabit composed satirical verses about 'Amr and said: "Alikni ila l-Nu'mani qawlan ma!taeJtuhu: wa-fi l-nu$hi li-l-albiibi yawman daZa'ilu Ba'aua. ilayna ba{eJanawa-hwa ahmaqun: ja-yii laytahi; min gayrina wa-hwa 'iiqiiu" "Convey from me to al-Nu'rnan a word which [I said truthfully for in good advise minds will have some day [indications You sent to us one from us-but he is a fool; Lo! Would that he were from an alien people [and be a wise man" 3. Our knowledge of the life of 'Amr b. al-Itnaba is meagre. 'Amr b. 'Amir b. Zayd Manat b. Malik b. Ta'laba b. Ka 'b b. al-Hazrag' is a well known poet often quoted in literary anthologies 4. He is I. See the interpretation of Hirschberg about the continuous penetration of the Bedouins and their raids against the Jewish population, op. cit., 127 ult., 128 sup. 2. Nasioa» al-tarab, f. 55 V., inf.: "ilia annahu kanati l-harbu. kaliran ma taqa 'u bayna l-fariqayni wa-lam yastaqim lahum an yastabidda bihim malikun ilii an dahala ita l-Nu'miini bni l-Mundiri maliki l-Hirati 'Amru bnu l-Itniibati ~l-ij azragiyyu fa-mallakahu 'alii I-M adinati". . 3. ib., f. 57 v.: wa-min si'rihi fi 'Amri bni l-Ttniibati l-ijazragiyyi lamma mallakahu l-Nu'miinu bnu l-Mundiri 'alii l-Madinati: alikni-etc. 4. IBN I;IAZM, Gamharat ansiib ;;l-'Arab, p. 345, 1. 17 (ed. LEVI-PROVENC;:AL, Cairo 1948); SADR AL-DIN, al-Hamiisa al-Basriy ya, I, 3 (see the references supplied by the editor, MU!JTAR AL-DIN AHMAD, Hyderabad 1964); AL'ASKARI, al-Masan, p. 136 (see the references given by the editor 'Abd al- 148 M. J. KISTER [6] described as "the most honoured of the Hazrag' 1, as the "best horseman of his people" 2, as a "king of al-Higaz" 3. The opinion of W. Caskel that the story of the meeting of 'Amr b. al-Itnaba with al-Hari] b. Zalim is of legendary character 4 seems to be sound. It is however noteworthy that Abu 'Ubayda stresses in his record that 'Amr b. al-Itnaba was a friend of Halid b. Ga'far, the leader of the Kilab, who was in close contact with the ruler of al-Hira and who was murdered by al-Harit b. Zalim 5 at the court of al-Nu'man. The names of the persons mentioned in the stories about 'Amr b. al-Itnaba 6 like al-Hari] b. ~alim, Zayd al-Hayl 7, Halid b. Ga'far, al-Nu'rnan b. al-Mundir, help us to fix the time of his life as the second half of the sixth century. The tradition about the appointment of 'Amr as a "king", which meant in fact as a representative of al-Hira and a collector of the taxes on al-Madina, by al-Nu'man seems authentic. Invention can hardly be suspected as there were no prominent men among the descendents of 'Amr who would have been interested to boast of this appointment. The two verses of Tabit, the father of Hassan, confirm the authenticity of the story, which is thus complementary Salam HARUN, Kuweit 1960); IBN AL-~AGARI, al-Hamiisa, p. 112 (Hyderabad 1345 AH); IBN I:IABIB, Man nusiba ila ummihi min al-su'ara' (Nawadir almahtutat, I, 95, 201-ed. 'Abd al-Salarn HARON, Cairo 1951); AL-MuBARRAD, al-Kiimil, I, 89, IV, 68 (ed. MuQ.. Abu I-Fa(;l1 IBRAHIM, Cairo 1956); L. 'A., s.v. tnb ; S. M. I:IUSAIN, Early Arabic Odes, p. 42-44 (Ar. text; and see the references of the Editor; and see pp. 41-42 of the English text-Dacca 1938). One of the descendants of ABBIrecorded by AL-BALAl>URI, op. cit., f. 956 b, he captured Hassan b. Wabara, the brother of al-Nu-man (from his mother's side) who led the Dabba in this raid and who was appointed by his brother, al-Nu'rnan, on the Ribab. 