Mecca and the Tribes of Arabia: Some Notes on Their Relations

mecca_tribes.pdf MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA: SOME NOTES ON THEIR RELATIONS Reports about the relations between Mecca, Medina and the various tribal units of the Arabian peninsula are scarce. A scrutiny of some of these reports may contribute to a better understanding of certain events in the Arabian peninsula in the second half of the sixth century and the beginning of the seventh century. Certain data supplied by early transmitters may be helpfu1 in elucidating the peculiar methods used by the Meccan clans in their attempts to gain the sympathy of other tribal units and acquire their cooperation in order to secure the continuity of the Meccan mercantile activities and the performance of the ritual practices at the Ka cba. Some accounts indicate that clashes broke out from time to time between certain Meccan clans and the tribal groups; others point to the involvement of the Meccan and Medinan Ieaders in the efforts to solve intertribal conflicts. A few reports give information concerning the activities of the tribal groups at Mecca itself, their share in the politics of Mecca, and their involvement in the erection of the building of the Sanctuary at Mecca. Some aspects of these relations will be discussed in the following pages. I A clash which took place between a tribal faction and a Qurashi clan comes to light in a story recorded by al-Zubayr b. Bakkar 1 on the authority of Mul:tammad b. al-Qahhak al-l:lizimi,2 a Fazari transmitter I:lurayth b. Riyal:t "and others"; Everybody who performed the pilgrimage from among the Bedouins used to stop by one of the clans of Quraysh and that clan supplied them garments in which they used to perform the circumambulation of the Ka 'ba; at their arrival at Mecca they (i.e. the Bedouin pilgrims - K) threw away the clothes which they wore. The Qurashi clan in whose abode they 1 AI-Zubayr b. Bakkiir, Jamharat nasab quraysh, MS. Bodley, Marsh 384, fol. 128b. , See on him: al-Zubayr b. Bakkiir, op. cit., ed. MaJ;miid Muqammad,Shiikir (Cairo, 1381), I, 402, 494; al-Fiisi, al-'Iqd al-thamin fi ta'rikhi l-baladi l-amin, ed. Fu'iid Sayyid (Cairo, 1385/1966), V, 47-48, no. 1421; al-Bukhiri, al-Ta'rikh al-kabir(rpt. Hyderabad, n.d.), IV, 334, no. 3030: al-Sam'iini, al-Anstib, ed. 'Abd al-Ral}miin al-Mu'alliml (Hyderabad, 1384/1964), IV, 148; Fuat Sezgin, GAS, I, 266, no. 2. sojourned, used to take from them (a part of - K) what they slaughtered. The Fazara, the report continues, used to alight with al-Mughira b. (Abdallah b. 'Umar al-Makhzumi, The first who denied al-Mughira the (lots of the - K) slaughtered beasts was Khushayn b. La'y al-Fazari aI-Shamkhi. AI-Mughira threatened him and Khushayn refrained from performing the pilgrimage. He said: Ya rabbi hal 'indaka min ghafirah: uslihu mali wa-ada ( nahirali inna minan mdnituhu l-mughirah: wa-mant'un baida minan thabirah wa-mani'un baytaka an azurah "0 Lord, is there forgiveness with you: I shall set my herds right and leave their slaughter Indeed I am prevented from coming to Minii by al-Mughira: and prevented by him to come to Thabir after Minii. And he prevents me from visiting thy House." The report recorded by Ibn Abi l-Hadid is a shorter version of aI-Zubayr's account; it contains however some peculiar divergencies; it is told within the frame of a series of utterances and anecdotes which emphasize the virtues and laudable deeds of the members of the clan of Makhziim: among the eminent men of Makhziim there is mentioned "the leader of Quraysh" (sayyid quraysh fi l-jahiliyya), who was the man who debarred (the tribe of - K) Faziira from performing the hajj (wa-huwa lladhi mana' a fazdrata mina l-~aiil). This happened, the report says, when Khushayn b. La)y blamed "a people of Quraysh" ('ayyara qawman min quraysh) of having taken (a share of - K) the camels slaughtered by the Bedouins tal-t arab) during the period of the pilgrimage (al-mawsim). Then Khushayn recited the verses about al-Mughira's action. 3 A more detailed report is recorded by al-Baladhuri" on the authority of Abu l-Yaqzan.! The Fazari who refused to give al-Mughira the required share of the slaughtered beasts was Zuwaylim b. 'Arin b. Khushayn, the grandson of Khushayn. Zuwaylim, according to the tradition, set out in the period of the Jiihiliyya in order to perform the pilgrimage and alighted at the court of alMughira b. (Abdallah al-Makhziimi, Al-Mughira bade him pay the harim, i.e. the pay rendered to Quraysh by the men of the tribes who alighted in their dwellings in the period of the Jiihiliyya; this harim consisted of a part of the J Ibn Abi I-Hadid, SharI] nahj al-baldgha, ed. Muhammad Abu I-Fa41 Ibrahim (Cairo, 1382/1963), XVIII, 297 (read in the first hemistich ghajira, not 'aqira; in the third hemistich read minan mdni'uhu instead of minnd mdniiun; in the fourth read thabirah instead of bathirah. 4 Al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-ashrdf, MS. Ashir Efendi 597/8, fol. 1161a. l See on him, GAS, I, 266, no. 3. 34 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA clothes (of the Bedouins whom the Qurashites acommodated - K) and a share of the meat of the slaughtered beasts. Then Zuwaylim recited the verses in which he complained of al-Mughira's iniquitous demands and of his actions which prevented him (i.e. Zuwaylim - K) from performing the rites of pilgrimage." A shortened version of this report is given by Ibn Durayd.? Zuwaylirn's deed was praised by one of his relatives, the Fazari poet Jabbar b. Malik b. Himar b. Hazn b. 'Amr b. Jabir b. Khushayn." Jabbar said: wa-nahnu mana' nii min qurayshin harimaha : bi-makkata ayyama 1tahdluqi wa-l-nahri. "We denied Quraysh their harim : at Mecca on the days of the shaving [of heads - KJ and of the siaughter [of victims - KJ."9 But Zuwaylim revolted not only against the iniquitous rules and payments imposed on his tribe by some of the Meccan Ieaders; he also rebelled against the unjust deeds of his relatives, the Ieaders of his tribe. According to some reports Khushayn b. La 'y, the grandfather of Zuwaylim, was one of the famous warriors of Fazara; he was nicknamed dhsi l-ra'sayn, "The Man with the Two Heads," and nobody in Fazara equalled him in the number of raids carried out by him.!? His grandson 'Amr b. Jabir b. Khushayn regarded it as his privilege to get two young camels from every captive captured by Ghatafan (to whom Fazara belonged - K) and freed on ransom. II Zuwaylim decided to prevent him from unjustly levying this share of the ransom. The motives of his action are clearly expounded in two of his verses: ard 'amran yastimu l-ndsa khasfan : lahu min kulli 'iinin bakratdni fa-inn; diifi'un md kunta tu'{ii : fa-hal laka bi-ntizdilhimd yaddni "I see 'Amr wronging the people : to him [belongs the right - KJ to take from every captive two young camels. , The verses recorded by al-Baladhuri differ slightly from those recorded by al-Zubayr b. Bakkiir; they read as follows: yei rabbi hal 'Indaka min ghqfirah : inna minan mdni' uhd 1mughirah. wa-mdni' un baida minan thabirah : wa-mdnt'T rabbi an aztiran : ahbisu mali waada' tanhtrah. 7 Ibn Durayd, al-Ishtiqdq, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hiiriin (Cairo, 1378/1958), p. 282 (the final hemistich, as recorded by al-Baladhuri, is missing). • On Miilik b. Himar see Caskel, {;amhara! an-nasab (Das Genealogische Werk des Ibn alKalM (Leiden, 1966), II, 389. • Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 116Ib, sup.; on Jabbar b. Miilik see al-Amidi, al-Mu'talif wa-lmukhtalif, ed. 'Abd al-Sattar Farriij (Cairo, 1381/1961), pp. 128, 138. 10 Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 1161, quoting it on the authority of Ibn al-Kalbi, This assessment is indeed recorded in Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamharat al-nasab, MS. Br. Mus., Add. 23, 297, fol. 175b. 11 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS. Br. Mus., fol. 175b; Ibn Hazrn, Jamharat ansdb al-t arab, ed. 'Abd al-Saliim Hiiriin (Cairo, 1382/1963), p. 259; al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 1161a. 35 But I am repudiating what you have been given : do you have the power to snatch them [from my hands - KJ? 12 The leadership of one of the sons of Khushayn (Jabir? - K) was apparently anything but benign; he killed a man who dared to compose verses against him. This deed was praised by a Fazari poet, Ibn a1-'Anqa, who extolled the strength and glory of the "Son of the Man with Two Heads." 