Kister & Plessner on Caskel.pdf NOTES ON CASKEL'S GAMHARAT AN-NASAB by M. J. Kisterand M. Plessner Jerusalem Martin Plessner, der am 27. November 1973 kurz vor Vollendung seines 73. Lebensjahres in Jerusalem gestorben ist, iibernahm ,,auf dringendenWunsch" des am 28. Januar 1970 verstorbenenWerner Caskel die Besprechung seines letztenWerkes: WERNER CASKEL, Gamharatan-nasab, Das genealogische Werk des Hifdm ibn Muhamnad al-Kalbf. Band I: Einleitung von Werner Caskel; die Tafeln von Gert Strenziok. Band II: Erlauterungenzu den Tafeln von Werner Caskel; Das Register,begonnen von Gert Strenziok,vollendet von WernerCaskel. - Leiden, II: E. J. Brill 1966. I: xvi, 132 S., 334 Taf., 2 S. Nachtrage und Berichtigungen; und zwar ,,nach langem Strauben" - denn er sah sich zu einer Rezension ,,dieses monumentalenWerkes" in ,,keinerWeise qualifiziert"- und nachdem hatte" (aus einem Brief an die er ,,sichder Beteiligungvon M. J. Kister versichert Redaktion). Zunachst folgen hier (bis S. 50, i8) Plessner's Bemerkungen: der Die Wissenschaftvon der Genealogie,d.h. der Verwandtschaftsverhaltnisse alten Araber, ist von Hisam ibn Muhammad al-Kalbi begriindetworden. So sagt wenigstensI.acci Xalifa, Nr. 1345 s.v. cilmal-ansab, der auf die Vorarbeitenvon Hisam's Vater, Muhammad ibn as-Sa'ib, nicht eingegangenist, weil diese nicht zu einer vollendeten literarischenForm gediehen sind. (In den Enzyklopadien wird die Wissenschaftverschiedentlich erwahnt, z.B. in den persischenNafa'is fi al-funun 'ard'is al-cuyin des Muhammad b. Mahmid al-Amuli [ca. 740/I340], Lith. Teheran I309, I, 245-49; trotzdem fehlt sie bei Taskopriizade, was Hacci Xalifa zu einer kritischenBemerkungveranlasst hat.) Ausser der Camhara fiihrt er an dieser Stelle vier weitere Werke Ibn al-Kalbi's an, al-Mnzl (von Fliigel Munzil vokalisiert),al-Wacfz,al-Farid und al-Muliki (zweifellosist diese Lesart der Istanbuler Edition von I943 die richtige;Fliigel schreibtMulik). Von diesen erscheinenaber nur al-Farfdund al-Waciz an ihrerStelle im Alphabet (9049 bzw. 14184); von den beiden anderen hatte der Bibliograph also wohl nur indirekt Kenntnis. Yaqit, Irstd, ed. Margoliouth, VII, 253 setzt al-Mnzl mit k. an-Nasab die al-kabir (s. zu diesem Titel Caskel's Einleitung) gleich und fiihrt anderen drei Titel (statt al-Waciz schreibter al-Mucaz) am Ende der von ihm iibernommenen Liste des Fihrist auf. (Caskel I, 79 Anm. 4 nennt nur zwei, Farzd und Muliki, und m6chte sie als Prunktitelbezweifeln; man vergleichefiberdiese Frage die nachfolgenden AusfihrungenKister's; Yaqfit nenntunterIbn al-Kalbi's GewahrsmannernIbn Sacd katib al-Waqidi, wahrenddas Verhaltnisdoch umgekehrt war, Ibn al-Kalbi hat sein Werk, wie gesagt, auf der Grundlage eines von seinem Vater begonnenen Ansab-Buches verfasst. Laut Caskel's ansprechender Vermutung (I, 75) hat der Vater bis in die Zeit des Chalifenal-Mansiir gearbeitet, woraus sich erklart,dass die meisten ,,Zeitgenossen",also die auf den Tafeln zu unterststehenden Personen, in die Zeit dieses Chalifenfallen. Der Sohn, der ca. 204/819starb,fiigtedann weitereNamen bis in die Zeit al-Ma'mun's hinzu, soweit sie ihm zuganglichwaren. Auch Ibn al-Kalbi hat das Werk nichtselbst publiziert; wir lesen es nur teilweise in der riwdya des Muhammad Ibn Habib (I, 122). vgl. Caskel, I, 114 f.) 614 S., 2 S. Nachtrage und Berichtigungen, 4? Notes on Caskel's Gamharat an-nasab 49 ist Das Werk Ibn al-Kalbl's zu kommentieren die Aufgabe, die sich Caskel gestellthatte. Zu einer Edition reichtedas Material nicht aus. Deshalb findenwir in Caskel's Werk keinen arabischen Text, sonderngenealogischeTabellen und ein Register, wie wir sie -man muss jetzt sagen: en miniature seit I20 Jahren Hand besitzen. Wahrend jedoch Wustenfeldnur die arabischen von Wiistenfeld's Stamme und Familien erfassenwollte und daher mit ca. 50 Tafeln auskam, enthalten Caskel's Tafeln alle Namen, incl. der Personennamen;die einzigeBedingung ist, dass sie als in Ibn al-Kalbi's Werk stehend nachgewiesenwerdenkonnten.Es sind also in den neuen 334 Tafeln ca. 35000 Namen enthalten,unterdenen die der Zeitgenossen Ibn al-Kalbi's noch bei weitem nicht alle damals lebenden echten Araber innerhalbder erfasstenGebiete darstellen.Aber auch die vorigenGeneravoll erfasst;z.B. horendie Aliden (Tafel 5) in der Generation tionensind keineswegs nach 'A1I auf. Die Umaiyaden gehen bis zur Generationder Sohne 'Abd al-Malik's (Tafel io), wahrend auf derselben Tafel Vettern verschiedenenGrades noch I-2 Generationenweiterverzeichnetsind. Die Abbasiden erscheineniiberhauptnicht, AbfiYfisufgenanntist (Tafel 223). wahrendz.B. der beriihmte Die sowohl auf Caskel's wie auf Wiistenfeld'sTafeln stehenden Stammbaume Das ist natiirlich;denn Wiistenfeldhat stimmennicht in allen Gliedernuiberein. im eine Vielfalt von Quellen benutzt, die entgegenseiner Versicherung Vorwort zum Registerunm6glichin allem iibereinstimmen konnten,da sie sich auf verwerdenkonnten. schiedeneZeiten bezogen und nichtalle auf ihreIntegritatgepriift Caskel dagegen hat eine einzige konkreteQuelle benutzt, deren Rekonstruktion eben der Inhalt seines Buches ist. In seinem Register,zu dem bei jedem Namen und spatere Benutzer der aamhara, Abschriften die Quellen, d.h. Handschriften, werden, stehen iiberall zuerst die Stellen, an denen er in den Handangegeben und ihrenDerivaten vorkommt.Der Versuchung,Ibn al-Kalbl's Material schriften zu erganzen, d.h. Namen aufzunehmen,die zwar bekannt, aber eben nicht in dieser Quelle nachweisbarsind, hat er konsequentwiderstanden. ist Von Caskel's Mitarbeitern einer, G. Strenziok,so weitgehendan der Arbeit erscheint.Seine DissertationDie Genealogien beteiligt,dass er auf den Titelblattern Teil der Tafeln zuder Nordarabernach Ibn al-Kalbi liegt dem entsprechenden grunde, fur die er denn auch als Verfasser erscheint. Strenziok hat auch das in Register begonnen, d.h. nicht nur die Stammeskartothek eine alphabetische sondernauch die historischen Bemerkungenzu den historischoder umgewandelt, sonstwie bedeutenden Personen zu schreiben angefangen. Aber der Plan des Ganzen, die beiden grossenEinleitungenund der weitaus gr6ssteTeil des Registers sind Caskel's Werk. die Es ist nichtleicht,die Summe von Gelehrsamkeit, in diesem Registersteckt, und die Urteile fiberderen zu ermessen.Allein die Datierungenvon Dichterversen Echtheitspiegelndas LebenswerkeinesMannes,dessen ganze Kraftdem arabischen Altertumgewidmetwar. Aber das ist nur ein kleinerTeil der in diesen Artikeln verarbeitetenMaterialien. Die historischenBemerkungenzu vielen Namen auf Registersgehen in die Tausende jeder Seite des fiber500 Quartseitenumfassenden und bilden eine unerschdpfliche Quelle der Belehrung.In ihnenist auch wenigstens ein Teil des nicht rein genealogischenTextes Ibn al-Kalbi's gerettetworden. Zu den Artikeln des Registers kommen noch die historischenKonsequenzen allgemeinerArt,die sich Caskel bei der Ausarbeitungdes Buches ergebenhaben und die in den Prolegomenades i. und den Erliuterungenzu den Tafeln des 2. Bandes niedergelegtsind. Am bedeutsamsten ist wohl die endgiiltige Bestatigung der schon von Goldziher, Muh. St. I, 91 ausgesprochenenZweifel an der Altertiimlichkeit des nord-siidarabischen Gegensatzes, der laut Caskel (I, 69) ,,erst seit deutlichgeworden(ist) und ... nie die Starke erreicht (hat), die ihm spatere 63/683 verliehenhaben." Geschichtschreiber Die ungeheureVielfaltvon Eigennamen,die die alten Araber gekanntund ihren ORIENS 25-26 4 50 M. J. Kisterand M. Plessner Kindern gegeben haben, trittin diesem Registererst recht in Erscheinung.Dass unter den seltenerenzahlreiche sind, die erst hier in richtigerForm erscheinen, wahrend sie in den bisher bekanntenTexten falsch punktiertwaren (z.B. Yarfa, bei WiistenfeldBarqa genannt und unter dieser Form leider nicht im Register erscheinend,sondern nur im Apparat zu Yarfa), ist ein weitererGewinn. Erst der der jetzt ist eine solide Grundlagefurdie Untersuchung Etymologien arabischen Eigennamen geschaffen;und ich bin froh,dass ich als junger Mann nicht der AnregungEugen Mittwochsgefolgtbin, iiber dieses Thema zu arbeiten. Caskel muss viel Material dazu gehabt haben, hat es aber nicht in diesem, Ibn al-Kalbi und der Genealogie gewidmetenBuch publiziert(II, 99). Die ausgezeichnete drucktechnische Leistung und die bei den vielen Zahlen besondersschwierige, Korrektursei gebuhrendhervorgehoben. iiberaus sorgfaltige Der reiche Inhalt dieses epochemachendenWerkes des letzten unmittelbaren Schiilers August Fischer's konnte hier nicht annahernd beschrieben werden. Manche Ausserlichkeiten schriftstellerischer Art, die die Prolegomena zu einer etwas kompliziertenLektiire machen, verschlagennichts gegeniiberder Dankbarkeit, die die ArabistikCaskel schuldet,und die ich ihm leider nur libersGrab nachrufen kann. The uninterrupted of transmission genealogy fromthe timesof the was conditioned the socio-political situation the Arab of Jahiliyya by and during ruleofthe Umaythe Empirein theperiodofthe conquests in yads. The revolutionary changein the 'Abbasid periodis reflected an utterance attributed al-Ma'miin: to "Rank is thegenealogical affinity connecting people; thus a noble Arab is closerto a noble Persianthan he is to a low-class to Arab; a noblePersianis nearer a nobleArabthan he is to a low-classPersian,because noble men form (separate)class a and plebeiansform (separate)class".1This view is further a explained are by the following sayingof al-Ma'miin:"People of the market men of the lowestclass, workmen despisedpeople,merchants avariare are are overthepeople".2 Thisofcourse mirrors cious,whilesecretaries kings the opinionof the 'Abbasid periodwhentribalorganizations had lost their was in and hold,whileforeign nobility gaining importance position and the class ofsecretaries coming be amongthe mostrespected. was to But even in thisperiodgenealogy not cease to be recorded, did learnt and transmitted an essentialpart of the Arabic culturaltradition. as In the first of periodof Islam knowledge nasab was made necessary needs of the diwdn.It was further by the administrative requiredin connection withtheneedto affiliate converts Islam in accordance new to 1 Ibn H[amdfn,Tadhkira,Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3179, I, 82a: qala l-ma'munu: alrutbatunasabun tajmaCu ahlahd, fa-shariful-carabi aull bi-sharifil-cajami min l-carabi min sharifil-carabibi-wadt'i l-Carabi; wa-shariful-cajami auld bi-sharZfi sharifi l-cajami bi-wadicil-cajami; fa-ashrdful-ndsi tabaqatun,kamd anna auddcahumtabaqatun. 2 mulukunCaldl-ndsi. tujjdrubukhald'u,wa-l-kuttcbu b. ... wa-qala marratan: ahlu l-sfuqi sifalun, wa-l-sunndcu andhdlun, wa-l- Notes on Caskel's 6amharat an-nasab 5I Nasab turnedto be a considerable withthe varioustribalgroups. factor betweenthe upper class of the conquerors in differentiating and the for of countries; the Arabsit was a meansof population the conquered to self-identification: be aware of Arab descent,to have a pure Arab withthe mawdli, the 'ajam. It is clear that the pedigreeas confronted of the Nasab al-'Arabwas only later counteracted the compilation by of compilation Nasab al-'Ajam.3 character and The factthatthe scienceof genealogy acquiredMuslim of the and to respectability thetendency emphasize superiority theArabs on of of led to theinvention a greatnumber traditions thissubject:they "If of toldon theauthority theProphet. theArabsbecome wereofcourse to weak Islam will becomeweak"-the Prophetis reported have said.4 the "May God breakthe teethof the man who prefers 'ajam".5 "Love the Arabsforthreereasons:because I am an Arab,becausethe Qur'an is Arabicand because the people of Paradise speak Arabic".6"Hatred The bulkofthese love fortheArabsis belief".7 ofthe Arabsis unbelief, the of and bearsevidence the tendency emphasizing merits to traditions qualitiesby whichthey surpassothernationswithinIslam. were the traditions about Closely connectedwith these traditions of Ma'mar b. Rashid, one of the earliestcompilers hadith, Quraysh. in of Fadd'il records hisJdmi'8 a number thesetraditions thechapter in in The Prophetsaid: "People follow Quraysh thismatter-he Quraysh. meant by this: authority-; MuslimsfollowMuslimsof Qurayshand 3 See quotations fromAbuf'Ubayda's Ansab al-'ajam in Mughultay's al-Zahr al-bdsim sirat abi l-qdsim,Ms. Leiden Or. 370, ff.4Ib, I36a, I52a. fi 4 Ibn Abi Hatim, CIlal, Ms. Chester Beatty 3516, f. 287a; al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummdl,Hyderabad 1385/I965,XIII, 37, no. 230; al-Haythami, Majmac al-zawd'id, Beirut I967, X, 53; CAbd al-Rahim al-'Iraql, al-Qurabfi mahabbati l-carab, ed. Ibrdhim Hilmi al-Qadiri, Alexandria I38I/I96I, p. 99; al-Jarrahi, Kashf al-khafd', Beirut I35I, I, 89, no. 232; cf. al-Zajjaji, Majdlis al-culamd', ed. CAbd al-Salam Harfin, al-Kuwayt I962, p. 240: Id yazdlu l-dinu dhalilan ma Cazzat al-'arab. 5 Al-Jazari,Maulid al-nabi, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3608, f. 5a. 6 'Abd al-Rahim al-CIraqi,op. cit., p. 96; Ibn Abi HaItim,op. cit., f. 287a; alMuttaqi 1-Hindi,op. cit., XIII, 37, no. 229; al-Suyuti, al-Jdmical-saghir,Cairo 7 Al-Jazari, op. cit., f. 5a; al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi,op. cit., XIII, 37, no. 231 (and l-'arabi qurratu see no. 232); and see Ibn Abi Hatim, op. cit., f. 384a: kathratu caynin1i (cf. al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi,op. cit., XIII, 39, no. 239); and see a traditionin praise of the Arabs with an addition against Thaqif: al-Muttaqi al-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, 39: "A believer will not hate the Arabs and will not love Thaqif." (but see versionof this hadithin favourof Thaqif; the additionof "illd" ib., an interesting changes the meaning: Id yubghidul-caraba mu'minun wa-ld yuhibbuthaqifanilld mu'minun.); CAbdal-Rahim al-CIraqi,op. cit.,pp. 94, 107. 8 I330, I, Io; al-Haythami, op. cit., X, 52; al-Jarrahi, op. cit., I, 54, no. I33. Ms. Feyzullah 541, ff. I2Ia-I22a. 52 M. J. Kisterand M. Plessner unbelievers followtheirunbelievers".9 "God will despisethe man who "God will hate the man who hates Quraysh".1 despisesQuraysh".10 to Thesetraditions belongs Quraysh"-said the Prophet.12 "Sovereignty about the qualitiesof Quraysh werefollowed traditions 13 about the by and meritsof the Ansar,of the tribesof Yemen and of the qualities tribes. Northern The legal authority the rule of Qurayshis plainlyattestedin the of utterances the Prophet. The secondary of positionof the Ansar was foretold the same manner.The people of Yemen are describedas in in the "dispersed the world,repelledfrom gates of the rulers";14 they willof courseenterParadisewiththe Prophet."Azd, the Prophetsays, are the lions of God on earth; people want to debase them,but God will extol them; therewill come a timewhena man will say: 'Would that my fatheror my motherwere fromAzd'." 15 These traditions included utterances aboutgroups tribes Tamim, of like Quda'a, Hawazin, Ghatafan,Mudar and smaller tribal units16 like Lakhm, Judham, of the Juhayna, Muzayna,'Usayya etc. The tendency thesetraditions, ofsometribes higher for and authority, be gauged can struggle position froman utterance like: "Islam will becomedebased when Rabi'a will op. cit., p. I26. 10 9 Ib., f. I2Ia; Ibn Abi Hatim, op. cit., f. 384b-385a; 'Abd al-Rahim al-'Iraqi, Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., f. I22a; al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi,op. cit., XIII, I7, o00; ib., X, 23-28); and see 'Abd al-Rahim al-'Iraqi, op. cit., pp. 126-144 (Fada'il quraysh). 1 Ibn Ab HIatim,op. cit.,f. 382b. 12 Al-Muttaqi1-Hindi, op. cit.,XIII, 20, no. i 8; Ibn Abi Hatim, op. cit.,f. 383a. ahlu lldhi .... no. al-Haythami, op.cit., X, 27 (and see the hadithes in favour of Quraysh l-muwalatuli-qurayshin, esp. p. 65: amdnu ahli l-ardi min al-ikhtilafi qurayshun this traditional-Shaukani, al-Fawa'id al-majmi'-a, ed. 'Abd al-Wahhab CAbdalfa-idhd khalafahd qabilatun min al-'arabi srii hizba iblisa; and see 13 Abu Nu'aym al-Isbahani, Hilyat al-auliya', Cairo I357/I938, IX, 64-66 (see 15 Ibn Sa'id, Nashwat al-tarab, Ms. Tiibingen I, f. 55r; al-Muttaql 1-Hindi, op. cit.,XIII, 49, no. 284; 'Abd al-Rahim al-?Iraqi, op. cit.,p. I5I. 16 Cf. al-Suyiti, al-Jdmical-kabir,Ms. al-Jazzar, Acre, p. 236: ald ukhbirukum umliikradm2n,wa-lbi-khayri qabd'ili l-arabi: al-sakin sakin kinda, wa-l-umluk sakdsik wa-firaqmin al-ashcariyyinwa-firaqmin khauldn; and see al-MuttaqI 1-Hindi,op. cit., XIII, 47, no. 276, (the curse of Tamim and Bakr b. Wa'il, the curse of Muqacis and Muladis of Tamim); and see ib., no. 277 (the blessing of Ghifarand Aslam); cAbd al-Rahim al-'Iraqi, op. cit.,p. I56 (qualities of Tamim), I57-I58 (of Juhayna), I59 ('Udhra), I6o-I6I (Qays and Yemen), 162 (Madhhij), etc.; and see al-Haythami, I64 (qualities of Murra b. cUbayd of TamIm) ..... op. cit., X, 42-46 (md jd'a ft qabd'il al-carab), 46-48 (Tamim) .... etc. Latif, Cairo 1960, p. 462; al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, I7-32; Ibn Burhan al-Din, al-Sira al-halabiyya, Cairo 1351/1932, I, 29-30; al-Haythami, op. cit., X, 23-28; al-Tabarsi, al-Ihtijdj, al-Najaf 1386/1966,I, 2II; Ibn CAbd al-Barr, alIsti'db, ed. 'All Muh. al-Bijawi, Cairo n.d., II, 792, no. I330. 14 Al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, 42, no. 260. Notes on Caskel's Gamharat an-nasab 53 God will grantpowerto Islam and diminish be powerful; polytheism and and its peopleas longas Mudarand Yemenstaystrong powerful".17 univerIt was onlynaturalwhenpious circlesof people entertaining of traditions thiskindstressing salistideas aboutIslam tookto discarding of or theexclusiveness superiority the Arabs.Whensomebody expressed that the ProphetallowedBilal, Suhayb and Salman to sit his surprise in a circle(scil.in the mosqueofthe Prophet-K) he said: "God is one, is the religion one and the Ancestor (i.e. Adam-K) is one. Lo, Arabic or is not our father, mother;it is merelya language; he who speaks which "At the Day ofJudgment", Arabicis an Arab".18 says a tradition "God will abolishthe nasab (ofthe in the pious circles, gainedcurrency will noble tribes-K) and will establishHis nasab. The mosthonoured man".19 be a God-fearing mirrors said to have beentoldby al-Kalbihimself, A significant story, circlestowardsnasab and well the attitudeof the pious orthodox quite In nasab compilations. Ibn Qutayba's manuscriptTa'bir al-ru'ya20, at a al-Kalbirecounts dreamofhis.He saw himself theDay ofJudgment intothe Presenceof God, Who said: "You are compiling beingbrought whichyou do not knowand you speak about (things)you genealogies to do not know". He ordered lead al-Kalbi to Hell. Whilebeingled to in Hell al-Kalbi noticedthe Prophetsitting a circleof men and asked for himto intercede himwithGod. But the Prophetsaid: "How can I which for intercede youwhenyoucompile genealogies you do notknow". on a of Al-Kalbisaid: "0 Messenger God, I also compiled commentary the Qur'an". Then the Prophetorderedone of the people of his circle to examineal-Kalbi; the man was 'Ali b. Abi Talib. He interrogated the Al-Kalbianswered al-Kalbi on somefouror fivereligious problems. and this interceded, well,'Alireported to theProphet, thelatter questions and al-Kalbi was let free.He sat downwiththe Prophetand asked him The Prophetmentioned when Umayyadrule was goingto terminate. the time of the fall of the Umayyads,whichin fact occurredat the of fixed date. Later al-Kalbi wroteonly the genealogy knowntribes, is whose pedigree not in doubt. of The storyrevealsclearlythe tendency the pious scholars.It is a of act to compilebooks of genealogy pedigrees containing blameworthy 17 18 Muttaqi 1-Hindi,op. cit., XIII, 39, no. 243. 1388/I968, I, 230. 20 Al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, 48, no. 279. Bahshal, Ta'rikh Wasit, ed. Gurguis cAwwad, Baghdad 1967, p. 252; al- man Muh. cUthman, Cairo al-Tabarani, al-Mujcam al-saghlr, ed. cAbd al-Rah. Coll. Yahuda, Ar. I96, ff.Iob-iia. Ms. Hebrew University, 19 Asad b. Mfisa, Kit. al-zuhd, ed. R. Leszynsky, Kirchhain I909, pp. xxx-xxxi; 54 M. J. Kisterand M. Plessner tribesof doubtful seems origin;to recordwell-established genealogies lawful.Knowledgeof the shari'a and howeverto have been regarded of of Qur'an saves frompains of Hell. Finally: the intercession 'Ali of to pointsapparently the Shi'i sympathies al-Kalbi. the A storyrecorded Ma'mar b. Rashid21 reflects clash between by and that of the Muslimperiod. the old nasab of the Jahiliyya type Al-Sha'bi passed by a Qaysi man while the latter was annoyingan Asadi withquestions about his nasab. Al-Sha'bisat downwiththe two men and asked the Qaysi about the first bannerraisedin Islam, about in Islam,about theman declared the Prophet the first by spoilsgranted to be in Paradise... etc.; all thesevirtueswerein the tribeof Asad, not in Qays. The Qaysi wentaway, leavingthe Asadi alone. was Thisattitude however theprevailing Nasab was diligently not one. studied and gained orthodoxapproval.22 The traditionthat nasab is "a knowledge whichnone profits; of ignorance it does not harm"23 by was confronted tradition the favoring studyof nasab and stressing by its merits.Muslimscholarssaid that God singledout this people (i.e. the Muslims-K) granting themthe i'rdb,the isndd and the nasab.24 I In the firstperiod of Islam genealogyhad to play a special role. Tribalrivalry, in in divisions tribes, changes alliancesofclansand tribes, of on of pressure the government some factions tribes-all these were factorswhichshaped the development genealogy the Umayyad of in period.25 The tendencyof some weak tribal units to attach themselves to is in and tribes reflected a passageofal-Jiliz in which strong influential he records qualitiesofQuraysh. Qurashi, the No states,claimed al-Jahiz to be a descendant anothertribe,whilemembers noble tribes from of claim"untilnow" the descent from Noblepersons from Murra Quraysh. b. 'Auf,26 Sulaym,Khuza'a and others, says al-Jahiz, allegedthat they 21 22 23 Al-Jamic, in Ancient Near East, Yale University Press, I955, pp. 239-310). See J. Obermann,Early Islam, (in R. C. Dentan-ed.-The ff. II9b-I2oa; Abfi Nucaym, Hilyat al-auliyd', IV, 315-316. Idea of History I, 9. 24 Al-Sam'ani, AnsLb,ed. 'Abd al-Rahman al-Mu'allamI, Hyderabad I382/1962, 26 See I. Goldziher,Muh. Studien, Halle I890, I, 97-98, I77 seq.; Caskel, op. cit., I, 25-35. 26 See Caskel, op. cit., II, 433 (and see Mufa1daliyydt, ed. Lyall, 10I-I03); Ibn Kathir, al-Sira al-nabawiyya,ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wahid, Cairo I384/1964, I, 91-93. Al-Zurqani, Sharh al-mawahibal-ladunniyya,Cairo I326, V, 394-395. Notes on Caskel's 6amharat an-nasab 55 The wereQurashites.27 case of Khuza'a is well known;theiroriginis but some of themindeedclaimedto be Qurashites.28 Al-Kalbi obscure, stated that al-Salt b. Nadr b. Kinana died childless; thus Khuza'a could Ibn al-Kalbi records themas descendants Azd from of not be his son.29 of Saba'.30Some claimedthattheyweredescendants Qama'a b. Khindif by (i.e. al-Yas, theirfather-K); thiswas affirmed an allegedutterance of of the Prophetin which'Amrb. Luhayy,the ancestor Khuza'a was as about the mentioned 'Amrb. Luhayyb. Qama'a.31The discussions ofKhuza'a, thepolitical reasons the attachment Khuza'a for of pedigree of with Kinana, the instigations 'Abd al-Malik and the activityof 'Azza are touchedupon by Caskel.32 Kuthayyir The originof the Khulj is also obscure.33 They are includedin the in the nasab of al-Harithb. Fihr, but Ibn al-Kalbi adds his Jamhara In that theyare descendants the 'Amaliq.34 his Nawdqil of reservation 35and in his Kitdbal-bulddn quoted by Mughultay) Ibn alMudar (as Kalbi states: "al-khuljmin 'dd". It is in accordance withthe answerof 'Umar when asked to attach the Khulj to Quraysh: "Am I goingto attach 'Ad to Quraysh?"36 'Ali definedmore harshlythe relation ild md l-himdri khurtimi the between Khulj and Quraysh: bayna jahfalati l-khinziri.37 27 28 Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3183, f. 202b. fusul ..., Al-Jahiz, Mukhtdrat See Mughultay,op. cit., f. 48b: wa-kdna abi ahnash al-nassdba l-khuzaciyyu idhd qUla lahu: mimmananta, qdla: min qurayshin,fa-idhd qUla lahu: min ayyi qurayshin, qdla: min khuzdcata; wa-kdna yazcumu anna khuzd'ata min wuldi l-salti (i.e. al-salt b. al-nadr b. kindna-K). Cairo I956, II, 45. Shifi' al-ghardm, Mus'ab, Nasab Quraysh,ed. Levi-Provencal, Cairo I953, pp. 7 ult.-8 sup.; al-Fasi, op. cit., II, 44. 32 Caskel, op. cit., II, 39-40; and see Mughultay,op. cit., ff.48b-49a, i74a-b; al-Fasi, op. cit.,II, 44-47; al-Kalai, al-Iktifi,ed. H. Masse, Paris I93I, I, I28-I29; al-Wazir al-Maghribi,Adab al-khawdss,Ms. Brussa, Husayn Celebi 85b, ff.85b87a; Ibn Sa'id, op. cit., f. 6Ir; Ibn CAbdal-Barr, al-Inbdh,al-Najaf I966, pp. 96ioo; al-Nuwayri, Nihdyat al-arab, Cairo n.d., II, 317-318, 343; al-Suhayli, alRaud al-unuf,ed. CAbdal-Rahman al-Wakil, Cairo 1378/1967,I, 102; Goldziher, op. cit., I, I89. 33 Al-Nuwayri,op. cit., II, 353; Goldziher,op. cit., I, I8I. 34 The text of Jamhara, Ms. Br. Mus., f. 33a: wa-qaysu bnu l-harithi wa-huwa the .... Mughultay,op. cit.,f. I38a says, refuting l-khuljumin baqiyyatil-camdliqi statement of Suhayli, that the Khulj are a group of Quraysh: .... wa-huwa fZ qaulun mardudun; qdla l-kalbiyyu l-jamharati: yuqdlu innahum adciyd'u min baqiyyatil-camdliqi. 35 In text,,. 1Jn.On nawdqil see Caskel, op. cit., I, 59; and see ib., p. 80, no. ed. 21 in the list ofIbn al-Kalbi's works; and see Ibn al-Kalbi, Kit. al-asndm, Ahmad Zaki Pacha, Cairo 1924, p. 69, nos. 21-24; and cf. below note 58. 36 Mughultay, op. cit., I38a. 37 Ib. 31 29 Ib. 30 A1-Fasi, 56 6M.J. Kisterand M. Plessner The obscure genealogiesof Sdma b. Lu3ayy,8 Sa'd b. Lu'ayy (Bundna) who were accepted into the nasab of Quraysh by 'Uthmdn,39and alH{drith b. Lu3ayy40 were also disputed. The Khuzayma b. Lu'ayy his wanted to strengthen power by them.42In this case the reasons for the affiliation are quite clear. The opinions of the genealogists about the origin of Qud"'a are contradictory.Some of them assert that they were descendants of Macadd, according to others they were from Himyar.43 The North-Arabian insisted thatQudc'a was thesonofMa'add. Thisfactis attested tradition an alleged utterance of the Prophet; in this utterance the Prophet by stated that the kunya of Ma'add was Abfi Qud1d'a.44 The South-Arabian tradition claims Qudli'a as a descendant of JHJimyar.45 alleged utThe terance of the Prophet plainly attributesQudlc'a's descent to IHlimyar.46 Ibn al-Kalbi records a harmonizing version: Mu'cna,47 the mother of QudlZ'a was the wife of Mdlik b. 'Amr b. Murra b. MMlikb. JIHimyar; later she got marriedto Macadd and broughtQudl'a b. Mdlik with her. Qudidca, because of her second marriage, was later called Qudlca b. Ma'cadd.48 Anothertraditionstates that Mu'cna was the wife of Ma'add 38 See Ibn Hamdfin, Tadhkira, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3180, II, 63b-64a; al-Suhayli, ed. Mul. IHamidullah,Cairo oP. cit., I, 406-407; al-Balddhuri, Anscb al-ashrdf, ed. al-Maymani, Cairo I959, I, 46-47; al-Mubarrad, Nasab cAdnan wa-Qahtdn, 1354/1936, P. 4; Mughultdy, oP. cit., ff.49a-5oa; Ibn Kathir, Sira, I, go-g9; al1382, pp. 48-50; Goldziher, op. cit., I, i88-i89. 41 to ('A 'idhat Quraysh) were affiliated Quraysh by Mu?dwiyawho Nuwayri, op. cit., II, 354; al-Zajjdji, Amcllf,ed. 'Abd al-Saldm Hririn, Cairo 39 Al-Balddhuri,op. cit., I, 44-45; Mughultdy, op. cit., f. 49b (quoted fromthe Mathclib of Abil 'Ubayda); al-Suhayl!, op. cit.,I, 402-403. 40 See Caskel, op. cit.,s.v. al-Hdritb. Lu'aiy. 41 See Caskel, op. cit.,I, 4, 148. 42 bihimmu'cawiAl-Nuwayri,op. cit.,II, 355: .... wa-humqaumun takaththara yatu fa-adkhalahum qurayshin; al-Suhayl!, oP. cit., I, 405. ft 43 See al-BalddhurI, op. cit., I, I5-i6; al-Nuwayri, op. cit., II, 283, 295; al- The name of the motherof Qudlca is also recordedas cAnna,Neciima(on the authority of al-Mazriic), cUkbara-al.BalddhurI, op. cit., I, 15-i6; Quddc'a-alNuwavri, op. cit., II, 283. 48 See SuhaylI, op. cit., I, 121; a1-BalddhurI, op. cit., I, 15; AbC l-Baqd', op. cit., 9oa. 47 al-cUmari, Baghdad Al-Hamddni,op. cit., I, I54-i8i; al-Mubarrad,op. cit.,p. 23. Ibn Wahb, Jdmic,ed. J. David-Weill, Cairo I939, p. 3, 11.7-9; al-Hamddni, op. cit., I, 164, 167; Ibn cAbd al-Barr, al-lnbdh,p. 6i sup.; al-MuttaqI al-Hind!, op. cit., XIII, 57, nos. 331-333; Khalifa b. Khayyit, al-Tabaqdt,ed. Akram Diiyl' 46 Br. Mus., Add. 23,296, f. 89a-89b. 45 Mughultay,oP. cit., f. 7b-8a (with a discussion of the problem of QudI'a); Ibn CAbdal-Barr, al-Lnbdh, 59; al-SamcdnI,op. cit., I, 25; al-Baladhuri, oP. cit., 1, p. i6; AbC l-Baqd?: al-Mandqib al-mazyadiyya akhb&ral-muliikal-asadiyya, Ms. ftc Suhayli, op. cit., I, 117-124. 44 Al-Hamddni, al-Iklfl, ed. Muh. al-Akwac al-Hiwili, Cairo i383/1963, I I70; I387/1967, P. I20. Notes on Caskel's Camharat an-nasab 57 married and gave birthto his son Quda'a; she subsequently Malik b. 'Amr fromHimyar who adopted her son Quda'a; therefore Quda'a Ibn was called: Quda'a b. Malikal-H.imyari.49 Sa'id reports thatQuda'a became Ma'addite when they moved into the Hijaz.50 Ibn al-Kalbi who attachedQuda'a to the YemeniteHimyarwas statesthat the first 'Amrb. Murraal-Juhani.51 The account of Nasr b. Mazrfu' al-Kalbi52 concerning the factors in the nasab of Quda'a, the period whichbroughtabout the changes of the changesand the personsinvolvedis of some interest. to a Up in Mu'awiya's rule as caliph the tribesof Quda'a had been and point of descendants Ma'add. At thattime'Amrb. Murra, respected a remained man from of Juhaynaand a Companion the Prophet, urgedthe people to join the Yemenites.In the period of Ibn al-Zubayr,Marwanand the 'Abd al-Malik,during raids of 'Umayrb. Hubab al-Sulamiagainst the Kalb (i.e. Quda'a-K) and those of Humayd b. Huraythal-Kalbi Kalb allied themselves withthe Yemenitribes. againstQays 'Aylan,53 They were aided by Khalid b. Yazid b. Mu'awiya,who opposed the to and Merwanids intended weakentheirpowerand to drivethe people of Syriaaway from them.54 alliancebetweenKalb and the Yemeni The at tribesbecame permanent the time of the expedition Maslama b. of He 'Abd al-Malikagainst Constantinople. treated Kalb wrongly and favoured Then Kalb finally Khalid Yemen. Subsequently Qays. joined b. 'Abdallahal-Qasrias governor 'Iraq bribedleadersof Quda'a and of theirnasab. Nasr b. Mazrui' remarks thatpious and Bajila so as to forge righteous people of Quda'a refuseto disclaimdescentfromMa'add.55 Similarreports givenon the authority Sharqi b. al-Qutamiand are of Ibn Habib.56 These passages in the worksof earlyhistorians help us to 49 Al-Baladhuri, op. cit., I, 15; Abi 1-Baqa', op. cit., ib.; al-Nuwayri,op. cit., II, 283. 50 Nashwatal-tarab,f. 5Ir. 51 Al-Baladhuri, op. cit., I, I5 (and see p. I6: the report of Muh. b. Habib); al-Mausili, Ghdyat al-wasd'il ild macrifatil-awd'il, Ms. Cambridge Qq 33 (Io), f. 34a; and see the utteranceof the Prophet: antum.... min himyarin the biob. graphyof CAmr Murra in Ibn Hajar's al-Isdba, Cairo I325/I907, V, i6, 11.II-I2. 