2. So in the account of ABU L-BAQA', op, cit., ms. f. 126 a, 21 b; in the account of AL-BALAl>URI, p, cit., 948 b. o "uia-gaddavna Murran wa-l-muluka l-sanii+i'ii", 3. ABU L-BAQA mentions as well another version recorded from the descendants of Ibn al-Sa-iq ("wa-fi riwayatin uhra 'an wuldi Yazida bni l-$a'iq"), according to which the king of al-Hira was al-Mundir, not alNu'rnan. (About Mu'ag b. Yazid b. al-Sa-iq who opposed the ridda see: IBN I;!AGAR,al-Tsiiba, No. 8425; about Yazid b. Qays b. Yazid b. al-Sa-iq see AL-BALAl>URI, nsiib, ms. f. 942 b); about Umama bint Yazid b. 'Amr A b. al-Sa-iq see IBN I;!ABIB, al-Munammaq, p. 8). 4. f. 128 b; another version: AL-l;>ABBI,Amlal al-s Arab, p. 6. 5. See ROTHSTEIN, op. cit., p. 108, n. 3. 158 M. J. KISTER [16J with the gift given to him by al-Harit : the bondwoman Salma, his later wife, the mother of his son al-Nu'rnan. Only by the intercession of al-Harit b. Hisn=-did Dirar agree to return the seized property of al-Mundir, inter alia the bondwoman Salma. Some time after the battle of al-Qurnatayn 1 Dirar attended the market of 'Uka~ 2. Dirar attended the battle as an aged man. He is said to have visited the court of al-Mundir b. Ma' al-Sama", had quarrelled with Abu Marhab, Rabi'a b. Hasaba b. Aznam of the Yarbir' 3 and had cut his forearm. He asked for the protection of the king failed to grant him protection. He was granted the protection of Gusays (or Husays) b. Nimran al-Riyahi 4. Of interest are the relations of Dirar with Tarnim ; he gave his daughter Mu'aga as wife to Ma'bad b. Zurara 5. The version of Ibn al-Atir states that al-Nu'rnan summoned with the Banfi Dabba the Banii Ribab and Tamim; they responded and took part in the battle. Some verses of Aws b. J:Iagar 6, Labid 7 and Yazid b. al-Sa 'iq 8 give the impression that the battle was a grave one. It is noteworthy that Ibn al-Ajir stresses in his report (on the authority of Abu 'Ubayda), that the 'Amir b. Sa'sa 'a were Ijums, kindred with the Qurays and that they were Laqiih, (kana Banu 'Amiri bni Sa'sa'aia humsan, wa-l-humsu Quraysun wa-man lahu fihim wiladatun). This points to the connections between Qurays and the 'Amir and explains why 'Abd Allah b. Gud 'an 9 sent to I. See about the battle: YAQUT, Buldan, s.V. Sullan; IBN I:IAZM,Gamharat ansab ai-i Arab, p. 194; about the location of the place: U. TH1LO, Die Ortsnamen in der altarabischen Poesie, s.v. Lubiin, 'Uyun (Wiesbaden 1958). 2. IBN AB! L-I:IAD!D, Sar1:t Nahg al-Baliiga, IV, 308, 362 (Cairo 1329 AH). 3. About Abu Marhab see: IBN I:IABIB, Asmd? al-mugtdlina (Nawadir almahtutat, VII, 139); about the quarrel between Dirar and Abu Marhab see AL-:QABBI,Amlal al-i Arab, p. 15; about Dirar at the court of al-Htra see AL-MAYDANI,Magma' al-amlal, I, 44 (Cairo 1352 AH). 4. ABU L-BAQA', op. cit., f. 137 b. 5. AL-BALAl]URI, Ansab, ms. f. 948 b, 954 a; IBN AB! L-I:IADiD, op. cit., IV, 308; AL-GAH1:?,al-Bayiin, I, 168 (ed. AL-SANDUBI,Cairo 1932). 6. Ditoiin, p. 6 (ed. Muh, Yiisuf NAGM, Beirut 1960). 7. Sarh Diwan Labid, p. 133 (ed. Ihsan 'ABBAS, Kuwait 1962); see note 2 of the editor, who did not identify the battle. 8. ABU L-BAQA', op. cit., f. 126 b, inf.: "uia-nabwu gadata l-Qurnatayni tatoiihaqat : !Janadidu yam'agna l-gubiira dawa'i'a. Bi-kulli siniinin. fi l-qaniiti tahaluhu: sihaban Ii zuirnati l-layli saWa. rfaraJkna Hubaysan hina argafa nagduhu: yu'aligu ma'suran 'alayhi l-gawami'a". 