13 The few details about Zuwaylim give us some insight into the struggle for justice waged by certain courageous tribal rebels against the iniquitous actions of tribal Ieaders and the oppressive deeds of members of the Meccan nobility. According to a peculiar tradition even the fundamental event of the transfer of custody over the Ka 'ba to Qusayy came about as an outcome of struggle against the iniquity of Qusayy's predecessor, Abu Ghubshan, According to an account traced back to Ibn Jurayj and recorded by al-Fakihi from a compilation of al-Waqidi, the slaughter ofthe bahira camels (i.e. Iope-eared she camels set free - K) was carried out (scil. in the period of the J ahiliyya - K) at the Ka' ba, close to Isaf and N a 'ila (who were at that time Iocated close to the Ka 'ba - K).14 Abu-Ghubshan used to take for himself the head and the neck of every bahira slaughtered; later he considered this to be insufficient and ordered to add to it the shoulders, and people obeyed. But afterwards Abu Ghubshan required in addition the hind part of the victim; however, people were reluctant to obey this. When a man of the Bami 'Uqayl, Murra b. Kathir (or Kabir), slaughtered the victim at the Ka'ba, Abu Ghubshan demanded to hand over to him the parts of the animal which he regarded as his due. The 'Uqayli disobeyed and "people from Quraysh and others" supported the argument of the 'Uqayli and pronounced the bid of Abu Ghubshan as 'abath, "a wicked deed". Consequently Abu Ghubshan declared that he would not stay in Mecca if people did not accede to his demands, and decided to give up his prerogative at the Ka 'ba for a wine skin. In this way Qusayy acquired control of the Ka 'ba, IS AI-Balidhuri, MS., fol. 1161a. Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 1161b: abd li-bni dhi l-ra'sayni majdun muqaddamun: wa-sayfun idhd massa l-daribata yaqla'u fa-qultu li-shawwdlin tawaqqa dhubdbahd: wa-Id-ta~mi anfan an yusabba muraqqa'u The name of the executed man was Shawwil b. Muraqqa' . •< About the location of lsir and Ni'i1a see U. Rubin, "The Ka'ba. Aspects of its ritual functions and position in pre-Islamic and early Islamic times," JSAI (forthcoming) ad notes 12 13 49-50, 121, 172-173, 175. •, Al-Fasi, Shlfd al-ghardm bi-akhbdri I-baladi I-~ardm (Cairo, 1956), II, 54. 36 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA The stories concerning Abu Ghubshan and Qusayy, or Zuwaylim and Mughira, are but two instances in a chain of reports relating to the incessant struggle of some tribal groups associated with Quraysh to establish fair and honest relations with Meccan clans and the strenuous efforts of some Meccan leaders to secure justice at Mecca itself. Terms like baghy, khasf, zulm and jawr appearing in reports of this kind enable us to reach an understanding of the character of the struggle against iniquity and oppression . • The period of the end of the sixth and the beginning of the seventh century was characterized by intertribal conflicts and by the pressure of the Byzantine and Persian Empires (through their vassal states) on the tribal divisions aimed at widening their influence and tightening their control over the Arabian peninsula. Mecca extended in that period its commercial relations, becoming a centre of economic activity for the tribes of the Arabian peninsula. and strengthened its ties with other centres Iike Medina and Tit )if; transactions of considerable extent involving the purchase of landed property and financial enterprises were carried out by Meccan businessmen.l" The commercial co-operation of the merchants of the cities (like Mecca and Medina) with the tribes called for acumen, flexibility and close knowledge of intertribal relations. This can be seen in the story of Qays b. Zuhayr al-'Absi:" when he decided to prepare a raid against the Bami (Amir in order to avenge the murder of his father, he set out to Medina and approached Uhayha b. alJulah al-Awsi, asking that he should sell him weapons. He inquired especially about a strongly built coat of mail owned by Uhayha; he wished to buy it or to receive it as a gift. Uhayha's answer was a shrewd one: "A man like me does not sell weapons; would I know that the Bami (Amir will not claim that I extended help against them to their enemies I would present it to you as a gift." Uhayha was grateful to the Banii (Amir for the praises by which he was lauded in the poem of Khalid b. Ja'far of the (Amir b. ~a(~a(a; he extolled him as the man of Yathrib who was capable of granting shelter and protection. Uhayha was not ready to forfeit his friendly relations with the (Amir. 18 He nevertheless 16 17 18 See e.g. JSAl, 1 (1979), 8-'10, 17. See on him e.g. Caskel, Gamhara, II, 464. Al-Baladhuri, MS., fot. 1154a: wa-kdna ulJaylJatu yal1fa;u II-bani 'timirin anna khdlida bna ja'farin abytitin awwaluhti •. idhti mti aradta 1-'izza fi ahli yathribin •.fa-ndd! bi-sawtin yti-ul}ayl}atu tumna'» fa-tusbihu bi-l-awst bni 'amri bni 'timirin •. ka-annaka jtirun li-l-yamtiniyyi tubba"! madahahu bi- 37 handed over to Qays the coat of mail and Qays succeeded in acquiring at Medina the needed weapons: spears and coats of mail.t? It was indeed Uhayha's coat of mail which brought about a serious clash between Qays b. Zuhayr and one of his relatives, al-Rabi' b. Zuyad a1-'Absi, 20 Qays drove away 400 pregnant camels belonging to ai-Rabie b. Ziyad; he brought them to Mecca and sold them to Harb b. Umayya, (Abdallah b. Judfan and Hisham b. al-Mughira in exchange for horses and weapons. Qays remained for some time in Mecca (seeking asylum there - K); then he went to the Banu Badr of Fazara and was granted their protection." It is interesting to note that Qays b. Zuhayr bought in Mecca the ominous horse, Dahis, out of the money which he received for the plundered camels of Rabi( b. Ziyad." The keen interest of the Medinan notables in the feud between the quarrelling and clashing tribes of 'Abs and Fazara and their attempt to bring about a peace agreement between them can be gauged from the report stating that a delegation of the people of Yathrib including the Ieading personalities of the city - 'Amr b. al-Itnaba, Uhayha b. al-Julah, Qays b. al-Khatim, Abu Qays b. al-Aslat and the Jew Ka(b (perhaps Ka(b b. ai-Ashraf - K) - came in order to reconcilie the fighting tribes." The fact that Qays b. Zuhayr asked for protection of the Banu Badr of F azara is instructive. This family became at that time the Ieading and influential family-group of Fazara, played a decisive role in the tribal clashes and established close relations, with Mecca. 'Abd al-Rahman b.Hassan put the clan of the Banii Badr on a par with that of the Makhziimi clan of the Banu Mughira as to pride and glory." Hudhayfa b. Badr was nicknamed rabbu 19 Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol, 1154a: '" thumma bta:« qaysun min yathriba rimdhan waadrd'on; this report bears evidence that Yathrib was not merely a rural centre of agricultural activity; there seem to have been a considerable amount of commercial transactions. 20 See on him g.e., Caskel, Gamhara, II, 475. 21 Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol, 1I54a: .. .fa-lammd balagha dhdlika qaysan aghara 'ala I-na'am fa-tarada li-l-rabi"i (text: al-rabi') arba'a mi' ati ndqatin laqu~infa-marra biha i/a makkata fa-ba' aha min harbt bni umayyata wa-' abdi llahi bni jud" ana wa-hishdmi bni l-mughirati bi-Ikhayli wa-I-sila~i. wa-aqdma bi-makkata, thumma innahu lahiqa bi-bani badri bni "amrtn ... 22 Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol, 1I54b, 1. 20: ... wa-kdna qaysu bnu zuhayrin bta'a da~isan bimakkata min thamani ibli l-rabr i.fa-anzdhu "ala farasin lahufa-ja'atbi-muhratin sammahti l-ghabra?«: 23 Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 1156a: ... wa-qadimat jama'atun min ah/i yathriba Ii-I-i#a~i bayna I-~ayyayni : 'amru bnu l-undbati, wa-u~ay~atu bnu l-jula~i. wa-qaysu bnu l-khatimi waaM qaysin bnu l-aslati wa-ka' bun I-yahudi ... 24 Ibn Abi l-Hadid, XVIII, 287: inni tami'tu bi-fakhri man law rdmahu : alu l-mughirati-aw banu dhakwdn! 38 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA ma'addin, the "Lord of Ma'add."2s Abu l-Yaqzan reports that Hisn b. Hudhayfa was one of the greatest Ieaders of the federation of Ghatafan; he commanded all the allied forces of Ghatafan and Asad. A man attending the council (maj/is) of Mu 'awiya said: "We have never seen a Bedouin who, while leaning on his bow between the two allies, Asad and Ghatafan, and dividing the spoils among them, was more dignified (a'~amu qadran) than Hisn b. Hudhayfa." 26 Two Fazari chiefs are highly praised by the poet of 'A.mir b. ~a'~a'a, 'A.mir b. al-Tufayl: they granted him protection when he was captured during a clash with the Fazara and the Fazari leader 'Uyayna b. Hisn demanded to decapitate him; he extols them in one of his poems saying: 1. When thou desirest to meet with a sure defence, seek the protection of Khidharn son of Zayd, if Khidharn will grant it thee. 2. I called upon Abu l-Jabbar, specially naming Malik; and from aforetime he whom thou tookest under thy shield was never scathed (Lyall's translation). 