52 See a tradition reportedby him above, note 47; and see al-Jahiz, .Hayawan, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Harfin,Cairo I945, VII, 256. 53 See al-Baladhuri, Ansdb al-ashrdf, vol. V, ed. S. D. Goitein,JerusalemI936, index s.v. cUmayrb. al-Hubab and Humayd b. Hurayth. 54 .... wa-mdla'ahum Calayhikhalidu bnu yazida bni mucdwiyatakhildfanlibani marwanawa-qasdanli-tauhini mulkihim canhum. wa-tafriqi jamdcatiahli l-shdmi 55 Abi 1-Baqa', op. cit.,f. 89b-9oa; on Khalid b. 'Abdallah al-Qasri see Mus'ab, op. cit., p. 9, 11. I -2. 56 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Inbah, pp. 60-6I. 58 M. J. Kisterand M. Plessner Rabi(a shared commondwellingsand common places fortheperformance of rituals during the pilgrimageto Mecca.6' It is noteworthythat the delegation of Kinda attempted to attach the Prophet to their nasab nasab: Banii "AbdMandf > Banil Akil al-Murdr. proposingthe following The Prophet, however, rejected this pedigree, stressing that he is a it traditions is stressedthat in the time of the Jdihiliyya Kinda and anderstand the factorsbehind the far-reaching change of nasab of the tribesin Syria.57 Quda'a The opinions of genealogists about the nasab of Kinda were not unanimous. Some of them stated that Kinda were descendants of Macadd.58 This pedigree was transmitted by Ibn al-Kalbi.59 Some genealogists claimed that Kinda were descendants of Rabica.60 In some 51 See Caskel, op. cit., II, 73-74; see ib., I, 32; and see Hamddni, op. cit., I, . ... mu yaqailu bacdu I-nussabinna kindata min al-ndqilati(see above note bi-dhdliha ild min aul&di macaddinfa-ntasabii qat4cda. ntaqalfi 35) lladhfna 5" Al-Wazir : oP. al-Maghribi, cit.,f. 93b-94a: qala hishamunal-kalbiyyu dhakara bacdu l-nussdbianna kindata bna thauri bni Cufayri bni haydata bni mucuwiyata bni macaddi bni cadnana. The evidence for the soundness of the traditionwas "attested" by the verse of Imru' I-Qays: la ta-llclhi yadhhabushaykhiba*tild: khayrumacaddinnasaban wa-narVild. The contradictorytradition, attaching Kinda to the South Arabians quotes the second hemistichdifferently: hasaban wa-ncPlild. ya khayrashaykhin 60 Al-Wazir al-Maghribi,op. cit., f. iooa: .... wa-kdna I-ndsu ft I-zamani 1awwali yaqWiliina: kindatu min rabicata ...; and see ib., f. 93b-94a: .... wa-qula inna kindatamin wuldi cumiri rabicatabni nizdribni macaddin. And bni khhariina see Mughultdy, op. cit., f. Io9a-b (quoting Adab al-khawdcl). 61 Siyar al-mulfik, I34a: .. .. wa-yuqdlu, f. bal ardtda kana yali (? perhaps: mdi Jnat duruhumwC7hidatan wa-k "bayna"-K) kindata wa-rabicatamin al-tacJqudi, I-zamcni; yaqfiluI-shcciru: ft dhcllika wa-kindatu tarmi1-jimaracashiyyatan idh ..... etc.; al-Wazir al-Maghribi, ktinat mahallatukindata wa-rabiclata wa-duruhumtX op. cit., 94a: .... wa-li-dhdlika wa-munckkhuhum1-mawdsimi macan, wa-kdni ft 1-jThiliyyati ft 1-jahld)iw4zhidatan qaulu abi mutah4liftnamutacdqidina; wa-mimma yuhaqqiqu hdhd Ciindahum : OWNib bni "abdi 1-mnuttalibi I54-i63. 58 See Kitidb siyar al-muliih, Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23,298, f. I33b: wa-arcida wa-kindatu tarmi1-jimuira idh caskiyyatan: bakribni wdu'ii yujawwizuhdhujjajuju shaddd 'aqda md htalafdlahu: kaliffcni wa-raddd Calayhi Cdt futi 1-wasa'ili l-wascPil "al-arMdm";Abfil-Baqd?, op. cit.,f. 84a: as The WazIr explains cati~ffti rabicatu bnu nizdrin taqifu cinda l-ma4ifqi cinda 1lca.qabati ... wa-kUnat fa-tujfzu kindata li-annahum kdnii kulafd'lahum fa-taqiilu 1-nusu(perhaps:-L-l-ndsi-K) aqimii hattdtajfiza I-mlakiu min kindata; wa-ftdhulikayaqiilu abiltdlibin: .... etc.; and see Caskel, oP. cit., I, 33. wa-kindatu Notes on Caskel's ,amharat an-nasab 59 of descendant Nadr b. Kinana.62'Abbas and AbuiSufyan, the Prophet used to claimtheir descent from Kinda whileon their remarked, journeys to the Prophetall the marriages his ancestors of in Yemen.63 According to were according the rules of Islam, pure and unstained. in with this utterancethe serious There was, however, connection of problem Barra bintMurr(the sisterof Tamimb. Murr)who married and gave birthto al-Nadrb. Kinana, Kinana b. Khuzaymab. Mudrika the ancestorof the Prophet.It was this Barra of whomJarirboasted that "Tamim begot Quraysh": Tamim were the maternaluncles of to was of Barra,according sometraditions thewife Khuzayma, Quraysh.64 bore him children and was married his son Kinana afterhis death, by to the Alaccording the usual customof the Jahiliyya, nikdhal-maqt. Baladhuriand Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah recordthis fact plainly.65 alIbn of Kalbi mentions marriage Barra withKhuzayma(Jamhara 4b) the f. children Kinana. of and withKinana (f.5a); she borethirteen devotelengthy and to chapters theelucidation Al-Nuwayri Mughultay of thisproblem. scholars triedto findthe justification the two for Some thattheywerepermissible the Jahiliyya, in of marriages Barra,arguing as the dya ofthe Qur'Sn (IV, 22) has an explicit reservation: mdqad illa This argument couldhowever be accepted.The problem hardly salafa.66 was solved by al-Jahizin his Kit. al-asndm.Kinana married fact, in to Barra bint Udd, the wife of his father afterhis according al-Jahiz, death; she howeverbore him no child. Then he marriedBarra bint Murrb. Udd, who gave birthto al-Nadr,the ancestor Quraysh, of and otherchildren.67 This proves,of course,the unstainedpedigreeof the of and removes suspicion nikdh Prophet any al-maqt amongtheancestors of the Prophet.Al-Damiri, wishes who quotes the passage of al-Jahiz, to be forgiven whathe wrotein his otherbooksas a reward for al-Jahiz forthisinformation Ibn about Barra.68 Although al-Kalbi did not quote to he the tradition Barra according thereport al-Jahiz nevertheless of of stated: "I recorded fivehundred ancestresses the Prophetand I did of 62 Ibn Sacd, Tabaqdt, Beirut I380/I960, I, 22-33; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya wa-lnihaya, Beirut-Riyad, I966, II, 200-201; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Inbdh, p. 67; al-Sam'ani, op. cit., I, 14, 17. 63 Ibn Sacd, op. cit., ib.; al-Tabari, Ta'rikh, Cairo I357/I939, II, 394 (here 'Abbas and RabiCa b. al-Harith). 64 Ibn Kathir, al-Biddya, II, 20I; Jarir,Diwdn, ed. al-Sawi, Cairo I353, p. 508. 65 Mus'ab, op. cit., pp. 8, o0; al-Baladhuri, op. cit., I, 35, 37 ult. 66 67 68 Al-Zurqani, Sharh al-mawdhibal-ladunniyya, Cairo 1325, I, 77 (quoting Mughultayas well). al-Rahim al-'Iraql, op. cit., pp. I03-I05. Al-Nuwayri,op. cit., XVI, I3-I5; See e.g. al-Fakhr al-Razi, al-Tafsir al-kabir, Cairo I357/I938, X, 23. Mughultay, op. cit., ff.46b, Io7a; CAbd 60 M. J. Kisterand M. Plessner not find(in thesemarriages) anything (whichbelongsto the vices) of the Jahiliyya".69 The obscure of traditions, origin Thaqifgaveriseto manycontradictory in influenced the situation the UmayyadEmpireand theroleplayed by Ibn by some Thaqafiteleadersand governors. al-Kalbi records Thaqif in the Jamharaas a groupof Hawazin.70 They were howeversaid to be a group of Iyad,71or descendants Thamfd.72 of to According the themto Iyad theThaqifin Ta'if wereallies (hulafd') tradition attaching of Qays. As the mother Qasiyyb. Munabbih of of (the ancestor Thaqif) was the daughterof 'Amir b. al-Zarib73 the Thaqif joined them as allies74and adopted the nasab of Qays.75 The traditions the concerning Iyadi or Thamudi originof Thaqif werewhollyrejectedby al-Hajjaj. It is of interest that Ibn al-Kalbi, who recordsthe tradition the of of Thaqif,transmits the same timethe tradition at about Qaysi origin theirIyadi origin. The tradition abouttheThamidi origin Thaqifis, as usual,attested of in an allegedutterance the Prophet. of This was certainly in favour not of Thaqif. It is thus not surprising find a harmonizing to tradition to attributed the Prophet.The Prophetstated that Thaqif were deof scendantsof Iyad; Iyad were descendants Thamud. When the two men from Thaqifwithwhomthe Prophettalkedshowedsignsof grief theProphet statedthattheywerefrom righteous the groupofThamud.76 Some of the traditions about the Thamuidi descentof Thaqif linked the personof theirancestor Qasiyy= ThaqifwithAbu Righal.Thaqif, was a man from Thamfd who escaped the says one of the traditions, disasterof his people and became a slave of AbuiRighal.Another traditionstatesthatThaqifwas a slave oftheprophet he tookflight Salih; and lived in the haram(of Mecca). 'Ali b. Abi Talib, who transmitted 69 Al-Nuwayri,op. cit., XVI, I3; and see a more explicit version ib., p. 5 inf.: .... katabtu li-l-nabiyyikhamsa mi'ati ummin,fa-ma wajadtu ffhinna sifahdan wa-la shay'an mimma kana min amri l-jdhiliyyati. 70 See Caskel, op. cit., II, I6; al-Nuwayri,op. cit., II, 335; al-Mubarrad, op. cit., 71 72 p. I3. 73 Jamhara, f. i54a records, however, Zaynab bint 'Amir al-'Adwani as the wifeof Thaqif (i.e. Qasiyy). 74 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Inbdh, p. 93. 75 Al-Baladhuri, op. cit.,I, 25. p. 5, 11.2-4; al-Sam'ani, op. cit., I, 20; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Inbdh, p. 96. Al-Baladhuri,op. cit.,I, 25. Mughultay,op. cit., f. I2a; al-Hamdani, op. cit., II, 20I; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., dhalika shaqqa calayhimd qala: ma yashuqqu calaykumd;innamd yuhyi lldhu min thamuda sdlihan wa-lladhina dmanuimaaahu, fa-antum min dhurriyyati qaumin sa2lihzna. 76 Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., f. I23b: .... fa-lamma ra&d rasulu llahi (s) anna Notes on Caskel's Gamharat an-nasab 6i this tradition argued that the Prophet (Muhlammad)was closer to the prophet Salih (scil. than anyone else; thus he deserves to inherit the he patronage of Thaqif); therefore decreed that Thaqif be considered as slaves.7 South-Arabian tradition however says that he was a slave of Salih b. al-Humaysa' b. dhi Ma'dhin.78 Another traditionsays that the slave of the prophet Salih was AbuiRighal; he was sent as tax-collector, treated the people wrongfullyand was thereforekilled by Thaqif.79 According to a tradition reported by al-Zuhri Abfi Righal was the ancestor of Thaqif.80 Similar cases with regard to the genealogy of tribes and clans could be easily adduced. But the few cases discussed above bear evidence to the complicated and confused character of the nasab literature. The information contained in the traditions about pedigrees, alliances between clans and tribes, affiliationsof tribal units and detachmentsall this has to be closely studied and re-examined. II The admirable work of W. Caskel, a comprehensiveand detailed study on Ibn al-Kalbi's Jamharatal-nasab, is an indispensablebook forstudents of Arabic genealogy, history of the Jahiliyya and of early Islam. Its detailed and carefully thoughtout articlesabout persons,clans and tribes in the Jahiliyya and early Islam are a treasure of reliable information collected from many early sources and evaluated with great care and deep insight. The material of the sources of Ibn al-Kalbi has been cautiously and carefully examined by Caskel.81 A few passages in later compilations Mughultay,op. cit., f. IIb; another version says that Thaqif was a slave of al-Hayjumana, the wife of Salih; she gave him the slave as gift. 78 Al-Hamdani, op. cit.,II, 354; Mughultay,op. cit.,f. lib. 79 Ibn Zuhayra, al-Jamil al-la.tf, Cairo I357/I938, p. I70; cf. al-Hakim, alMustadrak, Hyderabad I342, I, 398 (Thaqif mentioned as the man who killed Abu Righal). 80 Cf. Mughultay, op. cit., f. iib inf.; Ibn cAbd al-Barr, al-Inbah, p. 95; alFakihi, Ta'rikh Makka, Ms. Leiden Or. 463, f. 436b, ult.; al-Fawazid al-muntaqat Abi l-Hasan CAll .... Can Yahya b. Ma'cn, Ms. Chester Beatty 3495, min hadTth f. i6a; Ibn Kathir, Sira, I, 32 harmonizes the contradictorytraditions: there were two Abf Righal; one of them was the ancestor of Thaqif, the otherone was the guide of Abraha. And see the stories about Abu Righal: Ibn Sacid, op. cit., f. i4ir; Mughultay,op. cit., lib (a tax collectorof the prophetShu'ayb; Menahem Kister draws my attention to the similaritybetween the word "Righal" and "R'uel" (one of the names of Shucayb = Yethro); al-Baladhuri, op. cit., I, 25 (a slave of Shu'ayb b. dhi Mahdam al-Himyari). And see El2, s.v. Abiu Righal (S. A. Bonebakker). 81 77 Caskel, op. cit., I, 72-81. 62 and M. Plessner 6M. Kister J. in not and scantyquotations manuscripts yet published may elucidate some disputedor obscurepoints about the literaryactivityof Ibn al-Kalbi. Ydqiit copies the list of Ibn al-Kalbi's worksfromJbnal-Nadim's and adds: "Hishdm(i.e. Ibn al-Kalbi)has also al-Faridfif Fihrist I-anseTb, whichhe wroteforal-Ma'miin, al-Mul4ki I-anscbwhichhe wrotefor ftJa"far b. Yahyd al-Barmaki, al-Miijaz ft 1-nasab and other works.82 The book of Jbn alCaskel doubted the truth of this information.83 was considered by Caskel as spurious; he proposed to l-nasabi 1-kabnru" read instead of al-Munzal: "al-Jamharatu wa-huwa kitdbu 1-nasabi 1kabiru".8-5 sheds some lighton the disputed problemof the genealogical compilations 86 "al-Tanbikcaldhudtith A passage in H{amzaal-Isfahdni's al-tashif" Kalbi al-Munzalrecorded Ydqiit84 withtheremark kitdbu "wa-huzwa by the Arab Empire was granted the two outstanding scholars: al-Khalil and Hishdm b. al-Kalbi (fa-l-iqbdlusdqa ild daulati 1-carabi ...) who exerted himselfby establishingtheir genealogies (cuniya lahum bi-dabti l-ansThi).He compiled fivebooks on this subject: al-Munzal, al-Jamhara, al-M27jaz,al-Farid, al-M~ulfttkz. Al-Munzal, says Hllamza,is his largest compilation on nasab (akbaru positions of the Arabs (i.e. the Arab tribes-K; yunzilu 1-carabafihi it that of Ibn al-Kalbi mentioned YdqiTit. IHamzaconsiders fortunate by In lahuft the (genealogical) kitdbin 1-nasabi). this book he established Hlamza quotes some if he found them debased in number or nobility.88 clans which Jbn al-Kalbi omitted.89 ; 87 mandzilahum) in somecases he skippedoversomeclans (takhattt-ihum) 82 ed. hdldhcl Mucjam al-udabd3, Ahmad FarId Rifdci, Cairo n.d., XIX, 292: .... bnu 1-nadimimin tasdnifihi; wa-li-kishamin ma dhakarakhu aydan: al-fariduft I-ansclbi,sannafahu li-l-malmani, wa&-l-muh?tkiyyu ft I-anscbi ay41ansannafahu dhdlika. wa-l-miijazu 1-nasabiay4ian,wa-ghayru ft li-jacfaribni yahydl-barmakiyyi, 83 Caskel, op. cit., I, ob 79, note 4: "Es ist zweifelhaft Yaq.'s Angaben .... a;sei . Farid ft I-ansdib fiiral-Mammin, .. al-Mulfiki l-ansdbfiirden Barmakiden fi Oacfar b. Yalhya verfasst,zutreffen; schon wegen der Prunktiteldie I. al-Kalbi bis auf einen Fall meidet: no. 88 = K. ad-Diba-gfiahbdras'-?ucard" 84 Yaq-at, op. cit.,XIX, 291. 86 Ed. Muh. IHasan Yasin, Baghdad i967, pp. 192-194. The reading "al-munzil" seems to be preferable. 88 The text of the Ms. seems to be corrupted; the reading is doubtful. 89 The editor did not succeed to decipher the names of these debased clans; the text in the Ms. seems to be unclear. The idea to omit the mean or debased fromcompilationsof nasab is indicated in Hamdani's al-Iklif, II, 386: .... wawa-min shardiitiI-nasabi an Id yudhkara min auladi 1qclla abi muhasmmadin: rajuli illd 1-nabihuI-ashharu wa-yulghd1-ghabiyyu;wa-lau-lI dhika lam yasac kdtib... anslba I-nwdsi sijillun wa-lamyad1buIthd 86 87 Caskel, op. cit., I, 97, note 2. Notes on Caskel's Gamharat an-nasab 63 The Jamharais his middle-sized book and contains some stories about the personsrecorded, accounts about the mothersof (akhbdr) the nobles(ofthe clans) and the ancestresses the tribes,(explaining) of how theyoriginated tribesto form from theirclans. He countedtheir theirpoets and theirillustrious men.90 horsemen, The Mijaz, IHamzasays,containsmaterial whichno studentof adab and nasab can ignore.He recorded it the genealogical in listsof smaller and greater tribalunits,the noblesof everygroup,theirpoets,leaders and eminent persons.91 The Farid, IHamzacontinues, a bookon tribes. al-Kalbiassigned is Ibn in thisbook foreverysmalltribalunitits genealogies storiesof its the wars and its poetry;he recordedthis materialand furnished with it and namesofthetransmitters. offered bookto al-Ma'mfin. He isndds this in in not found his otherbooks; it contains included theFarfd, material it this book he offered to although is smallerin size than the former; Ja'farb. Yahya al-Barmaki.92 The detailsgiven by HIamzaseem to be trustworthy. Hamza is in fact the earliestauthority the genealogical on of compilations Ibn alKalbi. The precisedetailsofthe description thathe had a close indicate acquaintancewiththesecompilations. was It is noteworthy theFarZdpresented al-Ma'mfin provided to that with isnddsand names of the transmitters; detail is pointedout this One may venture assumethat Ibn al-Kalbi to by IHamzain particular. added herethe isnddsin orderto adapt himself the new conditions to The of Muslimscholarship requirements the expertsof hadith.93 of and othergenealogical of Ibn al-Kalbi seem to have had no compilations isndd. 90 p. I93:... fihi ba.du l-akhbari wa-taCdddu ummahati l-ashr2fiwa-l-qabacili ild haythuyaftariquna'an qabilatihimwa-yatajdwazunaila butuinihim, wa-dhikru hattd... (two words could not fursinihimwa-shu'ard'ihimwa-dhawinabdhatihim 91 p. I93: .... wa-ammd l-mujazu fa-fihi md Id yuhsinu bi-mubtaghi l-adabi wa-l-ndziri l-nasabijahluhu, fa-dhakarafihi man yunsabu ild batninwa-qabilin, fi wa-man htalla l-sitata minhumwa-stawd wa-sharifakulli qaumin wa-shdcirahum cald l-ri'dsatifihim. (About batn see EI2, J. Lecerf,Batn). 92 Ib., ...wa-ammd l-faridu fa-huwa kitdbul-qabc'ili, afradafthi li-kullibatnin nasabahu mufradan, wa-ayydmahu,wa-shicrahu, fa-dhakara kulla dhdlika bi-lasdnidi wa-l-ruwdti, wa-huwalladhi athafa bihi l-ma'muina;wa-ammdl-mulukiyyu kathiratunId taqacu fi fa-fihi akhbdrunghaziratun macrufatunwa-macrifatun ghayrihimin kutubihi,wa-fthimd yaqacu fi l-faridiwa-in lam yablughmaddhu, wa-huwa lladhi athafa bihi jacfara bna yahyd l-barmakiyya. 93 See Caskel, op. cit., I, 78. Al-Muliki contains a great number of known akhbdrand information be deciphered theeditor). by 64 6M.J. Kisterand M. Plessner We came across a quotation fromthe Munzal in Mughultdy'sal-Zahr al-bdsim94. This passage deals with the story of Nasr b. HIajjdj and his beloved nicknamedal-Mutamanniya; Jbnal-Kalbi reportsthat her name was al-FaThiabint Hammdm b. cUrwa b. Masciid fromThaqif and that she was the motherof al-HIajjdj b. Yiisuf (the hated Umayyad governor of cIrdq). The Jamhara mentions only that Nasr was nicknamed alJamil.95 refers Ibn al-Kalbi in his work about two hundredtimes, to Mughultdiy his opinion about particularpoints of genealogy.96 The Jamhara quoting is quoted about twentytimes.97 quotes two additional works Mughult-ay of genealogy compiled by Ibn al-Kalbi: al-Jcmic (or al-Jdmil li-anscTbi al-jamhara.99 l-carabi)98 and Jamharat A scrutinyof the quotations fromal-Zahr al-bdsimand an examination of the material found in hithertounpublished manuscriptsmay help us to gain a better knowledge of the contents of the genealogical compilations of Jbnal-Kalbi. The list of compilations of Jbn al-Kalbi contains a book with the are recordedin Shj i sources.The odious storyof the pedigreeof Mu cwiya sheds some light on the character of this genre of literatureand points out some of the ways in which tendencious insertionsor deletions were made. Hind, the mother of Mucdwiya,used to have sexual intercourse 94 F. 3o6b.; see al-cAskarI, Jamharatal-amthal,ed. Mulh.Abfi I-Fad1 IbrThimcAbd al-Majid Q-atamish, Cairo 1384/1964, I, 588, no. iiio; al-Mayddni, Majmac cal-amthdl, Cairo 1352, I, 427-428; AbtI Nucaym, Iilyat cl-zuliycQ, IV, 322-323. 9j Caskel, op. cit., II, 446. 96 See ff. 2a, 3a, 3b, 4b, 5b, 6a, 7a, 7b, 8a, 8b, 9a, 9b, Ioa, I4a, i4b, I5b, I7b, i8a, 23a, 23b, 38a, 38b, 4oa, 4ob, 42a, 43a, 43b, 44a, 45a, 45b, 46b, 48b, 49a, 49b, 5ob, 54b, 55a, 56b, 6oa, 6ob, 62a, 69b, 87a, 93a, 95a, 97b, Io9a, iioa, I2ia, I2Ib, I23a, I23b, i3Ia, I32b, I33a, I33b, i34b, i44b, I5ob, I55b, I56b, 2ooa, 202a, 203b, titleMathdlib The al-"arab.100 fewextantpassagesfrom thiscompilation 207a, 20oa, 209b, 2ioa, 2iob, 2I2b, 214b, 224b, 225b, 226b, 23ib, 232b, 233a, 234b, 235a, 236a, 236b, 237a, 240b, 24ia, 247b, 259b, 266a, 277a, 279b, 282b, 285a, 286b, 287b, 295b, 298b, 3ooa, 3iob, 3iia, 31ib, 3I2b, 3iga, 32ia, 322b, 325b, 328a, 330b. 333b, 335b, 336a, 336b, 337a, 339a. (On some pages Ibn al-KalbI is mentioned two or three times). 91 Cf. e.g. Mughultdy f. 22b = Jamhara f. I56a Hutayt; iib 244a Umayma bint Sacd b. Hudhayl; 23a = Caskel, s.v. Munabbih b. Rabica; 52b = i69b Hdshim b. Harmala; 86a - Caskel, op. cit., s.v. A. al-Gabr (2, 251); 99a = 24b Yazid b. CAmr b. Khuwaylid; 237b = Caskel, s.v. HalIfa b. "AdI; 247a= 255b "UbBd b. Bishr; 287b = Caskel, s.v. Uhbdn b. al-AkwaC - Uhbdn b. SayfI (al-Suhayli), Uhbdn b. Aus al-Aslami (al-Tirmidhi, al-Bukhdri, Abil Nucaym, Ibn Manda), Uhb;Rn b. cAbbdd (Ibn Durayd, Ibn al-Kalbi, al-BalTdhuri) etc. 337b 173b, Umm Qirfa and her sons; Dubaiyya b. IHaramI = i62a. 98 Mentioned ten times: ff. 36b, 4oa, 6oa, 67b, 7ob, Io2b, I42a, 237b, 2I3a, 238a. 99 Quoted two times: ff. I02b, i62b. 100 See Sezgin, GAS, I, 270, no. 4. 234a, Notes on Caskel's Gamharat an-nasab 65 with four Qurashites,accordingto the slanderoustraditionof the The four of the of Mathdlib. shared, course, fatherhood Mu'awiya.Three b. of themare named: 'Umara b. al-Walid,Musafir 'Amr,AbuiSufyan; in is the nameofthe fourth notgivenand it is onlyremarked thereport The his thatIbn al-Kalbi mentioned name.101 nameofthe fourth person is howeverexplicitly given by Sibt b. al-Jauzi: al-'Abbas b. 'Abd alMuttalib.102 Mu'awiya admitsin a talk withhis son Yazid that some are of the opinionthat he is the son of 'Abbas b. 'Abd alQurashites One Muttalib.103 may assumethat the name of 'Abbas was erasedfrom in the list of the fouradulterers the periodof the 'Abbasidrule; it was the after fallofthe dynasty. re-inserted of The abominablestoryof the pedigree 'Umar is also quoted from that the shameful Ibn al-Kalbi's Mathdlib.It is noteworthy storyof 04is precededby a peculiarremarkin the the complicated bastardy wa-huwamin of Shi'i compilation al-Majlisi: ... wa-rawd l-kalbiyyu, kdnat Suhdku ahli l-sunnati, kitdbi ....10 This l-mathdlibi, qdla: rijdli fi of and reliability remarkaims, of course,to enhancethe impartiality to emphasize the soundnessof the information Ibn al-Kalbi's and tradition. in of The storyabout the father 'Uthman,as recorded Ibn al-Kalbi's The cases.106 than the two preceding is Mathdlib, not less disgusting the father Abi Bakr: he was of vilification directed was mildest against of the servant 'Abdallahb. Jud'an and calledthe poorofMecca to have at theircharity-meals the table of 'Abdallah. He got, of course,a rewardforthis "duty".'07 paltry Dhakwan of son The story theillegitimate ofUmayyab. 'Abd Shams, (his kunyawas Abfi 'Amr) whose motherTuma was a slave-woman fromSafiiriyya by (Palestine)is reported Ibn al-Kalbi; it fitsin well from thiscomderived and is probably of withthe setting his Mathdlib 101Ibn Tawus, Tara'if CAbdal-Mahmfd, n.p., n.d., p. I56; Muh. Hasan alMuzaffar,Dala'il al-sidq, III, I, 215-2I9; comp. a similar slanderous reportfrom Mathalib bani umayya by Ismcail b. 'Ali al-Samman al-Hanafi, ib., p. 235; and b. comp. on the fatherhoodof CAmr al-'As shared by five persons (... wa-la-qad idda'cka khamsatunmin qurayshinkulluhumyazcumuannaka bnuhu) ib., p. 237. 102 103 104 105 Bihdr al-anwdr,VIII, 311 (lithogr.ed.); and see this story al-Majlisi, op. cit., XXII, 269-27I (new ed., Tehran 1385); Ibn Tawus, op. cit., p. I44; Muh. Hasan al-Muzaffar, cit., III, 2, 84. op. 106 See Ibn Tawus, op. cit., p. I55. Tadhkirat al-khawa.s, al-Najaf I383/I964, p. 202 inf. Ib., p. 203. kdna al-khattabu aban wa-jaddan wa-khdlan li-cumara. ... 107 Ibn Tawis, 25-26 op. cit., p. 123. ORIENS 5 66 M. J. Kisterand M. Plessner Abti 'Ubayda seems to have used the same method of slander pilation.108 in his Mathdlib. Yquit quotes in his Mu'jam al-bulddn109 from Abii 'Ubayda's Mathdlib that Hashim b. 'Abd Manaf bought a black girl, Hayya, at the market of Hubasha. She bore him two sons: Sayfi and Kitdb al-dafd'in 16 and Kitab man qdla shi'ran fa-nusiba ilayhi.117 Al-'Isami mentionsa list of Qurashi judges fromIbn al-Kalbi's Hukkdm Quraysh.118 Of special interestis a compilationof Ibn al-Kalbi not recordedin the 108 Ta'rikh Moskwa I967, f. 4a; Abu al-khulafd',ed. Piotrowski-Graznewych, 1-Baqa', op. cit., f. I2a (Abiu -Baqa' records as well the other version,which is was Umama bint Himyarib. al-Irith H the accepted one: the motherof Abii CAmr of Lakhm; see Mus'ab, op. cit.,p. ioo). timesin Mughultay's Kitdbnawaqilmudar,114 Kitdbal-bulddn,ll Zahr,13 the motherof Sayfi and AbuiSayfi was Hind bint Tha'laba fromKhazraj. This nasab is recordedby Ibn al-Kalbi (Jamhara,7b, inf.).The slanderous traditionsabout the pedigree of al-Ash'ath b. Qays, al-Muhallab b. Abi Sufra, Khalid b. Safwan, al-Jahm b. Badr, Abu Dulaf and Khalid b. 'Abdallah al-Qasri seem to have been recordedfromthe Mathalib of Abf 'Ubayda.11 Ibn al-Kalbi and Abu 'Ubayda both apply the same style of slander directed at the ancestresses,involving accusations of immoral can thus be seen to be in fact nothing conduct and adultery.The mathdlib but a collection of defamatorygenealogical gossip. They are different fromnasab and serve a different purpose. The followingworks of Ibn al-Kalbi seem to be related in subjectmatter to his nasab compilations: Kitdb al-alqab,112mentioned three AbfiSayfi.But Mus'ab givesin his Nasab 110 a rather different version: Ibn Rustah, al-A 'clq al-nafisa,ed. M. J. de Goeje, Leiden 1892, pp. 205-207. See Sezgin, op. cit., I, 271, no. I9. 113 F. 87a (why 'Auf was nicknamed Thumala); f. Io2b (explanation of the nickname Janb; cf. Caskel, op. cit., II, 257); f. 207a (the nickname al-Akhtal). 114 F. I38a (and see Abu l-Baqa', op. cit., f. 36a where a compilation of Kit. al-nawdqilby Abu l-Hasan Muh. b. Muh. al-cAlawiis mentioned); and see above note 35. 112 111 109 S.v. Hubasha. 110 Nasab Quraysh, p. 4, 11. 12-14. 115 116 fimd ruwiyafi l-quburwa-l-dafd'in;Ahmad b. Hanbal, Kit. al-warac,Cairo I340, p. 47: Kit. al-dafd'in). 117 F. I45a, inf.; see Ibn al-Kalbi, al-Asndm, no. 87. qurayshqala ...; rabad 118 Simt al-nujum al-cawali, Cairo I380, op. cit., I, 270, no. I3; see al-Karajaki, F. 33b (the correct reading is Dafd'in, not Daqd'iq as given by Sezgin, Kanz al-fawd'id, n.p., I322, p. I78: fasl Ff. 8b, 9b, Igb, 43a, 45a, 47a, 57a-b, II7b, I96b, 3o6b, 325a. Hyderabad I384/1964, p. 459; and see al-Asndm,no. 64: Ahkam al-cArab (the correctreadingis kukkamas in note 3 ib.). I361/I942, cf. Muh. b. Habib, al-Muhabbar,ed. I. Lichtenstaedter, Hydep. I32; idem, al-Munammaq, ed. Khurshid Ahmad Fariq, I, 213: ... can al-kalbi fZ l-hukkdm min Notes on Caskel's Camharat an-nasab 67 in It list ofhis works. is mentioned Mughultay thefollowing by passage: ... dhakarahu l-shard, l-kalbiyyu kitdbi ta'lifihi: fi wa-md: wa-salld kabbara li-lldhi kabbari119 sallddhawul-'aybiwa-md us This shortpassage of Ibn al-Kalbi's Kit. al-shirdprovides witha and politicalsympathies. of The clue forthe assessment his religious of champion thecause of 'Ali,thecontent personofMiqdad,the famous was of a Shi'i character. The Shi'i symevidencethat the compilation It of al-Kalbi120 and ofIbn al-Kalbi are wellknown.121 is therepathies in an to fore surprising find theJamhara inserted not passageconcerning on inflicted Anas b. Malik forhaving denied having the punishment of in It of heardan utterance the Prophet favour 'All.122 is a well-known Ibn also traditions In spite of his Shi'i sympathies al-Kalbi recorded whichwere not always in favourof 'Ali and the Shi'a.124He was a AlthoughIbn Rustah, op. cit., p. 220, 1. 4 mentionsMuh. b. al-Sa'ib as one of the murji'a. 121 Caskel, op. cit.,I, 73; and see the storytold by Muh. b. al-Sa'ib: ... maridtu mardatanfa-nasftumd kuntua.hfazu fa-ataytuala muhammadin(s) fa-nafathu fi md fiyyafa-hafiztu kuntunasitu-Ibn Abi Hatim al-Razi, Kit. al-jarh wa-l-tac'dl, 120 wa-qdla l-miqdddubnu I-aswadi l-kindiyyuyamda.hu 'aliyyan fimd of the verse and the occasion on which it was uttered-all this bears Shi'i story.123 119 Al-Zahr, f. I17b. And see the traditiontransmitted him that the angel Gabriel used to transmit by the Revelation to 'All in the absence of the Prophet: Ibn Hajar, op. cit., ib.; aled. Safadi, al-Waft bi-l-wafayat, H. Ritter, Wiesbaden I38I/I96I, III, 83; and see the story about the killingof Sacd b. cUbada (cf. al-Husayni, al-Darajdt alrafcta,al-Najaf 1382/I962,p. 334) reportedby al-Kalbi in Yawaqzt al-siyar, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 377I, f. I32a, penult.; al-Dhahabi, Mizdn al-i'tiddl, ed. CAll Muh. al-Bijawi, Cairo I382/I963, III, 557-558; and see ib., IV, 304, ult. on Hisham b. of al-Qurab, p. 148). 122 123 Hyderabad I953, III, 2, 270; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, IX, I79 (no. 266). : Muh. b. al-Sa'ib: wa-qala ibn casdkir rfidi, laysa bi-thiqatin (quoted by the editor Einschub .". Caskel, op. cit.,I, I09: "Ein sonderbarer See al-Majlisi, op. cit., XXXVII, 197-200 (new ed.); Ibn Shahrashfb, Manaqib al Abi Talib, al-Najaf I376/I956, II, I3; Ibn Rustah, op. cit., p. 221. There was however an earlier case which caused a grudge of 'All against Anas; see alMajlisi, op. cit.,LX, 301 (new ed.). 124 See e.g. the traditionthat Khalid b. Sa'id b. al-'As embraced Islam before 'All: Mughultay,op. cit.,f. II7a-b (see on Khalid b. Sa'cd: Mus'ab, op. cit.,p. I74, 1. I5). Al-Kalbi reportsthe following saying of Khalid: "I fearedmy father(thereforeI did not announce my Islam publicly-K), but CAlldid not fearAbfiTalib." And see the favourabletraditionabout Jarirb. 'Abdallah al-Bajali (yatlacucalaykum min hadha l-fajji khayru dhi yamanin calayhi mashatu malikin fa-.talaca jariru bnu 'abdi llahi l-bajaliyyu)-al-Khatlb al-BaghdadI, Miudihauham al-jam' Hyderabad I379/1960, II, 355. And see the traditiontransmittedby wa-l-tafriq, Ibn al-Kalbi (withthe isnad: Ibn al-Kalbi > his father AbuiSalih > Ibn CAbbas) > that the Prophet informed secretlyHIafsathat her father(i.e. 'Umar) will be the 68 Kisterand Plessner,Notes on Caskel's Gamharat an-nasab of and transmitter nasab and akhbdr, he carriedout this vocationwith Besides the Mathdlib compiledbooks in he the utmostresponsibility. was ofArab cultural tradition recorded, thus whicha significant portion valuable information about social life,beliefs, genpoetry, providing on ealogy, wars and alliances of tribes.His compilations genealogy, a constitute solidand masterly monument of amongthemtheJamhara, Arablearning. to We owe a debt of gratitude the late W. Caskel formakingthis book availableto modern scholarship. magnificent Caliph afterAbfi Bakr; Hafsa revealed the secret to 'A'isha-al-Dhahabi, Mzzan Beirut 1385/I966,VII, 57; the tradition al-ictiddl, IV, 305 (see Ibn Kathir, Tafsfr, is recorded with a different isndd. And see al-Tabarsi, Majmac al-bayan, Beirut I380/I96I, XXVIII, I20 inf.; the traditionis recorded without isndd. The tradition is not foundin al-Wahidi's Asbdbal-nuzil and in Suyitl's Lubdb al-nuqilin the chapter of Siirat al-tahrim). 