9. See about him: IBN H1SAM, al-Sira, I, 141 (ed. AL-SAQQA,AL-ABYARI, SALABI,Cairo 1936); AL-BALAl]URi,Ansiib, 1,74, 101 (ed. Muh. I:IAMIDULLAH, [17J AL-I;IiRA 159 warn Banii 'Amir of the approaching forces of al-Hira, enabling them to prepare themselves for battle. One may assume that there was some co-operation between Qurays and cAmir, that Mecca had some influence on the actions of 'Amir and that this had some bearing on the attitude of 'Amir towards al-Hira. It is plausible, that the booty of the raided caravan of the king of al-Hira was sold at 'Ukaz ; a case of this kind is recorded in Ibn Habib's al-Munammaq 1. For understanding of the relations between al-Hira and the tribes the reports about the taxes collected by the kings of al-Hira and the position of the tax-collectors are of some importance. Analyzing the sources of income of the rulers of al-Hira and the position of al-Hira Abu I-Baqa' mentions the income from the fiefs of al- 'Iraq and states: "That was the amount of their income from al-Traq. But the bulk of their revenues for their livelihood and their profits was gained from trade, from booty of their raids against the Bedouins, against the border lands of Syria, against every territory they could raid and from collection of taxes from the obedient tribes; they collected in this way great quantities of cattle" 2. The rulers of al-Hira appointed the leaders of friendly tribes as collectors of taxes, as military leaders of divisions of their forces and as officials in territories in which they exercised some control. 'Amr b. Sarik, the father of al-Hawfazan, was in charge of the police troops of al-Mundir and al-Nu'man (waliya surata l-Mundiri wa-l-Nu'mani min ba'dihi),3 Sinan b. Malik of the Aws Mana! (of the Namir b. Qasit) was appointed by al-Nu'rnan b. al-Mundir as governor of Ubulla 4. In the service of 'Amr b. Hind there was the Tamimi al-Oallaq b. Cairo 1959); IBN KAJ)R, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, I, 116-117 (ed. Mustafa 'ABD AL-WAHID, Cairo 1964); AL-Mu!.i'AB AL-ZUBAYRI, Nasab Qurays, p. 291. I. IBN !:IABIB, al-Munammaq, p. 428-29. 2. ABU L-BAQA', op. cit., f. 145 a: "Ja-htiq,a kana qadra nasibi l-qawmi min al-vIrtiqi, Wa-innama kana gulla ma'asihim ma-aktara amwalihim ma kanu yusibicnab« min al-arbiibi Ji l-tigarati uia-vagnimicnabu min al-magiisi wa-ligarati 'ala l-s Arabi uia-atrafi l-Sami wa-kulli ardin yumkinuhum gazwuha wa-yagtabuna l-itiiiuata mimman dana lahum ma-zafirii bihi min al- 'A rabi ; fa-yagtami=u lahum min q,alika l-kaiiru. min al-an'iimi", 3. IBN AL-KALBI, op. cit., f. 205 a. 4. IBN AL-KALBI, op. cit., f. 232 a; W. CASKEL, op, cit., II, 513; these Aws Maniit were exterminated by Halid b. al-Walid in the wars of the ridda. (see IBN !:IAZM, Gamharat ansab-al-'Arab, p. 284). 160 M. J. KISTER [18J Qays b. 'Abd Allah b. 'Amr b. Hammam 1. He is mentioned in a verse of Digaga 2 b. 'Abd Qays quoted in the Ihtiyarayn 3 as a leader of an attacking troop together with al-Harit b. Bayba 4 and I;Iagib 5. Oallaq was sent by 'Amr b. Hind to submit the Taglib: he raided them and killed many of them 6. This event is mentioned by al-I;Iarit b. Hilliza in his Mu'allaqa 7. According to AganiS and the commentary of al-Tibrizi 9 al-Oallaq was in charge of the white camels (haga'in) of al-Nu'rnan P. According to Simt al-La'alPI he was appointed by al-Nu'rnan who put him in charge of the white camels of the tribes adjacent to his country (ista(malahu l-Nu'mdn« bnu l-Mundiri 'ala haga'ini man yali ardahu min al-'Arab). The report of al-Bakri indicates that al-Oallaq was entrusted with collecting taxes. 