27 The competition between tribal leaders to gain rank, position and recognition of governors and rulers is fairly clear in the report about the meeting of Hudhayfa b. Badr al-Fazari and al-Hakam b. Marwan b. Zinba' a1'Absi at the court of Hira, Hudhayfa used to frequent the court of al-Nu'rnan b. al-Mundhir; the king (al-Nu'rnan) treated him with honour and kindness. Hudhayfa used to bring gifts to al-Mutajarrida." Al-Hakam also used to visit the court of al-Nu'rnan and bring him gifts. When Hudhayfa and al-Hakam met some day in al-Hira, al-Hakam said to Hudhayfa: "May God curse a dignity gained through [the intercession of] women". AI-Mutajarrida became enraged when she heard the words of al-Hakam and decided to send to Hudhayfa a songstress and wine. When al-Hakam attended the council (maj/is) of Hudhayfa the Iatter asked the girl to sing some poems of Imru ' 1-Qays in la-mala' tuhd khaylan tadibbu lithdtuhd : mithla l-dabd wa-kawdsiri 1-'iqMni Banu Dhakwan are explained to denote Banii Badr b. 'Amr b. Juwayya b. Dhakwan of the Banii 'Adiyy of Fazara; to this clan belong Hudhayfa, Hamal and their families. See on the descendants of Dhakwan: Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS. Br. Mus., fol. Ina, ult. rs Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. Jl53b: ... wa-kdna yuqdlu lahu rabbu ma'addin ... : and see: Labid, Diwdn, ed. Ihsan 'Abbas (Kuwayt, 1962), p. 55; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, XVIII. 295; Muhammad b. Habib, al-Muhabbar, ed. lise Lichtenstaedter (Hyderabad, 1361/1942), p. 461; Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'tirlf; ed. Tharwat 'Ukasha (Cairo, 1969), pp, 83, 402, 592. ze Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. I 158b. 27 'Amir b. al-Tufayl, Diwdn, ed. Ch. Lyall (Leiden, 1913), p. 141, no~XXVI (Arabic text); see ibid., "Introduction," pp. 81, 114; and see al-Mufaddal al-Dabbi, al-Miifa44aliyydt, ed. Ch. Lyall (Oxford, 1921), p. 33. 28 See on her e.g. Aghdni; index. 39 which he mentioned love-affairs with 'Absi women. Al-Hakam became furious and hit the songstress. Hudhayfa rebuked him, saying that he had lost his mind and hurt the honour of al-Nu 'man. When the two leaders returned to their tribes they related the event; this accident widened the rift between the two leaders and increased the animosity between their tribal divisions. 29 The position of the Fazari leaders among the federation of Ghatafan caused some tribal divisions to attempt at concluding agreements or alliances with them. The cAmir b. ~ac~aca tried to persuade Hisn b. Hudhayfa and his son 'Uyayna to withdraw from their alliance with the Asad, to enable Asad to return to their relations with Kinana, and to conclude an alliance of the Ghatafan with cAmir b. ~ac~aca. 'Uyayna b. Hisn considered the offer and consulted about it the Banii Dhubyan (one of the main branches of Ghatafan K); they however refused and 'Uyayna had to give up the idea of the alliance with C Amir. 30 'Uyayna and his tribal division, the Fazara, played a very important role in the struggle of the Prophet and the Muslim community with Quraysh at Mecca. An agreement of non-aggression was concluded between the Prophet and 'Uyayna for a limited period; when the Muslim forces left Medina for the raid of Muraysi' they feared that 'Uyayna may attack the city in which there were no warriors Ieft, because the treaty was to expire at that time; the Prophet allayed their fears, assuring them that 'Uyayna would not attack the city." 'Uyayna attended the Battle of the Ditch commanding a fighting body of a thousand warriors of Faziira; it was the strongest force of the allies of Quraysh. Smaller units numbering about 400 warriors each were recruited from among the relatives of Faziira, Ashja C and Murra" When the situation of the besieged Muslim community became serious, the Prophet sent to 'Uyayna offering him a third of the date harvest of Medina if he withdrew with his force, thus causing disarray among the other forces of the allies of Quraysh. 'Uyayna asked for half the harvest, but consented Iater to accept the proposal of the Prophet to accept a third of it. However, when the agreement had to be signed, the Companions of the Prophet opposed it and persuaded the Prophet to annul it.33 The failure of 'Uyayna to gain profits and success on the "Day of the Ditch" (i.e. the siege of Medina) recurred in the siege of Khaybar. 'Uyayna promised to hurry to help the besieged Jews against the besieging Muslims in 2. Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 1154b. Al-Nabigha al-Dhubyani, Diwdn, ed. Muhammad Jamal (Beirut, 1347/1929), p. 98. Al-Waqidi, al-Maghcizi, ed. Marsden Jones (London, 1966), p. 422. 32 See e.g. al-Waqidi, p. 443. as AI-Waqidi, pp. 477-480; Ibn Hisham, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, ed. Mu~lafa l-Saqa, Ibrahim al-Abyiiri, 'Abd al-Hafiz Shalabi (Cairo, 1355/1936), III, 234. 30 31 40 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA return for half of the date harvest of Khaybar; he negotiated, however, at the same time with the Prophet the withdrawal of his force of 400 warriors in return for half of the date harvest. In one of the stages of the Muslim attack on Khaybar the Fazari force withdrew forsaking the besieged Jews. 'Uyayna did not get his half of the date harvest and had to satisfy himself with the grant bestowed on him by the Prophet: a mountain at Khaybar called Dhu 1Ruqayba." There were some clashes between troops of the Prophet and some Fazari units, but 'Uyayna was shrewd enough to appear at the conquest of Mecca (although without his tribe) and to accompany the Prophet at his entrance to the city;3' he is counted among "those whose hearts had to be reconciled" (al-mu'allaja qulubuhum) and was indeed granted by the Prophet a gift of a hundred camels." In spite of his treacherous behaviour when he was sent as messenger of the Muslim forces to al-Ta'if,37 he was dispatched by the Prophet against a group of Tamim who prevented their neighbours, the Khuza "a, from paying taxes." Finally the Prophet appointed 'Uyayna as tax-collector of F azara, an influential and responsible office." This short sketch of the role of 'Uyayna and his tribal division, the Fazara, in the Prophet's period indicates clearly that they had close relations with Mecca." They joined the Prophet only after his victory. The high position acquired by 'Uyayna in the period of the Prophet can be seen from the fact that the Caliph 'Uthman b. cAffan married his daughter, Umm al-Banin bint 'Uyayna b. Hisn." Only two wives of 'Uthman attended his clandestine 34 See e.g. al-Waqidi, pp. 650-652, 676; and see Yaqiit, Mu'jam al-bulddn (Beirut, 1376/1957), s.v. Ruqayba. 3' See e.g. al-Waqidi, pp. 803-804. 36 See e.g. Ibn Hisham, IV, 136-137; al-Maqrizi, Imta'» l-asma'; ed. Mahmud Muhammad Shakir (Cairo, 1941), I, 424. 37 See al-Waqidi, pp. 932-933. 38 Al-Waqidi, pp. 974-975. Al-Baladhuri, op. cit.; I (ed. Muhammad Hamidullah, Cairo 1959) 530. The Fazara seem to have taken part in certain ritual practices at the Ka 'ba since very early times: see e.g. Ibn Hisharn, I, 128: nahnu dafa'rui 'an abi sayydrah : wa-'an mawalihi bantfazdrah and see al-Fasi, Shifa, II, 32-34 and 351. 15; al-'I~iimi, Simi al-nujtim al-'awali(Cairo, 1380), 1,217; al-Kala'j, al-Iktifa' fi maghdztrastilt lldhi wa-l-thaldthati l-khulafd, ed. MuHafa 'Abd al-Wal)id (Cairo, 1287/1968), I, 77; al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 1180b. 41 Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 1158a, sup.; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt, (Beirut, 1377/1957), III, 54; Muhammad b. Yahya al-Maliqi, al-Tamhid wa-l-baytin fi maqtali I=shahid "uthman, ed. Mahrmid Yiisuf Za 'id (Beirut, 1~64), p. 4; Umm al-Banin was before that offered by 'Uyayna to the Prophet as wife (see Ibn 'AIX! al-Barr, al-Isti'tibjima'rifati I-a~~tib, ed. 'Ali Muhammad alBijawi [Cairo, 1380/1960], p. 1249 ult.) 39 40 41 funeral: the Kalbite Na'ila and the Fazarite Umm al-Banin." The prophet rightly characterized 'Uyayna as "the fool obeyed by his people.t' " He got indeed the allegiance and loyalty of his people when he decided to fight the body politic of Medina, leading the troops of the Fazara against the Muslim forces after the death of the Prophet in the "War of the Ridda."44 II Another division of Ghatafan, the Banu Murra b. 'Awf, seem to have had close relations with Mecca. Some clans of Murra claimed that their ancestor was 'Awf b. Lu 'ayy, the ancestor of Quraysh." Al-Harith b. Zalim al-Murri asked for the protection of 'Abdallah b. Jud'iin, denied his descent from Ghatafan and stated that he was from Quraysh." 'Umar is said to have justified their claim and was even ready to accept them into the fold of Quraysh." It is of interest that the Meccan notable, 'Abdallah b. Jud'an,48 interceded with the king of al-Hira, al-Nu'rnan, on behalf of al-Harith b. Zalim and asked that the protection of the king be renewed for him." A distinctive feature of the religio-economic system of the Banu Murra was the institution of the basI. They observed eight months as the trucia1 period during the year and travelled during these months through the territories of the Bedouins undisturbed; the Bedouin tribes accepted this order and granted them security during these months. so One may assume that this basi order was designed to bring about a competition between Mecca with its four trucial months and the basi system of the Banu Murra. Ibn Sa'd, III, 78 inf.