Ibn al-Kalbi - Arabian Peninsula.pdf NOTES AND COMMUNICATIONS A WORK OF IBN AL-KALBT ON THE ARAB PENINSULA The list of the works of Ibn al-Kalbi recorded by Ahmad Zaki Pasha (Ibn al-Kalbi, Kitab al-asnam, Cairo, 1924, p. 73, no. 57) contains a work Kitdb Ghuzayya (correctly: Kitdb Ghaziyya; see Yaqfit, Mu'jam al-udaba', ed. Ahmad Farid Rifa'I, Cairo, n.d., xIx, 290, 1. 1); Ahmad Zaki remarks that Ghuzayya is a well-known tribe. The title of the work seems to indicate that it deals with the tradition and stories about the tribe. The name of the book was, however, transmitted erroneously and it seems that the error crept very early into the copied book of Ibn Nadim's Fihrist. The correct name of the book is recorded in the MS of al-Husayn b. 'All b. al-Katib, known as al-Wazir al-Maghribi (see GAL, Suppl., I, 600-1), al-H.asan Adab al-khawdss (MS Brussa, Husayn Qelebi, 85b) in a significant passage in which one of the meanings of the root ' 'arb ' is discussed (fols. 38b-39b). Al-Wazir al-Maghribi quotes an opinion that 'arba denotes the Arab peninsula and records a passage from Ibn al-Kalbi's book 'Arba (so vowelled) confirming this opinion: fa-min al-shdhidi 'ald anna 'arbata ismu jazirati 'l-'arabi m&anshadahu hishdmun al-kalbiyyu fi kitabihi 'l-musammr 'arbata li-abi talibin 'ammi 'l-nabiyyi salla 'lldhu 'alayhi wa-'al adlihi....1 wa-'arbatuardun la yuhillu hardmahd: min al-ndsi ghayru 'l-shautariyyi 'l-qunabili.2 Al-Wazir al-Maghribi gives the explanation of the meanings of shautari and qunabil3 and differs with the opinion of Ibn al-Kalbi that 'arba-according to the quoted verse-denotes the Arab peninsula. In his opinion 'arba in the verse quoted by Ibn al-Kalbi denotes Mecca. 'But Hishdm (i.e. Ibn al-Kalbi) knows better' 4 remarks al-Wazir al-Maghribi respectfully at the end of the passage. Al-Wazir al-Maghribi may indeed be trusted in his information about genealogy and about the works of Ibn al-Kalbi. He had a profound knowledge of nasab which is attested by his book al-inds bi-'ilmi 'l-ansdb(British Museum, 1 The author gives a detailed pedigree of Abdi Tilib: ... wa-ismuhu 'Abd Mandf b. 'Abd alMuttalib (wa-ismuhu Shayba) b. Hdshim (wa-ismuhu 'Amr) b. 'Abd Mandf (wa-ismuhu 'l-Mughira) b. Qusayy (wa-ismuhu Zayd) b. Kildb b. Murra b. Ka'b b. Lu'ayy b. Ghdilibb. Fihr b. JMulikb. al-Nadr (wa-huwajimn'u Quraysh, man laysa min wuldi 'l-Nadr fa-laysa min Quraysh) b. Kindna b. Khuzayma b. Mudrika (wa-ismuhu 'Amr) b. al- YTs b. Mlludar NizJr b. Ma'add b. 'Adnan. b. 2 See the verse in Mu'jam al-bulddn, s.v. 'araba with the hemistich: Ydqfit's min al-ndsi illJ 'l-laudha'iyyu 'l-buldhilu and see L'A, s.v. 'arb with the hemistich as in Ydqfit's Mu'jam; but L'A, s.v. qnbl, the hemistich is recorded as in Adab al-khawdss. 3 A rajaz verse of Abfi Ghilib al-'Ijll is quoted: BanT Kulaybin sqaukumjaddun shaqiyy : Hatt&ramdkum 'inda asali 'l-'ashiyy : Bi-mutrahammin f T 'l-shabdbishautariyy. wa-and ardanna hadhi 'l-bayta yadullu 'ald ghayri ma'stashhada bihi 'alayhi Hishamun 4... li-annahu yadullu 'ald Mackkata faqat, wa-Hishamun a'rafu. NOTES AND COMMUNICATIONS 591 MS Or. 3620).5 His quotations, glosses, and remarks prove that he had a vast erudition in Jahiliyya tradition and that he was a connoisseur of Jahili poetry. His immense knowledge of nasab is evident in his detailed pedigrees given in the recorded stories of Adab al-khawdss. His esteem for Ibn al-Kalbi and his keen interest in his works is attested by the comments and notes recorded on his authority in the margin of the MS of Kitdb al-asndm.6 It is evident that the work of Ibn al-Kalbi referred to by Ibn al-Nadim in his Fihrist is Kitdb 'Arbanot Kitdb Ghaziyya. The cause of the erroris obvious: the slight graphical difference between Zj and L which led to the clerical s. error. The quotations recorded on the authority of Ibn al-Kalbi in Ydqilt's Mu'jam al-bulddn7are with all probability derived from his Kitdb 'Arba,a book obviously dealing with the Arab peninsula. M. J. KISTER 5 The note of the editor Ahmad Farid Rif5'I in Ibn Khallikan's Wafaydt (v, 39, n. 3): huwa kitabunff wa 'l-adab is erroneous. 6 See 'l-muh.dardt al-Asndm, 26-7. 7 s.v. 'Araba Beirut, 1957, Iv, 97a, 97b; see the verses of Ibn Munqidh, and Abfi Sufydn al-Aklubi (pp. 97, 98) in Adab al-khawdss, fol. 39b f. (On Abil Sufyin al-Aklubi see al-Sam'Kni, al-Ansdb, ed. al-Mu'allimi, Hyderabad, 1962, I, p. 337, n. 1.) 

God will never disgrace thee.pdf GOD WILL NEVER DISGRACE THEE (THE INTERPRETATION OF AN EARLY h a d i t h By M. J. KISTER THE WELL KNOWN TRADITION in al-bukhari, told on the authority of a l z u h r i u r w a a aisha , aisha the conversation between the Prophet and Khadija after he received his first revelation1 contains at the end a phrase variously interpreted by Muslim scholars and translated in modern times in various manners. The contents of the hadith are as follows: After the Prophet had heard the call to prophecy, he came to Khadija with a trembling heart, asking her to cover him. He informed her about his experience and told her of his anxiety for himself. Khadlja encouraged him and assured him, that God would not disgrace him because of his good qualities. N a y by G o d she said, G o d will never disgrace you; you do good unto the kindred, bear the burden of the infirm, bestow alms on the poor, entertain the g u e s t The last phrase of this hadith is: wtuinua l a nananawaibi-haqqin attempt is here made to elucidate the meaning of this obscure phrase, and the problem of the originality of the hadith is briefly discussed. I To start with, there are two interesting variants of this phrase. Al-Maqrizi's version is: wa tuinu a , 2 tuinu hala agnawaibi the l dahrirtunes of time, whereas Ibn Kathir quotes a version nawaibul khairi and interprets it: I f a misfortune befalls some body in a righteous case (idha waqaatnaibatun li ahadin fi khairin), you extend your help and aid him till he finds means of living or sustenance." a l - q a s t a l l a n i i does not quote the version tuinu ala nawaibi l-khairi but interprets the saying in a corresponding manner by giving to the word haqq a meaning similar to that of khair: n n a w a i b means vicissitudes h a w a d i t h she (i.e. Khadija) sainawaibuu l-haqqi because vicissitudes affect the righteous and unrighteous (/i-annahd takimu fi l-haqqi w a l - b a t i l i Labld said: nawaibu min khairin wa-sharrin kilkilahumaa l a '1-khairu mmamdudunn al-qastallanithus contrasts haqq with bdtil; the phrase according to him would mean: you help in vicissitudes. of a righteous case (as opposed to batil an unrighteous one). The verse of Labld, quoted as shahid, does not, however, confirm this interpretation. Labid wanted to say: Vicissitudes of good and evil both (exist), the good is not prolonged, nor the evil lasting-and not vicissitudes in a good or an evil c a u s e La bid's verse can be compared with the one by al-Niibigha al-dhubyani. 5 Wa-ld yabsabiina '1-khaira la sharra badahu: Wa-/d yahsabuna'l·sharra darbata lazibi wa la '1-sharru l a z i b u u 1 Al-Bukhilri: sahih Bab kaifa kana bad'u 1-wabyi, I, 3 (ed. Cairo, A.H. 1286); Muslim: sahih I, 97 (ed. Cairo, A.H. 1334); comp.: Ibn s a d tabaqat I, 195 (ed. Beirut, 1960); al-bakadhuri: ansabbal-ashraf I, 106 (ed. M. h a m i b u l l a h Abil nuaim: d a l a i l al-nubuwwa, p. 68 (ed. Hyderabad A.H. 1320); ai-Slra al-halabiyya, I, 277 (ed. Cairo, A.H. 1351). i m i aal-asma I, 13, inf. (ed. Cairo, 1941). • al-bidaya wa l nihaya III, 7 (ed. Cairo, 1932); and see W. sakakini ummahat al-mmuminin p. 16 (Cairo, n.d.). ' /rshad al-sarl, I, 65 (ed. bulaq A.H. 1323). Dlwiin, p. 12 (ed. m u h Jamal, Beirut, 1929). 28 "GOD WILL NEVER DISGRACE THEE" which conveys the same idea of changes in the conditions of the tribe. The idea of haqq and batil cannot be traced in the verses of either Labid or al-NAbigha. Al- qastallani's interpretation was copied by al-zurqani1 ; al-sira al halabiyya only comments on the word nawaib rendering it hawadith A quite different interpretation of the phrase is given by al kashmiriin his f a i d a l b a r i r i a r i r i i Tu'tuinu alanawaibii-bl haqqi a comprehensive expression for (qualities) mentioned (in this hadith and not mentioned. The banubHhasimgained fame by these features of character. aswaf a n u II Let us turn to the translators: h o u d a s m a r c a i s translate ... "et tu secours les victimes des vicissitues du droit": the words victims of the vicissitudes of right are not, however, found in the text: nawd'ibu '1-baqqi. Sprenger translates 5 : u n d unterstiitzest Leute in unverdientem ungluck," which again can hardly be deduced from the text. Mirza Bashir al-Oin mahmud ahmad's translation reads': a n d you. help those who are in distress," which corresponds to the version of al maqrizi mentioned above. 7 a n unusual rendering is given by W. M. Watt 8 : y o u succour the agents of the t r u t h This translation (although followed by a question mark) is erroneous and was probably caused by confusing nuwwdb with nawd'ib. R. V. C. Bodley's translation': "Hast thou not been loving to thy kinsfolk ... faithful to thy word and ever a defender of the truth" ... merely glosses over the difficulty. III For the elucidation of the phrase under discussion early poetry and prose have to be consulted. A remarkable verse of u r w a b. at-Ward runs as f o l l o w s atahazau minnii an saminta wa-qad tara Bi-jismiya massa11 l-haqqi wa l haqqujahidu The verse is rendered by n o l d e k e "Spottest Du iiber mich dass Du fett geworden. Wlihrend Du an meinen Leibe den Eindruck der pflicht (welche Andern zuerst Nahrung giebt und mir nichts llisst) siehst? Denn die Pfticht greift an." noldeke's rendering is based on the commentary on the words: "Duty is exhausting"; "this means that duties (obligations) come upon him (yatruquhu) and he prefers the fulfilment of duties to his own interest yuthiruh a l a naftihi) and to the interest of his family; he is enduring hunger and drinks cold water. The haqq mentioned means doing good to kindred, bestowing upon the beggar and the kinsman; everybody who practices it is exhausted by it." This meaning of haqq as a social obligation of the noble member of a tribe towards 1 1 sharh al mawahib I, 212-13 (ed. Cairo, A.B. 1325). Op. cit., ib. I, 28-29 (ed. Cairo, 1938). e l b o k h a r i l e straditions islamiques, 3 Die uhn desmohammad I, 333 (Berltn, 1869). Introduction to the Study of the Holy Quran, p. 144 (London, 1949). ' Vide above;; n. 2, p. 27. muhammad at M e c c a (Oxford, 1953). The Messenger, p. 52 (Lahore, 1954). Th. n o l d e k e Die Ge,dichte des 'Urwa b. ai-Ward, p. 41 (Gottingcn, 1863). In h a m a s a shuhuba l haqqi (Freytag, p. 723). Op. cit., p. 78. "GOD WILL NEVER DISGRACE THEE" 29 the poor, the needy and e ~ kinsfolk in the Jdhiliyya is further elucidated by the response of Qays b. Zuhayr, quoted by al-bakri l a tashtumanni ya bna wardinfa-ininnan it a u d ala malil huququ '1-'awd'idu Fa-man yuthiri l haqqa l n n a u b a a takun bihi k h u s a s a t u ujismin wa-hwa tayyanumajidu d o not revile me, o son of Ward for o b l i g a t i o n s which come up again and again are turning upon my property; and whoever prefers to fulfil the recurring obligation, his body will turn hollow shaped; he is hungry b u t n o b l e We have here the expression al haqqual naubu t h e recurring obligation" which explains the phrase of the hadith The same expression is found in a verse of muawiya b. m a l i k the m u a w w i d u l h u k a m a he gained his sobriquet by this verse3 : U'awwidu mithlahd l hukamaaa ba'di: Idhd md '1-baqqufl '1-ashyd'i naba accustom the wise men after me to do the like Whenever obligations come upon the tribal groups" a l a n b a r i gives a pertinent explanation of the word haqq as understood by the Beduins, in which obligations like paying the bloodwit for men, who have no means to pay it, and entertaining guests are included. The translation of haqqby Lyall as "just claims" seems not to be justified. A similar explanation of haqq by al-Anbiiri is found in this commentary on the verse mufaddaliyyat IV, 9, where a herd is described which has been diminished by changes of time and fulfilment of social obligations. muawiya b. malik mentions the idea of recurring obligations in another verse': qala qalatybatu qad ghawaita /i-an r a a t /faqqan yundwibu mdlana wa mufudu "Zunayba said: you err, as she saw that obligations keep recurring upon our property, and deputations (asking our help)" An anonymous verse 5 conveys the same idea of the obligations of a noble man: Wa-ld arbau '1-md/a min bubbihi, wa-ld li-1-fikhdri wa-ld li-1bakhal Wa-ldkin li haqqin idhd nabani, wa-ikramidayfin idhd m a nazal i do not care for property for the love of it or for the sake of boasting, or because of avarice; but only for fulfilling obligations when they come upon me, and to honour a guest should he alight." simt a l l a a l i p. 822 (ed. ai-Maimani). a l q a l i a m a l i II, 204: al naduba (ed. a l m a i m a n i mufaddaliyyat CV, IS (ed. Lyall); ai-Bakri: s i m t 190 (ldhiJ mudilu l hadathani n a b a Ibn h a b i b alqabu '1-shu'arlJ, NawlJdlr al-makhtutlJt, VII, 313 (ed. 'Abd al salam h a r u n a b u Zaid: NawlJdlr, p. 148 (ed. al shartuni Beirut, 1894). 1 I, 68-T. 'A. "GOD WILL NEVER DISGRACE THEE" An Umayyad poet, Shabib b. al barsa uses the expression in a reverse order1 : wa ahbisu fi l haqqi '1-karimata, innama yaqumu bihaqqi'1-nd'ibdti saburuha "And I reserve for obligations the valuable (property); for it is only he who endures that can fulfil the duty of recurring obligations" The same poet mentions this idea in another v e r s e wa li l haqqi min mtili idhd huwa dafani nasibun wa-li-1-nafsi '1-sha'd'i nasibu wa la khayra fiman lti yuwattinu naftahu a l a naibati'1-dahri hina tamibu "A share of my property is for an obligation should it come to me; and a share for the unsettled soul. And no good is in a man who cannot train himself to bear the misfortunes of time when they come (upon him)" The word haqq is joined by another verb (alamma) in a verse the mukhadram poet 'Amr b. al-Ahtam8 : Wa-1-badhlu min. mu'dimiha in alamma bihd haqqun wa-ld yashtakinaman yanadiha "And its poor (of the tribe) give freely when an obligation draws near, and he who calls on them (for help) does not complain of them." In another poem by 'Amr' obligations are mentioned together with misfortunes6 : Wa-inni karimun dhu 'iydlin tuhimmuni Nawa'ibu yaghshti ruz'uhd wa haququ "I am a noble man, with a: household to look after; I take care of misfortunes (entailing) losses, and of obligations." The translation by Lyall of huquq as: "calls for brotherly help" seems to be inaccurate. Poets sometimes boast that the noble men of their tribe fulfil their social obligations towards the poor and the needy, holding lightly their property in their generosity. Rabl'a b. Maqriim, one of the warriors and poets of Qabba, says•: Yuhiniina fi l haqqi amwalahum idha '1-lazibdtu iltahayna '1-musima "They hold lightly their property in fulfilment of their obligations; when barren years wear away the (herds) of the owner of the cattle." Lyall translates: "claims on them." The commentary of al-Anbiiri repeats the explanation of h a q q quoted above as including 1 • mufaddaliyyat Comp. op. cit., aghani (3rd ed.), 12, 275. AI-Amidi: al-Mu'ta/1/, p. 68 (ed. Krenkow). Ibn al-Shajarl, hamasa p. SO (ed. Krenkow). 9, mentioned above. 6. mufaddaliyyat 26; T. 'A., I, comp. the verse of Miskin a l d a r i m i wa in haqqun araniahantuha al-'Askarf: DlwiJn al maani I, 29 (ed. A.H. 1352). "GOD WILL NEVER DISGRACE THEE" 31 the expenditure in order to help in cases of bloodwit, bestowing camels, and entertaining guests. The Umayyad Ibn Rumma says1 : Wa-innd lakhushnrm fi '1-liqd'i a'izzatun wa fi l haqqi waddahuna bidun qalamisu "We are harsh and mighty in battle, and in fulfilling obligations bright, shining and generous." In all these cases haqq means obligation, duty. The verbs attached s u c has 'ard, alamma, taraqa, a d a d a f a n a z a l a denote the appearing of the obligation, and are synonymous with n a b a mentioned in the hadith of 'A'isha. It is clear, then, that the phrase Nawd'ibu l haqq like 'awdi'du l haqq means cases of obligations coming upon the tribe, or the community. The expression t u i n u a l a nawd'ibi l h a q q i is a Jdhiliyya term used in praise of tribe and its leaders and was adopted in Islam. It can now be seen that the commentators and translators did not grasp its correct meaning. It may be· remarked, that the qualities enumerated by Khadija in the tradition discussed here are not attributed to the Prophet alone; we find a similar tradition also about Abu Bakr. When the leader of the a h a b i s h Ibn al-Dughunna met Abii Bakr, who was intending to leave Mecca, he laid stress on his behaviour in his clan and mentioned his qualities. He said3 : "You are tlie splendour of your people, you help them (to overcome) the misfortunes (tu'Inu a l a '1-nawii'ibi), you act righteously, you bestow upon the poor. Return ... etc." There is however another version of this story; and it is striking to find that the text is almost identical to the hadith of 'A'isha discussed here. This version is recorded by al bukhari on the authority of alzuhrii-'urwa-'Aaisha Ibn al-Dughunna says addressing Abu Bakr: ."A man like you should not be driven out. You bestow on the poor, you do good to your kindred, you bear the burden (of the poor, forlorn or needy), you entertain the guest, you help in the fulfilment of obligations (tu'lnu a l a nawii'ibi l h a q q i I am your protector. Return etc The similarity of the hadith about the conversation between Khadija and the Prophet, and the story of the conversation between Ibn al-Dughunna and Abii Bakr in the version of al-Bukhari, suggests that this kind of address was a coined formula of praise, current at that period. We find for instance a description of h a s h i m written in a similar style. Many other descriptions of noble men of the Jdhiliyya emphasize exactly these qualities. In later times, even a mawla could be addressed in the same way. When Jarir came with a group of yarbuites asking the help of Fayriiz h u s a y n (a mawla of Tamim) because the people were driven away by drought, he said: "you are the splendour of the people, you help (to overcome) the misfortune (tu'inu 'aid '1-nd'ibati), you bear the burden (of the Ibn ai-Shajari: h a m a s a p. S4. Comp. al baladhuri a n s a b MS. 102Sa: wa./iJ yadfa'u l haqqa idhiJ nazala bihi. Ibn h i s h a m s i r a II, 12; and see Suhaili: al raud ai-Unuf. I, 231 (ed. Cairo, 1917). $ablb, II, 268; and see: Al-Dhahabi: Ta'rlkh, I, 190; Ibn Kathir: ai-BidiJya, III, 173. It is obvious, that the mention of these qualities is more relevant in the case of Abil Bakr; here his social activity is rightly stressed. 1 wa kana yahmilubna '1-sablll wa-yuaddl'l-haqaiqa . .. al zurqani sharh ai-Mmawahib l, 73. 1 32 "GOD WILL NBVE& DISGRACE THBB" needy and the poor)." 1 fayruz handed over 1,000 dirhems to Jarir. Here the praise used in honour of the Prophet and Abu Bakr is applied to a mawla In conclusion it may be said, that the phrase tu'inu a l a nawaibi l h a q q i is closely connected with the jahiliyya social ideal about the fulfilment of duties towards the poor and the needy and it tallies well in the hadith about the Prophet with the other qualities mentioned in it. The phrase has to be translated: "and thou helpest in cases of recurring obligations." The hadith on the conversation between the Prophet and Khadija shows a striking similarity to the tradition about the conversation between AbU Bakr and Ibn ai-Dughunna; this seems to suggest that we· have here a current panegyrical formula. Al-Baliidhurl: a n s a b MS. 1012b. 