'Uqfan b. 'Asim al-Yarbfi'I hid from al-Oallaq->I. So IBN AL-KALBI, op, cit., and AL-BALA!?URI, Ansab, "Galliiq"; in some other sources ", p. 2II: "in taqtuliihum", which seems to be the correct reading. [21] AL-I;IiRA "When they saw the banner of al-Nu'rnan advancing they said: "would that our nearest abode be 'Adan May the mother of Tamim not have known Murr and been like one destroyed by the (changes of) time". If you kill them-they are (merely) asses with cut [noses, and if you show grace-since ancient time you have [shown grace. From among them are Zuhayr, 'Attab and Muhtadar and two sons of Laqit ; Qatan perished in the battle". The leaders of Tamim came to al-Nu'rnan asking him to release the captives. Al-Nu'rnan agreed that every woman who wished to return to her relatives should be returned. All the women questioned expressed the wish to be returned to their tribe except the daughter of Qays b. 'Asim who preferred to remain with the man who captured her, 'Amr b. al-Musamrag. Qays then vowed to bury every female child, that would be born to him. The version of al-Agani 1 does not mention that the cause of the raid was the refusal to pay taxes, does not contain the verses and records the story as a raid of al-Musamrag. But in this version the raid is restricted to the Banii Sa 'd and the name of the captured woman is given: Rumayma bint Ahmar 2 b. Gandal; her mother was the sister of Qays b. 'Asim. Al-Musamrag is mentioned in a short account of al-Baladuri 3: some clans of Bakr b. Wa'il raided the 'Ukl. They were however defeated by the 'Ukl under the command of al-Namir b. Tawlab 4. In one of the verses quoted by al-Baladuri and attributed to alNamir b. Tawlab.al-Musamrag is mentioned as a captive ofthe 'Ukl ", For the assessment of the story of the raid the verse recited by I. Agiini, XII, 144. 2. In the text "A hrnad" , which is a mistake. Ahmar b. Gandal was the brother of Salama b. Gandal (See SALAMA B. GANDAL, Diwiin, p. 21-ed. CHE1KHO; and see AL-GAH1~, al-Bayan, III, 318; AL-BAGDADI: ijiziinat aladab, II,86; 'AMR B. KULIUM, Diwiin, p. 3-ed. KRENKOW; AL-BALA!:lURI, op. cit., f. 1040 a; W. CASKEL, op. cit., II, 146). 3. AL-BALA!:lURI,op. cit., f. 928 a. 4. About him see W. CASKEL, op. cit., II, 444. 5. "Riiba l-Musamragu li-l-rikiibi ganibatan: fi l-qiddi marsicra»: 'alii adbiirihii" (in text: MusamraJ:" ganbiyatan). M. J. KISTER [22J al-Nu'man=-quoted by al-Mubarrad-is of some importance: when al-Nu'man forgave the Tamim he said: "Ma kana darra Tamiman law tagammadahii: min fa4lina ma 'alayhi Qaysu 'Aylani" "What would harm the Banii Tamim if they [would be filled with our favour like the Qays 'Aylan" 1. Al-Nu'man reminds the Banii Tamim that by paying the itawa, and by their loyalty they would enjoy the favour of the king. The expression seems to point to the benefits bestowed by the king on the chiefs of the tribe Qays 'Aylan, appointment of their chiefs as tax collectors, granting them pastures, etc. It is noteworthy that al-Mubarrad renders itiiwa by adyiin, pointing to obedience and submission 2. The verse attributed to al-Nu'man reflects the efforts of al-Hira to gain the allegiance of some divisions of Tamim (evidently the Sa'd), who tried to free themselves from the dependence of al-Hira. That was manifested by the refusal to pay taxes. Some light on the relations between al-Hira and Asad and Oatafan is shed by a story recorded by Muhammad b. Habib 3. These tribes-says Ibn I;Iabib-were allies, not submitting to the obedience of the kings 4. 