-79 sup. See e.g, Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, pp. 1249 inf.-1250; al-JiIl:Ii~al-Baydn wa-l-tabyin, ed. 'Abd alSalam Harlin (rpt. Beirut of Cairo, 1367/1948), II, 253. 44 See e.g. Ella Landau-Tasseron, Aspects of the Ridda Wars, Ph.D. Diss., Hebrew University, 1981 (in Hebrew), Chapter III (Ghatafan) ad notes 137-149. 4' See e.g. al-Suhayli, al-Rawd al-unuf, ed. 'Abd al-Rahrnan al-Wakil (Cairo, 1387/1967). I. 410-412; al-Baladhuri, I, 42-43; Ibn Kathir, al-Biddya wa-l-nihdya (Riyad-Beirut, 1966), II, 204. 4' 43 46 Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 1143b; idem, I, 42 inf.; al-Suhayli, I, 411; al-Jahiz, al-Bursdn wa-l"urjdn, ed. Muhammad Mursi l-Khiili (Beirut, 1392/1972), p. 298; Abii l-Baqa Hibatullah, alMandqib al-mazyadiyya fi akhbdri l-muliiki I-asadiyya, MS. Br. Mus. add. 23, 296, fol. 43a. 47 Al-Suhayli, I, 411, 412. See on him EI', s.v. 'Abd Allah b. Djud'iin (Ch. Pellat); and see above ad notes 18,43. Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 1143b: thumma innahu talaba lahu l-amdna mina l-nut mdni fadmanahu wa-qadima fa-aqdma 'Indahu. so See e.g. al-Suhayli, I, 414, 421; Ibn Hisham, i, 106-107; and see additional sources In JESHO, 8 (1965), 141. n. 4. 48 49 42 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA The conflict between Mecca and the Bami Murra is reflected in the report about a building erected by the Manu Murra at BUSS.51 explanatory note on An a verse of al-Husayn b. al-Humam says: "Buss is a building erected by the Ghatafan; they built it in a shape similar to that of the Ka "ba, performed pilgrimage to it, revered it an called it al-haram. Zuhayr b. Janab al-Kalbi raided them and destroyed it."52 An anonymous report recorded by alFayruzabadi gives more details: Buss is a House of Ghatafan, built by Zalim b. Asad. He saw that Quraysh circumambulated the Ka''ba and performed the sa'y between al-Safa and al-Marwa; he therefore measured the Ka'ba, took a stone from al-Safa and a stone from al-Marwa, returned to his people and built a House like the Ka'ba; he laid down the two stones and said: "These are the Safa and the Marwa". So they (i.e. his people) became satisfied with it instead of the pilgrimage to Mecca. Subsequently Zuhayr b. Janab al-Kalbi raided (scil, the Ghatafan - K), killed ~iilim and destroyed his building. 53 AIBaladhuri's report is concise: al-Muthallam b. Riyal].b. ~alim b. As'ad (in text: Sa'd) b. Rabi'a b. 'Amir was a noble man (kana shari/an). His grandfather, Zalim, was the man who built Buss; Buss is the House, which Ghatafan worshipped. Zuhayr b. Janab said: Thus Ghatafan Ieft afterwards Buss: and what has Ghatafan (to do) with a spacious tract of land? 54 This report corresponds to that of Ibn al-Kalbi." Another report in Ibn al-Kalbi's Jamhara contains details similar to those given in the account of al-Faynizabadi (the two stones of al-~afa and alMarwa, the House erected in the territory of Ghatafan, Zuhayr b. Janab destroyed the House and [buildings? - KJ around it), but has a significant passage, not recorded in other sources: when the Prophet heard about Zuhayr II In text "lubs" which is an error. See L. 'A. s.v. bss (correctly Buss); and see the correction in Wellhausen, Reste Arabischen Heidentums (Berlin, 1887), p. 33, n. 2; and see Ihsan 'Abbas, "Two Hitherto Unpublished Texts on Pre-Islamic Religion," La Signification du Bas Moyen Age dans I'Histoire et la Culture du Monde Musulman, Actes du 8me Congres de l'Union Europeenne des Arabisants et Islamisants (Aix-en-Provence, 1976), pp. 7-16; and see Ihsan 'Abbas, "Na~~ani jadidani 'ani l-dini fi l-jahiliyyati," al-AblJath, 1973-1977, pp. 27-34. " Aghtim~ XII, 126; see on Buss: Yiiqiit, Mu'jam al-bulddn, s.v. b.s.s.: ... wa-buss aydan bay tun banat-hu gha/q{anu mu4ahatan li-l-ka' ba. 53 Al-Fayruzabadi, al-Qamus al-muhit, s.v. bss; and see Wellhausen, pp. 33-34; this report is recorded in al-Sinjari's, Mana'ilJ al-karam, MS. Leiden, Or. 7018, fols. )3b, ult.-14a. 54 Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 1146b-1147a sup. ss Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS. Br. Mus., fol. 168b, sup.: ... al-Muthallam b. RiyalJ b. ~alim b. As'ad b. Rabi"'a b. 'Amir kana sharif an. wa-abuhu riytilJun lladhi qala lahu zuhayru bnu jandbin: fa-khalld ba'daha ghatq{anu ... ; wa-kdna bandhu jadduhu ~alimun ... 43 b. Janiib's action he said: "Of the matters of the Jiihiliyya nothing is in agreement with Islam except that which Zuhayr b. Janab did."56 It was no doubt an act of great significance as it helped to preserve the Ka 'ba as the only sanctuary of the Arabian peninsula and spoiled a bold attempt at erecting a tribal sanctuary in competition with the Ka 'ba at Mecca. The intention to imitate the Kacba comes out even in the name of Ghatafani sanctuary, Buss, which is derived from the root bss and is reminiscent of the name of the Meccan sanctuary, which is called al-Bassa." The destruction of Buss served indirectly the cause of Islam and the utterance attributed to the Prophet undoubtedly reflects a historical truth. It is worthwhile mentioning that Buss was not the only sanctuary which was erected by a tribe or a governor: such was for instance the case of the sanctuary of Abraha which was erected in order to compete with the Ka 'ba 58 and the sanctuary erected in Qawdam." • The reasons for the enmity between Zuhayr b. Janiib and the Banu Murra, his position in his tribe, the Kalb, his role in the intertribal contests on the background of the rivalry of the petty kingdoms and the struggle of the Byzantine and Sassanian powers for control of the tribes of the Arabian peninsula, all these data are recorded in reports which are often obscure, blurred, divergent or contradictory. A scrutiny of these reports may provide a clue for the elucidation of, at least, some aspects of these events. According to a tradition traced back to Ibn al-A 'rabi (d. ca. 230 AH) the Banu Baghid were attacked by the Suda? (a division of Madhhij) when they were on their way from Tihama, The Bami Baghid succeeded however in repelling the attack, gained a sweeping victory and took rich booty. Then they decided to build a haram, like that at Mecca, in which no hunted beast would be killed, no tree would be felled and no man seeking refuge would be troubled (la yuhaju ca'idhuhu). The pIan was carried out by the tribal division of Ghatafan, the Bami Murra; the man in charge of the haram and the builder of '6 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS. Br. Mus., fo1. 191a inf.-191b sup.: .. .fa-hadama (i.e. Zuhayr b. Janab) l-bayta wa-ma ~awlahu,fa-balagha dhalika l-nabiyya (~)fa-qala: "lam yakun shay'un min amri l-jahiliyyati wdfaqa l-isldma ilia rna sana'« zuhayru bnu jandbin". " See L. 'A., S.v. bss; Ibn ?:uhayra, al-Jdmi" al-Ia(iffifafjli makkata wa-ahlihd wa-bind"! 1bayti I-sharif (Cairo, 1357/1938), p. 160, penult.; al-Azraqi, Kltab akhbtiri makkata, ed. F. Wiistenfeld (rpt. Beirut), p. 50, 1.8; Ibn Nii~ir al-Din a1-Dimashqi, Jami' al-dthdr fi mawlidi 1nab/yyi l-mukhtdr, MS. Cambridge Or. 913, fol. 269a. " See e.g. EI2, S.V. Abraha (A.F.L. Beeston). 50 See Yaqiit, Mu'jam al-bulddn, s.v. Qawdam. 44 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA its walls was Riyah b. Zalirn (not his father, ~alim - K). They built it when staying at a well called Buss. When the news reached Zuhayr b. Janab, who was then the sayyid of Kalb, he vowed to prevent the Ghatafan from carrying out their plan. He summoned his tribal relatives to aid him in the noble enterprise (akram ma'thura) of the destruction of the Fazari haram, but the Banu l-Qayn from Jusham refused to participate in the raid; he carried out the raid with his people only and defeated the Ghatafan, He captured a rider (jaris) of the Ghatafan in the haram of Buss and ordered to kill him; his order was however disobeyed by one of his warriors, who argued that the man was a basl.60 Zuhayr stated that for him there was no obligation to refrain from harming a basi (i.e. to take his life - K; md baslun "alayya bi-haramins and he himself decapitated him. He desecrated the haram (Ca!{ala dhdlika l-haramt, generously released the captured women and returned them to their tribe." The passage about the decapitation of the basi and the desecration of the haram of Buss is of importance. It may be deduced that this event put an end to the free and undisturbed traffic of the Bami Murra during eight months in the Arabian peninsula and did away with the sanctity of the haram of Buss; the only sacred months to remain were thus the four months of the Pax Meccana; the only sanctuary which continued to be venerated was the haram of Mecca. Zuhayr's deed appears to be the reason why the group of Janab b. Hubal were included in the organization of the l;Iums.62 Some of the accounts link the person of Janab with that of Dawud b. Hubala,63 whose kingdom was conquered by the Byzantines and who fought at that time on their side. He later embraced Christianity and became reluctant to shed blood; he was however compelled to obey the order of the Byzantines to raid the Arab tribes. In his force was (according to this report) Zuhayr b. Janab, Zuhayr went out, fought and killed Haddaj b. Malik of the cAbd Qays and Haddaj b. Malik b. Taymallah b. Thaclaba b. cUkaba.64 Some reports connect Zuhayr b. Janab with the expedition of Abraha." When the Abyssinians went out on their expedition to destroy the sanctuary at Mecca they were approached by Zuhayr; he met their king, was welcomed by 60 61 62 See on basi n. 50 above. Aghani, XXI, 63. See JESHO, 8 (1965),133, n. 4, 134, n. 3; and see Caskel, Gamhara, II, 77 inf.