taif_reports.pdf SOME REPORTS CONCERNING AL-TA'IF In memory of Yuval Taglicht The battle of Hunayn (8H/630), in which the Muslim troops defeated the joint forces of the Hawazin and Thaqif, heralded the submission of al-Ta'if. The expedition of the Prophet against al-Ta'if is reflected in a peculiar utterance attributed to him: "God's Iast tread was at Wajj (. .. wa-inna akhira wa(atin wati'aha llahu bi-wajj; in another version: inna iikhira wa(atin /i-lliihi yaumu wajj)l and interpreted as referring to the Iast campaign of the Prophet (aided by God's power, indicated by the word "wa(a" - K) against the unbelievers. The conversion of al-Ta'if to Islam marked in fact the Iast victorious stage of the Prophet's struggle for control over the three important cities in the Arabian peninsula: Mecca, Medina and al-Ta'if. The reports about the negotiations between the Prophet and the deputation of Thaqif (in 9 H), and the concessions and privileges granted by him to Thaqlf, are divergent and even contradictory. By surveying these traditions it is possible to elucidate some points of the negotiated conditions, which shed light on certain essential details of the concessions granted. A report on the administrative and military steps taken by Mu'awiya with regard to al-Ta'if may expose the changes in the structure of the popUlation of al-Ta'if in that period. According to the most widely quoted traditions/ the Prophet rejected all the requests submitted to him by the delegation of Thaqif, including the permission to profit from financial transactions based on usury, pennission to have inter1 AI-BakrI, Mu'iam mli sta'iam, ed. Mu~tafa I-Saqa., Cairo, 1368/1949, p. 1369; YaqOt, Mu'iam al-buldlin, Beirut, 1376/1957, V, 361; Ibn al-Athfr, al-Nihiiya ft gharlbi I-I}adrthi wa-I-athar, ed. al-TanaJ:tr, Cairo, 1385/1965, V, 200; al-Zamakhsharr, al-Fo'ig, cd. MuJ:tammad Abo I-Faql IbrahIm, 'Air MuJ:tammad aI-Bija.wI, Cairo, 1971, I, 185; NOr aI-DIn aI-HaythamI, Maima' al-zawii'id, Beirut, 1967, X, 54; L'A, s.v. w ~ 'a, w j j; P.H. Lammens, La ate Arabe de '[ii'ifa/a Veillede/,Hegire, Bcyrouth, 1922,p. 28. 2 See Ibn Hisham, al-Srra al-nabawiyya, ed. al-Saqa, al AbyarI, Shalabr, Cairo, 1355/1936, IV, 182-7; al-Waqidf, al-Maghiizr, cd. Marsden Jones, Oxford, 1966, III, 960-73; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqlit, Beirut, 1380/1960, I, 31Z-13; al-Tabarr, Ta'rrkh al-umam wa-I-mulak, Cairo, 1357/ course with prostitutes (during their journeys), perrmssion to drink wine and, finally, the concession to worship al-Lat (al-Rabba) for a period; all these demands were refused by the Prophet, save the concession that the idol of al-Lat be destroyed not by themselves but by others. Watt, in scrutinizing the negotiations of the delegation with the Prophet, notices that there is no mention of anyone being commissioned to collect any contribution or tax from Thaqif; he remarks that "this might be a reason for the disappearance of the text of the treaty with aI-Ta'if.,,3 Some fifty years earlier Buhl, pointing out that the Prophet granted to Thaqif as a privilege recognition of their valley, Wajj, as haram." had suggested that he might have granted them additional concessions, not mentioned in the traditions." This line was followed by Sperber in his study of the Ietters of the Prophet. 6 As a matter of fact there are reports which attribute to the Prophet far-reaching concessions granted to Thaqif. According to one of them Thaqif embraced Islam on condition that their people would be free from paying the sadaqa and 1939, II, 364-6; al-Kala'i", al-Iktifii' jT maghdz i rasiili lliihi wa-l-thaldthati l-khulafd, ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wahid , Cairo, 1389/1970, II, 398--408; Ibn Kath Ir , al-Bidaya wa-l-nihaya, Beirut al-Riyad, 1966, V, 29~34; Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, 'Uytm al-athar ft funtm al-maghazt wa-l-shama' il wa-l-siyar, Cairo, 1356, 11,228-31; al-Maqrtz i, Imta' al-asma' bi-ma Ii-l-rasuii min al-anba"i wal-amwati wa-I-hafadati wa-l-mata', ed. Mahrntd Muhammad Shakir, Cairo, 1941, 1,4914; ,,1Zurqanr, Sharh al-mawahib al-laduniy ya, Cairo 1327, IV,6~10; Ibn al-Athrr, al-Kamil ft l-ta'rtkh, ed , 'Abd al-Wahhab al-Najjar , Cairo, 1349, 11,1934; 'Atr b. Burhan aI-DIn al-Halabr, Insan al- 'uyun ft strati l-amtni l-ma'mun i=al-Stra .al-halabiyyai, Cairo, n.d., III, 243-6; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Durar ft khtisari l-maghazt wa-l-siyar, ed. Shauqi Dayf, Cairo, 1386/1966, pp. 262-5; Dahlan, al-Stra.al-nabawiyya, Cairo, B10, II, 145 inf.-147; al-Diyarbakrr, Ta'rfkh al-khamts fl ahwal anfas nafts, Cairo, 1238, II, 134 inf.-138 1.1; Ibn Hazrn, Jawami' al-stra, ed. Ihsan 'Abbas, Nasir aI-DIn al-Asad , Cairo, n.d., pp. 255-8; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Zad al-ma'ad, Beirut, n.d., II, 197-9, III, 26-9; Ibn AbI Shayba, al-Musanna], ed. 'Abd al-Khaliq alAtghant , Hyderabad, 1388/1968, III, 197; al-Baladhurt , Futuh al-buldan, ed. 'Abdallah and 'Umar al-Tabba', Beirut, 1377/1958, p. 75. . W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Medina, Oxford, 1956, p. 104. See on tahrtm wajj: aI-FakihI, Ta'rtkh Makka, Ms. Leiden Or. 463, fol. 539b; Ibn Sa'd , op. cit., 1,.284-5; Muhibb al-Drn al-Tabart , al-Qira li-qasidi ummi l-qura, ed. Mustafa l-Saqa, Cairo, 1390/1970, p. 666 (see the remarks of the author about the nature of tahrtm: whether it was merely given the status of a hima, or whether the privilege was later annulled); alSamhtd i, Wafii'u l-wafa bi-akhbari dari l-mustafa, cd, Muhammad Muhy i l-Drn 'Abd al-Hamrd, Cairo. 1374/1955, p. 1036; Abo 'Ubayd , al-Amwal. cd. Muhammad Hamid al-Fiqt , Cairo, 1353, p. 193, no. 507, L'A, s, v. w j j; al-Zurqant, op. cit., IV, 10 (discussing contradictory opinions of scholars about the status of Wajj); al-Shaukant, Nayl al-autar, Cairo, 1372/1953, V, 39~40 (see the discussion about the validity of the tradition and the position ofWajj); Ibn Zanjawayh, Kitab al-amwal, Ms. Burdur 183, fol. 68a; al-DiyarbakrI, op. cit., II, 110, 11.2-6; al-Maqrrzr, op. cit., L 493; AmIn Mahrntd Khattab, Fath al-malik al-ma'btd, TakmiZat al-manhal al-tadhb al-maund, Cairo, 1394/1974, II, 231-3; Muhammad Hamtdullah, Majmu'at 'al-watha'iq alsiyasiyya, Cairo, 1376/1956, no. 182; Shakrb Arslan, al-Irt;samat al-litaf ft khatiri I-lJajji i/a aqdasi mataf , cd. Muhammad RashId Rida, Cairo, 1350, p. 135 (see the quotation from Ibn Fahds Tuhfat at-lata 'if ft [ada 'ili l-habri bni 1-'abbasi wa-wajjin wa-l-ta'if). 5 F. Buhl, Das Leben Muhammeds, trans!. H.H. Schaeder, Heidelberg, 1955 (repr.), p. 332. 6 J. Sperber, "Die Schreiben Mohammeds an die Stamrnc Arabiens",MSOS 19 (1916), 71-2. 3 4 2 Some reports concerning al-Ta 'if exempted from obligatory participation in the expeditions of jihad. The Prophet then noted that in the future they would pay the poor tax, the sadaqa, and participate in the holy war (jihad).7 It is evident that, according to this version of the tradition, the Prophet freed Thaqif from the poor tax and from participation in war expeditions. The version which contains the final restrictive clause (idha aslamiu is, however, interpreted in a different way: the convert is granted a respite from the obligation till a prescribed time or within specific circumstances. In this case Thaqif would be obliged to pay the sadaqa, the poor tax, when the fixed time came and to participate in jihad whenever announced.' It can thus be deduced, according to this interpretation, that the Prophet merely postponed for Thaqif the fulfillment of some obligations. The exemption of Thaqif from paying the poor tax (~adaqa) and jihad is plainly reported in a haditti in which the Prophet conceded payment of the tithe (,ushr) as well as conscription (lakum an la tuhsharii wa-lii tu 'shariiy; their third demand, not to perform prostration in prayer (an la yujabbiiy was refused by the Prophet, on the grounds that faith without prostration was devoid of good." The two concessions of 'ushr and hashr are in fact included in the official epistle issued by the Prophet for Thaqif as recorded by Abu 'Ubayd.! 0 The request of the deputation to exempt Thaqif from prayer deserves particular attention. When the Prophet refused this demand he is said to have remarked: "A faith without prayer is devoid of good" (la khayra fi dlnin Iii saliita fihi);1 1 the deputation, in accepting the Prophet's decision, said: "We grant you that even 7 Ibn Rajab, Jami' al-tulum wa-l-hikam, ed. Muhammad al-Ahmadr Abu I-NUr, Cairo, 1389/ 1969, I, 180 inf.: ... wa-anna rastda l/ahi salla llahu 'alayhi wa-sallama qala: sa-yassaddaquna wa-yujahiduna (quoted from Ahmad b. Hanbals Musnad); Abu Dawud , Sunan, Cairo, 1348, II, 42; Ibn Katht r, al-Bidaya, V, 30 (In both sources the utterance of the Prophet ends with an additional clause: idha aslamu. They will pay the sadaqa and take part in the expeditions of the holy war "when they will embrace Islam "); al-Suyutr, al-Khasa'is al-kubra, ed. Muhammad Khalrl Haras, Cairo, 1386/1967. II, 145; Ibn al-Ath Ir , al-Nihaya L 238, records a different version of the tradition. It was Jabir who explained the reason for the Prophet's dispensation: "he knew that they would fight and pay the sadaqa when they convert." • See Ibn al-Atht r, al-Nihaya L 238, ll. 5-6: "... wa-lam yurakhkhis lahum ft tarki l-salati Ii-anna waqtaha hadirun mutakarrirun bi-khilafi waqti l-zakati wa-l-jihadi.' . 9 Abu Dawud , op. cit., II, 42: ... wa-la khayra ]t dtnin laysa fthi ruku'un; Ibn Kath Ir , alBidaya, V. 30; Ahmad b. Hanbal. Musnad, Bwaq, 1313, IV, 218 (with an additional request of the delegation: that the governor of al-Ta'if would be appointed from among themselves; this was granted by the Prophet). 10 AbO 'Ubayd , al-A m wal, pp. 190-3. no. 506. (The crucial expression Iii yuhsharuna is glossed by Abo 'Ubayd: tu'khadhu minhum sadaqatu l-mawash t bi-afniyatihim, ya'tthimu l-musaddiqu huniika, wa-la ya'muruhum an yajlibuha ilayhi. But L 'A s. v. J:1 sh r, referring to the conditions of the deputation of Thaqrf, explains /a yuhsharuna: ay Iii yundabuna ila l-maghaz t wa-la tudrabu 'alayhimu l-bu'uthu. L 'A also mentions the interpretation as recorded by AbU 'Ubayd, Both these explanations are recorded by Ibn al-Athrr in his Nihaya, s. v, J:! sh r; and see Ibn Zanjawayh, op. cit., fol. 67a; Muhammad Harnrdullah, op. cit., no. 181; cf. Abu 'Ubayd, Ghart bu l-hadt th, Hyderabad , 1385/1966, III, 197 ult.- 198. It See e.g. at-waqtcr. op. cit.,~. 968. 3 though it be humiliation" ifa-qali: sa-nu'tikahii wa-in kiinat dana'atani+? The expression dana 'a, baseness, or humiliation, seems at first blush somewhat odd in this context. However, its connotation may become apparent from additional reports. The requests of the deputation are recorded in several commentaries to the Qur'an (SUra XVII, 75): "Indeed they were near to seducing thee from that We revealed to thee ... " Al-Khazln v' and al-Baghawi !" record a tradition according to which the deputation asked the Prophet to grant them the following concessions: not to bend (or prostrate) in prayer; not to destroy their idols by themselves; and to be allowed to keep al-Lat for a period of a year, on condition that the goddess would not be worshipped (by them). The Prophet conceded that other people should pull down their idol, but refused to allow its demolition to be delayed; concerning prostration in prayer he remarked: "A faith in which there is no prostration is devoid of good" (fa khayra fi dinin fa rukii'a fihi).1 5 It is thus clear that the deputation did not seek exemption from prayer, but from prostration. According to Arab concepts of honor prostration was deemed demeaning. This is well reflected in the reply of Abu Talib, when invited by the Prophet to join him in prayer: "I know that you are on the right path, but I do not like to prostrate so that my hindquarter is higher than (the rest of) me" (. .. wa-lakinni akrahu an asjuda [a-ta'luwani stl).16 It is indeed instructive to find that Musaylima, when praying in front of Arabs, ordered them to perform the prayer upright, in the manner of noblemen. 17 The opinion of the other false prophet, Tulayha, about prostrations was also unfavourable and he forbade his followers to prostrate in prayer. 1 3 The idea regarding prostration as humiliating, in the Arab society of the Jahiliyya, is clearly reflected in Ibn 'Arabi's commentary to the Qur'an.' 9 The economic factor behind the request to preserve their idol, though com- * See e.g. Ibn Kathrr. al-Bidiiya, V, 30. Al-Khazin, Tafsir (= Lubab al-ta'wtl ft ma'ant I-tanzt Iv, Cairo, 1381, IV, 140 (the text here: III nahnt ft l-salat , with the gloss: ay: Iii nanhant i. 14 Al-Baghawi, Tafsir (= Ma'alim al-tanz tl) on margin of al-Khazins Tafstr , IV, 140 (with the reading la nanhani ft l-salat): and see Ibn al-Ath tr. al-Nihaya . I, 237 ult.- 238: L'A S.v. j b a (quoted from Ibn al-Ath Ir). 15 See this version as variant: 'All b. Burhan al-Dt n.on. cit .. lII. 245,1. 3; DaJ:1lan,op. cit., II. 147: Ibn Katht r. al-Bidaya, V, 30. 16 AI-KhaFb al-Baghdadr, Ta'rikh Baghdad. Cairo. 1349/1931, II. 274. 17 Nashwan , MulUk himyar wa-aqyal al-yaman, cd. 'Ali al-Muayy ad , IsmaIl al-Jaraft , Cairo, 1378, p. 176: ..• wa-kana musaylimatu idha salla bi-I· 'arabi qala: rna yurt du llahu bitauliyati adbarikum wa-sujudikum 'ala jibahikum. sallu li-llahi aiviiman. kiriiman. r e Ibn al-Ath Ir , at Kamil ft l-ta'rikh, 11.232: ... wa-kana ya'muruhum bi-tarki l-sujudi fT l-salati, y aqulu: inna llaha III yasna'u bi-ta'affuri wujidtikum wa-taqabbuhi (?) adbiirikum shay 'an. 1. See e.g. Ibn 'Arabt , Ahkam al-Qur'an, cd. 'Air Muhammad al-Bijawt, Cairo. 1387/1967, I, 21: ... wa-qad kana l-ruku 'u athqala shay 'in 'ala l-qaumi fi l-jahiliyyati, balta qala ba'du man aslama li-l-nabiyyi [s}: 'ala a/Ill akhirra ilia qa'iman, fa-min ta'awwulihi: 'ala atta arka'a. 12 13 4 Some reports concerning al- To 'if mitting themselves to eschew its worship, is given in a commentary to the Qur'an: Thaqif would indeed refrain during the year from worshipping their idol, but other people would come to worship it and bring offerings which will form part of the revenue of Thaqlf.2 0 Some of the traditions relate a remarkable story about the intervention of 'Umar during the negotiations of the Prophet with the delegation of Thaqi f. At a certain point in the negotiations, when the delegation enumerated its insolent and excessive demands, 'Umar noticed vexation on the face of the Prophet; he stood up and stopped the negotiations by forceful interference. Then God revealed the verse: "Indeed they were near to seducing thee ... " According to a tradition recorded by al-Zarnakhshan , the deputation came forward with a considerable list of conditions, demanding exemption from the tithe, from participation in military expeditions and from prostration. Whatever was coming to them in usury was to remain due. but everything they owed in usury to others was to be cancelled; al-Lat was to remain intact for a year, at the end of which the idol was to be destroyed by others, not by themselves; entrance to Wajj was to be forbidden to those seeking to cut trees in the area. Further, the deputation tried to persuade the Prophet, that if asked by the Arab tribes, he should claim that God had ordered him to grant these exceptional privileges and concessions toThaqif. The deputation came prepared with a letter in order to record the conditions agreed upon. They had written in the letter: "In the name of the Merciful, the Compassionate. This is the Ietter from Muhammad, the Messenger of God, to Thaqif. They will not pay the 'ushr (i.e. the tithe) and they will not be recruited for military expeditions." Then they added: "They will not prostrate in prayer." The Prophet kept silent. They said to the scribe: "Write: 'and they will not prostrate in prayer'." The scribe looked at the Prophet (waiting for his assent K). At that moment 'Umar stood up, drew his sword and said: "You burnt the heart of our Prophet, 0 men of Thaqif, may God bum your hearts" (literally: your livers)." The Thaqafites replied that they had not come to talk with him, but with the Prophet. It was then that the verse mentioned above was revealed."! There is no indication in this report whether the negotiations, broken off by 'Umar's interference, were resumed after the verse was revealed: whether the demands of Thaq if which were accepted by the Prophet, were later confirmed, and whether the docu- * 20 Al-Qurtubt , Tafstr (= al-Jiimi' li-akhnmi l-qur'an), Cairo. 1387/1967, X. 299; al-Tabarst , Majma' l-bayan ft tafstri l-qur'an, Beirut, 1380/1961, XV, 81. 21 Al-Zamakhsharr, al-Kashshaf', Cairo, 1354, II, 370; Ibn Hajar, al·Kiifr al-shaf ft takhrtji ahodt thi l-kashshiif, Cairo, 1354, p. 100, no 296, states that he could not lind this hadtth , but remarks that al-Tha'labr recorded it (evidently in his Tafstr -- K) on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas, though without isnad; al-Naysabarr, Ghara'ib al-qur'an wa-raghn'ib al-furqan, Cairo, 1384/1965, XV, 64 (the text has: ... wa-la nujabbiya ft salntina with a gloss: ay Iii nasjuda; 'Umar's remark is different in style from that recorded in the Kashshafr; al-Razr, al-Tatstr al-kabtr (MaranlJ al-ghayb), Cairo, 1357/1938, XXI, 20. 5 ment was signed by the Prophet. It is however explicit in the report that the reason why the negotiations broke off was the demand for exemption from prostration in prayer. The report recorded by the early Qur'an commentator Muqatil b. Sulayman (d. 150 H) is more detailed and divergent in certain essential points. The deputation of Thaqif stressed in its speech the strong position of Thaqif and their influence on other tribes. If they accepted IsIam, they said, the whole of Najd would follow suit; if they fought, alI their allies would join them against the Prophet and his community. On this basis they appealed to the Prophet to accept their demands. Their conditions for converting to Islam included exemption from conscription, from tithes and from prostration in prayer, cancellation of their debts of usury while affirming suit debts owed to them by others; bestowing on the Wajj valley the status of the sacred haram of Mecca, to prevent outsiders from trespassing in order to cut trees there; having the Prophet appoint governors from Thaqif over the Banu Malik and the AJ:laf; the preservation of al-Lat and al-Tlzza (sic! ) for a year, though they were not to be worshipped by Thaqif, after which time the idols would be demolished by others. They urged the Prophet to accept their demands in order to demonstrate to the Arab tribes the Prophet's regard for them and their superiority over the other tribes. The Prophet acceded, in so far as he exempted them from the tithe, released them from conscription, promised to Iet their idols be destroyed by others, and granted them the privileges of usury; but he would not dispense them from prostrating in prayer. The crisis occurred when the deputation insisted on preserving al-Lat for a year. The Prophet remained silent, unwilling to refuse them and say "no"; the deputation remained equally adamant in their demand but for which they would not convert. They tried to persuade the Prophet that, if the Arab tribes blamed him for destroying their own idols while allowing that of Thaqif to remain, he could claim that God ordered him to do so It was at that instant that 'Umar intervened, holding that the deputation had vexed the Prophet. He emphasized that God could not allow heathen belief in a territory where He was worshipped, and demanded that they choose between conversion to Isiam and return to their abode.i? " Muqa til. Tafstr, Ms. Ahmct III, 74/1, fols, 2I7b· 2I8a: ... wa-dhalika anna thaqtfan atau l-nabiyya M fa-qalu: nahnu ikhwanuka wa-asharuka wa-jtranuka wa-nahnu khayru ahli najdin laka silman wa-adarruhu 'alayka harban, fa-in nuslim tuslim najdun kulluha, wa-in nuharibka vuharibka man wara'anii, fa-a'tina lladh t nurt du; [a-qala l-nabiyyu (s): wa-ma iurtdunar ~tJla: nuslimu 'alii an Iii nuhshara wa-la nu'shara wa-la nahniya, - yaquluna: 'alii an Iii nusalliya wa-la naksira asnamana bi-aydt na; wa-kullu riban lana 'ala l-nasi fa-huwa lana, wakullu riban ti-l-nasi fa-huwa 'anna maudu'un; wa-man wajadnahu ft waat wajjin yaqta'u shajaraha ntaza'nii 'anhu thiyabahu wa-darabna zahrahu wa-batnahu, wa-hurmatuhu ka-hurmati makkata wa-sayduhu wa-tayruhu wa-shajaruhu (?); wa-tasta'mila 'alii bant malikin rajulan wa- 'alii l.al]liiJi rajulan; wa-an tumatti'na bi-l-lati wa-l- 'uzza. sanatan wa-la naksirahii (/) bi· aydt na, min gh ayri all na'budaha, li-ya'rifa 1'l1iiSU karamatana 'alayka wa-fadlana 'alayhim; fa· qala lahum rasulu llahi (s): ammo qaulukum Iii nuhsharu wa-la nu'sharu wa-l-riba, fa-lakum; wa-amma qaulukum Iii nahnt , fa-innahu Iii khayra ft dt nin laysa fthi ruku'un wa-la sujtdun; qalic naf'alu dhalika wa-in kana 'alayna fthi dana'atun; wa-ammii qaulukum Iii naksiru asnamana bi-aydt na, fa-inna sa-na'muru man yaksiruha ghayrakum; thumma sakata l-nabiyyu 6 Some reports concerning aI-TO 'if The crisis in the negotiations, according to the report of Muqatil, occurred when the deputation insisted on their demand to keep the idol for a year; this was the cause why the negotiations failed, rather than their demand to be excused from prostration. There is nothing in this report on the reaction of the deputation, whether it yielded to having their idol destroyed without delay and whether the Prophet ratified the document on the basis of the concessions which he granted. It is noteworthy that this report explicitly states that the Prophet conceded to them profits from usury. Some questions which remain unanswered in this report can probably be answered by comparing it with the documents recorded by Abu 'Ubayd , and by comparing other accounts of the concession of usury, the privilege of the haram of Wajj, the exemption from tithes and from the military levy. A concise version recorded by Abu rUbayd indeed mentions that the deputation returned home after the Prophet rejected their requests for concessions concerning usury, prostration and wine. Subsequently, they willingly returned to convert to IsIam, and then the Prophet issued the document to them, as recorded by Abu 'Ubayd.i ' Although the setting of this tradition is different, the passage referring to the return of the deputation may be linked with the report recorded by Muqatil, The conditions agreed upon between the deputation and the Prophet, as given by Muqatil , seem to have served as basis for the Ietter of the Prophet. Abu 'Ubayd emphasizes that the Prophet granted Thaqif special privileges not given to other peoples. He concludes that the Prophet did this so as to reconcile their hearts to IsIam, and he mentions precedents in which the enemy's strength was feared and could be diverted by concessions, or in which conversion to Isiam was made conditional to certain privileges. In such cases the Prophet was wont to accede to the demands made.t" Abu 'Ubayd stresses that the Prophet did not grant Thaqif permission for transactions based on usury.f" This statement is true, for in the negotiations the Prophet indeed upheld his interdiction of usury; but he granted Thaqif the privilege of collecting the debts owed to them up to the day of their conversion, including the interest, whilst in paying their own debts to other peoples they would only pay the capital without interest. ya'bauna (,s), [a-qalu: tumatti'una bi-l-lati sanatan; [a-a'rada 'anhum wa-ja'ala yakrahu an yaqula ta, fa. l-islama; [a-qalat thaqt fun li-l-nabiyyi M: in kana bika malamatu I· 'arabi ft kasri asnamihim wa-tarki asnamina, [a-qul lahum: inna rabbt amarant an uqirra l-lata bi-ardihim sanatan; [a-qala 'umaru bnu l-khattabi (r) 'inda dhalika: ahraqturn qalba l-nabiyyi [s} bi-dhikri l-lati, ahraqa llahu akbadakum, ta, wa-la ni'mata 'aynin, inna llaha 'azza wa-jalla ta yada'u l-shirka ft ardin yu'badu llahu ta'ala ftha, fa-imma tuslimu kama yuslimu l-nasu, [a-imma talhaqu bi-ardikum; [a-anzala llahu 'azza wa-jalla: "wa-in kadu la-yaftinunaka - ay yasuddunaka 'ani lladh f auhayna i1ayka", 2 3 24 25 Abu 'Ubayd , al-Amwal, p. 194. Abu'Ubayd,al.Amwal,pp.193penu!t.-194. Abo 'Ubayd, al-Amwal , p. 194: ... wa-yubayyinu dhalika anna rasula llah! (s) lam yaj'al [t ma a'tiihum lahum, tahlt la l-riba. 7 The fact that the Prophet did grant them this concession can be deduced from the traditions concerning a Iaw suit brought before 'Attab b. Asi d, governor of Mecca in the period following the conversion of al-Ta'if. The Banii Mughira (a branch of Makhzirn), the traditions say, had close financial relations with the Banu 'Amr from al-Ta'if based on the lending of money. In their suit the Banii 'Amr demanded payment of the debt owed them by the Banii Mughira, arguing that the Prophet had permitted them to collect such debts with all due interest. The Banii Mughira argued, in their defence, tli.at they were in difficult straits, for usury was forbidden by Islam and consequently they had lost considerable sums of money owed to them. 'Attab b. Asi d wrote to the Prophet in Medina asking him for a decision in the matter. Then verse 278 of Siaat al-Baqara was revealed: "0 believers, fear God and give up the usury that is outstanding ... " The Prophet conveyed the verse to 'Attab, who summoned the Banu 'Amr from al-Ta'if and read before them the revealed verse. They promised to obey and act accordingly.! 6 and dropped their suit. The report about the suit of the Banu 'Arnr against the Banu Mugh ira? 7 supplements the tradition of Muqatil and supports its validity. The Prophet apparently granted Thaqi f the concession to collect the debts owed to them with all due interest up to the date of their conversion. The privilege granted seems, however, to have remained in force for a very short period and was abrogated by the verse of the Qur'an mentioned above. The date of the revelation of this verse can be fixed in the period after the visit of the deputation in 9 H and before the death of the Prophet in II H. The terms granted to Thaqif by the Prophet were considered by Muslim scholars as exceptionally favourable? 8 The privileged status granted to Thaqi f was 26 Muqatil,op. cit., I, fol. 47a; and see al-Suyutt , al-Durr al-manthta . Cairo, 1314, I, 366, 11. 12-18, 25-34; cf. al-Suyutt , Lubab al-nuqul ft asbabi l-nuztd, Cairo, 137 3/1954, p. 42inf.- 43; al·Wahidr, Asbab al-nuzul, Cairo, 1388/1968, pp. 58-9; al-Naysaburt, op. cit., III, 79; al-Qurtub t , Tafstr, III, 363: Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, cd. 'AH Muhammad al-Bijawt , Cairo, 1392/ 1972. VI, 551-2. 27 See al-Samarqand I, Tafstr, Ms. Chester Beatty 3668, I, 70b: ... nazalat hadhihi l-ayatu ft nafarin min bani thaqt fin wa-ft bant l-mugh trati min qurayshin, wa-kanat thaqt fun yurbuna li-bant l-mugh trati 11 l-iahiliyyati, wa-kanu arba'ata ikhwatin minhum mas'udun wa-iabdu yattta wa-akhawahuma yurbiyant li-bant l-mugh trati ; [a-lamma zahara l-nabiyyu 'ala ahli makkata wada'a l-riba, wa-kana ahlu l-ta'ifi qad salahu 'ala anna /ahum ribahum 'ala l-nasi ya'khudhimahu, wa-ma kana 'alayhim min riba l-nasi [a-huwa maudu'un 'anhum.Ta y u'khadhu minhum; wa-qad kana rasulu llahi (s) kataba lahum kitaban wa-kataba ft asfali kitabihim: inna lakum mi: li-l-muslimt na wa-talaykum ma 'alayhim; [a-lamma halla l-ajalu talaba thaqtfun ribahum, [a-khasamu ila amtri makkata wa-huwa 'attabu bnu ast din. .. ; and see this tradition (with slight variants) in al-Suyutrs al-Durr al-manthie, I, 364, 11. 3-8; cf. the concise comment on the verse of the Quran given by al-Jassas, Ahkam al-qur'an, Istanbul. 1338. I, 470: ... .faabtala minhu rna baqiya mimma lam yuqbad wa-lam yubtil al-maqbud (the abrogation referred to sums to be paid. but not to sums already paid). 28 See A. Ben-Shcmcsh , Taxation in Islam III (Qudarna b. Ja'far , Kit. al-kharai), Leidcn. 1965, II, 30 (Ar. text, fol. 83a: ... annahu wa-in kana bayna man aslama fa 'i'an wa-man ukriha 'ala l-islami [arqun qad abanahu rasuiu llahi M bi-l-fi'li, wa-dhalika annahu ia'ala li-ahli 8 Some reports concerning al-Ta 'if clearly expressed in the stipulation that Wajj was their exclusive domain (wathaqi fun ahaqqu l-niisi bi-wajjin), that no one could enter the city of al-Ta'if without their permission , that they could pIan the building of their city according to will, and that the governors would be appointed only from amongst themselves. The document of the Prophet formed, in fact, a definite solution to the longstanding competition between al-Ta''if and Mecca in the Jahiliyya. Tradition says that Quraysh increased in number in the period of the Jahiliyya and coveted the valley of Wajj; they proposed to Thaqif that they share the haram (of Mecca -- K) and Wajj on equal terms. Thaqif refused, arguing that Wajj had been built up by their ancestors (they having therefore exclusive right of control over the Iand and the city - K), whilst the haram of Mecca was established by Abraham (and was thus a place open to all - K). Quraysh then threatened to deny Thaqif access to Mecca; Thaqif', fearing war with Quraysh and their allies from Khuza'a and Bakr b. 'Abd Manat, were compelled to concede and entered into alliance with Quraysh.? 9 This alliance tightened their mutual relations; Thaqif were granted entrance into the Qurashf controlled Hums organization and intermarried with Quraysh.P" The agreement, however, also facilitated the purchase of Iand in Wajj by Qurashites, and reports of Qurash i possessions in Wajj and in al-Ta'if substantiate it.3 1 l-ta'ifi lIadhrna kana islamuhum tau'an ma lam yaj'alhu li-ghayrihim mithla tahrtmi wadthim wa-alla yu'bara ta'ifuhum ... ; the translation: "declared their water-sources protected areas" is slightly inaccurate; it should, of course, be rendered: "and he declared their valley as haram". 29 Muhammad b. Hab Ib, al-Munammaq , ed. Khursheed Ahmad Fariq , Hyderabact, 1384/ 1964, pp. 280-1. 3 0 AI-Jah~, Kitab al-amsar wa-'aja'ib al-bulda n, ed. Charles Pellat, Al-Mashriq 60 (1966), pp. 175-76 (The passage referred to: wa-mimmii banat [bihi) qurayshun annaha lam talid ft l-jahiliyyati waladan [majntinan) qattu wa-la-qad akhadha dhalika minhum sukkanu l-ta'ifi li-qurbi l-iiwari wa-ba'di l-musaharati wa-li- annahum kanu humsan wa-qurayshun hammasa thum, seems to contain a misreading, the amendment of which may here be suggested. The reading waladat is erroneous and consequently the addition [majnunan) is unwarranted. The reading that Quraysh "never gave birth to a mad child in the period of the Jahiliyy a" is incompatible with the following sentence, stating that the people of al-Ta'if "took it over (learnt it K) from them". The correct reading is apparently "lam ta'id": Quraysh never buried a [living female) child in the period of the Jahiliyya; Thaq If took over this custom (i.e. learnt it, adopted it - K) from Quraysh. In the following passage: "wa-laysa ft aydt jamt'i 1- 'arabi nisbatun min jamt 'i nisa'i quraysh", read correctly: sabiyyatun: when Islam came there was no captive Qurashr woman among all the tribes of the Arabs. [See the verse of al-'A~ b. Wa'il in al-Baladhurrs Ansab al-ashraf', Ms. 1'01. 1154a, about the women of Mecca: wa-inna ta tusaqu lana ki'abun: khilala l-naq'i badiyata l-khidamii. The word al-qasm [p. 176, 1. 3) should be read al-ghashm). 31 Al-Baladhurr , Futuh, p. 75; al-Tabarf, Ta'rt kh , II, 68: ... wa-qadima nasun min al!a'iji min qurayshin lahum amwalun ... ; and see Abu l-Baqa' Muhammad b. al-Diya' al-Makkr l-'Adawf, Ahwal Makka wa-l-Madt na, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 11865, fol. 38b: ... wa-kana Ii-I- 'abbasi karmun bi-l-ta'ifi, wa-kana yahmilu zab tbahu ilayha we-kana yudayinu ahla l-ta'ifi wa-yaqtadt minhum al-zabtba ... ; ibid., fol. 39b sup.: .. .fa-kanat ft yadi 'aliyyi bni 'abdi llahi bni 'abbasin. .... y a'tthi l-zabtbu min malihi bi-l-ta'if. .. ; Muqatil,op. cit., II, 215a: ... wa-ja'altu lahu malan mamdidan (Sora LXXIV, 13) ya'nt bt-l-mali bustnnahu lladht lahu bi-l-ta'ifi, wa-l-mamdtdu lladh t ta yanqati'u ikhayruhu shita'an wa-la sayfan. The person referred to, 9 It may be of some importance to elucidate a peculiar passage in the letter of the Prophet concerning the real estate of Quraysh in the region of al-Ta'if. "Half of the (crops of ~ K) vineyards of Quraysh watered by Thaqi f will be (the lot ~ K) of them," says the stipulation in the document of the Prophet." 2 It is evident that this decision aimed at regulating the partnership relations between the Qurash i owners of the Iand and their Thaqafi partners, who saw to the tilling and watering of the vineyards. The Thaqafites, perceiving the weakness of the Qurashites who had been involved in the bloody struggle with the Prophet, tried apparently to change the terms of the partnership in their own favour, or even to take over the property of their Qurash i partners. This can be gauged from a tradition recorded by al-Baladhuri: when Mecca was conquered by the Prophet and Quraysh embraced Islam, the Thaqafites coveted the Iand property of the Qurashites (scil. in the region of al-Ta'if ~ K); when al-Ta'if was conquered (for Islam) the rights to ownership of the property were confirme d.V' The stipulation in the document of the Prophet seems to have settled the problem of the ownership of the land property of the Meccans and the conditions of their partnership with the Thaqafites. The privileges granted to Thaqif by the Prophet included exemption from 'ushr and hashr . The meanings attached to these two words are divergent, and Muslim scholars differed concerning their definition already in the second century H. Abu 'Ubayd states that the exemption from 'ushr means that they would not pay the tenth of their property, and that the tax paid by them would be confined to payment of sadaqa, i.e. five dirhams of every two hundred and fifty dirhams. The exemption from hashr is interpreted as meaning that they would not be ordered to gather their flocks and bring them to the tax-collector, who would come to them to their court-yards to Ievy their taxes.l" Other scholars, quoting the interpretation of Jabir,35 state that the Prophet in fact exempted them from payment of the poor tax, the sadaqa, but only for a very short period; as the time came to pay the tax of sadaqa, he postponed their payment until the end of the year. Comparing the decision of the Prophet to exempt Thaqif from~adaqa and jihad with his refusal to exempt Bashi r b. al-Khasasiyya from these two prescriptions, Ibn al-Ath ir explains that Bashir was an individual, whereas Thaqi f were a community group tjama'a], and that Thaqi f would not have converted in contrast to Bashi r, of whom the Prophet knew that he desired to embrace Islam. Therefore the Prophet sought to reconcile them and to bring them into lsiam by stages? 