'Amr b. Mas'fid and ljalid b. Nadla 5 of Asad used to visit every year the ruler of al-Hira, stay with him and drink with him. During one of these visits al-Mundir al-Akbar suggested that they should accept his obedience. He said: "What prevents you from yielding to my obedience and to defend me like the Tamim and Rabi'a?" They refused his offer, remarking: "These territories are not suitable for our herds. Besides (in the present situation) we are near to you; we are here in these sandy lands and if you summon us we will respond". Al-Mundir understood that they were not willing to accept his offer and ordered to poison them. Whether ljiilid b. Nadla was really poisoned is rather doubtful 6; the story itself may be spurious. But the tendency of I. AL-MuBARRAD, op. cit., II, 84. 2. ib., p. 83, 1. 2; and see above note 4, p. [II]. (adyiin is identical with urban and aryan). 3. IBN I;IABIB, Asmii? al-mugtalina (Nawadir al-mah!utat, VI, 133). 4. Comp. p. 12, 1. 3 of this paper (note 3). 5. SEE W. CASKEL, op, cit., II, 179, 342. 6. See AL-BALAQURI, Ansab, f. 903 a (with other versions about his death); AL-1;>ABBI,Mufaddaliyyat, VII, I (LYALL notes p. 14); AL-QALI, al-Nawadir, p. 195; AL-A'SA, Diuiiin, p. 306 (ed. GEYER-AL-AsWAD B. YA'FUR, XLIX, AL-l;IiRA the rulers of al-Hira to widen their influence by gaining the obedience of independent tribes is evident from this story. The answer of the two leaders seems to indicate that the ruler of al-Hira proposed that they should enter territories under his control, but that they refused to do so 1. The rulers of al-Hira could impose their sway on the tribes either by granting the chiefs benefits-as mentioned in the stories quoted above-or by force. The rulers based their power on their troops. The troops were, however, not levied from a certain tribe: there was no tribe ruling in al-Hira ; it was a family. The rulers of alHira had therefore to rely on foreign troops or on mercenary troops. Only occasionally could they use a tribal force against another tribal unit, hostile to the first-as already mentioned. The problem of the formations of Dawsar, al-Sahbii", al-Warf,a'i', al-$ana'i' and al-Raha'in was discussed by Rothstein 2. Rothstein, quoting the sources 3 and arguing with Caussin de Perceval arrives at the conclusion that the $ana'i' seem to have been a Priitorianerschaar 4. This is confirmed by the commentary of the Naqa'icj 5: Ahmad b. 'Ubayd states that the $ana'i' are people upon whom the king bestows his favours (yastani'uhumu l-maliku) and they remain in his service. Another version is also given there: the $ana'i' of the kings are the helpers of the king, who raid with him, by whom the king is aided. An additional information is given by alMubarrad 6: most of them are from Bakr b. Wa'il. The Warf,ii'i' are defined by Rothstein as Besatzungstruppen. Rothstein argues that Warf,ii'i' cannot refer to certain troops (... "dass damit unmoglich eine bestimmte Truppe gemeint sein kann"). He assumes that the W acja'i' may probably denote the troops of the garrisons and especially the border garrisons. Dawsar and Sahba' refer probably-according to Rothstein-to the garrison-troops of al-Hira. v. 6-7); and see GAWAD 'ALI, Ta'ri!J al-i Arab qabla l-Lsldm, IV, 73; ABU MISHAL: Nauiiidi«, I, 122-3 (ed. 