-78 sup. Caskel, Gamhara, II, 232 (Dawud b. Habala). See on him Ibn Habib, ''Asnui' al-mughttilin min al-ashrtif" in cAbd al-Salam Hanin's 63 64 Nawddir al-makh!u!tit (Cairo, 1374/1954), II, 127-128; on the two Haddaj see Caskel, Gamhala, II, 276. See on Abraha: EJ2, s.v. Abraha (A.F.L. Beeston); and see R. Paret, Der Koran. Kommentarund Konkordanz (Stuttgart, 1980), ad Sura 105; and seeJESHO, 15 (1972), 61-76. 6' 45 him and was sent as his messenger to (the tribes in - K) the vicinity (niilJiya) of Iraq in order to summon them to submit to his authority (i/ii l-dukhuli fi {ii'atihl). When he was in the territory of Bakr b. Wa'iI, he was attacked by a man of the tribe and seriously wounded, but managed to escape." A similar report is given in the Aghdnioti the authority of Abu 'Arnr al-Shaybani; there are, however, several differences which may be noted: Abraha appointed Zuhayr b. Janab over the tribes of Bakr and Taghlib; he ruled them for a time until they were afflicted by a drought. Zuhayr prevented them from pasturing their herds unless they paid the taxes imposed upon them; their situation worsened and they were on the brink of perishing. One of the Taymallah b. Tha 'laba 67 decided to assassinate Zuhayr; he attacked him in his sleep and pierced his belly with a sword; he left the tent of Zuhayr with the conviction that he had killed him. Zuhayr remained however alive, and a group of his people wrapped him in a shroud and were given permission to leave with what was supposed to be his corpse in order to bury him in the territory of his tribe. The stratagem succeeded: Zuhayr returned to his tribe, recovered and ordered to prepare a raid against the Bakr and Taghlib. The raid was successful and Zuhayr returned with a rich booty. Kulayb and Muhalhil were captured and many warriors from Taghlib were killed.68 Zuhayr's appointment over the Bakr and Taghlib is explicitly mentioned in a poem of a1-Musayyib b. a1-Rifall, a descendant of Zuhayr: 1. wa-abrahatu lladhi kdna ~{afiinii " wa-sawwasanii wa-tiiju l-mulki wa-qdsama nisfa imro.tihi zuhayran " wa-lam yaku dtinahu fi l-amri wdli wa-ammarahu 'alii hayyay mai addin : wa-ammarahu 'alii l-hayyi 1- 'au 2. 3. 4. mu'tilt 'alii bnay wii'ilin lahumd muhinan " yarudduhumd 'alii raghmi 1sibdli 5. bi-habsihimd bi-ddri l-dhul/i lJattii "alammd yahlikdni mina l-huziili 1. And Abraha, he who had chosen us : and invested us with authority : and high is the crown of kingdom. 2. And he gave half of the rule to Zuhayr : nobody except him was a ruler of the affairs. 3. And he invested him with power over the two tribes of Ma 'add: and he gave him authority over the tribe competing for superiority 00 01 08 Ibn Qutayba, al-Shi'r wa-l-shu' ard", ed. M. J. de Goeje (Leiden, 1904), pp. 223-225. A group of Bakr b. Wii'il; see Caskel, Gamhara, II, 543. Aghdni, XXI, 64. 46 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA 4. 5. Over the two sons of Wii'il (i.e. their descendants) treating them with contempt : turning them humbled and abased. Detaining them in the abode of vileness: until they would perish out of emaciation." Some reports tell about his visits to the court of the Ghassani ruler and his stratagems in spreading false accusations against his opponents and foes in order to keep the favours of the ruler al-Harith b. Miiriya exclusively to himself." Some accounts relate anecdotes about the attendance of Zuhayr at the courts of governors and rulers in company of certain fools of his family; Zuhayr succeeds in saving the people from the fateful results of their stupid words. 71 The sources are unanimous about the strength and power of Zuhayr; he is said to have been one of the jarrdnin (i.e. commanding more than thousand warriors - K) and one who succeeded in uniting the whole tribe of Ka1b, or even the whole federation of QU9iicaY Ibn al-Kalbi reports a conflict between Zuhayr and Rizah (a half brother of Qusayy, the leader of 'Udhra - K) concerning their attitude towards the tribal divisions of N ahd, Hawtaka and J arm; these tribal divisions were driven out by Rizah from the federation of Qudaa, and were compelled to migrate and join other tribes. Rizah's action was severely censured by Zuhayr." Al-Bakri records the story of the conflict. mentions the role of Nahd and their strength in the past and draws the line of succession of that power: Hanzala b. Nahd, the ancestor of Nahd, was the arbiter of Tihama and the Ieader of the Bedouins (al-' arab) at 'Ukaz during the period of the markets. Then the leadership went over to the Kalb b. • 9 Abu Hatim al-Sijistiini, Kitdb al-mu'ammarin; ed. Goldziher, (Leiden, 1899), p. 29 (Ar. text); al-Marzubani, Mu'jam al-shui ara", ed. F. Krenkow (Cairo, 1354), p. 386 (only 4 verses). 70 Aghiini, IV, 175-176; Ibn 'Asakir, Tahdhib ta'rikh (Beirut, 1399/1979), V, 321-322. 71 Aghdni; XXI, 65 (the fool was his brother, Haritha); Abu Hilal al-'Askari, Jamharat alamthdl, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim and 'Abd al-Majid Qatamish (Cairo, 1384/1964), I, 151 (the fool was his brother, 'Adiyy. According to Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Escurial 1968, p. 380 'Adiyy was considered a fool: kana yu~ammaqu). Another fool in his family was his son Khidash (Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Esc. p. 405 ult.-406; see the utterance of al-Samaw 'al about him: laysa li-qalbi khiddshin udhundni). 12 See Muhammad b. Habib, al-Muhabbar, p. 250 (Zuhayr and Rizii~ b. Rabi'a al- 'Udhri), Aghdnt, XXI, 65 (Zuhayr and Hunn b. Zayd); al-Bakri, Mu'jam md sta'fam, ed. Mustafa I· Saqa (Cairo, 1364/1945), p. 39 (Zuhayr and Rizii~ b. Rabi'a); Abu !iatim al-Sijistani, p. 28 (Zuhayr and Rizah); and see al-Majlisi, Bi~ar ai-an war (Teheran, 1392), LI, 268; al-Murtada, Amali; ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim (Cairo, 1373/1954), I, 240; Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Esc. p. 514 (Zuhayr and Rizah), 73 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Esc., p. 514; al-Bakri, Mu'jam ma sta'jam, p. 39. 47 Wabara, afterwards to 'Awf b. Kinana b. 'Awf.74 After some generations it passed over to Zuhayr b. Janab, then to 'Adiyy b. Janab and finally it remained in the family of al-Harith b. Hisn b. Damdam b. 'Adiyy b. Janab." The conflict between Rizah and the two tribes, Nahd and Hawtaka, is mentioned in Ibn Hisham's Sira: but in this account it was Qusayy who censured Rizah for his expulsion of these two tribal divisions of Quda ' a. He said the following verses: 1. Who will tell Rizah from me : that I blame you on two accounts: 2. I blame you for the Banii Nahd b. Zayd : because you drove a wedge between them and me. 3. And for Hawtaka b. Aslum : verily, he who treats them badly has badly treated me. (A. Guillaume's translation, slightly modified). It is of great importance that Qusayy wanted Quda' a to increase and to be united because of "their goodwill to him when they responded to his appeal for help." 76 The account confirms that there were contacts between Quraysh and the Quda'I divisions and shows the help extended by some Quda'ii groups to Qusayy. Al-Arnidi records a story in which Zuhayr is connected with the person of Muha1hi1,the legendary leader of Taghlib during the wars of Basus, 77 Zuhayr is said to have attacked the Taghlib, succeeded in getting away with booty, was however pursued by Muhalhil, who tracked down one of the attackers (Imru? 1Qays b. Humam al-Kalbi) and wounded him." The reports about contacts between Zuhayr and Muhalhil are however refuted by a statement saying that Zuhayr preceded Muhalhil. 79 The amusing story about the capture of Zuhayr by Hamrnam b. Murra 80 also belongs to the period of the war of Basiis. Zuhayr offered as ransom for his release a hundred camels, but Hammam refused; he consented however to free him on condition that Zuhayr would mention his name and make an invocation for his Iife before every drink." 74 Al-Bakri, Mu'jam, p. 56: 'Auf b. Kiniina b. 'Auf b. 'Udhra ... b. Kalb was the first to whom the idol of Wadd was handed over and a tent was pitched over him; and see Caskel, Gamhara, II, 210. rs See e.g. al-Bakri, Mu'jam, pp. 30, 39, 49, 51. ,. Ibn Hisharn, I, 136 (=A. Guillaume, The Life of Muhammad [Karachi, 1967J, p. 55); the verses are attributed to Zuhayr in Bakri's Mu'jam, p. 39. 