6 according Naysabun 32 33 to the commentary is al-Walrd , Ghara'ib, XXIX, 91. b. al-Mughf ra; cf. al-Qurtubt, Tafstr , XIX, 71; al- AbU 'Ubayd , al-Amwal, p. 191, ll, 18--19. Al-Baladhurr , Futuh, p. 75 (. .. wa-kanat naha min makkata [a-yuslihunaha; fa-lemma thaqtfun [t ha, hatta idha futihat al-ta'ifu uqirrat 34 Abu 'Ubayd , al·Amwal, p. 192. 35 See note 7 above. 36 Ibn al-Athrr. al-Nihaya, III, 239 inf.al-Khasasiyya: Ibn al-Athrr, Usd al-ghaba, Bnlaq, li-tammati qurayshin amwalun bi-l-ta'ifi ya'tu[utihat makkatu wa-aslama ahluha tami'at ft aydt al-makkiyytn ... ). 240; L 'A, s.v 1280, I, 193-4). 'a sh r; (see on Basht r b. 10 Some reports concerning al-Tti 'if" Some scholars explain hashr (Iii yuhsharunai, contrary to the interpretation of Abu 'Ubayd, as denoting that Thaqif would not be summoned for fighting in military expeditions."? Abu 'Ubayd's interpretation of 'ushr and hashr reflects in fact the Muslim opinion on the tax" 'ushr ", the tithe collected only from Jewish and Christian merchants, but from which Muslims were exernpt '" and on "hashr" the forbidden practice of driving the flocks to a specific location for the purpose of taxation (taxes were to be collected "on the spot", 'a/(i miyiihihim wa-bi-afniyatihim).39 The intricate and crucial problem of the meaning of these two terms was authoritatively solved by the late D.C. Baneth: "Der mehrfach vorkornmende Ausdruck Iii yuhshariina wa-ld yu'shanina ist uberall zu deuten: sie sollen weder zu Kriegsdiensten noch zum Zehnt herangezogen werden.t'"? The Prophet apparently exempted Thaqi f from the prescribed poor tax, sadaqa (=zakiit) and jihiid, in his endeavour to gain their cooperation and thus secure control over a city of considerable economic importance. The destruction of the heathen sanctuary of al-Lat according to the stipulations of the Ietter of the Prophet41 marked the conversion of Thaqif to Islam. The mosque of al-Ta'if was erected on the spot on which al-Lat had been worshipped," 2 a visible mark of the victory of Islam over paganism. The Prophet, of course, knew that Thaqif', after their conversion to IsIam, would become loyal members of the Isiamic community and perform fully the prescriptions of the new faith. The privileges bestowed upon Thaqif by the Prophet were generous and amounted almost to a measure of autonomy. The granted concessions, however, very soon lost their importance, when al-Ta'if was incorporated into the body politic of the nascent Muslim commonwealth. The Prophet sent 'Uthman b. ab i I-'Ai} to al-Ta'if as governor't ' and Salif b. 'Uthman b. Mu'attib as tax collector.44 37 Ibn al-Athfr,al-Nihaya, I, 389; L'A, s.V. I) sh r: ct. al-Zamakhsharl, al-Fa'iq.Y), 433 sup .. 1,180, ll. 13-14. 3S See Abu 'Ubayd , al-Amwal, pp. 528-30, nos. 163143 (and see csp. no. 1638); and SCL' al-Tahawr , Sharh ma'ant l-athiir, ed. Muhammad Zuhrr l-Najjar , Cairo, 1388/1968, II. 30-3. 39 Sec e.g. Abu 'Ubayd , al-Amwal, p. 404. no. 1092; and sec above, notes 7.10. 40 D.H. Baneth, Beitrdge Zur Kritik und zum sprachlichen Verstandnis der Schreiben Mohammeds (Resume of thesis, 1920). 41 Sec e.g. al-Waqidt , op. cit., pp. 971-2. 42 See Yaq fit , Mu'jam al-buldan, s.v. al-Lat: Ibn al-Kalb I; Kit. al-asnam. cd , Ahmad Zakr Pasha, Cairo, 1343/1934. p. 16. (Comp. the story of the destruction of Dhn l-Khalasa: Ibn alKalb I, op. cit .• pp. 35inf.- 36; the mosque of 'Abla', was erected on the spot of the sanctuary of Dhu Khalasa [see al-Baladhurr, Ansab al-ashraf , Ms. 1'01. 1l75a inf.: ... thumma innahu !lGjja ita dht l-khalasata wa-huwa bay tun bi-l-iabla' kanat khath'amun wa-man yalthim min qaysin wa-ghayrihim yahujjunahu, wa-huwa l-yauma maudi'u masjidi I· 'abla 'i... J). 43 AI-BaHidh'urI, FUnD!, p. 79; Ibn Qutayba, ~/-Ma'arif. cd. Tharwat 'Ukash a. Cairo. 1969, pp. 268-9; ai-r-asr. al-Tqd al-thamt n ft ta'rt kh al-balad al-amt n, cd , Fu'ad Sayyid, Cairo. 1386/1966, VI. 24-5; al-Zurqanr, SharlJ al-mawahib, IV, 10; Khallfa b. Kh ayy at, Ta'rlkh, cd , Akram Diya' al-Umarr , al-Najaf', 1386/1967, pp. 61. 91; al-Dhahab t, Siy ar a'lam al-nubala'i ce Ibraht m al-Abyarr , Cairo. 1957, II, 269. 44 Al-Baladhurr, Ansab al-ashraf, cd. Muhammad Ham rdullah, Cairo. 1959. I. 531; Ibn * 11 Sa'd b. abf Waqqas was appointed by the Prophet over the himii of Wajj.4 5 This marked, of course, the full absorption of Thaqif into the activities of the Muslim community. Later al-Ta'if became a district of Mecca.i " Abu Bakr appointed 'Attab b. Asid as governor of Mecca and al-Ta'if, but Iater 'Uthman b. abi l-'.A~was reappointed governor of al-Ta'if', Ieaving 'Attiib solely as governor of Mecca." 7 'Umar appointed Nafi' b. 'Abd al-Harith from Khuza'a as governor of Mecca and al-Ta'if, but Iater dismissed him48 and appointed Sufyan b. 'Abdallah al-Thaqafi as governor of Tii'if;4 9 other sources record that 'Umar sent him to al-Ta'if as taxcollector. so In his questions addressed to 'Umar concerning taxes imposed on cattle, fruits and honey, and in 'Umar's instructions there is no trace of a privileged position for al-Tii'if,s 1 nor is there any such position in the taxation on land. Al-Ta'if had become equal to alI other regions of the Arabian peninsula." 2 The stipulation concerning the tahrim of the entire area of al-Ta'if seems to have lost its validity and the privately owned himiis fell under the control of the governor and received formal acknowledgement and protection upon due payment of taxes. 5 3 Shortly after the Prophet's death Thaqif were summoned to participate in the enormous effort of the Muslim conquests: on the eve of the expedition against Syria, Abu Bakr called upon the people of al-Ta'if to join the forces being despatched towards the borders of the Byzantine ernpire.P" It is noteworthy that as early as 13 H, 'Umar appointed Abu 'Ubayd al-Thaqafi , the martyr of the Battle of the Bridge, as the commander of the Muslim forces fighting on the Persian frontier." 5 Hajar, al-Isaba, III, 8, no. 3041; ... [a-lamma aslamu sta'mala min al-ahlafi siilifa bna 'uthmana 'ala sadaqati thaqt fin .•. ; Ibn al-Athrr, Usd, 1II, 245; and sec Ibn al-Kalb I, Jamhara, Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23297, tol, 155a, 11.3-5. 45 Al-Waqid I, op. cit., p. 973,11. 7-8. 46 Al-Baladhurr, Futun, p. 75 (... wa-sarat ardu I-to. 'ifi mikhlafan min makhaltfi makkata). 47 Al-Baladhurr, Ansab, L 529. . 48 AI-FasI, al-Tqd al-thamt n, VII, 320-2, no. 2574; Ibn al-Ath Ir , Usd. V, 7-8; cf.Tbn Hajar, al-Isaba, VI, 408. 49 Al-Baladhur l, Futuh, pp. 77, 79; see on him Ibn Hajar. al-Isaba, III, 124. no. 3317; Ibn al-Ath t r. Usd, II. 319-20; al-Fast, al- 'Iqd , IV. 590, no. 1308; KhalIfa b. Khay yat, op. cit., p. 129. 50 'Abd al-Razzaq , al-Musannaf , ed. Hab tburrahrnan al-A'zamf, Beirut, 1391/1972, IV, 10, no. 6806 (. .. anna 'umara bna l-khattabi ba'atha sufyana bna 'abdi llii!!i l-thaqafiy ya sa'iyan ... ), II, no. 6808 (. .. anna sufyana bna 'abdi llahi wa-huwa yusaddiqu ft makhalt fi l-ta'ifi ... ) 51 See 'Abd al-Razzaq , op. cit., IV, 14. no. 6816; al-Baladhurf , FutUIJ, pp. 76-8; cf. Yahya b. Adam, Kit. al-kharaj, cd. Ahmad Muhammad Shakir, Cairo, 1347. p. 155, no. 548. 52 See AbO Yusuf', Kit. al-kharaj, Cairo, 1382, pp. 58inf.. 63; AbU 'Ubayd , al-Amwal, p. 512, no. 1560. 53 See 'Abd al-Razzaq , op. cit., IV, 62. no. 6969; Abo Yusuf. op. cit, pp. 55 inf., 70 inf.- 71 sup.; AbO 'Ubayd, al-Amwal, p. 497, no. 1488; Ibn AbI Shayba, al-Musanna]. 1II. 141; and see F. Lokkegaard , Islamic Taxation, Copenhagen, 1950, p. 31 (and sec ib., pp. 22-35 on haram and hima). 54 Al-Baladhuri, Futuh, p. 149. 55 See e.g. al-Baladhurt , Futuh, pp. 350-2; al-Tabarr, Ta'rt kh , II. 630-2; Ibn A'tham, al-Futflfl, Hyderabad, 1388/1968, I, 164. 12 Some reports concerning st.t» 'If As equal but not privileged members of the emerging society of the Arab Empire, the Thaqafites migrated to the various regions of the conquered Iands and produced quite a few well known Ieaders and administrators, as well as rebels. II The wars of the ridda and the subsequent wars of conquest and expansion brought about fundamental changes in the population structure of the Arabian peninsula. As a result of the fact that tribal units emigrated by waves to the new1yconquered territories, bonds between clans and tribes were loosened, weakening the units and groups which remained in the peninsula; this led to the necessity to form new bonds amongst these tribal groups. Furthermore, small and weak tribal units, which had split away from their main tribe and had come to dwell among other tribal divisions, detached themselves during this stormy period of migrations, and tried to find the way back to their original tribes. The changes which the re-distribution of land by the rulers in the Arabian peninsula introduced were considerable: vast areas of pasture land were expropriated and turned into himii territory; lands of the expelled Jews and Christians in Najran were divided and Ieased out on terms now fixed by the Caliph+" and exacted by his governors. Large estates were established by members of the Meccan aristocracy, and wells were dug (especially on the routes of the /:zajj), providing them with water. Captives from the conquered territories were brought to the Arabian peninsula and employed by land owners in building up their estates. The rapid development of Mecca, as a center of pilgrimage for the rising Empire, called for Iarge supplies of vegetables and fruits. This was the impetus for the growth of well-cultivated farms and estates in the vicinity of Mecca and Medina, providing for the needs of the population and the pilgrims to these two cities. Mu'awiya's grasp of the economic importance of real estate led him to acquire lands in the area of Mecca and Medina, where he also purchased buildings and courts. He did the same in al-Ta'if, buying land from Jews who had settled there as merchants after being expelled from al-Yaman and Medina." 7 It is obvious S 6 See Ibn Abr Shayba , Ta'rtkh, Ms. Berlin 9409 (Sprenger 104), fol. 100b: haddathana abu khalidin al-ahmaru 'an yahya bni sa'tdin anna 'umara ajla ahla najrd na l-yahtda wa-l-nasara wa-shtara (text: wa-starii) bayuda ardihim wa-kurumihim, fa-tamala 'umaru l-nasa: in hum ja'u bi-I-baqari wa-l-hadtdi min 'indihim fa-Iahumu l-thulthani wa-Ii- 'umara l-thulthu; wa-in ia'a 'umaru bi-I-badhri min 'indihi fa-Iahu l-shatru; wa- 'amalahum al-nakhl (sic!) 'alii anna lahumu l-khumsa wa-li-tumara arba'atu akhmasin; wa-tamalahum al-karm (sicl) 'alii anna lahumu l-thultha wa-/i- 'umara l-thulthani. 'Umar denotes in this report (. .. wa-li- 'umara, ... wa-in ja'a 'umaru ... ) the Muslim government of Medina. It is obvious that the government established a new order of the agrarian organization of Najran and supplied, in certain cases. the peasants with means of cultivation of the land. S 7 See al-Baladhur l, Futuh, p. 75. 13 that Mu'awiya needed labourers to cultivate his lands, as well as reliable personnel for maintaining his houses and managing his enterprises.i 8 The thread which may Iead us to a better understanding of Mu'awiya's policy against the background of the contemporary social and economic situation is provided in a concise account which states that Mu'awiya affiliated the 'A'idhat Quraysh (i.e. the Khuzayma b. Lu'ayy) to Quraysh in order to strengthen his power by them tyatakaththaru bihim ).59 The expression "yatakaththaru bihim ", in the context of the reports on the power struggle between the various parties, denotes the affiliation or adoption of a group of people by one of the parties in order to overcome a contending party.v" The application of this principle in relation to the Banii Sarna is recorded in a significant report, transmitted by al-Zubayr b. Bakkar and Muhammad b. Habi b , on the authority of al-Zuhri. Abu Jahm b. Hudhayfa'' ' came to Mu'awiya who enquired about his fight and dissension with Thaqif', for the Iatter had submitted a complaint against him to Mu'awiya. Abu Jahrn's succinct reply was: he would not be reconciled with them until they said: "Quraysh and Thaqif , Liyya 5' See M. Rosen-Ayalon (ed.), Studies in Memory of Gaston Wiet, Jerusalem 1977, p. 44, notes 52·5. 59 See Oriens 25-26 (1976) 56, note 42; and see on 'A'idhat Quraysh: al-Zubayr b. Bakkar , Jarnharat nasab quraysh wa-akhbtiriha. Ms. Bodley. Marsh 384. fol. 199a·b; Mus'ab al-Zubayr t , Nasab quraysh, ed. Levi Provencal, Cairo, 1953, p. 442 sup.; al-Tsarn I, Simt al-nuiam al- 'awalt , Cairo, 1380, I, 164. (And see about the different petty tribal divisions alleging a Qurashr pedigree: Oriens 25-26 (1976) 55-56, notes 33-41; and see about the Murra b. 'Auf alleging Qurashi origin: al-Baladhurf , Ansab, Ms., fol. 1143b; and see about the expulsion of Al Junayda b. Qays from amongst Quraysh by 'Umar: al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, op. cit., fol. 201b; and see about alliances of certain small tribal factions: al-Zubayr b. Bakkar , op. cit., fol. 199b: wa-kana banu ma't si bni 'amiri bni lu'ayyin wa-banu l-adrami wa-banu muharibi bni fihrin hulafa 0... ; cf. al-Tsamr, op. cit., L 164: wa-ft qurayshin rahtun yuqiilu lahu l-ajrabani wa-hum banu bagh tdi (read correctly: ma'isi) bni 'amiri bni lu'ayyin wa-banu muharibi bni fihrin, wa-kana hadhani l-rahtani mutahalifayni we-kana yud'ayani l-ajrabayni ... ). 60 The accusation of 'Abd al-Rahrnan b. al-Hakam raised against Mu'awiya: lau lam tajid ilia l-zanja la-takaththarta bihim 'alayna ... was mistranslated and misinterpreted by Lammens, Etudes sur la Regne du Calife Omaiyade Mo'awia Ier, Beyrouth, 1906, p. II: ... Par Dieu si les negres pouvaient te rendre service tu n 'hesiterais pas les employer pour affermir ton pouvoir .. given as proof for the preceding assumption of Lammens: ... Ainsi, dans Ie gouvernement de l'islam, agissaient Mo'awia et, a son exemple, les Omaiyades; chez Ie premier surtout, la raison d'etat a generalement prime les autres considerations ... This utterance was as well mistranslated and misinterpreted by W. Hoenerbach, "Araber und Mittelmeer , Anfiinge und Probleme Arabischer Seegeschichte" in: Zeki Velidi Togan'a Armagan, Istanbul, 1950-5, p. 385: "Wenn du Profit haben konntest durch die Zang so wiirdest du Profit durch sie haben ... tatsachlich kennzeichnet sie seine stete Bereitschaft zur Ubernahme alter Einrichtungen. .. The correct translation should be: " ... If you found none but negroes, youwould strive to out-number us by [adopting or attaching) them [scil. to your clan - K1", as I gave it in Studies in Memory of Gaston Wiet, p. 44, note 57. 61 See on him Ibn Hajar , al-Isaba, VII, 71, no. 9691; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr , al-Istt ab, ed , 'Air Muhammad al-Bijawi , Cairo, 1380/1960, pp. 1623-4, no. 2899; Ibn al-Ath tr , Usd, V, 163-4; Mus'ab , Nasab . pp. 369. 371; a1-FasI, al-Tqd, VIII, 34, no 2846; Anonymous, al·Ta'rfkh almuhkam ft man intasaba ila l-nabiyyi ~allii llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 8653, fol. 178a. a 14 Some reports concerning al-Tti'if and Wajj.,,62 "By God," said Abu Jahm, "only a fool from among them will like us and only a fool from among us will like them; by this we discern our fools.':" 3 Another report, also related on the authority of al-Zuhri , tells of the conversation between Mu'awiya and Abu Jahm on the Iatter's second visit64 to Mu'awiya , complementing and elucidating the policy which Quraysh were pressing with regard to the Bakr b. 'Abd Manat, a Kinani division which had Iong sojourned at Mecca, and towards Thaqi f in al-Ta'if. Abu Jahm gives details of the situation and explains his pIan of action; Mu'awiya relates the steps taken. "The Banu Bakr (i.e. Banu Bakr b. 'Abd Manat b. Kinana) are increasing in numbers, surpassing us" (thus forming a danger to our authority in the city - K);6S said Abu Jahm, advising Mu'awiya to send to the Banu Sarna and to settle them beyond the Ditch (khandaq) opposite the best of the Banu Bakr;66 he further proposed to grant to the Banii 62 The reading in al-Munammaq , p. 397, l. 7: wa-lita wajj is erroneous; read: wa-liy atu wa-wajj. 63 The passage in al-Munammaq , p. 397, l. 7: wa-la yuhibbuna minna ilia ahmaqa, wa-Ia yuhibbuhum minna ilia ahmaqu wa-bi-dhalika na'tabiruka min hamqana, is erroneous; read: wa-la yuhibbuna minhum ilia ahmaqu, wa-la yuhibbuhum minna ilia ahmaqu, wa-bi-dhiilika na'tabiru hamqana ; and see al-Bakrt , Mu'jam rna sta'[am, p. 1168. 64 The text in al-Munammaq , p. 397, l. 8: [t qa/'atin ukhra is erroneous; read as in alZubayrs Jamhara: ft wafdatin ukhra wafadaha ilayhi. 65 For the expression yatakaththaruna 'alayna see e.g. al-Zubay r b. Bakkar,op. cit., fol. 184a: ... fa-inna ban! kilabi bni murrata takaththaru 'ala butuni ban! ka'bi bni lu'ayyin [atahalafat 'alayhim tilka l-ahlaf. .. 66 In al-Munarnrnaq: fa-j'alhum janaba bant bakr: in al-Zubayrs Jamhara: [a-j'alhum 'ala suyyabi ball! bakr. The pedigree of the Bano Sarna is obscure. their relation with Quraysh is disputed and the reports of the scholars of nasab about their ancestor Sarna b. Luayy are divergent and contradictory. According to tradition Sarna was compelled to leave his tribe. He escaped to 'Urn an where he married the Qu"a'f Najiy a bint Jarm b. Rabba n, "D1C report that Sarna died childless is corroborated by an utterance of the Prophet that he left no progeny. But a contradictory hadt th attributed to the Prophet says that the Prophet asked a man about his pedigree. He said he was a descendant of Sarna and the Prophet asked: "The poet?", referring to a widely circulated verse of Sarna. This may obviously point to the fact that the Prophet confirmed the existence of descendants of Sarna. Somewhat clearer information can be obtained from an account according to which the Prophet received a delegation of the Ban u Sarna and remarked that they were the relatives of Quraysh. Some genealogical accounts say that Sarna's son from his first marriage (with Hind bint Taym al-Adrarn b. Ghalib), al-Harith , married after the death of Sarna his stepmother Najiya bint Jarm in accordance with the custom of nikah al-maqt . The BanO Sarna are thus the descendants of al-Harith b. Sarna and Najiy a and are known as the Banu Najiya. Another report says that Sarna and Najiya had only a daughter, 'Aja, and the Ban u Sarna (or Banu Najiya) are the progeny of this daughter. A divergent account reports that Sarna died childless; Najiy a married after his death a man from Bahrayn and gave birth to a child named al-Harith. When her second husband died she went with her child. al-Harith , to Mecca claiming falsely jhat al-Harith was the child of Sarna b. Luayy , She was welcomed by Ka'b b. Luayy and accommodated by him with her child in Mecca. But when after some time a group of people from al-Bahrayn divulged her lie. Ka'b b. Lu'ayy banned Najiya with her son from Mecca; they returned to al-Bahrayn. Another report states that Sarna did not beget children; he adopted a child of Najiya and the Banu Sarna. arc in fact descendants of this adopted son. 15 Sarna as a source of sustenance the (income of the - K) settlements of Fadak, Khaybar and Wadi' l-Qura, Further, Abu Jahm described the situation in al-Ta'if, saying that Thaq if would surpass Quraysh in numbers in Wajj and proposed that Mu'awiya send many Byzantines and Persians't " to settle densely in the Wajj valley, so that "we may devour them (i.e. Thaqif) by them (i.e. the Byzantines and Persiansj.P" Mu'awiya expressed his full assent and told Abu Jahm that he fully settled'"" the (quarters of the -~ K) Banu Bakr with warriors and troops, so that if a Qurashite were to become enraged 7 0 he would send for one of the Banii Bakr; the Bakr i would be brought before him 71 and would do what he (i.e. the Qurash i) would wish him to do. Mu'awiya emphasized what he did with Thaqi f', driving them from their abode and resettling them in the high mountains of al-Sarat. They asked to be given their pay in 'Iraq, but Mu'awiya insisted upon paying them in Syria, the country of plagues 72 in order to be rid of them. All their property After the rise of Islam a delegation of the Banu Sarna asked to be affiliated to Quraysh. tracing their pedigree back to Sarna b. Lu'ayy , the ancestor of Quraysh. Both 'Umar and 'Alr denied any connection of Quraysh with them, refusing to include them in the pay-roll of Quraysh. A statement of 'All that the Banu Sarna were descendants of a bondsmaid of Sarna raped by one of his black slaves. is said to have led to a rebellion of the troop of the Banu Najiya numbering 300 warriors. They openly revolted under their leader. al-KhirrIt b. Rashid (from the Sarnt clan of 'Abd al-Bayt). They left 'Air's camp and were joined by Muslim political malcontents, as well as by local inhabitants who refused to pay the land-tax (kharaj) and by Kurds and Bedouins. 'All was compelled to levy a strong force under the command of Ma'q il b. Qays al-Riyahr who succeeded to defeat al-Khirrr t's force in the region of al-Ahwaz. AI-Khirrft retreated to the coastal territory of the Persian Gulf where he managed to rally the Banu Sarna, some of the 'Abd Qays. as well as Christians and converts to Islam from Christianity, who wanted to revert to their former faith. A strong force dispatched by 'Air defeated the rebelling troop and al-Khirrft was killed in the battle. The captives were sold to Masqala b. Hubayra al-Shaybant . who treed them; he failed, however, to pay the promised sum, absconded and joined Mu'awiya. The Banu Sarna were later known by their hostile attitude towards 'AIr. (See: al-Husayn b. 'Air al-Maghribr, al-Inas bi-tilmi l-ansab . Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3620, fols. 51a 55a; al-Aghani, index; al-Tabarr , Ta 'rtkh . index; Ibn A 'tham, al-Futuh, Hyderabad 1391/1971, IV, 75 -88; Ibn Abr l-Had rd , Sharh nahi al-balagha, ed. Muhammad Abu l-l-adl lbraht m , Cairo, 1385/1965, Ill, 119 122, 126 151. Ibn Hazrn, Jamharat ansab al-tarab , cd. 'Abd al-Salam Harun, Cairo. 1962. p. 173; Ibn al-Athrr. Usd, 11,110; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr. at-Istt'ab io», 458-9; al-Baladhur t. Ansab al-ashraf, Ms., fol 1054a; and see W. Casket: Gamharat an-nasab, das genealogische Werk des Hisam ibn Muhammad al-Kalbt, II, 123, s.v. 'Abdalbait b. al-Harit: Oriens 25 26.56 (1976), note 3R). 67 In aJ-Zubay r's Jamhara: ja-akthlr min tat-ahrari min I al-rumi wa-l-fursi [wa-mla' wajjan minhum); the words in brackets arc missing in al-Munammaq. 6. The reading hatta ta'kulahum is erroneous; read: hatta na'kulahum. For the expression na'kulu bi see al-Tabart , Ta'rtkh , II, 84: wa-llahi lau annt akhadhtu hadha l-fata min qurayshin la-akaltu bihi I· 'araba. 69 The reading mala'ahum in al-Munammaq is erroneous; read: [a-qad mala'tuhum. 70 The correct reading is: hattii anna ahadakum la-yaghdabu I-ghadbata as in al-Zubay rs Jamhara. 71 Read as in the Jamhara: [a-yuqadu ilayhi (not: [a-yanqaduv: the correct reading is given in al-Munammaq, p. 39g, note 9. 72 The reading ardu l-mitwa't n, the "land of the obedient". is erroneous; the correct reading is ardu l-tawa't n, the land of plagues and pestilences. This latter reading is corroborated by 16 Some reports concerning al-Ta 'if (lands -- K) were taken over by Quraysh and Mu'awiya settled the territory with Byzantines and Persians.?" The quoted traditions indeed explain the report stating that Mu'awiya affiliated the Banu Sarna to Quraysh, with the aim of gaining strength for his clan through this extension. They were settled in Mecca and served as his loyal supporters, increasing his authority and reducing the power of the Bakr b. 'Abd Manat, a tribal division which had played a considerable role in the relations between Quraysh and the Prophet. Mu'awiya's policy in relation to al-Ta'if is fully expounded in this report. He strived, like his father, to acquire lands in al-Ta'if and its surrounding. territories and to widen Qurash i influence there. The Qurash i aim is expressed in the saying of Abu Jahm: "There will be no reconciliation with Thaqi f until they say Liyya and Wajj, Quraysh and Thaqi f." The intention seems to be that Thaqif should acknowledge the demands of Quraysh to share in Liyya and Wajj as equal partners. The Qurash i pressure was reinforced by the dispersion of Thaqif in the mountains of al-Sarat and by necessitating them to go to Syria, considered a country exposed to plagues, in order to collect their pay. The Persians and Byzantines mentioned in the report were, in all probability, captives employed as labourers on the Iarge estates. * Al-Ta'if after that played no political role in the history of the Muslim Empire. Praised for its good climate it remained a summer resort for the wealthy of Mecca and Medina. The descendants of Thaqif clung fondly to the document of the Prophet about Wajj; 74 the fertile lands in the vicinity of al-Ta'if seem to have been considered a good investment and it is quite pIau sible that Hisham b. 'Abd al-Ma1ik purchased real estate there." 5 As a place of pilgrimage al-Ta'if became coupled with Mecca 76 or given a twofold sanctity comprising that of Mecca and of the Holy Land: al-Ta'if was a piece of Palestine transferred by God to the Arabian peninsula and placed in the spot of al-Ta'if after having performed the tawiif around the Ka'ba."? The traditions attributed to the Prophet, in which he the phrase: "so that you and I may be rid of them ", i.e. they would perish, afflicted by plagues in Syria. See on the "tawa'tn al-sham" al-Tha'alibt, Thimar al-qulub . cd. Muhammad Abo l-Fadl Ibrahim, Cairo, 1384/1965, p. 547, no. 896. And see about the deportation of people suspected of rebellious actions to Syria, the country of plagues: al-Baladhurf , Ansab IV A, 232, II. 5-6: wa-wadidtu ann! kuntu habastuhu wa-ashabahu au farraqtuhum ft kt:lri l-shami [a-kafatnt himu l-tawa't nu. 73 AI-Zubayr'b. Bakkar , op. cit., fol. 170b; Muhammad b. Habt b , al-Munammaq . pp. 397-9. 74 Sh ak Ib Arsla n, op. cit., p. 119: .. ' wa-kanat thaq tfun tatawarathu hadha l-kitaba wa-tatabarraku bihi (quoted from Ibn Fahds Tuhfat al-lata 'if). 75 Al-Baladhur l, Ansab . Ms. Iol. 1225b: ... ittakhadha hishamun malan bi-I-fll'if. .. 76 Shak tb Arslan. op. cit., p, 136: inna I.~a'ifa min makkata wa-makkatu min al-tii'ifi (quoted from al-'Ujayml's Ihda'u I-lata 'if). 77 See Le Museon 82 (1969),' 206, note 92; and sec al-Tabarr, Tafstr , ed. Shakir, III 52; al-'Ayyashl, Tafstr, ed. Hashim al-Rasult l-Mahallatr, Qumm, 1380, 1,60; al-Mas'udr, 17 asserted that Thaqi f were among the worst of the Arab tribes,78 were replaced by traditions of praise. "The first for whom I shall intercede on the Day of Resurrection will be the people of Mecca, Medina and al-Tii'if,,,79 said a tradition attributed to the Prophet. "Thaqif are God's deputation," says another tradition alleged to have been uttered by the Prophet." 0 Current stories predicted that during the period of disasters at the end of time the best people would dwell in the neighbourhood of al-Ta'if.3l "Wajj is a sacred valley," says a hadi tli recorded in the early compilation of Ma'rnar b. Riishid.52 In the vein of this trend the tradition of God's last tread seems to have been altered: "Wajj is a sacred valley; from Wajj God, may He be blessed' and exalted, ascended to Heaven after He had accomplished the creation of heaven and earth."113 Wajj seems thus to have turned into the Iast spot on earth on which God trod and from which He ascender, to Heaven, against the claims made on behalf of the Rock of the Dome in Jerusalem. Ithbat al-wasiy ya. Najar. 1374/1955, p. 39; Ibn Babuyah , 'Ilal al-shara'i', Najaf, 1385/1966, pp. 442·3; ai-SUYO!I, al-Durr al-manthur, I, 124; al-Majlisr, Bihar al-anwar . Tehran, 1378, XII, 109; Hashim al-Bah rani al-Taubalt al-Katkant , al-Burhan tafstri l-qur'an, cd. Mahmud al-Musawf al-Zarand t . Tehran, 1375, I. 155, no. 8 and II, 319, nos. 4-5; Sh ak Ib Arslan , op. cit .. p. 133. ,. See Ibn Kath t r , al-Bidaya . VI, 236: ... sharru qaba'ili Varabi banu umayyata wa-banu hant fata wa-th aqt jun: al-Daylarnr, al-Firdaus. Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, Iol. 94a. n 79 Al-Nab Il. al-Awa'il. Ms. Zahiriyya. had t th 297/1. fol, 22a; Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr. at-Ist t'ab, p. 1007: al-Muhibb al-Tabar i, al-Qira li-qasidi umm al-qura, ed. Mu~tani l-Saqa, Cairo. 1390/ 1970, p. 666. "0 Ibn Hibban al-Bust I, Kit. al-majruht n, cd. 'Az t« al-Qadir I, Hyderabad. 1390/1970. I, 148: ... thaqt fun wajdu lliihi 'azza wa-jall a; and see Alunad b. 'Hanbal , Musnad, III, 342inf.: qiila rasulu llahi (s): allahumma hdi th aq i fan. s i Shakib Arslan. op. cit .. p. 136 (quoted from al-Mayurq i's Bahjat al-muhaj ft ba'di [ada'il al-ta 'if wa-wajjt. 82 'Abd aI Razzaq , al-Musanna]. XI, 134, no. 20125: al-Muhibb al-Tabar I, op. cit., p. 666. 83 Al-Bak rr. Mu'jam p. 1370. 18 