'IZZAT I;IASAN, Damascus 1961-see the notes of the editor). I. "... haf%ihi l-biliidu la tula'imu mawasiyana" ... and see the variant of the question of the king (AL-BAGDADi, Hisiina, IV, 151): " ... wa-an tadnii minni kama danat Tamimun wa-Rabi'atu". 2. Die Dynastie der Lahmiden, pp. 134-138. 3. Al-Hamiisa, al-Agani, al-rl qd al-farid, AL-GAWHARI, $a~ah. 4. ROTHSTEIN, op, cit., p. 137. 5. p.884· 6. Al-Kamil, II, 83. 166 M. J. KISTER The definition of the Waq,a'i' given by Ahmad b. 'Ubayd is different. Waq,a'i'-says Ibn 'Ubayd-are the troops levied by the king, 100 from every tribal group (qawm), more or less according to their number. Another definition quoted in the same source 1 claims that the Waq,a'i' are the forces of the subjects of the kingdom. According to this definition Bevan renders Waq,a'i' in his glossary "levies, troops, raised by the Lakhmite king". Ibn alAtir, however, defines them as "semi-chiefs" 2. The opinion about the Rahii'in, the hostages of the tribes is unanimous. A detailed account about the troops of al-Hira is given by Abu l-Baqa" 3. Imru' I-Qays al-Badan 4-records Abu l-Baqa==was the man who, imitating the division of the troops of Kisra, divided his troops and gave them names, which remained till the end of the kingdom of al-Hira. People next in kinship to the king were called Ahlu l-rifiida. There were leaders of the troops marching in front of the troops in battles and raids 5. The commanders of the divisions of the troops were the Ardiif ". A special division of the army of al-Hira was levied from among the Lahm. This troop was called al-Gamariit or al-Gimar. As soldiers of this troop are mentioned the Urays b. Iras b. Gazila 7 of Lahm. Another version claims that this troop was formed from people levied from Lahm and other groups. Mentioned are Banii Silsila from Gu'fi, Banfi Mawiya from Kalb 8 and groups from Banii Salaman b. Tu 'al 9 of Tayy, The Sana'i' were a troop of outlaws from different tribesrecords Abu l-Baqa '. Driven out from their tribes as murderers or culprits-they were protected by the king of al-Hira and gained Naqa'id, p. 884. See GAWAD'ALi, Ta'rih al-s.Arab qabla l-Lsliim, IV, 92 ("al-wada'i' wahumu lladina kanu sibha l-masayil!"). 3. ABU L-BAQA', op, cit., f. 21 a, seq. 4. See GAWAD 'ALi, op, cit., IV, 31; and see S. SMITH, Events in Arabia, in BSOAS, 1954, p. 430, Table A. 5. The word denoting the title of these leaders cannot be deciphered. It is written LS' \.;J~. 6. ABU L-BAQA', op. cit., f. 21 a: "ioa-l-ardiif wa-hum 'uraja'u l-gundi wa-zu'ama'uhum wa-quwwaduhum wa-azimmatuhum". 7. See IBN l:!AZM, op. cit., p. 396. 8. See W. CASKEL, op, cit., II, 405. 9. See IBN DURAYD, al-Lstiqiiq, p. 386. I. 2. [25] AL-I;IiRA 167 safety. They attended his battles and raids 1. The other version about the Sana'i" is given as well, they were men from Bakr b. Wa'il, from the Lahazim, from Qays and 'Abd al-Lat and from Ta'laba b. 