77 See on him Caskel, Gamhara, II, 421; and see above ad n. 68. ,8 AI-A midi, ai-Mu'taiij", pp. 7-8; Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Esc., pp. 413 inf.-414. ,. Abii Ahmad al-Hasan b. 'Abdallah a!-'Askari, SharlJ md yaqa' u fihi l-tashif wa-l-tahrif; ed. 'Abd al-'Aziz Ahmad (Cairo, 1383/1963), p. 427. 80 See on him e.g. Caskel, Gamhara, II, 278. 81 AI-Maghribi, Nashwat al-tarab, MS., Tiibingen I, fo1. 52 r. 48 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA According to some reports Zuhayr's brother 'Ulayrn introduced the mirbd' in the tribal division of Kalb (i.e. the fourth of the booty, paid to the leader of the tribe; in this case paid to 'Ulaym - K).82His son, (Abdallah b. (Ulaym, is said to have opposed Zuhayr and bade the people disobey his orders. Zuhayr became embittered and angry over the loss of his position in the tribe and decided to drink unmixed wine until his death." * There are divergent traditions about the Iife-span of Zuhayr; he was included in the list of the mut ammartin, men distinguished for their longevity, and unusual periods of life were attributed to him. Accounts vary from 450 years," 420 years," 350 years," 250 years," 220 years," 200 years 89to 150 years.?? The list is confusing and does not give any clue for establishing the period in which the events happened. It may therefore be useful to cast a brief glance at the other persons mentioned in the preceding accounts. A1-Mughira b. (Abdallah al-Makhzumi who caused the rebellious action of the Fazari chief is known as the father of the wealthy and influential family of the Banu I-Mughira. His son Hisham b. aI-Mughira died, according to some accounts, in the last decade of the sixth century." The grandsons of alMughira, the sons of Hisham, took active part in the struggle between the Prophet and the Meccan unbelievers." The period of the activity of a1Mughira, the father of Hisham, may be put in the middle of the sixth century. Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Esc., p. 380; and see ibid., the verse of Zuhayr: sannahd rcibi'u l-juyushi 'ulaymun: kulla yawmin ta'ti l-mandyd bi-qadri 83 Muhammad b. Habib, al-Muhabbar, p. 471; Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Esc., p. 394; Abii Hatirn al-Sijistani, pp. 28-29; Aghdnl; III, 17, XXI, 66; Ibn Qutayba, al-Shiir, p. 224. 84 Aghdni; XXI, 65 penult. 85 Abii Hatirn al-Sijistani, p. 25. 86 Abii Hatirn al-Sijistani, ibid. 87 Aghdni; XXI, 65. 82 88 89 90 91 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Esc., p. 380; al-Majlisi, Blhtir, LI, 267. Abii Hatim al-Sijistani, p. 28. Aghdni; III, 17. See on him: al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, MS., fol. 129a-b; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, XVIII, 285 seq. (and see the utterance attributed to the Prophet about him p. 293: law dakhala ahadun min mushriki qurayshin al-jannata la-dakhalahd hishdmu bnu l-mughirati; kana abdhalahum li-l-matrufi waahmalahum Ii-I-kalli); Mu~'ab b. 'Abdallah al-Zubayri, Nasab quraysh, ed. Levi-Provencal (Cairo, 1953), p. 301; and see Le Museon, 78 (1965), 427 (according t9 this report he died AD 598). 92 See e.g. on the Banii l-Mughira and their relatives: Mu 'arrij b. 'Amr al-Sadiisi, Kiuib hadhf min nasab quraysh, ed. ~alal,1 al-Din al-Munajjid (Cairo, 1960), pp. 66-75; and see Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, pp. 301-303; on al-Harith b. Hisham see e.g. Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-ghaba fi ma'rifati 49 This was the period of the growth of the Meccan body politic and the incubation of the opposition of certain Fazari clans against their Makhzumi hosts at Mecca. As to Zuhayr b. Janab, it is pIau sible to give credence to the reports about the relations between Zuhayr and Abraha. Abraha, when on his expeditions against Mecca, was evidently interested in the collaboration with Kalb in order to gain control over the Bakr and Taghlib when he would continue his march against al-Hira, The appointment of Zuhayr as tax-collector seems to have taken place when Abraha went out against Mecca; this may be dated to the middle of the sixth century." The failure of Abraha's expedition and his retreat to the Yaman stimulated the Bakr and Taghlib to rebel against Zuhayr, the merciless tax-collector. The destruction of the sanctuary of Buss must have taken ",lace after the strength of Abraha was crushed and Zuhayr renewed close relations with Mecca; these relations began already in the period of Qusayy, which is said to have preceded that of Zuhayr: Qusayy was active in the first half of the sixth century." Qusayy succeeded in gaining control of Mecca and expelled the former ruler of Khuza (a, aided by his Quda (i halfbrother (from the (Udhra) and probably by a Byzantine troop sent by the governor of Syria." The tradition that he rebuilt the Ka 'ba 96 seems plausible. l-sahdba (Cairo, 1280), I, 351-352; on 'Amr b. Hishiim (Abu Jahl) see al-Baladhuri, I, index (esp. pp. 125-130); on al-'A~ b. Hishiim see al-Baladhuri, I, 292, 299; on Salama b. Hishiim see e.g. Ibn al-Athir, Usd, II, 341. The hostile attitude of the Shi'a towards the Makhziim is exposed in the interpretation of verses 28-29 ofSiirat Ibrahim: "Hast thou not seen those who exchanged the bounty of God with unthankfulness and caused their people to dwell in the abode of ruin? Gehenna wherein they are roasted, an evil establishment." (Arberry's translation). According to an utterance attributed to 'Ali and 'Umar the verses refer to the Bami l-Mughira and to the Banu Umayya; they are meant by "those who exchanged the bounty of God with unthankfulness" and "caused their people to dwell in the abode of ruin." The Banii l-Mughira were killed on the Day of Badr; the Banu Umayya were given some period of time to enjoy life. (... wa-qila: nazalat fi-l-afjarayni min qurayshin : bani makhzumin wa-bani umayyata; faammd banii umayyata fa-muttiiti ild hinin, wa-ammd banu makhzumin fa-uhliku yauma badrin; qdlahuiali b. abi tdltb wa-'umaru bnu l-khattdbi ... ) See: al-Qurtubi, al-Jtimi' li-ahkdmi 1qur'tin (Cairo, 1387/1967), IX, 364; 'Ali b. Miisii b. Ja'far b. Muhammad b. Tawiis, alMalahim wa-l-fitan (Najaf, 1382/1962), p. 98; Hiishim b. Sulaymiin al-Tawbali al-Katakani, alBurhdn fi-tafsiri l-qur'tin (Qumm, 1393), II, 316-317; al- 'Ayyiishi, Tafsir al-qur'tin, ed. Hiishim al-Rasuli al-Mahallati (Qumm, 1385), II, 229-230, nos. 22-23, 27-28. 9J See EI', s.v. Abraha (A.F.L. Beeston); and see Khiilid al-'Asali, "Aljwa' 'ala kitab almufassal ji ta'rikhi I-'arab qabla l-isldm", al-t Arab, 1971, pp. 37-38, no. 14. '4 See EI', s.v. Kuraysh (Montgomery Watt): " ... On the death of Kusayy, probably in the first half of the sixth century AD ... " ss See Ibn Qutayba, Kiuib al-ma'tirif, ed. Tharwat 'Ukasha (Cairo, 1969), pp. 640 ult.-64I : ... wa-a'tinahu qaYljar "alayhd •• See Muhammad b. Yiisuf aH?wit:U, Subul al-hudd wa-l-rashdd fi sirat khayri 1-'ibad (=al- 50 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA Qusayy introduced substantial changes in the sanctuary of Mecca, ordered to build houses in areas in which building was hitherto forbidden and permitted to fell trees in the sacred territory."? The changes introduced by Qusayy in Mecca, the repatriation of the dispersed Qurashi factions and their unification into a coherent tribal body at Mecca 98 opened a new era of development and expansion for Mecca. The crucial event of the defeat of the army of Abraha enhanced the growth of the power of Mecca and strengthened the prestige of Quraysh. The activity of Zuhayr can be estimated to have taken place in the period following the "Day of the Elephant." The date of the destruction of Buss can further be conjectured by the examination of the data about the persons who are mentioned in the accounts about this event. Al-Muthallam b. Riya~ b. Zalim, the grandson of the builder of Buss, killed a man named Hubasha who was under the protection of alHarith b. Zalim al-Murri, Al-Muthallam asked the protection of al-Husayn b. Humam al-Murri; when al-Harith b. ~aIim heard about it he demanded of alHusayn b. al-Humam to pay the blood-wit of the siain Hubasha." According to an account traced back to Abu 'Ubayda the poet al-Husayn b. al-Humam reached the time of Islam.P" This opinion is indeed recorded in the compilations about the Companions of the Prophet.'?' His son is said to have visited the court of Mu'awiya!02 The ill-famed commander sent by Yazid b. Sira al-shdmiyya), ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wiil:1id (Cairo, 1392/1972), I, 192: ... al-marrata 1siibi'ata .. "imdratu qusayyi bni kilabin; naqalahu I-zubayru bnu bakkarin fi Kitdbi I-Nasabi wajazama bihi l-imdmu Abu Ishdqa al-Mtiwardiyyu l-ahkdmi l-sultdniyya ... ; and see al-Maqrizi, Dhikru md warada ji bunyan! I-ka'bati l-mu'assama, MS. Leiden, Or. 560, fols. 175b: ... dhakara l-zubayru bnu bakkdrin wa-ghayruhu anna qll~ayya bna kilabin band l-bayta, walam yadhkur dhdlika l-azraqi . .. fol. 176b, I. 10: wa-bana qu~ayyun al-ka'bata 'ala khamsin wa- 'Ishrina dhira'n ... Fol. 178a, I. 17: fa-lammd stabadda qusayyun bi-amri makkata akhadha ji blln~ani I-bayti wa-jam'i nafaqatihi thumma hadamahu wa-banahu bina'an lam yabnmi ahadun mimman bandhu mithlahu wa-ja'ala yaqUiu wa-huwa yabni... abni wa-yabni lldhu yarfa'uhci .. wa-l-yabni ahlu wirathi!ra ba'di; bunyanuhci wa-tamdmllha wa-Wabuha .. bi-yadi l-ildhi wa-Iaysa bi-I-'abdi; fa-bandha wa-saqqafahd bi-khashabi l-daumi l-jayyidi wa-bi-jaridi l-nakhli wa-bandhd 'ala khamsatin wa-'ishrina dhire'on ... al-Zurqani, Shar~ al-mawdhib al-Iaduniyya (Cairo, 1325),1,206,1. 