strangers&allies.pdf ON STRANGERS AND ALLIES IN MECCA To the memory of my student Yehiel Amsallim The role of Quraysh in the commercial activities of Mecca in the period of the Jahiliyya is well known and has been the subject of comprehensive research. There were, however, some non-Qurashi individuals or groups in Mecca, whose role in the social and political life of that city has not been sufficiently assessed. It seems desirable to put together the available data about the vicissitudes of these strangers, their relations with the Meccan clans and their absorption into the Meccan community. It is also important to examine the reports about the struggles among the various factions of Quraysh and the changes which occurred as a result of this strife. This examination of the traditions and the stories may give us a better insight into the history of Mecca in the period of the Jiihiliyya I A case of successful absorption of immigrants into the Meccan community can be seen in the story about Abu Ihab b. 'Aziz b. Qays b. Suwayd b. Rabi'a b. Zayd b. 'Abdallah b. Diirim al- Tamimi. According to the report recorded by Ibn I:Iajar, 'Aziz the father of Abu Ihab came to Mecca, joined the Banu Naufal b. 'Abd Maniif as an ally (/:tallf) and married Fakhita bint 'Amr b. Naufal; she bore him their son Abu Ihiib.1 There are some differences between this report and the one transmitted on the authority of Ibn al-Kalbi. According to the latter it was not 'Aziz who came to Mecca, but an ancestor of 'Aziz, Suwayd b. Rabi'a b. Zayd b. 'Abdallah who sought shelter in Mecca and joined the Banu 1 Ibn I:Iajar al-'Asqaliini, al-/ saba fi tamyizi l-sa/;aba, ed. 'Ali MulJammad al-Bijiiwi, Cairo 1392/1972, VII, 24, no. 9551 114 Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf as an ally. He sought refuge in Mecca because he had killed Malik, the son of al-Mundhir, the king of al-Hira, Malik was entrusted as a child by the king to Zunira b. 'Udus, When he grew up he happened to pass by a camel belonging to Suwayd; he ordered it to be slaughtered and ate its meat with his companions. When he returned from hunting, Suwayd was told of Malik's deed. He attacked the youth and wounded him, .and the youth died shortly afterwards from his wounds. Suwayd escaped and found shelter in Mecca.' For the elucidation of the events it is necessary to provide some details about the background and circumstances of the incident: Suwayd was the son-in-law of Zurara, the powerful leader of Tamim, Zurara was one of the iarrarim: he succeeded in rallying Tamim and other tribes and was their leader on the "Day of Shuwayhit",' He is said to have frequented the court of kisra and was granted a slave girl who bore him children.' He used to visit the court of the king of al-Hira, fought on his side and advised him on matters of peace and war regarding the tribes of the Arab peninsula.' According to a tradition it was Zurara who mediated between the Kindi king al-Harith and the Lakhmi al-Mundhir and thus succeeded in bringing to an end the war between them.6 Zurara's fame survived in Islam. An anecdote says that a Tamimi woman, listening to the call of the muadhdhin; wondered why 2 See e.g. the versions of the story: al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-ashrh], ed. 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Diiri, Beirut l398/1978,IlL 305; Jarir and Farazdaq, al-Naqiiid, ed A. Bevan. Leiden 1905. pp. 652 ult, - 654 (the name of the king: 'Arnr b. al-Mundhir; the name of the entrusted child: As'ad); al-Baladhuri, Ansiib al-ashra], MS. 'Ashir ar, foL 968b. 3 Muhammad b. Habib. ai-Muhabbar, ed. Ilse Lichtenstaedter, Hyderabad 1361/1942, . 247. p 4 Al-Baliidhuri. Ansiib. MS. foL 969a. 5 See e.g, Jarir-Farazdaq, al-Naqdid, p.653. 6 See the commentary of the verse of al-Farazdaq; minna lladhi [amaa t-muliika wa-baynahum: harbun yushabbu sa'iruha bi-dirami, Naqa'i4. p. 266 inf.(L); according to other reports the mediator was the Tamimi Sufyiin b. Mujishi' (see: Naqa'i4. p. 267; Abu l-Baqa', al-Manaqib al-mazyadiyya II akhbari l-muliiki l-asadiyya; MS. Br. Mus. Add 23296. fol. 26a). On strangers and allies in Mecca 115 Zuriira was not mentioned in the shahada together with the Prophet,' One of the features of the close association of Tamim with the kings of al-Hira was the practice of entrusting the children of kings of al-Hira to some noble families of Darim, Hajib b. Zuriira boasted of the fact that his people brought up the children of the kings until their moustaches and beards came out," AI-'Askari records that people reproached Hajib saying: "We never saw a man boasting of his shame except Hajib; a governess is just a servant iai-zi'ru khadimatuni and service is degrading, not uplifting"," It is evident that this opinion is congruent with the views of a later period. Another report may be mentioned: the kings of al-Iraq (i.e, the kings of al-I:Iira) used to fight the kings of Syria; when they intended to march out to Syria they used to leave their families under the protection of the strongest of the Arabs (a'azzu 1-'arab).10 These reports expose clearly the web of mutual relations between the Darim and the rulers of al-Hira, The murder of Malik shattered these relations and brought about the cruel retaliation of the king of al-Hira; the children of Suwayd were brought by Zurara to the court of al-Hira and were executed in his presence; a hundred Tamimis from the branch of Darim were killed or burnt on the order 7 8 Al-Husayn b. 'Ali al-Maghribi, al-ln{lS [i 'ilmi l-ansab, ed. Hamad ed. 'Abd al-Sattar Ahmad al-Jasir, al-Riyad, 1400/1980, p.210. Ibn al-Mu'tazz, Tabaqiu al-shuara, Farraj, Cairo 1375/1956, p. 199: rabbayna boo mili l-muzni wo-bnay muharriqin: 9 ila an bOOaJminhum lihan wa-shawarib: Al-Askari, J amharat ai-amJhiU, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim and 'Abd ai-MaJId Qatamish, Cairo 1384/1964, L 261 10 Jarir-Farazdaq, op. cit, p. 267 inf: ajarna boo mili l-muzni wa-boo muharriqin: jamian wa-sharru l-qauli mil huwa kiidhibu thaliuhatu amliikin thawau [i buyUiinii: ila an badat minhum titian wa-shawaribu: The two verses attributed here to Miskin al-Darirni are in fact the verses (with variants) attributed to Hajib b. Zurara A collection of Miskin's poetry edited by Khalil Ibrahim al-'A~iyyah and 'Abdallah al-Jubiiri, Baghdad 1389/1970 records only the verse (p, 25): thaliuhatu amlakin rubii [i bujurina: kadhibu: fa-hal qa'ilun haqqan ka-man huwa 116 of the king of al-Hira, The event is well known as yaum uwiira.H The daughter of Abu Ihab, Umm YalJ.ya. intended to marry 'Uqba b. al-Harith b. 'Amir al-Naufali; but was prevented from carrying out the plan, because a black slave-maid attested that she had suckled both of them12 Abu Ihab had friendly relations with al-Harith b. 'Amir who was his half-brother from the mother's side," Abu Ihab seems to have been a well-to-do person, with a taste for ease and luxury, fond of wine and singing girls. This can be deduced from the story relating the theft from the Ka'ba of the golden statue of the gazelle. This was stolen by a group of drunkards who attended a drinking party in the tavern of Miqyas b. 'Abd Qays al-Sabmi." The list of the felons and profligate persons who frequented the place includes several quite prominent men of Quraysh: Abu Lahab, al-Hakam b. Abi l-'As. al-Fakih b. al-Mughira, Mulayh b. al-Harith b. al-Sabbaq, al-Harith b. 'Amir b. Naufal, Abu 1Mb and others. On a certain day, when the drunkards failed to provide money for the wine and the supply of wine ran short, they decided to steal the gazelle of the Ka'ba and buy wine from a caravan which arrived in Mecca from Syria. The group which carried out the plan included Abii Lahab, Abii Musafi' and al-Harith b. 'Amir. They sold the statue, bought the wine and drank it at their leisure. When, after a 11 See e.g. al-Husayn b. 'Ali al-Maghribi, at-lnas, pp. 208-210; Muhammad b. Habib, al-Munammaq, ed. Khurshid Ahmad Fariq, Hyderabad 1384/1964, pp. 290-293. 12 Ibn l;Iajar, al-/ $aba, VII, 24, no. 9551, VIII, 324, DO. 12298; Ibn al-Athir, Usd aJ-ghllba fi mdriiai 1-$aJ;iiba. Cairo 1280, VI, 627; Ibn 'Abel al-Barr, aJ-Istiah fi mdrijaii 1-ll$I)iJb, 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijlwi, Cairo 1380/1960, p. 1072, no. ed. 1822 13 See e.g. Ibn Hishiim, al-Slra aJ-nabawiyya, ed. al-Saqqa, al-Abyarl, Shalabi, Cairo 1355/1936, III, 180, ult. (and see ibid. 181, 1. 1); Ibn Kathir, al-Sira al-nabawiyya; ed. Ml1$tafii 'Abd al-Wiil.lid. Cairo 1385/1965, III. 128; Ibn I;Iajar, aJ-/$iIba, II, 263, and Ibn al-Athir, Usd, V, 142 14 But see Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, Hadhf min nasab quraysh; ed. SaliilJ al-Din al-Munajjid, Cairo 1960, p. 84: qaysu bnu 'adiyyi bni sa'di bni sahm kana min ru'asa'i quraysh [i l-jahiliyya, wa-huwa $Qhibul-qiyani lladhi kiina shabQ.bu qurayshin yajtamtima ilayhi [a-amarahum bi-akhdhi ghazlUinmina l-ka'bati, fa-fa'aJu. fa-qtasamahu qiyllnuhu wa-kllna l-ghazlUumin dhahabin. On strangers and allies in Mecca 117 considerable time, the culprits were discovered, the affair stirred unrest and division between the two alliances of the Qurashi clans: the mutayyabin and the ahla]. Some of the culprits were severely punished, others escaped chastisement. Al-Harith b. 'Amir and Abii Ihab were compelled to leave Mecca and they returned only after some ten years. On the eve of the battle of Badr they asked of Quraysh the permission to join the force which was about to march out to fight the Prophet. They got the permission, joined the force and fought at Badr. Al-Harith b. 'Amir was killed in the battlefield by Khubayb; Abii Ihab managed to escape," The cordial relations between Abii Ihab and al-Harith b. 'Amir are reflected in the verses written by Abii Ihab in which al-Harith's generosity in spending on good wine and beautiful women is praised," Al-Harith had friendly relations withAbii Lahab - he married Abii Lahab's daughter Durra!? He shared Abii Lahab's hatred for the Prophet: both are included in the list of the Prophet's enemies" He was the representative of the Banii Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf in the consultation of Quraysh against the Prophet in the dar aJ-nadWa.19 But at some point al-Harith seems to have met the Prophet, had talks with him and was impressed by his words; Quraysh even suspected him to have embraced Islam." On the eve of the battle of Badr he tried to 15 Hassan b. Thabit, Diwtm, eel. Walid N. Arafiit, London 1971, II, 115-127; Ibn l:Iabib, aJ-MU1IlJlfIlTUJ([, 54-57. pp. 16 See a1-BaJadhuri, Ansiib III, 304; Ibn l:Iabib, aJ-MU1IlJlfIlTUJ([,62: P. abligh qusayyan idhiJ jftilhii. - fa-ayya fatan waJladat nau.faJu idhiJ shariba l-khamra aghJa bihil - wa-in jahadat laumahu I-'udhdhalu da'ilJul ita l-shanfi, shanfi l-ghazQ - li hubbun li-khamsiuuuin 'ayraJi li-'athmata hina tarda: lahu : wa-asmda 'a#latin ajmoli. 17 Ibn l:Iabib, al-Muhabbar, p. 65, according to Ibn a1-KaIbi, Jamhara; MS. Br. Mus. fol 116b, Il 4-5. Durra married Abu lhiib. 18 See e.g. al-Maqrizi, Imta' al-asmd bimii li-rasUli lliihi min aJ-anba' wa-l-amwill wa-l-haiada wa-l-maid, ed. Mahmiid Muhammad Shakir, Cairo 194}. L 23, l3 from bottom, 24 ult, 19 Ibn Hishiim op. cit. II, 125. 20 Hassan, b. Thiibit, Diwiln, IL 125, llS persuade Quraysh not to march out against the Prophet," Nevertheless, he joined the Qurashi force and was one of the wealthy Qurashites who took care of food supplies for the forces.22 The Prophet is said to have forbidden the Muslim fighters to kill al-Harith and ordered them to "leave him for the orphans of the Banii Naufal": for he was a generous man and spent on the weak and needy (q,u'afa bani nau.fal).23 He was killed, as mentioned above, in the battle of Badr by Khubayb b. IsM, who did not know him, or, according to another report, by the pious Companion Khubayb b. 'Adiyy.24 The solidarity of the families of Abu Ihab and al-Harith b. 'Amir is seen in the story of the execution of Khubayb: Hujayr b. Abi Ihab bought Khubayb b. 'Adiyy for the husband of his sister, 'Uqba b. al-Harith b. 'Amir in order that he may kill him, avenging the death of his father al-Harith b. Amir, Hujayr and 'Uqba took part in the execution of Khubayb." 'Uqba b. 21 Al-Maqrizi, 1m/a', I, 68, (wa-mii kana ahadun minhum akraha li-l-khurii]! mina 1-1;.iirithi 'iimirin); al-Wilqidi, al-MaghiJzi, ed. Marsden Jones, London 1966, I, bni 36-37; al-Baliidhuri, Ansah, ed. Muhammad Hamidullah, Cairo 1959, I, 292 22 Ibn Hishiim, op. cit. II, 320; al-Maqrizi, Im/ri, I, 69; al-Wiiqidi, op. cit. I, 128, 144. 23 AI-Baliidhuri, Ansah, I, 154 (the report mentions that he helped to annul the document of Quraysh to boycott the Prophet and his family); al-Wiiqidi, op. cit. I, 91; l;Iassiin b. Thiibit, op. cit. I, 269. 24 See e.g. al-Baliidhuri, Ansiib, I, 297; al-Maqrizi, I mta', I, 90, l. 1; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit. II, 442 (wa-kana khubayb qad qataia abiihu yauma badr); Ibn Hajar, al-I ~aba, II, 262; and see Hassan, op. cit. I, 370, note 1 (the comment of the editor); 'Ali b. Burhiin aI-Din al-Halabi, Insan al-'uyim Ii sirtui l-amini l-mdmiin (=al-Sira aJ-J.lalabiyya), Cairo 1382/1962, III, 189, II. 10-11 (and see 114: wa-lau lam yaqtul khubaybu bnu 'adiyyini Hriiritha bna 'iimirin ma kana li-ttiniii iiii l-l;iuith bi-shirdihi wa-qatlihi mdnan) 25 See e.g. al-Maqrizi, Im/rl, I, 176, ll, 1-2 (and see ib. p. 175 penult); Ibn Kathir, al-Sira; III, 128; Ibn Hishiim, op. cit. III, 180 info - 181 sup; Ibn Hajar, al-I saba; 11,263; al-Fasi, al-Tqd al-thamin Ii ta'rikhi l-boladi l-amin; ed. Fu'iid Sayyid, Cairo 1384/1965, VI, '!JJ7; al-Waqidi, op. cit. p. 357; and see E[2, s.v, Khubayb (Wensinck), On strangers and allies in Mecca 119 al-Harith embraced Islam and died in the time of Abii Bakr," Abii Ihab planned to kill the Prophet; Tulayb b. 'Umayr met him, beat him and wounded him."? He later embraced Islam and was the first Muslim after whose death a prayer was said in the mosque of the harami": Hujayr b. Abi Ihab, a respected member of the Quraysh nobility, came with a group of noble Qurashites to Abu Sufyiin and requested that profits from the sales of merchandise transacted by the Qurashi caravan be spent on equipping a Qurashi force against the Prophet and the Muslims for the purpose of avenging the defeat of Badr," He was obviously a wealthy man and was an owner of a court (dar) in Mecca,'? He later embraced Islam" and is included in the list of the Companions of the Prophet." The story of Abii 1Mb gives us some insight into the social and economic conditions prevailing at Mecca in the Jahiliyya period, on the eve of Islam. Al-Harith b. 'Amir, though a hedonist, had a sharp and acute understanding of the economic and political situation of the Meccan body politic. Tradition says that verse 58 in Sicrat al-qasas (siira XXVIII): 'They say: Should we follow the guidance with thee we shall be snatched from our land", (in nattabi' l-huda maaka nutakhauat min ardind) was revealed in connection with a discussion between the Prophet and al-Harith b. 'Amir b. Naufal. Al-Harith conceded that the faith of the Prophet was true tinni: ndlamu anna qauJaka haqqun); but he argued that this faith (the huda; 26 Ibn I:Iajar. aI-lsaba. IV, 578, no. 5596. 27 Ibn I:Iajar. al-Isiiba; III. 541. n i-z, al-Baladhurl, Ansiib, MS. fol 968b (wa-kana abu ihabin dussa li-I-fatki bi-l-nabiyyi (s) [a-laqiyahu tulayb b. 'umayr [a-darabahu bi-IaI}yi jamalin fa-shajjahu); and cf. Mu'arrij al-Sadiisl, op. cit. p. 59. 28 Ibn Hajar, al-Lshba; VII, 24 (quoted from al-Fiikihi); al-Fiikihi, Ta'rikh makkata; MS. Leiden Or. 463, fol 442a. 29 Al-Wiiqidi, op. cit. p. 199. 30 Al-Fakihl, op. cit. MS. fol. 46la, L 9 : _ wa-kanai lahum diiru-l-hujayri bni obi i.hiJbibni 'azizin aI-tamimiyyi halifi l-mutimi bni 'adiyyin: 31 Ibn Hajar, aI-Isaba. II, 40-41, no. 1638. 32 Ibn l:Iibbiinal-Busti, Kitiib aI-thiqat, Hyderabad 1397/1977.I1I,94; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, I, 387; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit. p. 333, no. 489; Ibn Hajar aI-I saba, II, 40 (quoting Ibn Abi I:Iatim that he was a Companion). 120 the right guidance - K) was unacceptable because the Bedouins (al-'arab) would rise against Mecca and "snatch away" the Meccans, putting an end to the Meccan body politic," Al-Harith gladly accepted the family of Abu Ihab, and the marriages between the two families helped to remove the barriers between them: Abu Ihiib became firmly rooted in the Meccan community, Satirical verses composed by Hassan brought to memory the fact that Abu Ihab was a refugee expelled by 'Udus (i.e, by his own family - K).34 Indeed Abu Ihab had the courage to state that he was a haii], an ally; but he demanded to be treated on a par with the members of the family which he had joined," He could dauntlessly answer the influential 'Abdallah b. Jud'an who urged the leaders of Quraysh to punish the thieves of the gazelle, accusing him that his court harboured prostitutes," It is instructive to observe to what extent Meccan society was open to outsiders, enabling an ally to build his home in Mecca and contribute to its economic development One tribal group which attained a high position in Mecca was the group of the Tamimi Usayyid The small group was influential and controlled several divisions of Mudar.'? A report by Ibn al-Kalbi says that Ghuwayy b. Jurwa of the Usayyid used to levy taxes from 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a; after his death his son Salama b. Ghuwayy did the same," Satirical verses by Tufayl al-Ghanawi (or by al-Ashall b. Riya}:t) directed against the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a describe the submissiveness of the 33 See e.g. al-WiiQidi, Asbiib al-nuzUl, Cairo 34 35 36 37 38 1388/1968, p. 228 inf; al-Qurtubi, ai-Jam!" li-ahkiimi I-qur'an (= tafsir al-Qurtubn, Cairo 1387/1967, XIII, 300; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir [i l-tafsir bi-l-mathia, Cairo 1314, V, 135; Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, op. cu. p. 43 (al-hlzrithu bnu 'amiri bni naufali bni 'obdi manafin kana 'azlma l-qadri wa-huwa lIadhi qQJa: in naltabt ...;wa-kana [i lladhina saraqis ghaziila I-ka'bar. : in some sources the name is erroneously given: aI-1.riJTithu bnu 'iahmana: See I:Iassiin. op. cu. I, 227, II, 170-171 Hassan h Thii bit, op. cu. II, 121-122 Hassan b. Thiibit, op. cit. II, 121 O. J ESHO VIII (1965) 144-145. Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara; MS. Br. Mus., Add. 23297, fol. 94a (the tax was paid in cheese [aqit] and melted butter). On strangers and allies in Mecca 121 'Amir and their baseness," Ghuzayy b. Buzayy b. Jurwa b. Usayyid was killed by Dhii l-'ubra Rabi'a b. al-Harith b. Ka'b of the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a, "Ubrd' is explained as "kharzd', a kind of crown worn by the kings," Al-Baladhuri reports about the Tamimi, who levied the taxes (itawa) of the Hawazin, that "he made himself a king over them" (yatamallaku 'alayha).41 Al-Khims b. Rabi' b. Hilal succeeded the Tamimi in collecting the taxes of Hawazin.42 It was thus a conspicuous group who controlled the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a and the Hawazin, It is interesting to note that these tax collectors tried to gain power (yatamaJlaku) and to rule large tribal divisions. To this group belonged a tax collector with the enigmatic name DhU 1-a'wiidY Mughultay records the explanation of the word given by Abii 'Ubayda in his Kitab al-tai: DhU t-dwad is 'Adiyy b. Salama al-Usayyidi, who levied the taxes imposed on Mudar; they used to pay 39 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS. Br. Mus., CoL94a: bani 'lunirin la tadhkuru l-fakhra innakum: mata tadhkurUhu fi l-mdashiri tukdhabu fa-nal)nu mandnakum tamiman wa-antumii sawOltu ilia tuhsinU I-sola tul/rabu AI-Baliidhuri 1177b-1178a): records additional verses (al-Baliidhuri, Ansab, MS. Col. bani 'lunirin la tukhbiru l-nasa [akhrakum: mata tanshurUhu [i l-kirluni tukdhabu [a-innakumii la tansibiina khatlbakum: wa-li: tulimUna l-zilda haua tu'annabu fa-ya'dhira [ ] qabla qad [ ] wa-asbalat: lakum khaylunil mil lam takUnU [ ] wa-nahnu mandndkum tamiman wa-antumu: sawaltu [ ] wa-nohnu IJobasniJkum hifa;an 'alaykumu: wo-kunium unilsan qad rahabtum [ ] fa-lammii khashinil an tasiru li-ghayrinil: nafaynil (-a'1u1i an tul/amil wa-tul)rabu 40 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara MS. Br. Mus. foL 187a. 41 Al-Baladburi, Ansiib, MS. CoL1177b, inf. falayhii refers to Hawazin), 42 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Ms. Br. Mus., CoL187a. 43 See the explanation in L.'A s.v. 'awd. 122 them every year. 'Adiyy grew old so that he had to be carried in a litter passing by the Bedouins at their water-springs while collecting the taxes.44 AI-Fayruzabadi mentioned different members of the Usayyid to whom the name dhit 1-a'wQ.d may refer: a. Ghuwayy b. Salama, b. Rabi'a b. Mukhashin, c. Salama, b. Ghuwayy who had the right to levy the tax from' MUQar, d. it refers to the grandfather of Aktham b. Sayfi (here Faynizabadi gives an account of his virtues);" Abu 'Ubayda's report from the Kitiib al-tiii is recorded by Ibn Abi l-I:ladid.46 This group of Tamim included the clan of al-Nabbash b. Zurara in Mecca. The mother of Baghid b. 'Amir b. Hashim, of the 'Abd Manaf b. 'Abd al-Dar, who wrote the document of the boycott against the Bami Hashim, 47 was a daughter of the Tamimi al-Nabbash b. Zurara of the Usayyid; he was an ally of the 'Abd al-Diir.48 The plot of land which belonged to the clan of Murtafi' (iii al-murtati') was owned before that by the clan of Nabbash (lzl aI-nabbiish b. zurara).49 The mountain of Shayba also belonged to al-Nabbash b. Zurllra.50 A Meccan transmitter, Sulaym al-Makki reports that people in the period of the Jahiliyya used to say: "You are more powerful than the clan of al-Nabbash" tla-anta a'azzu min iili l-nabbash); he pointed with his hand to the houses around the mosque (of the haram - K) and said: 'These were their dwellings" (hi.uihihi kana: ribiluJuun).51 44 Mughultay, al-Zahr al-bOsim [i sirat abi-I-qasim, MS. Leiden Or. 370, fol46a (; kana lahu kharajun 'alii mudara yu'addUnahu kulla 'iunin ...);and see other explanations ibid. fol 45b, info - 46a. 45 AI-Fayriizlioodi, aI-QiimUs aI-mu/:lir, I, 330, sv, 'awd. 46 Ibn Abi l-Hadld, Sharh. nahj aI-boJiigha, ed. Muhammad 47 48 49 50 Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim, Cairo 1962, XV,132 See the comment of the editors: Ibn Hisham op. cit. II, 16, note 2; and see MU$'ab, Nasab quraysh; ed. Levi Provencal, Cairo 1953, p. 254. AI-Zubayr b. Bakkiir,lamharat nasab quraysh; MS. Bodleiana, Marsh 384, fol 88b; Mus'ab Nasab, p. 254. Al-Fakihi, op. cit. MS. fol. 456a, l 2; cf. al-Azraqi, Akhbar makka; ed. F. WiistenfeId, Gottingen 1275/1858, 465, l 3 from bottom. AI-Azraqi,op. cit. p. 490. 51 Al-Fiikihi, op. cit. MS. fol 4S6a, sup. On strangers and allies in Mecca 123 One of the members of this clan was Abii IIDa, the husband of Khadija, There is no unanimity in the tradition as to his name, the name of his child (or children) born by Khadija or the problem whether he was Khadija's first or second husband Ibn al-Kalbi records his name as Abii Hala Hind b. al-Nabbash b. Zuriira b. Waqdiin b. Habib b. Salama b. Ghuwayy b. Jurwa," The exact pedigree of the Tamimi husband of Khadija is indeed important he was a descendant of the powerful Usayyidi who succeeded in controlling the Mudari tribes which yielded to his authority and paid taxes to him According to Ibn al-Kalbi Khadija bore him a son, Hind; this son had in tum a son whom he named Hind; he was thus called Hind b. Hind b. Hind Hind b. Hind attended the battle of Badr ("others say: uhud'); Hind b. Hind b. Hind fought on the side of Ibn al-Zubayr and was killed in battle. According to Ibn al-Kalbi Hind b. Hind b. Abi Hala married Durra bint 'Utba b. Abi Lahab. It is noteworthy that the phrase is: wa-ghtarabat durra bini 'utba b. abi lahab 'inda hind _ Hind b. Hind b. Abi Hala was still considered a gharib, a stranger," The descendants of Abii Hala passed away, leaving no progeny/" Important details about the marriage of Khadija are supplied by Ibn Sa'd; Khadija was "mentioned" to Waraqa b. Naufal; but the plan of the marriage was cancelled and she married Abii Hala Hind b. al-Nabbash, His father was of noble lineage: 55 He alighted in Mecca and joined the 'Abd 52 53 54 55 al-Kalbi, Jamhara; MS. Br. Mus. fol93b inf. - 94a sup. al-Kalbi, J amhara; MS. Br. Mus., fol 11Sa ult,- 11Sb.1 1 al-Kalbi, Jamhara; MS. Br. Mus. fol93b inf - 94a sup. Sa'd, al-Tabaqiu al-kubra; Beirut 137711958, VIIL 14; wa-ki:ma abiihu dhi:l sharafin [i qaumihi. (In text abiiha is an error). The report is on the authority of Ibn al-Kalbi. Ibn Ibn Ibn Ibn 124 al-Dar b. Qusayy as ally. Ibn Sa'd adds a short comment "Quraysh used to intermarry with their .allies" iwa-kima; qurayshun tuzawwi ju halifahumr; this comment is indeed an important clue for the understanding of the position of the allies in Mecca. Khadija bore Abu Hala two sons: Hind and Hala, After Abu Hala, she married 'Atiq b. Abid b. 'Abdallah b. 'Umar b. Makhziim, She bore him a daughter, Hind. who married Sayfi b. Umayya al-Makhziimi and gave birth to a son named Muhammad; the sons of Muhammad were called "the sons of the pure woman", which, of course, referred to Khadija," This family passed away without progeny. Khadija concluded her third marriage with the Prophet, Muhammad b. 'Abdallah and bore him al-Qasim, 'Abdallah (= al-Tahir), al-Tayyib; the female children were: Zaynab, Ruqayya, Umm Kulthiim and Fatima-57 There are divergent, even contradictory, traditions concerning the name of Khadija's Tamimi husband and the names and fate of their children," 56 Ibn Sa'd, op. cu; VIII, 15 sup; and see about Muhammad b. Sayfi b. Umayya; al-Zubayr b. Bakw, Jamharat nasab quraysh, MS. Bodley, fol. 149b iwa-qad inqarada wuldu l'fUIlJammadibni $ayfiyyin). 57 Ibn Sa'd, op. cit; vm. 16. 58 See e.g. al-BaIadhuri, Ansilb, I, 406 info (her first husband was Abu Hala, the second: 'Atiq b. 'Abid; 'Atiq divorced her; then she married Muhammad b. 'Abdallah, the Prophet); Ibn Habib, al-MuJ;abbar, pp. 78 inf. - 79 sup.; Mus'ab, Nasab, pp. 21-23;Ibn Abi l-Hadid, op. cu; XV, 131-132 (the Prophet adopted the young boy Uabanniihu), the son of Abu Hiila); Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'arif, ed. Tharwat 'Ukasha, Cairo 1969,132-133(her first husband 'Atlq, the second Abu Hala; he died in the period of the Jahiliyya; Abu HiiIa's son, Hind, was brought up by the Prophet); Ibn Durayd, al-l shtiqaq, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hliriin, Cairo 1378/1958,p. 142 (al-Nabbash), 208 (Zuriira b. al-Nabbash); he died in Mecca in the period of the Jahiliyya; Hind b. Hind died in Basra; some say that he left progeny; Ibn Hajar, al-/ saba. VI, 557-558, no. 9013 (see the different versions; see the version that his name was Malik b. al-Nabbash); Niir al-Din al-Haythaml, Majma' al-zawiiid, Beirut 1967, VIII, 275 info(al-Nabbash and Malik b. Zurara); al-Diyarbakrf, Ta'rikh ol-khamis; Cairo 1283,I, 263-264 (the first husband 'Atiq; he died and she married Abu Hala; she bore him a male On strangers and allies in Mecca 125 A peculiar tradition says that Khadija bore Abu Hala two sons: al-Harith and Hind," Al-Harith was killed in Mecca during the first period of the Prophet's activity: when the Prophet started to preach openly in the mosque (scil. of the haram - K) at Mecca exhorting his listeners to believe in the one true God and was attacked by the unbelievers. Alarmed, Al-Harith hurried to the mosque and was killed in a scuffle with the unbelievers at the Ka'ba'" There is a tradition mentioning another son of Abu Hala named al-Zubayr; but there is no explicit statement that his mother was Khadija," Ibn Hajar records the name of a transmitter of hadith who was a descendant of Abu Hala; Yazid b. 'Amr Abu 'Abdallah al- Tamimi62 59 60 61 62 offspring and a female one; some traditions say that the first husband was Abu Hala, the second 'Atiq); Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, op. cit. p. 51; Ibn al- Jauzi, al-Wafa bi-a/:lwali l-mustafa; ed. MU$tafa 'Abd al-Wal.tid, Cairo 1386/1966,p. 145 (the marriage of Khadija with Waraqa was cancelled. She married Abu Hala (Hind) (or Malik) and bore him two sons: Hind and Hala, She married afterwards 'Atiq b. 'A'idh and bore him a girl named Hind. Then she married the Prophet and bore him all his children, except Ibrahim}, 'Ali Khiin ai-Madani al-Shirazi al-Husayni, al-Darajiu al-rafia fi (abaqati l-shia, ed. Muhammad Siidiq Bahr al-uliim, Najaf 1381/1962, pp. 407, 411ult, (the name of Abu Hala; Nammiish,or Nabbash, or Malik b. Zurara b. Nabbiish, or Zurara b. al-Nabbiish or Nabbiish b. Zurara); al-Zurqanl, Sharb al-mawahibi Haduniyya; Cairo 1325,I, 199(Abu Hala's name: Malik b. Zuriira, or Hind, or al-Nabbiish; Khadija bore him two male children: Hind and HiiIa. After the death of Abu Hala, Khadija married 'Atiq b. Abid and bore him a daughter, Hind; some say: she bore him a son, Hind}, al-Mausili, Ghiiyat al-wasdi! ita mdriiasi l-awa'it, MS., Cambridge Qq 33(10)fol 37a, inf. - 37b sup. Al-Baladhuri, AnsQb, MS. foll069b. Mughultay, op. cu. MS. Leiden, Or. 370, fol 142b, ult; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba; I. 605; al-Fiisi, al-Tqd oi-thamin; I, 228 penult; al-Ma~li, Ghiiyat oi-wasdil, MS. fol 23a, info Ibn I:Iajar, al-/saba. IL 558,no. 2792. Ibn l:Iajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, Hyderabad 1327,XII, 148,no. 705 L min wuldi abi hiiJata l-nabbashi bni zurarata). 126 To the clan of the Banii Nabbash belonged the poet al-A'sM b. al-Nabbash, who eulogized the unbelievers killed at Badr. He was, like his relatives, an ally of the Banii Naufal of the 'Abd al-D.ir.63 and an influential person in Mecca involved in its internal struggles. The story of the Usayyidi group in Mecca is a convincing example of the skillful policy of the leaders of the Meccan body politic; the Usayyidi newcomers were received in a friendly manner, and due to their experience and energy they managed to acquire property, settle in the centre of Mecca and grow wealthy and influential Their marriages with their allies in Mecca contributed to a considerable degree to their feeling of identity with their new relatives, and with the interests of Mecca and to their loyalty to their Meccan allies. The story of Khabbab b. al-Aratt is not in fact that of an ally; the circumstances of his life and career, and his attitude to the family to which he was attached, resemble however to a great extent the situation of the hulafii', the allies in Mecca. Khabab was a man of obscure origin. His father was sold in Mecca as a slave to a Khuzi'i family who, themselves, were allies of the Banii Zuhra. Khabbab's profession and that of his mother were base and contemptible: she was a professional circumciser, he was a blacksmith. According to a tradition the mother of Khabbab married a Khuza'i, an ally of Zuhra and bore him Sibii'; Khabbab was thus a half-brother of Sibii', whose client he was. This may have granted him a special status in the family of his master and he could persuade them to join the Zuhri family of 'Auf b. 'Abd Auf as allies.64 Khabbab was one of the earliest converts to Islam and as one of the 4u'afii' was exposed to persecution and torture at the hands of the unbelievers; the Prophet used to visit him 63 See on him e.g. Mus'ab, Nasab, pp. 403-404; al-Zubayr b, Bakkar, Jamhara; MS. fol. 185b; al-Tayalisi, Kitiib al-mukiuhara 'inda l-mudhakara; ed. al-Tanji, Ankara 1956, pp. 22-24; al-Amidi, al-Mu'talif wa-l-mukhtalif, ed. 'Abd al-Sattar Farra], Cairo ·1381/1961, p. 21; ai-A'sha wa-i-ashaun ai-akharun, ai-Subh. al-munir [i sm·r abi basir, ed. R. Geyer, London 1928, pp. 272-274 (and see "Anmerkungen", pp. 268-270}' Ibn Durayd, op. cit. pp.142-141 64 See e.g. Ibn Habib, al-Munarnmaq, pp. 294-295. On strangers and allies in Mecca 127 in the midst of his troubles and showed him sympathy/" In Islam he is highly respected and was one of the eminent Companions, taking part in all the battles against the unbelievers. 'Uthman granted him land in Iraq and he became a wealthy man.. He, nevertheless, joined 'Ali and fought in the battle of Siffin on the side of 'Ali. Some Shu sources claim that he signed the document of arbitration at Siffin, He died in 37 AH and 'Ali is said to have prayed over his graVe.66 The story of Khabbab is highly instructive, being the case of an individual of low class origins who gradually rose from the position of a slave to that of a client tmaulii), subsequently becoming an ally (I)alif). He was presumably able to attain this position because his mother was married to one of her masters. But Khabbab also endured hardship and suffering for the openness and courage with which he expressed his genuine opinions and beliefs. Islam granted him full rights in the community and a position of equal footing with all the believers. An eminent person in Mecca in the period of the Prophet was al-Akhnas b. Shariq al-Thaqafi, an ally of the Banii Zuhra. His pedigree is given by Ibn al-Kalbi as follows: Ubayy b. Shariq b. 'Amr b. Wahb b. 'Ilaj, an ally of the Banii Zuhra. He was nicknamed "al-Akhnas" because he diverted the Banii Zuhra from fighting on the Day of Badr,"? Al-Akhnas was a rich man: his clan owned a court (dar, dar al-akhnasi in the lane of the perfumers (zuqaq al-iauarin); they possessed as well a patch of land (lJmiq) in the "night market" (sUq al-layl), which they bought from the 'Amir b. Lu'ayy," In the old days, says al-Fakihi, Abyssinians stayed in the mountain where the gorge of the clan of al-Akhnas was located." The mountain al-Hira (where the 65 Al-Fasi, aI-'f qd ol-thamin; IV, 30L 66 See El2, s.v. Khabbiib b. al-Aratt; and see al-Shibli, MaQ1JSin al-wasdil ila mdrifaii al-awa'il. MS. British Library, Or. 1530, fols. 108b-l09a; Muqatil b. Sulaymiin, Tafsir, ed. 'Abdallah Mahmiid Shabiitah, Cairo 1969, I, 105inf; Abu I-'Arab, Kitab al-mihan, MS. Cambridge Qq 235(8), foIs. 39b-40b (dhikru qatli 'abdi 111lhibni khabOObi bni i-araai wa-l-I:liuithi bni murrah). 67 Ibn al-Kalbi, J amhara; MS, Br. Mus.,foL 1553. 68 Al-Fiikihi, op. cit; MS, foL 457a 128 Prophet received his revelation - K) is located by this gorge. Through this gorge the Prophet entered Mecca on the Day of the Conquest of Mecca. Najda, the Kharijite alighted in this gorge." Al-Akhnas' relations with Quraysh were very close: his mother was Rayta bint 'Abdallah b. Abi Qays al-Qurashi, from the Banii 'Amir b. Lu'ayy," Al-Akhnas married Khalida, the daughter of the noble Abu l-'~i 72 His son, Sa'id, married Sakhra, the daughter of Abu Sufyiin.73 His sister, Thurayya, was the wife of Abu Dhi'b Hisham b. Shu'ba of the Abu Qays b. 'Abd Wudd of Quraysh." Descendants of al-Akhnas continued to intermarry with Quraysh," Al-Akhnas was an implacable opponent of the Prophet. Some patently tendentious traditions state that he did not embrace Islam at alP6 Other traditions report that he embraced Islam and was one of the muallaia quliibuhum; i. e. those whose sympathy for Islam was gained by gifts granted them by the Prophet," A harmonizing report assumes that he embraced Islam and participated in the battle of Hunayn, He probably apostatized later and then converted again to Islam," We have, in fact, some information about the activities of al-Akhnas against the Prophet. A report recorded by al-Baladhuri says that al-Akhnas was a member of the Qurashi delegation which came 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 Al~Fiikihi, op. cit; MS. fol 5OOb. Al-Azraqi, op. cu; p. 492. See Muqiitil. Tafsir, I. 102. Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 101;al-Baladhurl, Ansah, ed. M Schloessinger, IV A., 169. Ibn 1;Iabib, al~Mul)abbar, p. 105; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit; VIII, 240. Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 421 See e.g. Ibn a1~Kalbi, Jomnara; MS. Br. Mus. fol117a Al-Baladburf, Ansah, MS. fol. 1226a; al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, (= al-Jam," li-ai)kami l-qur'iin), Cairo 1387/1967, HI, 15, II 77 Ibn al-Athir, Usd, I, 48. 78 Ibn Hajar, al-I saba, I, 38-39. On strangers and allies in Mecca 129 to Abii Talib asking him to halt the Prophet's missionary activity; al-Akhnas was the speaker of the delegation." Al-Akhnas was involved in another incident: he watched, in the company of unbelievers, how a group of believers went out to the gorge of Abii Dubb in Mecca in order to perform there the ritual ablution (wuq.u1 and prayer (evidently in the first period of Islam, when believers had to conceal their ritual practices - K). The unbelievers attacked and beat them. Ibn Sa'd, one of the believers, seized a camel's jaw and beat them with it until he wounded one of the unbelievers, who were routed tinkasara l-mushrikiin) and left the place.80 The relations in this early period preceding the hijra of the Prophet were probably not explicitly hostile: when the Prophet returned from his journey to al- Ta'if he sent to al-Akhnas asking for his protection (jiwar) in order to enter Mecca; al-Akhnas, however, could not respond; he argued that being himself an ally (l)aIif) he was not authorized to grant protection," The inferior status of the ally (balif) is mentioned only twice: in the case of Abii Ihab with the gazelle and here in the case of the protection withheld from the Prophet It is noteworthy that, according to a tradition, al-Akhnas granted protection to Abii Sabra b. Abi Ruhm'" . A decision made by al-Akhnas on the eve of the Day of Badr happened to be a turning point in the history of the Muslim community: it was a main contributing factor to the Muslim victory on the Day of Badr. Al-Akhnas headed a troop of 300 Zuhri warriors. In the consultations of the Qurashi leaders al-Akhnas opposed the activist 79 Al-BaIadhuri, Ansah, L 23L 80 Al-Baladhuri, Ansah, I, 116;on Shi'b Abi Dubb see l-Bakri, Mu'jam rna stdjam. ed. M~tafii l-Saqqa, Cairo 1364/1945,p. 540. 81 Ibn Hishiim, op. cit. II, 20; al-Tabarsi, l'liim ai-wara bi-dlam ai-Juu:ia, ed. 'Ali Akbar al-Ghaffiiri, Tehran 1379,p.65; Ibn Junghul, Tarlkh; MS. British Library, Or. 5912, I, 203a: the messenger of the Prophet to al-Akhnas was 'Abdallah b. Urayqit, 82 Al-Baliidhuri, Ansah, L 228. 