'Ukaba. Abu l-Baqa: prefers the first version. The Waq.a'i'-says Abu l-Baqat-c-were a Persian unit, sent by Kisra to the kings of al-Hira as reinforcements. They counted 1000 mounted soldiers (asawira) and stayed a year at al-Hira. After a year's service they used to return to Persia and were replaced by another troop sent from Persia. They formed in fact the strength of the ruler of al-Hira and through their force the ruler of al-Hira could compel the people of al-Hira as well as the Bedouin tribes to yield obedience to him. Without these forces the rulers were weakened, so that they had to fear the people of al-Hira 2. The people of al-Hira consisted of three divisions Dawsar (or Dawsara), an elite troop of valiant and courageous warriors; alSahba', (but according to a contradictory tradition this was the troop of the Waq.a'i'); al-Malha', so called because of the colour of the iron (i.e. their coat-of-mail) 3. The Rahii'i« were youths from Arab tribes taken by the kings of al-Hira as hostages guaranteeing that their tribes would not raid the territories of al-Hira and that they would fulfil the terms of their pacts and obligations between them and the kings of alHira. They counted-according to a tradition quoted by Abu I-Baqa'-500 youths and stayed 6 months at the court of al-Hira. After this period they were replaced by others 4. These forces-of the people of al-Hira and the Persian troopsformed the strength, upon which the rulers of al-Hira relied. They fought with the rulers of al-Hira in obedience to Kisra, in order to defend their abode, their families and possessions; they could not forsake them 5. I. Two verses are quoted as evidence: the verse of Yazid b. al-Sa-iq (see above, n. 2, p. [15J) and the verse of GARIR: "Hamay nii yawma l)i N agabin !timana: uia-ahrasrui l-~ana'i'a uia-l-nihiibii" see his Ditoiin. (ed. AL-SAWI), p. 68, 1. I. 2. ABU L-BAQA', op. cit., f. 99 b, seq. 3. ib., f. 22 b; ABU L-BAQA' records the opinion of TABAR!, that these two troops (Sahba' and Dawsar) were Persian troops sent to al-Hira. 4. ib., f. 21 b; GAWAD 'ALI, op. cit., IV, 93. 5. ABU L-BAQA', op. cit., f. 99 b: "wa-kana gundahum lladina bihimi mtina'uhum wa-'izzuhum ahlu l-Hirati l-musammawna bi-tilka l-asmiisi l-muqaddami qikruha; fa-kanu yu!taribuna ma'ahum ta'atan li-Kisra wa- 168 M. J. KISTER [26J When the king of al-Hira left with his troops for a military action, the people of al-Hira afraid of an attack of the raiding Bedouins, used to stay in their fortified fortresses till the king returned with his troops. Sometimes the king concluded agreements with the neighbouring tribes-mainly from Bakr b. Wa'il and Tamim-that they would not raid al-Hira in his absence 1. A peculiar aspect of the relations of the tribes with the rulers of al-Hira is brought out by Abu l-Baqa": tribes pasturing in regions adjacent to the kingdom of al-Hira were compelled to get their provisions (al-mira wa-l-kayl) from the kingdom of al-Hira and therefore had to submit to the obedience of its rulers 2. The rulers of al-Hira were well acquainted with the situation in the tribe itself and used to intervene in the internal affairs of the tribes. A case of this kind is illustrated by the story of Laqit b. Zurara, who was convinced by al-Mundir b. Ma) al-Sama? to return the children of Damra b. Gabir al-Nahsali 3. His children were given as hostages to Laqit for the children of Kubays and Rusayya 4 and the Banfi Nahsal requested the king to intervene 5. Damra himself was respected and liked by the king 6. His son, Damra b. Damra, was favoured by al-Mundir