18: .. .fa-banat-hu jurhum, thumma qu~ayy b. kilab. naqalahu l-zubayr b. bakkdr wa-jazama bihi l-mawardi ... 97 See e.g. Ibn Hishiim, I, 132; and ~ee JESHO, 8 (1965), 126. 9. See e.g. al-Baliidhuri, I, 50; Ibn Kathir, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, ed. Mu~~afii 'Abd al-Wahid (Cairo, 1384/1964), I, 97. 99 See Aghani, XII, 126. 100 Aghcini, XII, 128. 101 See e.g. Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba ji tamyizi l-~a~aba, ed. 'Ali Muhammad 1392/1972), II, 84-85, no. 1735. 102 Aghcini, XII, 123. al-Bijiiwi, (Cairo, 51 Muawiya to attack Medina on the "Day of the Harra" (63 AH), the aged Muslim b. 'Uqba al-Murri (he went out to Medina at the age of more than 90 years), is listed with the same number of genealogical links as Muthallam.l'" The demolition of Buss may thus be dated to the third quarter of the sixth century. Some other reports may be scrutinized as well. A tradition says that Zuhayr b. J anab remained alive until he met a man of the fifth generation of the descendants of his brother; it was Abu l-Ahwas 'Amr b. Tha 'laba b. al-Harith b. Hisn b. Damdam b. 'Adiyy b. Janab.i'" Ibn al-Kalbi reports that 'Amr b. Tha 'Iaba captured al-A (sha when he was on his way to the king of the family of Jafna, IO~ He was released according to the request of Shurayh b. Hisn b. 'Imran b. Samaw 'al. 106 This report, as recorded in the commentary of a qasida of a1-A(sha, is corroborated by an account in Abu l-Baqa's Mandqib.v" The accounts quoted above seem to indicate that the activity of Zuhayr b. Janab and the strengthening of the ties of QU9a(a with Mecca took place in the second half of the sixth century and that Zuhayr died in the late decades of that century. III Authority and rule were based in the Meccan body politic on mutual agreements concluded between the various tribal factions and clans. Duties were imposed and privileges were established after intertribal struggles ceased; the stipulations in the agreements were laid down according to the balance of strength of the negotiating tribal groups. According to such agreements or pacts, usages upheld by custom turned into customary Iaw, administratively bidding taxes became obligatory payments, customary religious practices became mandatory regulations. The struggle for power of the different tribal factions on the one hand and the necessity to prevent disorder in Mecca on the other hand originated the institution of the hukkdm, the arbitrators. A1-Maqrizi provides a list of the arbiters of Quraysh in the period of the Jahiliyya (in fact at the end of the sixth and the beginning of the seventh century - K): 'Abd a1103 See Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, VI, 294, no. 8420; al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 1147a; Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS. Br. Mus., fol. 168b (in all these sources; Muslim b. 'Uqba b. Riyal} b. As'ad b. Rabi'a 104 10' 106 b. 'Amir.) Abu Hatirn al-Sijistani, p. 29. Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Esc., p. 384, I. I; Caskel, Gamhara, II, 185. See a[-A'shii. Diwdn, ed. R. Geyer (Wien, 1928), pp. 125-126, (nos. XXIII-XXIV) MS., fol. 141a. commentary. 107 Abu l-Baqa, a[-Maniiqib al-mazyadiyya, 52 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA Muttalib and his two sons, al-Zubayr and Abu Talib; Abu Sutyan and his father Harb on behalf of the Banu Umayya; al-Walid b. a1-Mughira on behalf of the Makhzum; al-' A~ b. wsu and Qays b. 'Adiyy on behalf of Banu Sahm; Nawfal b. 'Abd al- 'Uzza on behalf of the Banii 'Adiyy and a1-'Ala' b. Haritha al-Thaqafi on behalf of the Bami Sahm; Naufal b. 'Abd al-'Uzza on behalf of the Banu Zuhra.l'" A passage quoted by al-Maqrizi from al-Fakihi's Ta'rikh Makka sheds some light on the position of the arbiters and on the way in which they were elected: in order to avoid wickedness they were chosen by mutual consent and none of them would strive to overpower the rest of Quraysh (... wa-Iam yakun minhum ahadun mutamallikan 'ala baqiyyati qurayshin. wa-innama dhdlika bi-tarddihim 'alayhi hasman li-mdddati 1sharri; qdlahu l-fdkihiyyu ...). 109 Qusayy's innovations and regulations (taxes imposed on aliens entering Mecca [soil, with merchandise - K), food provided for the pilgrims, fire lit on Muzdalifa, practices in the dar al-nadwa etc.) became binding and obligatory, as the different clans agreed to carry them out: the hukkdm of Mecca seem to have acted according to that tradition. This is reflected in the following passage recorded by Maqrizi: wa-inna amra qusayyin fi qawmihi ka-l-dini l-muttaba"i la yu'malu bi-ghayrihi fi haydtihi wa-min ba'dihi.110 The mutual agreements between the chiefs of the different tribal factions of Quraysh are reflected in the story of the rebuilding of the Ka 'ba by Quraysh. The different factions and clans agreed upon to allot every faction its share in the erection of the building: the Banu 'Abd Manaf and the Banu Zuhra were entrusted with the side of the door; the space between the Black Stone and the southern corner was assigned to the Bami Makhziim and groups of Quraysh who joined them; the back of the Ka 'ba was entrusted to the Banu Jumah and Banu Sahm; the section of the ~ijr was given to the 'Abd al-Dar b. Qusayy, the Banu Asad b. 'Abd aI-'Uzza and the Banii 'Adiyy b. Ka'b; the Wr is the ~a,im - says an attached note. III According to tradition Quraysh planned to rebuild the Ka 'ba and to cover 108 Al-Maqrizi, Sinjari, Mana'ilj 109 AI-Maqrizi, 110 AI-Maqrizi, 111 Dhikru rna warada ji bunyan al-ka' 00, MS., fols. I77b inf.-178a sup.; alal-karam, MS., fol. 59b. Dhikru rna warada, MS., fol. 178a sup.; al-Sinjiiri, Manci'ilj, MS., fol. 59b. Dhikru rna warada, MS., fol. 176b. Ibn Hishiim, I, 207; al- 'I~iimi, Sim; al-nujum; I, 166; al-Sinjiiri, Manci'ilj, MS., fol. 62a; Ibn Ruzayq, al-~aljifa al-'adnciniyya, MS. Br. Mus. Or. 6569, fol. 259b; al-Shatibi, al-Jumdn fi akhbdri l-zamdn, MS. Br. Mus. Or. 3008, fol. 58b; al-Maqrizi, Dhikru rna warada, MS., fol. 180a-b; al-$iiliJ:ll,Subul al-huda, II, 229; Ibn Kathir, al-Stra al-nabawiyya, I, 277 penult.-278 sup. Ibn Kathir, Tqfsir (Beirut, 1385/1966), I, 318; 'Ali b. Burhan al-Din al-Halabi, Insdn al'uytin (=al-Sira al-Ijalabiyya) (Cairo, 1382/1962), I, 159 inf.-160 sup. 53 the building with a roof; their calculation of the expenditure seems to have been inaccurate 112and they were compelled to limit the size ofthe building; they did not include in the building the space of the hijr; the lJ.ijr remained outside the Ka 'ba.1l3 The exclusion of the lJ.ijr led later to a heated discussion in connection with the circumambulation of the Ka 'ba; the question posed was whether the believers should during the {awdf disregard the area of the lJ.ijr excluded from the building or to circumambulate behind it, considering it as part of the Sanctuary. The Prophet's answer was clear: the lJ.ijr is part of the Ka 'ba and the circumambulation has to be performed from behind the space of the lJ.ijr.114 The reason for this decision is said to have been that the hijr was part of the House erected by Abraham."! This fact was taken into consideration by 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr when he decided to rebuild the Ka'ba (anno 64/683); although he was advised to confine himself to the repairing of the building "as built by Quraysh," he decided to pull down the Ka 'ba and to erect the building of the Sanctuary in its original "Abrahamian" dimensions (i.e. to include the hijr, which was excluded by Quraysh - K); he indeed carried out his plan.!" Al-Hajja] changed the building of the Ka 'ba: he Ieft Ibn al-Zubayr's extension of the building, but ordered to pull down the part of the lJ.ijr built by Ibn al-Zubayr.'!? 112 See the references provided by U. Rubin, The Ka'ba, n. 26; and see al-Suyuti, Jam' al- jawdmi' (Cairo, 1978), I, 1218. 113 See e.g. Ibn Kathir, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, I, 281-282; al-Zurqiini, Sharh al-mawdhib, I. 206, 1. 20; al-Maqrizi, Dhikru md warada, MS., fol. 181b; al-Shatibi, al-Jumiin, MS., fol. 59a; 'Ali b. Burhiin aI-Din,lnsan al-t uytin, 1,189; and see the thorough scrutiny of the problem in U. Rubin, The Ka'ba. 114 See e.g. al-Shatibi, al-Jumdn, MS., fol. 59a: ... wa-su'ila rastilu lkih! (s) 'ani l-hijri, hal huwa mina l-ka' bati am la,fa-qala huwa mina I-ka' bati wa-ld yqjrizu l-tawdfu ilia khalfahu ... ; and see al-Muhibbu l-Tabari, al-Qira li-qasid! ummi l-qurd, ad. Mu~~afa l-Saqa (Cairo, 1390/1970), p. 507: ., .fa-inna I-~ijra mina l-bayti fa-dhhabi fa-salli fihi ... 115 See U. Rubin, The Ka'ba, chapter 2: "the ritual functions" ... esp. n. 54. 116 See e.g. al-Harbi, al-Mandsik wa-amdkin turuqi I-~ajj, ed. Hamad al-Jasir (Riyad, 1389/1969), pp. 488-491 (see esp. p. 488 penult.: ... fa-adkhala jfha na~wan min sab'i adhru'In mina l-hijri ... and 489: ... fa-in bada li-qawmiki min ba'diki an yabntihu fahalummi uriki ma tarakii fa-ardha nahwan min sab'] adhru'in ... ); Muhibb ai-Din al-Tabari, al-Qira, pp. 508-509; and see al-Shatibi, al-Jumdn, MS., fol. 59a (seven cubits of the ~ijr not included in the building erected by Quraysh; according to a tradition recorded by Muhibb alDin, al-Qira, p. 509, 'Abdallah b. aI-Zubayr included five cubits of the Wr in the Ka 'ba erected b.y him). 117 See e.g, Muhibb ai-Din al-Tabari, al-Qira, p. 509 (... ammd rna zatiaji{rilihifa-aqirrahu, wa-ammd rna zdda fihi mina I-Wrifa-ruddahu ila bina'ihi ... ); Ibn Zuhayra, al-Jami' ai-latif, p. 92 has an erroneous reading: ... ammd ma zdda ji {rilihl fa-akhkhirhu ... ; al-Maqrizi, Dhikru rna warada, MS., fol. 184a: ... thumma hadama (i.e. aI-l:laijiij) rna bandhu bnu 1zubayri fi l-ka'bati min nti~iyati l-hijri, thumma a'adahu 'ala ma kdna 'alayhi wa-akhraja 1- 54 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA Tradition says that the Prophet attended the building of the Ka 'ba by Quraysh; when the chiefs of the Qurashi clans quarrelled as to who would put the Black Stone in its place the Prophet was unanimously chosen by the contending factions to put the Stone in its place.!'" Traditions are however divergent about the age of the Prophet at the time of the building of the Ka'ba: whether he was a youth, a boy who had reached virility, 15 years old, 25 years, 30 years, 35 years, 15 years before he got his revelation, five years before revelation or before he was employed by Khadija. I19 All the traditions are unanimous that he participated in the building. An important role in the erection of the Ka 'ba was allotted to aI-Walid b. al-Mughira al-Makhziimi, 120 a noble member of Quraysh; he was a courageous man and did not fear to start the demolition of the oid building of the Sanctuary. According to a tradition recorded by Ibn al-Ka1bi when the Meccans were engaged in building the Ka 'ba and realized that they lacked the necessary funds for accomplishing of the building, they were surprised by a generous offer for help from a wealthy triballeader of the Kalb. It was Ubayy b. Salim al-Kalbi who came to Mecca and asked the Meccans to allow him to get a share in the building. They agreed and he built the right side of the Ka 'ba. A1Jawwas b. al-Qatal said about that: Lana aymanu I-bayti lladhi tahjubunahu : wirdthatu md abqd ubayyu bnu sdlimi To us belongs the right side of the House which you cover with curtains: an inheritance left by Ubayy b. Salim. I2I This tradition is quoted (with few variants) by Ibn Qutayba.!" AI-Maqrizi records the tradition on the authority of Ibn al-Kalbi and gives the full name of the Kalbi leader: Ubayy b. Swim b. al-Harith b. aI-Wiil}id(Malik) b. 'Abdallah ~ijra min at-ka'batt, wa-kdna dhdlika ft sanati arba'in wa-sabiinat fa-laysa fi I-ka'bati al-tina min bind"! I-lJaiidji ghayru l-jiddri l/adhi ya/i I-lJijra faqat. 118 See e.g. Ibn Is~iq, al-Siyar wa-l-maghdzi, ed. Suhayl Zakkir, (Damascus, 1398/1978), pp. 107-108; al-Harbi, al-Mandsik, p. 487; aI-$ili~i, Subul al-hudd, II, 231-232; 'Ali b. Burhan al-Din al-Halabi, Insdn al- 'uyUn, I, 161; Ibn Ni~ir al-Din al-Dimashqi, Jdmi' al-dthdr ji mawlidi l-nabiyyi l-mukhuir, MS. Cambridge Or. 913, fol. 268a • • 1> See e.g. aI-$ilil}i, Subul al-hudd, II, 233-234; aI-Zurqini, SharlJ al-mawdhib, I, 203; alHarbi, al-Mandsik, pp, 494-495; Ibn Nasir al-Din, Jlimi' al-athdr, MS., fol. 268a; Ibn Ishaq, alSiyar wa-l-maghdzt, p. 109; and see the references given by U. Rubin, The Ka'ba; n. 16. 120 See e.g. Ibn Hisham, I, 206-207. 121 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Esc., MS., pp. 414-415; intalaqa ubayyun ma'ahu mdlun kathirun fa-atd qurayshan lJina arddu bind'a l-kaibati fa-qdla: da'uni ushrikkum fi bind'ihd, fa-adhimi lahu, fa-band janibaha l-aymana ... m Ibn Qutayba, Kitdb al-ma'drif, p, 561. 55 b. Hubal b. 'Abdallah b. 'Ulaym b. Janab.l2l He was thus a descendant of 'Ulaym, the brother of Zuhayr b. Janab, There is nothing to make us doubt the soundness of this tradition; it is indeed credible that the Qurashites were glad to allot a share of the building to a Kalbite tribal group. • The memory of Janab b. Hubal remained alive among the Ka1b. The troops levied from among his descendants are praised in the poems of aI-Jawwas b. alQa'tal, himself a descendant of Janab: Da'o bi-sildhin, thumma ahjama idh ra'a : suytifa jandbin wa-l-tiwdla 1madhdkiyti He called for weapons, then he turned back as he saw : the swords of J anab and the long-bodied horses, which had reached full age and complete strength. 124 In a verse in which al-Jawwas describes the march of the divisions of Janab and' Auf he says that they are filling the high mountains formed of one mass of rocks. izs Ibn Sa' d recorded a Ietter sent by the Prophet to the Banu Janab and their allies.126 • Kalb were famous for their wealth and the multitude of their flocks. The Prophet is reported as saying that God would grant forgiveness to a countless multitude of believers on the night of mid-Sha 'ban as numerous as the hairs of the flocks of the tribe of Kalb.127 The close ties of Kalb with the Umayyad rulers seem to be reflected in a saying reported by 'Awana in which the Al-Maqrizi, Dhikru md warada, MS., fol. 180a inf.-180 sup. Al-Baladhuri, op. cit.; V (ed. Goitein, Jerusalem, 1936), 142; al-Tabari, Ta'rikh, ed. Abii I· Fadl Ibrahim (Cairo, 1971), V, 542; al-Mas'iidi, al-Tanbih wa-I-ishr4f, ed. de Goeje (rpt, 123 124 Baghdad), p. 310. m Aghdni; XVII, 112: idhd sdrat qaba'tlu min jandbin : wa- "awfin ash~anii shumma I-hit/dbi. 126 Ibn Sa' d, Tabaqdt, I, 285. 127 See e.g. al-Naysiibiiri, Ghard'ib al-qur'tin wa-ragha'ib al-furqan, ed. Ibrahim 'Atwa 'Awad (Cairo, 1388/1968), XXV, 65; Muhammad l;Iasanayn Makhliif al'Adawi, Risdla fi fadli laylati l-nisfi min sha'bdn, ed. l;Iasanayn Muhammad Makhliif (Cairo, 1394/1974), p. 20 (and see ibid., the explanation of the Prophet: ... qultu: yd nabiyya lldhi, rna bdlu ghanami bani kalbin? qdla: laysaji I-'arabi qawmun aktharu ghanaman minhum ... ); and see the references given in Kister, "Sha'ban is my month," in Studia Orientalia Memoriae D.H. Baneth Dedicata (Jerusalem, 1979), p. 26, n. 52. 56 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA position of different tribes was assessed. "The kingdom was never aided by a tribe (stronger - K) than that of Kalb." 128 It is not surprising that they attracted the enmity of the opposition-groups of the Umayyads. Apocalyptic tradition has gloomy things to say about the fate of Kalb during the crucial clash between the Mahdi and his enemy, the Sufyani, The Kalb will be attacked by the forces of the Mahdi and plundered. The event will be named: "The Day of the Plunder of the Bedouins" or "The Day of the Plunder of Kalb." "The man who will be disappointed on that Day will [indeed] be disappointed." 129 • The few accounts discussed above may provide us with a clue for a better understanding of the relations of Mecca with certain tribal groups. These reports seem to reflect the ingenious and sagacious policy of the Meccan leaders, who succeeded in their wisdom and flexibility to establish friendly relations with influential tribal leaders and to win them over to a peaceful cooperation with Mecca. The wise leaders of Mecca did not hesitate even to attach them as partners in the erection of the Sanctuary of Mecca. 12. Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Ishrtif fi mandzil al-ashrdf, MS. Chester Beatty 4427, fol. 43b: ... akhbarand l-hakamu bnut awdnata I-kalbiyyu 'an abihi, qdla, lam yu'ayyadi 1mulku bi-mithli kalbin, wa-Iam tu'Ia l-mandbiru bi-mithli qurayshin, wa-lam tutlabi 1tirtitu bi-mithli tamimin, wa-Iam tur'a t-rt'oya bi-mithli thaqifin, wa-Iam tusadda 1thughiiru bi-mithli qaysin, wa-Iam tuhaji l-jitanu bi-mithli rabi' ata, wa-Iam yujba 1khartiju bi-mithli I-yamani. 12, Nu'aym b. Harnmad, Kiuib al-fitan, MS. Br. Mus. Or. 9449, fol. 95b: ... thumma yasiru ild kalbin fa-yanhabuhum fa-l-khd'tbu man khdba yawma nahbi kalbin ... ; fol. 96a: ... 'an ka'bin qdla: wadidtu anniudriku nahba l-a'rab; wa-hiya nahbatu kalbinfaI-khti'ibu man khdba yawma kalbin ... ; fol. 96b: .. .Ja-yaqtatilu huwa wa-jayshu 1slifyaniyyi 'ala sab'I rtiydt, kullu ~alJibi rdyatin minhum yarju I-amra li-nofsihi fayahzimuhumu I-mahdiyyu; qdla abu hurayrata: fa-l-mahriimu man lJurima nahba kalbin ... ; fol. 97b: .. .fa-l-klui'ibu man khdba yawma kalbin.lJatiti tuba'« l-jdriyatu 1"adhrti'u bi-thamdniyati dardhima. And see Yiisuf b. YaI}yii I-Maqdisi I-Shiifj'i, 'Lqd aldurar fi-akhbdri l-muntazar, ed. 'Abd al-Fattah al-Hilw (Cairo, 1399/1979), pp. 69-70, 85, 86 (and see the references provided by the editor). 57