and al-Nu'man. He was one of his booncompanions and the king entrusted him with the care of his white camels 7. Instructive is the case of I;Iagib b. Zurara with the Banfi 'Adiyy hif;an li-baydatihim wa-ahlihim wa-manazilihim wa-himayatan li-anfusihim wa-amwalihim wa-la yumkinuhum hirjlanuhum tua-lii l-tahaUufu 'anhum. ib. f. 102 a. ib., f. 100 a; for the necessity of getting provisions comp. the story of "Yawm al-Musaqqar ", 3. He was the father of the famous Damra b.J!amra. The name of Damra b. Damra was in fact Siqqa b. Damra ; his mother was Hind bint Karib b. Safwan, one of the leaders of Sa'd. About Damra b. Gabir see W. CASKEL, op. cit., II, 241; about Siqqa b. Damra, ib., II, 530. 4. AI-Kalb b. Kunays (or Kubays) b. Gabir, the son of Kunays and Rusayya married the mother of al-Hutay-a (see ABU L-FARAG, al-Agani, II, 43; ZDMG, XLIII, p. 3, n. 2). 5. AL-J!ABBI, Amliil al-i.Arab, pp. 7-9; AL-MuFADDAL B. SALAMA, alFa!;ir, p. 53 (ed. C. A. STOREY, Leiden 1915); AL-MAYDANI, Magma' alamlal, I, 136. 6. See the sources given in the preceding note and see AL-BALAgURI, op. cit., f. 986 b. 7. AL-BALAguRI, op, cit., 987 a: "wa-ga'alahu min !tuddalihi wa-sumI. 2. marihi wa-dafa'a ilayhi ibilan kanat lahu fa-kanat fi yadihi wa-hiya haga'inuhu wa-haga'inu l-Nu'mani bnihi ba'dahu, warilaha 'an abihi; wa-kanat min akrami l-ibili ... ". [27] AL-:~IiRA 169 b. 'Abd Manat 1. These 'Adiyy were in the service of I;Iagib and I;Iagib intended to turn them into his slaves by a writ of al-Mundir 2. Chiefs of tribal divisions co-operating with the rulers of al-Hira took part in their expeditions against Syria, visited their court and were favoured and respected. There was, however, no general line of continuous loyalty and allegiance to the rulers of al-Hira, Contending leaders of clans revolted against the agreements concluded by their chiefs with al-Hira from which they could not get the desired share of profit. There was continuous contention between chiefs on the favour of the ruler, which strenghened the feeling of lack of confidence. Sudden changes in the policy of Persia towards the rulers of al-Hira further enhanced the feeling of instability. The application of the method of "divide and impera" 3 as a means to control the tribes and the lack of sufficient and steady support for the loyal tribes-all this created a feeling of disappointment and bitterness. The successful raids of small units of clans against al-Hira undermined the prestige of its rulers. 'Usayma b. Halid b. Minqar 4 could oppose the orders of the king al-Nu'man, when he demanded to extradite the man from 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a to whom 'Usayma gave shelter. When raided by the troops of al-Nu'man 'Usayma summoned his people by the war-cry "Katotar" and defied the king. Directing the spear to the mane of his horse he said: "Go back, you wind-breaking king! Would I like to put the spear in another place-I would put it 5. The Banii 'Amr b. Tamim when attacked by the forces of the king al-Nu'rnan succeeded in defeating his army and in plundering his camp 6. The cases of the victory of Bedouin tribes over the royal troops of al-Hira were sufficient proof of the weakness of the vassal kingdom of al-Hira, presaging its fall. It was concurrent with the rise of Mecca to authority and power. I. Probably the 'Adiyy b.

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