130 attitude of some leaders (like Abu Jahl), proposed to refrain from any military action against the Prophet and his forces and to return to Mecca. He explained to the Zuhri warriors that Muhammad was their nephew (ibn ukht), and that if he was a prophet they should not kill him; if, on the other hand, he was an impostor, they, of all people, should definitely refrain from fighting him," According to another tradition al-Akhnas argued that, as the caravan had already reached its destination safely, the Meccan force should return to Mecca," The Zuhri troop obeyed al-Akhnas and returned to Mecca.85 The Qurashi force was thus reduced from 1000 to 700 and its striking force was seriously impaired. The retreat of the Zuhri troop was an important event, if not the decisive factor, in the victory of the Muslim forces and the defeat of Quraysh," The victory at Badr heralded the triumph of Islam After the battle of Badr, al-Akhnas is said to have visited the court of the Prophet in Medina, engaged him in conversation, feigning willingness to embrace Islam. He assured the Prophet of his love for him and expressed his allegiance to the new faith.. Unaware of the real nature of his thoughts and feelings, the Prophet used to honour him and let him sit in council close to him. It was in connection with this that the verses of Sura II were revealed tal-baqara) 204-205: wa-min at-nasi man yu'jibuka qauluhu _ "and some men there are whose saying upon the present world pleases thee and such a one calls on God to witness what is in his heart, yet he is most stubborn in altercation" (translation: Arberry)," Al-Akhnas afterwards went out, 83 Muqatil, Tatsir, 1, 103. 84 Al-Baladhuri, Ansilb. I, 291; and see Abii l-Faraj, AghQni. Beirut, 1390/1970. IV. 22 reprint; al-Waqidi. op. cit, pp. 44-45. 85 See e.g. al-Azraqi, op. cit, p. 492; Ibn Hishiim, op. cit, II. 271; al-Tabarsi, l'tiim ol-wara; p. 85; Ibn J:lajar. ai-/$iiba, I. 38-39; al-BaIiidhuri. Ansilb. MS. fo11226a; Ibn-Athlr, I. 48; Muqati~ Taisir, MS. 1, fol 146a-b and I, 161 (printed edition). 86 The Zuhra and the 'Adiyy were the only Qurashi divisions which did not pin the Qurashi force; see al-Waqidi. op. cit, p. 45. 87 See e.g. Muqdtll, Tafsir, I, 102; al-Qurtubl, Tafsir, II. 14 inf.; al-Tabari, Tajsir, ed. Mabmiid and Ahmad Shakir. Cairo n.d. IV, 229-230. no. 3961 us« On strangers and allies in Mecca 131 burnt some crops and killed some donkeys," Four verses of Sura LXVIII (Surat al-qalam) 10-13: wa-lii tuti' kulla hallatin mahin, hammazin mashshii'in bi-namim _ "and obey thou not every man swearer, backbiter, going about with slander, hinderer of good. guilty agressor _" are also said to refer to al-Akhnas," Some commentators record traditions saying that the words humaza lumaza in Sura Clv, 1 (Surat al-humazas; "backbiter, slanderer" refer to al-Akhnas," That these interpretations seem to have been widely circulated can be inferred from the following anecdote: al-Kalbi was asked in Mecca about the interpretation of Siira II. 204 (quoted above) and replied that the person intended in the verse was al-Akhnas. One of those present in the council tmailis), a descendant of al-Akhnas, requested al-Kalbi to desist from circulating these interpretations in Mecca," Al-Akhnas' son Abu l-Hakam fought in the battles against the Prophet. He (or his father) is said to have killed Unays b. Qatada at Uhud." Another tradition relates that Abu l-Hakam b. al-Akhnas killed 'Abdallah b. Jahsh'" 88 See e.g, al-WaI)idi. Asbiib al-nuzUl, Cairo 1388/1968, p. 39; al-Tabari, Tafsir, IV, 229; al-Suyiiti, ai-Durr al-manthiir. I. 238; Ibn Kathfr, Tafsir, Beirut 1385/1966. I. 436. 89 See Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, VII. 84 inf; al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, XVIII. 235; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr, VI. 251 info 252 (According to other traditions the verses referred to al-Hakam, the father of Marwan, or to al-Aswad b. 'Abd Yaghiith); Ibn Hisharn, op. cu; I. 386; al-Naysibiiri, Gharllib al-qur'iin wa-raghiiib ai-tUTqan, Cairo 1390/1970, XXIX. 21 1.4 from bottom; al-Tabarsi, Majma' ai-bayan ti tafsiri l-quran, Beirut 1380/1961. XXIX. 27 (referred to al-Walid b. al-Mughira, or to al-Akhnas b. Shariq, or to al-Aswad b. 'Abd Yaghiith), 90 Al-Tabarsi, Majma' al-bayan; XXX, 230 info (refers to al-Akhnas, or to al-Walid b. al-Mughira); al-Samarqandl, Tafsir, MS. Chester Beatty 3668, II, 344b. ll. 1-3 (al-Akhnas or al-Walid b. al-Mughira) ; al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, Xx. 83 sup; al-Suyiiti. al-Durr. VI. 392 91 Al-Suyiiti. aI-DUTroI. 238. 92 Ibn Qudarna al-Maqdisi, ai-Istibsar [i nasabi l-sohaba min ol-ansiir, ed. 'Ali Nuwayhid, Beirut 1391/1971. p. 294, It 1-2; aI-Waqidi, op. cit; p. 301 (killed by Abii l-Hakam); Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cii; p. 113,no. 91 (killed by al-Akhnas), 93 Anonymous, ai-Ta'rikh al-muhkam [i man intasaba ila i-nabiyyi salia ll~ 'aiayhi wa-sallam; MS. Br. Mus. Or. 8653, fol. 214a; Ibn Hajar, ai-Isaba; IV. 37, no. 4586. 132 For years al-Akhnas remained hostile to the Prophet. He attended the execution of Khubayb in Mecca'" and demanded that the Prophet extradite Abii Basir al-Thaqafi, who was a maula of Banii Zuhra," Al-Akhnas died, as a Muslim of course, during the caliphate of 'Uthman," The son of al-Akhnas, al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas, was a sincere and loyal adherent of 'Uthman- and lost his life defending 'Uthman from the attacks of his enemies. The killer, at the time unaware of his victim's identity, on being informed that it was al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas, recalled a dream in which he had seen vessels with boiling water prepared for the man who would kill al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas," After al-Mughira's death, a man of the Banii Zuhra reported to Talha b. 'Ubaydullah: "Al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas has been killed". Talha b. 'Ubaydullah remarked: ''The sayyid of the allies of Quraysh has been killed".98 One of the grandsons of al-Mughira, al-Mughira b. Asad b. Mughira b. al-Akhnas b. Shariq married 'A'isha bint 'Abdallah b. 94 Ibn Hisham, op. cit. Ill, 188;al-Wliqidi, op. cit. P. 361;al-Suyiiti, al-Durr, I, 238. 95 Ibn Hazm, J awaml ol-sira; ed. Ibsan 'Abbas, Nli$ir al-Din al-Asad, Cairo n.d.,p. 210; Ibn Hisham, op. cit. III, 337;al-Wliqidi, op. cit. p. 624; al-Baladhuri, Ansab, I, 211;on Abii Basir see Ibn I:Iajar, ol-lsaba; IV, 433,no. 5401 % Ibn al-Athir, Usd,l, 48. 97 See e.g. Anonymous, al-Tdrikn al-muhkam; fol. 62a-b; AbU l-'Arab, Kitiib al mihan; MS. fol. 18a-b; Muhammad b. Yabyli l-Maliqi, aJ-Tamhid wa-i-bayiin [i maqtali l-shahidi 'whmim, ed. Mahmiid Yiisuf Zliyid, Beirut 1%4, pp. 134,135 (and see index; the report on p. 133 is transmitted by the grandson of al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas); and see on him Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqat, I, 403, III, 66; Ibn al- Athir, Usd, IV, 405-406; al-Fasl, ai-'/ qd al-thamin; VIII, 252-253, no. 2498 (another version of the dream); al-Baladhuri, Ansiib, V, 76, 79 (ed, s.D. Goitein, Jerusalem 1936); Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, op. cit. p. 1444; Ibn Hajar, al-I saba, VI, 1%-197. 98 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit. p. 1444. On strangers and allies in Mecca 133 'Umar," His grandson, Ya'qiib b. 'Utba b. al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas b. Shariq was a trustworthy muhaddith; he was honest and noble, and governors used to send him as tax-collector'?" There-is no need here to comment at length on the story of al-Akhnas b. Shariq. Suffice it to say that it reveals another aspect of Meccan policy towards strangers desirous of joining one of the Meccan clans: newcomers were allowed freedom of action, and opportunities were given them to attain the highest position of leadership. So it came about that an ally made a decision that was to prove momentous to the subsequent history of the Islamic community: it was the Thaqafi hali] al-Akhnas b. Shariq who issued the order of retreat to the Zuhri troop and made the Muslim victory at Badr possible. The list of the arbiters of Quraysh includes the name of a Thaqafite ally of the Banii Zuhra: al-'Alli' b. Jariya (or Haritha) b. Sumayr b. 'Abdallah b. Abi Salama b. 'Abd al-'Uzza b. Ghiyara al-Thaqafi, hall] (ally) of the Banii Zuhra'?' It was, of course, unusual for a halit to gain the position of an arbiter on behalf of a tribal divison. He must have been a very respected member of the Meccan community. It is indicative of the Prophet's skill in management that he included al-'Alli in the group of the muallata quJ.Ubuhum, eminent unbelievers whose sympathy for Islam was won by gifts.102 99 Mus'ab, Nasab, p.357. 100 Ibn l:Iajar, Tahdhib al tahdhib, XI, 392, no. 755; al-Bukhiiri, al-Ta'rikh ol-kpbir, VIII, 389,no. 3434. 101 Ibn l:Iabib, aJ-Mul}abbar,p. ill. 102 Ibn Hazm, Jawamt al-sira; p. 246; aI-Wiiqidi, op. cit. p. 946; Ibn Qutayba, ai-Ma'arif, p. 342; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit. II, 153,l. 1; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, p. 1085,no. 1840; al-Tabari, Tarikh; ed. Muhammad Abu l-Pad! Ibrahim, III, 90; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, IV, 7; Ibn I:Iajar, al-Isaba; V, 279, no. 6807; aI-BaIiidhuri, Ansab, MS. foL 1226b;Ibn Hishiim,op. cit. IV, 136;Muqiitil, Tafsir, MS. I, 155a; al-Fiisi, Shifa' aJ-gliarllm,II, 1~ 134 A peculiar case of tribal collaboration between Quraysh and Sulaym is seen in the story of Abii I-A'war al-Sulami, the ally of Abii Sufyan, His family had a close relationship with Quraysb: his mother and his grandmother were from Quraysh (the mother from Sahm, the grandmother from 'Abel Shams).I03His father, Sufyan b. 'Abel Shams, had been an ally of Harb b. Umayya and fought with Quraysh against the Prophet. It was he who killed the father of Djibir b. 'Abdallah and 'Abbas b. 'Ubada on the Day of Ubud.104 In the battle of the Ditch Sufyiin b. 'Abd Shams headed a troop of 700 warriors of Sulaym fighting on the side of Quraysh against the force of the Prophet-" It is noteworthy that the Sulami troop which joined the Prophet in the conquest of Mecca also numbered 700 (or 1000) warriors. It was probably this same group of warriors that went over to their former enemy.l06 The son, Abii l-A'war, 'Amr b. Sufyiin, was a leading figure in Mecca. He took part in a delegation of distinguished Meccans who came to Medina in order to persuade the Prophet that he should acknowledge the power of the idols,"? He seems to have remained hostile towards the Prophet for a very long time; thus the biographical compilations of the Companions state that he cannot be counted among the Companionsl'" However, he played an important role in the reign of Mu'awiyal"? and the latter's plan to appoint him as governor of Egypt only failed on account of a stratagem employed by 'Amr b. al-'As.no 103 See Ibn Hajar, aJ-/sQba,N, 641, no. 5855. 104 See al-Baladhuri, Ansah, I, 331,333; aI-Wiiqidi, op. cit; pp. 258, 266, 302, 306. 105 AI-Wiiqidi,op. cit; p. 441 106 See Ibn Hishiim, op. cit. N, 63; al-Wiiqidi, op. cit. 812 inf.- 811 107 See e.g. al-Nasafi, Tat sir aJ-qur'luI,Cairo n..d.,III, 292; and see J ESHO, XXIV, 258-259, ad notes 76-77. 1~ See e.g. EP, s.v. al-A'war (Lammens); and see Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba; 641, no. 5855; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, V. 138. 109 See e.g. Nasr b. Muzahim, Waq'at siffin, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hiirlin, Cairo 1383, index. 110 See 'Ali b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Hudhayl, 'Ayn al-adab wa-l-siyasa wa-zayn al-hasab wa-I-riyasa, Cairo 138811969,pp. 149-150. On strangers and allies in Mecca 135 Some of the allies were among the earliest converts to Islam. One of them was a Tamimi, Said b. 'Amr, an ally of the Banii Sahm of Quraysh; his half-brother on his mother's side was Tamim b. al-Harith al-Sahmi, who was among the first believers, and is listed among the distinguished group of Muslims who emigrated to Abyssinia (kana min muhajirati l-habashati l-hijrata l-thlmiya); he is said to have been killed in the battle of al-Ajiadayn'" The career of another halit, the Yarbii'i Tamimite Waqid b. 'Abdallah, is also noteworthy. He was sold as a slave to Khattab b. Nufayl of the 'Adiyy, who adopted him. He was called Waqid b. al-Khattab and became an ally of the Banii 'Adiyy. Later he changed his name to Waqid b. 'Abdallah according to the injunction of Siira XXXIII, 6: UtlUhum li-llbllihim, huwa aqsaiu 'inda lliihi ... "Call them by the names of their fathers. That is more equitable in the sight of God". In the first fraternization (mu'akhllt makka) he was paired with Bishr b. al-Bara'J'? He migrated to Medina and was sent by the Prophet to Nakhla with a group of warriors. In the attack of the Muslim group on the caravan of Quraysh, Waqid killed 'Amr b. al-Hadrami, 'Umar b. al-Khattab composed two verses about this event. It has been pointed out that Waqid was the first believer to kill an unbeliever, and was a highly respected person; 'Abdallah b. 'Umar named one of his sons Waqid after Waqid b. 'Abdallah al-Tamimi'" 'Umar included him in the pay-roll (jaraaa.lahu) of his family-'" Waqid died during the caliphate of 'UmarYs 111 Ibn cis; l12 Ibn 113 Ibn 114 Ibn 115 Al- cit. Sa'd, op. cu; IV, 197; Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 401, II. 11-13; Ibn 'Abel al-Barr, op. p. 626, no. 990; Ibn Hajar, aJ-I $Qba, Ill, 114,no. 328L l:Iabib, aJ-Muhobbar, P. 73 inf. Hajar, aJ-I$Qba, VI, 595 info Habib, al-Munammaq; p. 314. BaIadhuri, Ansiib, MS. fol. l000a; and see about him Ibn Abi l-Hadid, op. XV, 130; Ibn Sa'd, TabaqQJ, II, 10, IV, 159. 136 The biography of the Tamimi Ya'lii b. Umayya (or: Ya'la b. Munya) is the story of the meteoric rise to eminence of an ally in Mecca. He was an ally of the Banii Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf he converted to Islam. emigrated to Medina and fought in the battles of Hunayn, al- Ta'if and Tabiik. His sister, Nafisa bint Munya, who was the matchmaker between Khadija and the Prophet, converted early to Islam'" Ya'la's brother, Salama b. Umayya, fought on the Prophet's side in the expedition of Tabiik"? After the death of the Prophet he was appointed by Abii Bakr governor of Hulwan. 'Umar appointed him governor of some districts of the Yemen, but deposed him when he appropriated to himself land property (1)amii li-natsihi himan). He was, nevertheless, highly regarded by 'Uthman, and, on hearing of the latter's assassination, he hurried to Medina and urged that the murder of 'Uthman be avenged. Promising to equip any warrior willing to go out and avenge the murder, he actually equipped 70 warriors of Quraysh and bought the camel 'Askar for 'A'isha. He granted al-Zubayr 400,000 (dirhams - K) to implement the necessary preparations for the expedition. He married two distinguished Qurashi women: the daughter of al-Zubayr and the daughter of Abii Lahab. He died as a respected and wealthy man, a Meccan owning a piece of land (khiua) in Mecea'" Two men of the Usayyidi group of Tamim deserve to be mentioned here. Though there is no indication that they ever came to Mecca, they were certainly converts from the early Medinan period. Hanzala b. al-Rabi' al-Katib and his brother Rabah b. al-Rabi' rose speedily to a high position in the Muslim community and played an important role in the events of that period. Hanzala is said to have Ansab, I, 98; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba; VIII, 143, no. 11816 (Nafisa bint Umayya), 117 AI-Fasawi, ai-Ma'rifa wa-l-tdrikh; L 337. 118 See e.g. Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, op. cit; pp. 1585-1587, no. 2815; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, V, 128-129; al-I;>hahabi, Siyar a'llun ai-nubaia', ed. As'ad Talas, III. 66-67 no. 245; Ibn Hajar, lsaba, VI, 685, no. 9365; Idem, Tahdhib ai-tahdhib, XI, 399, no. 77l:, al-Fasi, al-Tqd al-thamin, VII, 478-480, no. 2753; al-Tabari, Tarikh; ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibriihim, index; al-Baliidhuri, Ansab, MS. foL 99O-991a 116 See e.g. aI-BaIiidhuri, On strangers and allies in Mecca 137 been the secretary of the Prophet, wrote the revelation and was entrusted with the Prophet'sseal iwa-kima mdahu khiaam al-nabiyyi). The Prophet sen. him as a spy to al- Tli.'ifand recommended him highly for his qualities of leadership. ii'tammic bi-mithli hii:dhii: wa-ashbii:hihi). According to Ibn al-Kalbi, Tamim, Asad Ghatafan and Hawazin fought under his banner on the Day of al-Qadisiyya'" He married a woman from a very noble family: a daughter of Naufal b. al-Harith b. 'Abd al-Muttalib.'t? He took part in the battles of the Conquest of Islam and settled in Kiifa; but as 'Uthman was generally spoken of in abusive terms there, Hanzala left the city and settled in Qarqisiyya..He used to visit the court of Mu'iiwiya.who had a high opinion of him. He died during the latter's reign.Tamim claim that the jinn bewailed his death. Al-Baladhuri, who records this information, however, notes that some people believed him to be of obscure provenance (kana da'iyyan).121 His brother RaMI;l(or Riyah) suggested to the Prophet to fix a special day in the week for the Muslim community; they would have their day like the 'Jews and the Christians.The siira: ai-iumua was then revealed and Friday was established as the Day of the Muslim community'> II Some additional details about the alliances in Mecca and the circumstances in which they were concluded may widen our understanding of general conditions in Mecca and the relations existing between allies and the clans which accepted them. In some cases 119 Ibn aI-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS. Br. Mus., foL 93b. 120 Ibn aI-Kalbi, Jamhara; MS. Br. Mus., foL USa. 121 See about him: aI-Bahidhuri, Amab, MS. foL 1069b; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit, p. 379, no. 548; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba; 11,134-135, nos. 1861-1862; Idem, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, III, 60, no. 109; Ibn al-Athir, U sd, II, 58; Khalifa b. Khayyat, al-Tabaqiu. ed. Akram I;>iya' I-'Umari, Baghdad 1387/1967,pp. 43, 129; Ibn 'Asiikir, Tdrikh; ed.. 'Abd aI-Qadir Badriin, Beirut 139911979,V, 13-15. 122 Al-Baladhurl, Amab, MS. foL 1069b; Ibn al-Athir, al-Barr, op. cit. p. 486, no. 744. Usd, II, 160-161; Ibn 'Abd 138 Quraysh welcomed newcomers who applied for allied status. Such was the case of Jahsh b. Ri'ab of the Asad b. Khuzayma In consequence of a blood feud between Asad and Khuza'a a division of Asad requested the aid of Kinana; when these refused, they turned to the Ghatafan, Their request seems, however, to have been rejected.. Ri'ab b. Ya'mur, the father of Jahsh, came to Mecca and applied for allied status with Quraysh. He was invited by Qurashi Asad b. 'Abel al-Uzza to join them as ally and he gladly joined them as hali]. Later, however, people remarked that the Asad b. 'Abel al-'Um were a wretched branch of Quraysh; Ri'ab consequently cancelled the alliance and concluded one with the 'Abd Manaf. When the Banii Jahsh made their hijra to Medina, Abii Sufyan sold their houses and appropriated for himself the proceeds of the transaction. One of the sons of Jahsh complained of this iniquity, stressing that "others" (ie, other branches of Quraysh - K) wanted to affiliate them as allies, but the Banii Jahsh preferred an alliance with Abii Sufyan, 'Abel al-Malik inquired who it was who had offered the Banii Jahsh the alliance and 'Urwa b. al-Zubayr said that his clan had done so, but that Banii Jahsh had preferred to conclude an alliance with Abii Sufylin.123 The verses indicating the purpose of the alliance are significant wa-la-qad da'ani ghayrukum Ia-abaytulur. wa-khabdtukum li-nawliibi l-dahri. The place and time in which the alliance was concluded are also given: wo-aqadtu habli [i hilXdikum: 'inda l-jimiJri 'ashiyyata lrnahri. The attitude towards the Umayyads is expressed in warm words: a-bani umayyata kayla uslamu fikumu: wa-anii bnukum wa-holilukum [i 1-'usri.124 123 Ibn Habib, al-M/.UIIJmITIiUl, 286-288. p. 124 See the story and the verses in al-Fiikihi, Tarikh; fol. 452a-b (with many variants). On strangers and allies in Mecca 139 The close ties existing between the Qurashites and their allies are evident from the circumstance that Jabsh b. Ri'iib married the daughter of 'Abd al-Muttalib/ She bore him three sons and two daughters: Zaynab bint .Jahsh married the Prophet (before that she had been the wife of Zayd b. Haritha); Hamna bint Jahsh married Talha b/Ubaydullah.P! Zaynab (her former name was Barra) was distinguished by special verses revealed about her in the Qur'iinl26 The esteem in which these Asadi companions of the Prophet were held is reflected by the fact that their names were added to the list of the Qurashi Companiona"? A vivid description of the atmosphere in which an alliance was concluded is given in the story of Khalid b. al-Harith of Kiniinii, the father of Qariz, The poet Khalid, a congenial and eloquent person, came to Mecca. Every clan desired to have him as an ally and many people offered him hospitality (an yunzilahu) and the hands of their daughters in marriage. Khiilid asked to be given some time, went up to Hira' in order to worship God (yata'abbadu) and to pray for guidance in making his decision. After 3 days he came down and decided to conclude an alliance with the first person he met, who turned out to be 'Auf b. 'Abd al-Harith of Zuhra b. Kilab, He tied his garment to that of 'Auf, took his hand, and, both of them approached the haram; they stood by the House and affirmed their alliance.'" 125 Al-Baliidhuri, AnsQh,I, 88; Mus'ab, Nasob, p. 19,IL3-10. 126 See e.g. Muhibb al-Din Ahmad b. 'Abdallah al-Tabari, al-Sinq al-thamin [i manaqib ummahilli l-muminin; Cairo n.d., pp.87-92; Ibn Habib, al-Muf)abbar, pp. 85-88. 127 See Anonymous, al-Ta'rikh al-muhkam; MS. Br.Mus. 8653, foL 213a:hadha akhiru ma aradnahu. min nasabi a$/:labi rasidi /lahi (s) wa-akhbarihim; wa-adhkuru mdahum akhhara I-$al}ii.batimin bani asadi bni khuzaymata li-anna minhum bani [ahshin, bani 'ammati i-nabiyyi ts) we-hum mina l-siibiqina l-auwolina wa-l-muhaiirina I-hijratayn, we-hum hu/afa' bani 'abd shams _ ; and see the list ibid. fols. 2l3a-222a; and see the list of the Asadi Companions in Albert Dietrich, 'Abdalmu'rnin b. Xalaf ad-Dimyatinin bir Muhiicirin Listesi, $arkiyat Mecmuasi, Ill, 1959,pp. 136-137. 128 Ibn I:Iabib,al-Munammaq, p. 288. 140 The aim of the alliance of al-Ghaydaq b. 'Abd al-Muttalib with the Sulami Shayban was quite different When al-Ghaydaq was denied his share in his father's heritage, 'Abd al-Muttalib, by his brothers and was not able to secure the aid of his half-brother, 'Auf b. 'Abd 'Auf of the Zuhra, he applied for help to Shayban of Sulaym, who had married Umm Hakim, the daughter of al-Zubayr b. 'Abd al-Muttalib, Al-Ghaydaq's half-brother helped to conclude the alliance. By means of this alliance al-Ghaydaq succeeded in compelling his brothers to grant him his lawful share of the heritage.129 The friendly relations obtaining between the sons of Shayban and the family of 'Abd al-Muttalib seem to have continued: Arwa. the daughter of Rabi'a b. al-Harith b. 'Abd al-Muttalib married 'Abood b. Shayban.130She bore him two daughters (in the period of Islam); one of these daughters married Muhammad b. 'Ali b. Abi TaIib and bore him a son, Ibrahim. Arwa's mother was Umm al-Hakam (not Umm Hakim as in Munammaq) the daughter of al-Zubayr b. 'Abd al-Muttalih'" In some cases an alliance was concluded with two persons; such was the case of Mirdas al-Sulami, who concluded the alliance with both Harb b. Umayya and Abu l-'As b. Umayya; it later broke down.132 In others the effects of the alliance came to fruition after many years: 'Abd al-Rahman b. Sayhan was the ally of the 'Abd Manaf. Mu'awiya ordered his governor in Medina, Marwan, to refrain from punishing 'Abd al-Rahman b. Sayhan for drinking an intoxicating beverage made of raisins (or dates).133 In some cases alliances were merely fictitious. Such was the case of a Persian slave who was set free in Mecca and established his abode there. He was a successful carpenter, sired pretty daughters and 129 See Ibn Habib, ai-MU/UJlfI1T/.Oi/, p. 289; on al-Ghaydaq n 11-12;al-BaIadhuri, Ansah, I, 71, 90. 130 See Ibn Habib, aJ-MU/UJlfI1T/.Oi/, p. 289, ult, l31 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS, Br. Mus. fol116b, inf. see Mus'ab, Nasab, p.l8, 132 Ibn I:Iabib, aJ-MU/UJlfI1T/.Oi/, p. 330. 133 Al-Baladhuri, Ansah, ed. M. Schloessinger, Jerusalem 1971, IVA, pp. 81, 112-114; Ibn I:Iabib, aJ-MU/UJlfI1T/.Oi/, p. 305. On strangers and allies in Mecca 141 gifted sons, and joined Harb b. Umayya as ally.134Ibn Habib rightly remarks that it was in fact not an alliance at all: (wa-qad dakhala ti ahlati qurayshin man laysa lahum bi-haiitin minhum al-hadarima ->.135 That the economic factor had played a decisive role in acceptance of the new ally by Ibn Umayya emerges quite clearly from the outline of al-Hadrami's career: wa-nazala makkata wa-kathura maluhu wa-walada nisdan hisanan wa-rijalan ta-aniabahum, [a-tazawwaja baniihu haythu ahabbii; wa-hum yadddiina hilta harbi bni umayyata, wa-laysa lahum hiliun min ahadin min qurayshini" Al-Hadrami married Umm Talha, the daughter' of Umm Hakim bint 'Abd al-Muttalib, Their son, 'Amr b. al-Hadrami, was killed on the Day of Nakhla,"? Ibn Habib records many cases of alliances which were in fact never formally concluded, but subsequently acquired outward recognition when the daughters of Meccan noblemen married newcomers, who were usually of inferior status. An apparent case of this kind is that of the Byzantine slave Salama b. al-Azraq, His son, Salama "entered" into an alliance with the 'Abd Shams, marrying Amina, the sister of 'Uthman b. 'Affan..138 The clan of 'Amr b. Umayya al-Damri was considered an ally of the Banii Umayya because 'Amr b. Umayya" married Sukhayla bint 'Ubayda b. al-Harith b. 'Abd al-Muttalih'v' Ibn Habib's opinions about fictitious alliances of this kind are instructive: ... [a-dakhalii [i bani 'abdi l-dari bi-l-sihri, wa-laysa lahum hilt _141 sami'tu man yuhaqqiqu hiltahum wa-sami'tu man ... 134 135 136 137 138 l;Iabib, al-Munammaq, pp.320-322 Habib, al-Munammaq; p. 319 ult, Habib, ol-Munammaq, p. 321; and see ibid, p. 322, 15. Mus'ab, Nasob, p. 18, 1113-17; al-Baladhuri, Ansah, L 88, 297. Habib, al-Munammaq, p. 302, 11.6-7; but according to Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 101, II. 8-9 she married a man from Madhhij 139 See on him J ESHO, vol. XXIV, 251, notes 40-41; and see ibid, pp. 262-263 and notes 84-85. 140 Ibn l;Iabib, al-Munammaq, p. 302 141 Ibn l;Iabib, oi-Munammaq; p. 306, I. 8. Ibn Ibn Ibn See Ibn 142 yuwahhinuhu wa-yaqidu: innama dakhaJit bi-arhamihim wa-asharihim [i=bani zuhrar'? In some cases Ibn Habib admits that he does not know the reason for the affiliation of an adopted ally to his clan: ._wa-huwa ya'ia b. umayya; wa-ia dritu sOOOOa dukhidihim fi bani 'abdi l-darit" The allies who attached themselves to the Meccan clans took part in the political events and war activities of Mecca.. This is stated in the report about the fourth war of the Fijir; ''Nobody of the Tamim attended it except (the clans, or groups of Tamim - K) because of the alliance with Quraysh: the clan of Zurara, the clan of Abii Ihab and the clan of Abii Yalta b. Munya".144 III The alliances of Quraysh with great tribal divisions differed in many respects from the alliances of individuals or of small groups with individuals and clans in Mecca. The strangers and small groups accepted into the body politic of Mecca became usually tied by marriage to the Meccan clans, and integrated themselves into Meccan society. They preserved their nisba; which kept the memory of their tribal origin, but were loyal to Meccan interests and Meccan policy. Great tribal divisions could endanger the balance of power between the various tribal units in Mecca and even bring about a situation in which one or more of these foreign elements would, on conclusion of the alliance, secure for themselves predominant positions. These considerations emerge with clarity from the story of the alliance planned between a division of the Aus of Medina with Quraysh. The Aus proposed alliance with Quraysh; Quraysh consented and the alliance between them was signed. It was, however, cancelled when Walid b. al-Mughira (from Makhziim - K) convinced the Meccans that such an alliance may endanger the existence of the 142 Ibn l:fabTh, al-MUfU.lTI1lrI£Uj, p. '!JJ7. 143 Ibn l:fabib, al-MUfU.lTI1lrI£Uj, p. 306. 144 Ibn Habib, al-MUfU.lTI1lrI£Uj, p. 199. On strangers and allies in Mecca 143 Qurashi community in Mecca. Certain expressions in the story may reflect the considerations and reasons for the cancellation of the document: the Aus went out from Yathrib as a jaliya; a group of emigrants (i,e, a group which did not leave their abode of their own free will - K) and alighted in Mecca in the dwellings of Quraysh tnazalat 'ala qurayshr; it was with this group that the Meccans signed the alliance. Al-Walid b. al-Mughira's warning to Quraysh reads as follows: "Never did a people alight in the abode of another people, without depriving them of their honor and inheriting their abodes" (ma nazala qaumun qattu 'ala qaumin ilia akhadhii sharaiahum wa-warithii di yarahum), As a pretext for the cancellation of the document al-Walid proposed to explain to the Aus that the Meccans tend to behave in a licentious manner with women; this may be detrimental for the Aus (sci I. if they decide to live in Mecca - K). The Aus were impressed by the argument and cancelled the alliance.v" The other account of the event (that of Abu 'Ubayda) is similar in outline but contains additional details. These merely record the names of clans who had left Yathrib and came to Mecca: 'Abd al-Ashhal, Zafar, Mu'awiya and people from Riiti~146they went out clandestinely under the pretext of an 'umra. They came to Mecca, alighted in the city, concluded the alliance and stayed there for some days. Then Abu Jahl returned from a journey and was reported about the alliance which had been concluded. It was he who warned the Meccans of the danger that they might be overpowered by the Aus. He proposed to use the aforementioned pretext, which, in the event, proved convincing, and the Aus annulled the document. In the words of Abu 'Ubayda: " .. wa-qad raddadna ilaykum IJilfakum".147 Within the leading group in Mecca there was, however, a tendency to extend their socio-economic activity so as to include within it Medina and al- Ta'if, An important report about the relations 145 Ibn l:Iabib. al-Munammaq, p. 326. 146 Riitij is a locality in Medina (ie, in Yathrib); see Yiiqiit, Mu'jam al-buJdan, s.v. Riitij. 147 Ibn l:Iabib. ol-Munammaq, pp. 327-330. 144 between Mecca and al- Ta'if is recorded by Ibn Habib; When Quraysh increased in number (sci I. in the period of the Jahiliyya - K) they coveted the valley of Wajj ( ... anna qurayshan hina kathurat raghibat Ii wajiin); they suggested to Thaqif (the inhabitants of al- Ta'if) that they should share the haram of Mecca and Wajj on equal terms. Thaqif refused, arguing that Wajj had been built by their ancestors (thus claiming exclusive right of control over the land and the city - K), whilst the haram of Mecca was established by Abraham (and was thus a place open to all - K). Quraysh then threatened to deny Thaqif access to Mecca. Thaqif, fearing war with Quraysh and their allies from Khuzi'a and Bakr b. 'Abd Maruit, were compelled to concede, and entered into alliance with Quraysh. They even persuaded the Daus to sign a treaty of alliance with Quraysh on the same terms'" The stipulation of al-sharika Ii l-dar made by Quraysh was made into an alliance agreed upon by all the parties interested. Thaqif were granted entrance into the Qurashi controlled Hums and intermarried with Quraysh. Quraysh were able to purchase land property in Wajj.149 The two cases of alliances of Mecca with large and cohesive divisions seem to exemplify the socio-economic views held by Quraysh concerning this type of alliance. IV In Mecca itself the tribal factions struggled among themselves for influence and power. Sometimes conflicts led to bloody encounters. Tradition reports such a clash between the Banu Jumah and the Banii Muharib b. Fihr. The date of the event (or even the period) is not given; the report says that the number of Jurnahis killed and heaped on the battlefield was so great that the place was called radm bani juma/:l.150 Conflicts between the various factions brought about 148 Ibn Habib, al-Munammaq, pp. 280-281 149 Comp. JSAI I (1979) 8-10. 150 Al-Bakri, Mu'jarn rna sta'jam, p. 649 (sv, al-radm); ol-basim; MS. fo1183b. Mughultay, al-Zahr On strangers and allies in Mecca 145 alliances of the different groups. The division of the Meccan society into the mutayyabisn and ahla] is quite well known, and so is the story of the hilt al-tu4itl.151 Another tribal grouping, including the Zuhra and the Ghayatil, 152 was called the "alliance of righteousness" (hilt al-salah). The Qurashi tribes gave their consent to it, but did not join the alliance. The Muslims acted according to its tenets in the period of Islam."? 'Ubaydullah b. 'Adiyy b. al-Khiyar of the Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf sat on a council imailis) at which the noble and the people of knowledge would meet. Mu'awiya inquired what happened at this council, which was called "majlis al-qilada', "the council of the necklace'T" Quarrels between families and clans brought about the establishment of temporary or relatively stable tribal alliances in which the weak sought the help of the strong. Such cases are seen in the reports about the Banii Zuhra. Umayya b. 'Abd Shams, says one report, was attacked and beaten because he used to pass by a Zuhri house and peep at the women. The Banii 'Abd Manaf became enraged at the deed of the Zuhra and demanded that they leave Mecca. The Zuhra started to prepare for departure; they were, however, urged to stay with one of their relatives of Sahm. He came with a band of fighting men in order to defend the Zuhra. The Banu 'Abd Manaf recoiled from a confrontation with the Sahmi group and consented to leave the Zuhra in their dwellings.P? Of a similar kind was the alliance between the Sahm and the Banii 'Adiyy, The 'Adiyy clashed with the 'Abd Shams b. 'Abd Manaf. In the fights between them the 'Abd Shams usually had the upper hand. Both parties suffered losses; but when 'Adiyy realized 151 See e.g. E P, s.v. Muhammad nur (E. Tyan), nnr al-Fuc;liil (Ch. Pellat); M. Watt, at Mecca, index, s.v. Mutayyabiin, Al:Iliif,al-Fudiil: and see 152 153 154 155 al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Jamhara; MS. Bodleiana, Marsh 384, foll74b; al-Sinjirl, Manij'il) al-karam bi-akhbari makka wa-l-haram; MS. Leiden, Or. 7018,fol 46a-b, 60b-61b, 148b-149b; al-Mu'iifii b. Zakariyii, al-J ails al-salih; MS. Topkapi Saray III Ahmet, no. 2321,fol170b; al-Baliidhuri, Ansab, MS. foll44a See about them Caske\, Die Gomnara;II, 274, s.v.Gayatil, AI-Zubayr b. Bakkiir, Jamhara; MS. foll06b inf. Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, op. cit; p.42 Ibn Habib, al-MUlIlJ1rIfTUU/, pp.40-42 146 that they were no match for their foes, they decided to conclude an alliance with the Sahm. The 'Adiyy (almost all of them) sold their houses (which were between the Safa and the Ka'ba - K) and moved to the dwellings of Sahm, where they were assigned plots of land (for their houses - K). Al-Khattab (the father of 'Umar) praised the Sahm and thanked them.!" The contest between the Sahm and the 'Abd Shams is referred to in the commentaries of the Qur'an; (Sura ClI, al-Takiuhur): "Gross rivalry diverts you, even till you visit the tombs,"? Traditions report about the help extended to some members of the 'Adiyy in critical situations: al-Khattab, the father of 'Umar, detained a number of women of the Banii Ka'b, who were riding donkeys in the market of Mecca, in order to secure repayment of a debt owed to him by a man of the Ka'b. A group of the 'Abd Maruif hurried to the court of al-Khattab in order to free the women. AI-'As b. Wa'il (the father of 'Amr b. al-'A~) came with haste, chased away the 'Abd Manaf, chided al-Khattab and ordered the women's release. 158 It was al-As b. Wa'il who defended 'Umar, when he was attacked by a group of unbelievers of Quraysh enraged by his public announcement of his conversion to Is1am.159 Some reports talk of bloody clashes between the Banii Khalid b. 'Abd Manaf of the Taym b. Murra and the Banii l-Sabbiiq of the Banii 'Abd al-Dar; it is said to have been the first act of violence and outrage (baghy) in Mecca. They fought each other so violently that they virtually annihilated each other, and only a few of them remained alive. Some of the Banii Sabbiiq left Mecca and joined the 'Akk.160 In another report about the clashes between Khalid b. 'Abd Manaf (called 156 Al-Azraqi, op. cit. pp. 472-473; al-Fakihi, op. cit. MS. fol, 460a-b. 157 AI-Wiibidi, Asbiib al-nuzid, p. 305; Muqiitil, Taf sir, MS. II, fol. 249a; al-Qurtubi, Taisir, 169; al-Fiikihi, op. cit. MS. fol, 507a, IL 7-10. xx. 158 Al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Jamhara; MS. Bodleiana, foL 18Th. 159 AI-Zubayr, b. Bakkiir, Jamhara; MS. fo1.l87a; Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 409, L 4; Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, op. cit. p. 87. 160 Al-Zubayr, b. Bakkar, Jamhara; MS. foL 89b. On strangers and allies in Mecca 147 al-Mashrafiyy) and the Banii l-Sabbaq, al-Zubayr records the verses of Khalid's mother, al-Subay'a, and of 'Abdallah b. Jud'iin..161 Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah al-Zubayri gives a concise assessment of the role of Sahm in relation to other divisions of Quraysh: Qays b. 'Adiyy (of the Sahm) was the man who protected the Banii 'Adiyy b. Ka'b and the Zuhra b. Kilab against the 'Abd Maniif, and also protected the 'Adiyy b. Ka'b against the Jumah, Mus'ab remarks that the Banii Sahm grew in number in Mecca tkathurti) so that they almost equalled the 'Abd Maniif; however, at the time of the Prophet's advent, their numbers were substantially reduced by a plague. 162 A report recorded by al-Fakihi provides important information about a peculiar Sahmi fighting group - the Sahm were the most numerous and the most vigorous group of people in Mecca. They owned a rock at the mountain called Muslim..163 (This is the mountain overlooking the narrow pass of the Humran in Dhii Tuwii).164When they were about to undertake an important matter (idhii arQdu amran) their herald would cry out yo sabal)ilh, and they would reply: asbib layl. Then Quraysh would ask: "What's up with these inauspicious people?", for Quraysh considered them to be inauspicious. From among them was a group named banii ghaytalal'" distinguished by their intemperance (saraf) and violence (baghy).166 161 AI-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Jamhara; MS. fol. 126a-b; comp. Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 293; and see al-Mausili, Ghayat al-wasa'il, MS. fol. 57b (two reports about the violence in Mecca; the violence of the Aqayis mentioned); Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS. Br. Mus, fol 3Oa;and see al-Zubayrb. Bakkar, op. cit. fol89b. 162 Mus'ab, Nasab, pp.400 ull-401 163 The mountain Muslim is mentioned by al-Azraqi iop. cit. p. 501); but there is no mention of the Banii Sahm in this place. 164 See al-Bakri, Mu'jam rna stdjam, p. 896, s.v. Dhii Tuwan, 165 See above, note 152;and see Mus'ab, Nasob, p. 401, II. 6-7; and see al-Fakihi, op. cit. fol. 506b ull-507a sup; Ghaytala married 'Adiyy b. Sahm and bore him al-Harith and Hudhafa; they were numerous (kana [ihimu l-'adadu) and violent (baghy). 166 See al-Fakihl, Of). cit. MS. fol 506b-507a 148 It is noteworthy that when he decided to help the Zuhra, Qays b. 'Adiyy uttered the cry asbih. layl, ordering the Zuhra to stay and commanding his group to be alert and ready for battle,"? The violence of which Sahm was accused refers, probably, to a special section of Sahm staying in the close vicinity of Mecca. This fighting group was savagely violent and terrified the inhabitants of Mecca. which explains why the expression baghy is used in the sources. v A distinctive feature of Meccan society in the period of the Jahiliyya was the diversity of its inhabitants. Members of different tribes frequented Mecca in order to carry out the obligations pertaining to the pilgrimage and the ritual practices at the Ka'ba, Merchants with their wares flocked to the market in the neighbourhood of Mecca and were engaged in selling and buying transactions. Meccan caravans passed the tribal territories with safety due to the pacts concluded with the Arab tribes and the letters of security of the neighbouring countries-" For a very short period the believers debated whether they were allowed to conduct trade during the hajj; Sura II, 198: laysa 'alaykum iunahun an tabtaghii [adlan min rabbikum; "It is no sin for you that you seek the bounty of your Lord" was interpreted as 167 Ibn Babib, aI-MU/IllIrIInlUl,p. 41,L 3. 168 See U. Rubin, "The IIaf of Quraysh," Arabica XXXI, 165-188; and see: Mahmood Ibrahim, Social and Economic Conditions in Pre-Islamic Mecca, Jl MES, 14(1982),343-358;Harnza al-Isfah3ni, al-Durra aI-faJchira fi l-amthiJIi l-sliira, ed. 'Abd al-Majld Qatamish, Cairo 1972,II, 335,no. 557;'Abd al-Qadir al-Baghddl, Khiziinat al-adab, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Muhammad Hariin, Cairo 1397/1977, VI, 15-16; IV, 469-473; al-Qazwini, Athiir al-biliid wa-akhbar aI-'ibad, Beirut 1389/1969, p. 84 penult,-85 sup; al-Azraqi, op. cit, pp. 131-132; MJ. Kister, Studies in Jahiliyya and Early Islam, Variorum, London 1980, L 117-121 and Addenda. About the markets see al-Fasl, Tuhfat al-kiram [i akhbari l-baladi l-hariim; MS. Leiden, Or. 2654, fols. 18Oa-181a; nd see Abu a 'Ubayd, Gharib aI-h.atiith, Hyderabad, 1384/1964,IV, 102-103,s.v. habl, On strangers and allies in Mecca 149 allowing commercial activities during the pilgrimager" the markets then turned again into places of lively commercial activity. Sudden changes in the economy of Mecca during the period of the Jahiliyya, which brought about depression and loss of capital for the merchants led to the establishment of the i'tiiiu: (or ihiitad): the merchants in their hopeless situation would leave for the desert, where they pitched their tents and patiently expected their death. Professor Serjeant informs me that the custom of the i'tifad endured in Arhab until recent times. The reform introduced by Hashim according to which the poor of Mecca had to be attached to the rich in their commercial journeys and thus their share in the profits apparently brought about a favourable change in the social situation in Mecca'?" It is noteworthy that the Qur'an explicitly allowed the "nihd", a kind of collective sharing of common expenses of a group on a journey,'?' It is evident that the verse of Siira: ai-Nur, 61: " ... laysa 'alaykum iunahun an ta'kulu ;anu...• au ashtiuan _ " gave sanction to a an practice which was deeply rooted in the Jahiliyya period. Somewhat separated from the Meccan community lived the zan; ("the black"). 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr had a court (dar) in Qu'ayqi'an in which he placed the zanji slaves iraqiqu zan;in).172The mountain Thabir was called jabal al-zanj; the zan; of Mecca used to pick up firewood and "play" there/" In the place where we nowadays have the dar al-'abbas there used to be in "the old days" the market 169 See e.g. al-Wai)idi, Asbab, p.38: _ kana dlW l-majiu wa-'uka+maijara niisin fi l-jahiliyya, [a-lamma ja'a l-isliimu ka-annahum karihi: dhalika lJaua nazalat : laysa 'alaykum junii/;u.ul [i mawiisimi 1-/,uJjji_ 'an ibm 'abbiisin: _ kanu yauaqiina l-buyu'a wa-l-tiiiirata [i 1-/,uJjji.yaqiditna : ayyiimu dhikri lliihi. fa-anzala lliihu ta'iila:laysa 'olaykum junillJ- . 170 See al-Siilii)i, Subul al-huda wa-l-rashiid [i sirat khayri l-'ibiid (=al-Sira al-shamiyya), ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wai)id, Cairo 1392/1972. I, 317-318; al-Muttawwi'i, Man sahara zafira; MS. Cambridge Or. 1473(10),fol 22a; and see MJ. Kister, op. cit; L 122,Addendum 171 See al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, XIL 317-318; uqatil, Tajsir, MS, IL foL 4la M 172 Al-Azraqi, op. cis; p. 464. 173 Al-Fakihi, op. cit; MS. foL 497a; al-Azraqi, op. cii; p. 486. 150 where slaves were sold, says al-Fakihil?" In the dar al-'ulit;, which belonged to the Makhziim, dwelt the Abyssinians. Some reports say that 'Ati b. Abi Rabah was born in this courtl" One can get some idea of the social status enjoyed by the Abyssinians at this time and of the Muslim community's opinion concerning their morality from the hadith recorded by al-Fakihi. The Prophet was informed that the 'ulis] of the Banii Mughira (ie, the Abyssinians owned by the Banii Makhziim - K) refrained from coming to his court, because they were afraid that the Prophet would drive them away (an taruddahum). The Prophet then said "The Abyssinians are no good: if they are hungry they steal; if they are sated they drink. They do indeed have two good qualities: they feed (the needy -K) and they are brave in wat'.176The alleged haditb reflects indeed the views of some circles with an outspoken hostility towards the Abyssinians (and the Black - K) in the period of Islam, but it is possible to assume that some circles in Mecca entertained similar views about them during the Jahiliyya, Thus they seem to have been ostracized from the community. There was probably also a Christian enclave in Mecca, but no explicit information to this effect occurs in the sources. The existence of a Christian cemetery is, however, mentioned in Dhii Tuwa.177 In the Qurashi population of Mecca there were two divisions: the quraysh a/-+awahir and quraysb a/ birQ.J:z. According to a tradition the quraysh al-zawahir were driven out by their brethren the quraysb ai-bi{alJ, and lived outside Mecca." Small and weak groups of the Qurashi tribes tried to form alliances in order to ensure their own 174 175 176 177 178 Al-Fakihi,op. cit. MS. 448a, lL 5-6. AI-Fakihi, op. cit. MS. foL 458a.. AI-Fakihi,op. cit. MS. foL 458a; al-Suyiiti, aI-JlPru"aI-leahir, Cairo 1978, I, 90. AI-Azraqi, op. cit. p. 50; al-Fakihi, op. cit. MS. foL 506a, L 5 from bottom. Al-Baladhurl, Ansab, I, 51: thumma inna bani kdb b. lu'ayy lammii kathuru akhrajii bU(unan min qurayshin ila ?awahiri makkata, [a-summi: quraysha hawahir. On strangers and allies in Mecca lSI survivat'" The expelled Qurashi clans affiliated themselves to different tribes outside Mecca, but returned at the beginning of Islam and requested that they be reattached to Quraysh.180 An alliance of different Qurashi tribal groups set up against another Qurashi tribal unit is seen in the alliance of Naufal b. 'Abel Manaf with 'Abel Shams b. 'Abel Maruif against Hashim b. 'Abel Maruif and al-Muttalib b. 'Abd Manaf.181 Contests between the factions of Quraysh brought about a search for helpers and allies outside Mecca. Such a case was that of 'Abd al-Muttalib, Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf seized the land property iai-arkiih) owned by 'Abel al-Muttalib, As 'Abel al-Muttalib's people failed to help him, he summoned his relatives in Medina, the Banii Najjar, and they hastened to Mecca threatening the Banii Naufal The Banii Naufal perceived the danger and returned the land property.'v The relationship between 'Abel al-Muttalib and the Banii Najjar was not one of hilt. they, however, behaved faithfully towards each other as one would according to the stipulations of a hilt. The Khuza'a were deeply impressed by the action of the Khazraj and asked 'Abd al-Muttalib and his clan to conclude an alliance with them. He responded favourably, and the document was written down, signed and hung in the Ka'ba.183 When the Khuza'a appealed to the Prophet for help against the unbelievers in Mecca they based their pledge on this very alliance of 'Abel al-Muttalib with their ancestors, stressing that it was still valid184 179 See e.g. MJ. Kister, "Some reports concerning al-Ta'if," ISAl, I (1979) p.14 note 59 and p. 15 note 65. 180 See al-Baladhurl, Ansiib, I, 42-47 (Noteworthy are the expressions: p. 44: .., [a-lamma kimat khilafatu 'uthmana alhaqahum bi-quraysh _ ; p. 45: fa-lam yarjtu haua qama 'uthmanu tr) fa-ataului. fa-athbatahum [i quraysh; fa-kanu [i l-badiyati mda bani shayoona, wa-kitiibatuhum [i quraysh _ ); and see about sarna b. Lu'ayy MJ. Kister, "Some reports concerning al-Ta'if", ISAI, I (1979)15-16,note 66. 181 Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, op. cit. p.41 182 See e.g. al-Baladhurl, Ansiib, I, 69-70. 183 Al-Baladhuri, Ansiib, I, 70-72 184 See EP, Khuza'a (English edition V, 78 inf.), 152 The allegiance to an alliance manifested itself in loyalty to the people one was allied with and in affection for the symbols of the alliance. The banner of Quraysh, which was handed over by QU$aYY to 'Abd al-Dar, remained in their possession for generations. In the battle of Badr this banner was borne by the unbelievers of the 'Abd al-Dar, In the battle of Uhud the Prophet handed over to the commanders of the Muslim army three banners: one of the Aus, one of the Khazraj and one of the Muhajiriin.185The unbelievers went under three banners: one borne by Sufyan b. 'Uwayf; the other was the banner of the Ahabish, borne by one of them; the third was the banner inherited from Qusayy and borne by Talha ibn Abi Talba.186The description of the bearers of the banner of Qusayy, who followed each other to death, is one of the most moving descriptions of loyalty and allegiance. They held the banner with their right hand; when their right hand was cut off, they transferred it to the left; when this was cut off as well, they held it with their arms, When the last bearer of the banners, a maula; could only lift the banner with his arms (as his hands were cut off) he looked at the 'Abd al-Dar and asked them: "Did I do all I could do?~87 When the 'Abd al-Dar converted to Islam they asked for their banner to be given back to them The Prophet refused arguing: "Islam is broader than that" tal-islamu ausa' min dhalikd). The meaning appears to be: there is no room for the banner of a particular group. The banner belongs to the whole Muslim community. There were, of course, special banners adopted by specific groups and divisions; but they distinguished only units which competed among themselves in the battles fought for the cause of Islam This marked a new era in which tribal alliances were forbidden'" 185 Al-Wiiqidi, op. cit; p. 215. 186 Al-Wiiqidi, op. cit; p. 201 187 AI-Wiiqidi, op. cii; 226-227, al-Baladhuri, Ansab I, 54-55. According to the report of aI-BaIiidhuri the last who lifted the banner of the 'Abd al-Dar in this battle was a woman: 'Umra bint al-Harith b. 'Alqama of the 'Abd al-Dar, 188 Cf. aI-Suyiiti, al-Jiuru" al-kabir i, 905, L 4 from bottom; L GoIdziher, Muslim Studies, transL c.R Barber, s.M Stern, London 1967, I, 70, notes 2, 4. On strangers and allies in Mecca 153 It is noteworthy that on the day of Uhud Quraysh were still fighting under the banners of the M14ayyabUn and the Al}1at.I89 There were two separate cemeteries in Mecca (in the period of the Jahiliyya); one of the M14ayyabUn and one of the Ah/at.l90 Due to the marriages of the Meccans with the different tribes, Southern and Northern ones alike, there grew up a Mecean community in which the characteristic features of the various tribal groups survived. The memory of these ancestors remained vivid in the minds of the Meccans; the Prophet prided himself on the fact that "he was born" of twelve ancestresses named 'Atika. The sources record, in fact, twelve ancestresses with this name: two Qurashi, three Sulami, two 'Adwani, one Kinani, one Asadi, one Hudhali, one Qu<;la'i,and one Azdi."! The peculiar blend of Meccan society helped to establish friendly relations with the Arab tribes, who recognized the superiority of Mecca and its leading role. The institution of the halit contributed in large measure to this development The role of Mecca had already been transformed in the early period of Islam: its leadership becoming distinctly spiritual in character. Only some jurists claimed that the position of the Meccans was that of fuJaqa', "the freed" or "manumitted", pointing to the assumption that the population of Mecca was hostile to the Prophet and that Mecca had been conquered by force. 'Umar, according to one tradition, refrained from paying 'afa' to the Meccans and from levying fighting men for military expeditions from among them, on the grounds that the Meccans were fuJaqa'.l92 189 Zubayr b. Bakkir, Jamnara; MS. foL 86b. 190 AI-Fakihi, op. cit. fol. 480a: ... wa-klmat makkata wa-maqbaratu l-aNali bi-asiali maqbaraiu l-miuayyabina bi-dla makkata ., ; and see additional details about the alliances in Mecca: MJ. Kister, ''Some Reports Concerning Mecca",JESHO, XV (1972)81-84. 191 See e.g. L'A, S.v. 'a t k; and see Ibn Hablb, Ummahiu al-nabiyyi ,salla llahu 'aJayhi wa-QJihi wa-saJlam, ed. Husayn 'Ali Mabf~ Baghdad 1372 192 Al-Fakihi, op. cit. MS. foL 417a 154 Quraysh were however the people chosen by God, and in his utterances the Prophet enjoined love and respect them193 In the course of thecenturies, there evolved a large literature of fa4liil makkata and of fa4liil quraysh; extolling the city and its inhabitants, and predicting that on the Day of Resurrection the city and its inhabitants will be saved. The allies of Quraysh will be in their company, for, according to the tradition: 'The ally is a member of the people'?" 193 See e.g. al-Hasan b. 'Arata, Juz', Chester Beatty 4433, fol. 142b: ahibbu qurayshan [a-innahu man ahabbahum ahabbahu llahu _; and see this tradition: Niir al-Din al-Haythami, Majma' ai-zawa'id wo-manbd ai-fawa'id, Beirut 1967,X, 27 inf.; and see Niir al-Din ai-Haythami, op. cit. X, 27 sup; man ahana qurayshan ahimahu Iliihu (and see this tradition: 'Abd al-Razziiq, ai-Musannaf, ed. Habibu l-Rahrnan al-A'zami, Beirut 1392,XI, 58 no. 19905; and see this tradition: al-Fasawi, al-Mdrifa wa-l-ta'rikh, I, 401; and see Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, op. cit. X, 26: _ inna qurayshan ahlu amiuJatin fa-man baghahumu i-'awathira akabbahu lliihu ii-mankharayhi... (and see this tradition: Ibrahim Muhammad ai-l;Iusayni al-Dimashqi, ai-Bayan wo-l-tdrif [i asbilbi wurUdi i-hmiithi l-sharif, Beirut 1400/1980, II, 63, no. 639);and see e.g. al-Muniiwi, FaYQ al-qadlr, shari: aI-jam!' i-,faghir, Beirut 1391/1971, IV, 516, no. 6123: qurayshun wuiatu i-nasi [i l-khayri wa-l-sharri iia yaumi i-qiyiuna _ 194 See 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannai, XI, 56, no. 19897: (the Prophet ordered 'Umar to convoke Quraysh; among them were their nephews, their allies and their mawali) the Prophet said: ibn ukhtina minna wa-huiafa'una minna wa-mawaiina minna ...; and see al-Dariml; Sunan; Dar Ibya' al-sunna I-nabawiyya, n.d., n.p. II, 244, l 1:maula l-qaumi minhum, wa-halifu l-qaumi minhum wa-bnu ukhti l-qaumi minhum: 

ridda-verses.pdf Some notes on ridda verses M. J. KISTER The fragments of Wathima's Kitab al-Ridda contained in Ibn Hajar's Isaba have been carefully collected and edited with painstaking accuracy by W. Hoenerbach,l who provided them with a translation. Some printing errors in the original text of the ISaba as well as wrong readings or interpretations of some verses are pointed out in the following lines. Text p. 4, l. 16; translation p. 245: ••••• ",to ~ ::J.,J is translated by Hoenerbach: "An 'Uyaina lass gelangen dassichseinem Hause vorbrachte eine Rede ... " The reading and the translation are both incorrect. The text should be read: and should be translated: Tell 'Uyayna if you pass his abode: a pronouncement... This reading of the first hemistich of the verse is supported by the version recorded by al-Waqidi in his" Kitab al- Ridda" :2 , \:J\ J~"- • \ ~ ' ",,0 ~\ . • ::J.J o...u ~ 0 ~ ~ 0U1 ~_~0•~•J o&.o.~\ ~ • ~ _ • ~..T .J..J.r" ..::.." ~ , , , The expression abligh in 'arar;lta appears frequently in ancient poetry3 and is explicitly explained by the lexicographers.4 1 W. Hoenerbach, Walima's Kitab ar-Ridda aus Ibn Ifagar's I~aba, Akademie der WisAbhandlungen der Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaftlichen 1951). 1938), IVB, senschaften 2 3 und der Literatur, Klasse, Jahrgang 1951, Nr. 1 (Wiesbaden, Ms. Bankipore XV, 108-110, No. 1042, fol. 12a. Compo e.g. al-BaladhurI, Ansab al-ashraf, ed. M. Schloessinger (Jerusalem, p. 59, I. 5 \.k .;j y 1380), I, 195: ~. ':'I~ ~1 ti; ~ ':;"';'y Ibn 'Asakir, Damascus 1349, VI, 131:.r4! ':;"';'J~L..1 ':'1 tL ... VL Ta'rikh (Tahdhib), ed. AI;Imad 'Ubayd, ':;"';'y L:,;; al·'I~ami, SimI al-nuji1m al-'awali (Cairo, ... y-£ ~ ':'1 & (and see these verses in Labid, Diwan, ed. Il}san 'Abbas, al-Kuwayt 1962, p. 276; Yaqiit, 120 Ridda verses The first hemistich of the following verse (text p. 4, l. 17; translation p. 245) is read by Hoenerbach: and is translated: "Wissen liess ich ihn, dass Tulaiha b. Jjuwailid: ein Hund ... " The correct reading, according to the text recorded by al-Waqidi is: . '-7- 1-;) and should be translated: ,. 0 -___ ,0_J. _ _._ o_\J, ~. '" J.~~ - 0'. "-_>o.-::_A.» u1 ~ _ o_J ~ \ o 'Uyayna, indeed Tulayha b. Khuwaylid: is a dog ... A-' Uyayna (instead of A-' Uyaynatu) is a tarkhim.i The third line of this poetical fragment is recorded by Hoenerbach as follows: J ...• _ WI.... e-j\".- 0.)-".J-" 0JJ~L~ J J_ VI: J.~L> r-S""Lj\bl ~ • J ~~\ .... .,j._:_S"" 0 .•.• and is translated: "Wie da bestehen, wenn euch ereilt Jjalid und Muhagirs, markierte, mit ausgestreckten Vorderfiissen galoppierende [Pferde]!" But the second hemistich does not refer to horses. The copyist erred and misread the last word of this hemistich (sawiibi/:zu), which can be corrected from the Ms. of al-Waqidl and replaced by C"."~. The verse should accordingly be translated: How [can] duration [be expected] when Khalid will come to you: and [fighting] Muhajirun, with badges on their garments, tall and strong men.e Mu'jam al-bulddn (Beirut, 1375/1956), II, 68, s.v. Tayman dht ?iliil; Abu I-Baqii' Hibatullah, al-Mandqib al-mazyadiyya, Ms. Br. Mus. Add. 23296, fo!. 139b); and see Reckendorf, Wafa' al-wafd, ed. MuhamArabische Syntax, Heidelberg 1921, p. 110. And see al-Samhudt, mad Muhyi I-DIn 'Abd al-Hamid (Cairo, 1374/1955), III, 1047: ~.... 4i.::-,;. y .; 1 4 5 6 C~ : I~..;: [, 4.WA.. t:--1~i )1 i See e.g. Lisan al-tarab.s.v. "ar d: ~ u.J.Y'.;1 ~ , G.A:....J'::-';'y';l ~.i_ c.li See Wright, A Grammar of the Arabic Language (Cambridge, 1951), II, 88 (§38, rem. C). In al-Waqidl's version the verse runs as follows: L~ ';.JL..:... ';.JJ':"4.J :.J!,J .:;.$. .;1.......;)1!, ~lS"" 121 It is evident that ';.JL..:... as to be replaced by .;,.,..,.,....~ h because of the metre. M. J. Kister It may be useful to record here the report of al-Waqidl verses referring to this story. with the additional ~I JJ Le. o;";:"~...\-J)I0. ..u\:>- Jl ~ ~I ~) ~ y,i 0' ~... f (sic!) ~";:I 0. ~~~:;...u. JI ..L...i ~ ./}Jl J.r->..u4 ()..r"4J o~~4 ~"";)4)L,., 1~1~ 0i ~ t V"'\:J4 ~ J ...\~y>- 0. ~~j ~~=4j" ~~jl :...r ~ ~I ~) ..L})I . ..u\:>- ) .•.J : Jli . ~~b 0 ~ 0~ ? 7..:...,.J.j ..L...i ~ J\[..k:;JI ~I...\~ U. 41 J~ ~) ~ rf 01.SJ : Jli . ..L...i ~ 4t;~i ~~ ~..?t;: Jli J~I J. . ...\~)I ...u\:>- Jl 0. ~ ~4 •••• c:. 8 J.'JI-.j~ ~$J " ()P.:~ J.... ~I ~) ~ ~i Jl~)' : u~~1 " ~f" o~°.D cjJ..u\:>I) ,.--",} J ~~ Jl oa£ J •. ()...\r: i$)1}l1 ~ U. ~~~ " ~ _0 0 L."'" LII J::.i...:;.ll ~ ~ J • J... k"-: ':1~ J :# 0 ••••. ~o)...\-j u),rA " ~ ", ;. ~ t; ~~...>-~I.JL..:....)' lj ~)' 0....,. .... 0"" 0 .... _ ~..r>J I ,0._;' - 0. ........" , c:t.. ,,~ ) 0. 1O~ ~...lC. ~) ~J 12e-k t; ,,)...\~ 0. ~ .!l.~J ) ~ ~ ~L)' o~~ r-=L..:j :"':";;:"j 01 0 01 ~~~ &1 -,'t ... .-" ~..;..,-:-~ 01 ~~I _o,} 9 J 0 lA...\...>- .) .:..U lA , ::: ~..>. J _o ,,_ 0. ~ 01. ,.... 11 .!l.; l.t ':1J 1 0 I0 ••.. e"';' 1 J3~ 0y.r-;. ~) ~ 0J.r:-L~J OIl ~~ '-':l J '::'-..>c...j ) L..,a.:.;~~ ~~ ts'" j:kJ " c.~u J e:-::G L-~ !JI~) oL~1 LJ IS) ...\~0,a.) ~o_.... ~:II:";.Q, !J !/II ,p~~~ J;. J J::..a.tJ oJ /....:Jf .... ~[.~...u. o~ 0 14 0 ~yi; ~ 41)'1 J~ 1t..1o ~4 !Jl:~ _,.. c-~ "0- ~ 0r: ~.r.~1 c.[;;-~ \..... c: 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 ~~; ~J-:l:L:I r:~4 i~J Reading uncertain. Text: J.:.IlI .jy,- ~, Text: ...::.;,£ ;........;i instead of .l.;i; see such a case reported in L. 'A., s.v. khs 'a. Text: .;. I (instead of .;.4), Text: .!.l;4. Text: ~t.;. See note 6 above. Text: r-t""'~. Text: .A.L.....J. 122 Ridda verses J ~ elk) ')~L,.:. 0 . ~ J ..r'L:J~ ,.~L,.:. ~I;J ~ ~ 0 ~u e-:"4- ~J.C$"" O~J-,:!li Ji~~ ,.~-;... •• ~ ,. •••• "' •••• 17,.Ut..:':"':jt. JJ}i I~\" ~o~1j.-.J 1.1-r. o~i J JI ~I oM. -'J. ~i~ if ,.~J 160 0 if f" ~i";J.,li 0.Ai if 44} ~ U..r.-" J ,. ~lAl~~ ~:81 <..>;J elJ ~ I~l .!jllS'" i~1 ~ J.il ~JI)lI ~ WI ~ U. ~-::.~ ~ ~ J l..l~ j-PJ LJ.j : Jli \.. o.)i !r-=~I : Jw o)j ~ ~ ii l:J T~ y)rl .)~ ~ ~Jo.i...; U) ,.~-;'" ~u. ~ ~ c Il~ ~~bY'" ,. ~ i 0~~ .... : Jli . ~j~1 --;} Il~ U~ J I:-.;J ...L4lJ : J~ I.5"J U. G ~ ~Ll.1 ~ J..LJL>J o~~ c.Lji 0 - . ..~~ __ J L. I~l 18J~0.~~ ~~I J ~:;'i ,..[..... J J ~~ • --'--::~ J 4--:"""'; 0 .... r:.,: J 19 ..l.-l~~ ~...LJ:I J~)rl J _0 Co 1 ~";:~jt:; ..•. ..L-~ I., J. ~:r) Jo o __ ~.".JI J~..Q .... L. Jfp'-~.tI ~1 w 0L-.c 2oJ..l~VI J J~jl J. •.•.•. ~i L.~..LJI ~~ ~t.G~l-11~J • 23., JL;LI 22u ~ ~I oL...-jl~I ,. ,. L..4 '-? ~ 21":"':JlI J 0 •..• J ,,---.;1 Jw ~I •. ~~I Il~ J~ if ~bY'" ~ 24~) : ~ J0. ~i":";~ LJ. : Jli J~ \lJliJ ~ J.Ji i ' T~..L!.1L..S:;1.!jllJ ~~ J..MlIIl~ or:.,: l~;" .-... ~ .;;\ .Jf J4::;~ ~J°.,i \.. ~~ , ~ ~?-IJ, u~~)rl . .. .. :~w o~ .... o .... J 4-><-::jJ, 16Text: §. 17Text: ...,..L&.. 18The metre tmutaqdrib), 19 20 of this hemistich (tawil) does not suit the metre of the following verses Text: ~!J. Text: -,!')\). .:..) which should be altered for metrical reasons. Text: 0-"",)\)1. Text: .).)~I. Text: ~J' 21Text: 22 23 24 123 M. J. Kister Al-Waqidi's report helps us to gain a better insight into the situation prevailing among the rebelling Asad-Ghatafan while they were preparing for a struggle with the forces of Khalid b. al-Walid and points to the dissensions among them. It gives us a description of the split which took place when a clan loyal to Medina left the tribe. It elucidates the setting of the three verses quoted by Ibn Hajar in his Isiiba and indicates the source of Wathima. It gives us some notion of the style and composition of al-Waqidl's Ridda. Text p. 16, penult.; translation p. 260: J~<]\ -:.:...~ ~\~\ J ~~ 2SL. ~ ~ Hoenerbach remarks that the first hemistich of the verse does not make sense to him. ("Der erste Halbvers ist mir unverstandlich"), This hemistich can be understood by comparison with expressions of this kind in ancient Arabic poetry. It is used by Ibn al-Dumayna when addressing his beloved: yo umayma l-qalbi,26 "0 Umayma of the heart", "0 my beloved Umayma". Accordingly the first hemistich should be translated: ~JG...,;-l\ ~"[l..;~~ P~ JL-k o my beloved Su'ad, the daughter of UtM!. The whole poetical fragment with the additional verses as quoted by alWaqidi and Ibn Hubaysh may here be recorded: 30~J~) 29~"[.O.~';~1 0 ;;.:o-...[.~ "CL. J . ~ G...w~JI ~ ~ r-. r 3t~J~J }~ 0 28p ~Jlk J 27~JUf ::..~ 0 W ~~\~\ ~~~ 0 ~ Lrl • -Jb ~JI ~..L>~ ~ ~ •••• ~\- ~ J~ ~~ 4- ....JJ~ f~~~ ..:...,. if .•~ <]\ J ~i~\ ~ ~~t 33J~ if ~..b-\ l.J 32"'Y~ ..r ',?fJ\ ',?J~ 'Y 4; 2S Ibn Hubaysh, Kitab al-maghiizt, Ms. Leiden Or. 343, p. 33: ,)!.;lJ1 ,)\....... Ibn al-Dumayna, al·Waqidi: this is also the version of al-Waqidl's Ridda, foJ. 17b, penult. 26 Dtwtin, ed. Ahmad Ratib al-Naffah (Cairo, 1378/1959), pp. 13 (= IV, 1),21 (= VIII,2), 112 (= L, 81),165 (= IV, 1). 27Ms. 28 Ms. al-Waqidi: J.,J. Jb"i. 29Ms. Ibn l;Iubaysh: ~. 30Ms. al-Waqidl: J~)1. 31 32 Ms. al-Waqidi: Ms. al-Waqidi:~. JL....J. J")\....; 33Ms. al-Waqidl: 124 J;' -';!J. Ridda verses .J L.!...o 1 <..>-L-J,I J..$o 10 J .....,. J 4;> _ i _J4!. L-:J ~ "JL~;J .J t;ul 37<..>.r=-f36' Of--:::-"; 0.;D -i _JI.LJ)11 .. p ~ ~I ~I JJ '0'. 34"~1 J~ J 0'._~ ~_~ ".)1 -i~\-~i ';.~ -UL£. ~~ 40"[~") 39'~ 41 r: ~ -~~ ,~~I 0.)1_~::..:u t~38~~ o~;'i 35°~~ _J~1I "J>S "':')11-~ ....JJI _{~ ~~f ':J ~:j\j \ .;:-~ 4- J~ ~~ 0;s.:; 0.)1 Text p. 18,1. 2; translation p. 261,1. 20: The second hemistich of the verse referring to Musaylima is read by Hoenerbach: and translated: "[Wahrlich] ich ward rein von dir vom Verdacht der Anteilungsnahme an der ketzerischen Verleumdung". The correct reading is: .)"":~I and the hemistich should be translated: " I clear myself before you from the repudiator, the unbeliever. Text p. 19, n. 14-15; translation p. 263: ~"~I ~_~l>- if _Jj"")10~ P - ~j ".)1 \5" • .)l-~ are translated by Hoenerbach: .)\5" •~ "Wahrlich der Mord, an einem Gesandten, eben geschehen, in den friihen Tagen teuer kam! 34 35 Ms. al-Waqidl: J"ll. 36 37 Ms. 39 40 41 Ms. al·Waqidi: r"-':' Ms. al-Waqidl: ),...:.J_' al-Waqidt: ';-1>4. 38 Ms. Ibn Hubaysh: -,.J.i; the verse is missing in al-Waqidl's Ridda. Ms. al-Waqidi: Ms. al-Waqidl: ~.J' Ms. al-Waqidl: ~.I;, .t1.J' 125 M. J. Kister Wie schlimm sind die Angehorigen der bani Hanlfa, gleich ob sie vordem dahingegangen oder dem Islam noch erlebt haben". But hddithu l-dahri does not mean "eben geschehen". Hddithu l-dahri may be compared with hadath al-dahri mentioned above and denotes, like "azim, a serious affair, a grave event. The first verse should thus be translated: Indeed the murder of the messenger is a serious event of fate: a grave deed in bygone time. An emendation in the reading of two words in the second verse may be proposed: ~ may probably be replaced by ~ and the unusual ~.Y. by J..\-j is translated by Hoenerbach: "Wie siehst du mich und meinen Bruder 'Utarid, den Verlocker von den bani Hanlfa vertreiben". The correct reading is I.))l,ll and the correct translation is: How do you consider me and my brother 'Utarid ; blocking the Banu Hanlfa from the roads which lead to water. Text p. 23, ll. 15-16; translation p. 268, 11.3-6: ~~~~ ~0~i .~ 1--:;..>- J':>JJL-J.;I ,-:?j-~ is rendered by Hoenerbach: "Moge Gott Garud belohnen statt Aban b. Sa'Id (d.h. statt meiner; denn er kann es besser als ich) und Subah und sein Bruder Harim sind die beste Stutze", The correct translation is: May God give al-Jarud a [good] reward for [what he did for] Aban b. Sa'id And [reward] Subah; and his brother Harim is the best Ieader.42 42 Al-Waqidl, op. cit., foJ. 8a, sup.: -I::-- .;::>-; five additional verses are recorded. 126 Ridda verses Text p. 31 ult. - 32 ll. 1-2; translation p. 277 sup. J :;-.f;) w~\ J-~~\ ~ ~ J .• "" _4-.::~ ~ " J ~lI 0 Co -~l-J' °01J ':;' J "" J &- w~ J ~..L-.,.a...l\ r: w J _ ':1~~\ .... (L-AJ\ L-~\ WI c. ~Y"J o~\ w Jl ~;)y--i ~ The three verses are translated by Hoenerbach as follows: "Ein jeder - und sei meine Geduld gegen ihn noch so gross! - ausser dem Propheten ist gering. o du Herr und Haupt des Befehls, du bist der bestatigte as-Siddiq! Unter euch ist der Befehlsherr; nehmet ihn an und geleitet und fiihrt zum Heil!" Both the texts consulted by Hoenerbach in the first verse had yi JS"'; this was altered by him into ':J~ JS"'. The correct reading is in fact JJ JS"', "every calamity, disaster, grave event" and the verse should be translated: Every disaster, even if the grief over it increases in my soul, is paltry+' in relation to that of the [death of the] Prophet. The second verse should be rendered as follows: o you the one who acts, the one chosen to rule You are indeed the verifier [of the words of the Prophet], the Siddiq, The yi in the third verse denotes, as in the second verse, "rule, power, authority"; the I~ is a demonstrative pronoun (see Wright, op. cit., I, 265). The verse should be translated: This authority is amongst you (i.e. belongs to you), therefore (you people) grasp it, and lead and drive towards salvation. A prose passage (text p. 34, ll. 18-19; translation p. 279, ll. 25-26), may be elucidated: this is translated: "Ihr sollt in dieser Sache nicht weiter, sondern eher zuruckgehen". 43 Comp. antithetically: ~ oj.; in Ibn Abi 1-l;Iadid's Sharb nahj al-baldgha, ed. AbU Siyar a'Iiim al-nubala', ed. 4.1 ~ .:...J;... .ill I·PaQI Ibrahim (Cairo, 1964), I, 156; and comp. al-Dhahabl, As'ad Talas, Cairo, 1962, 1,149: J."....)i ~ ..L.J J.,j ~ 127 M. J. Kister The correct translation is: You verily need more to increase in this matter (i.e. belief, faith, religion of Islam) than to decrease in it. Text p. 38, 1. 1; translation p. 282, 1. 27: is translated by Hoenerbach: "Sie antworteten: Staub aus Torheit in deinem Munde". The late Professor D. Z. Baneth communicated to me the following correction: So they said out of foolishness: Dust into your mouth. The poem of Hassan, composed in connection with the marriage of Khalid b. al-Walld with the daughter of Majja'a, was edited by Muhammad Hamidullah in .his Majmii'at al-wathii'iq al-siyiisiyya /i-l- "ahdi l-nabawiyyi, Cairo 1376/ 1956, pp. 271-2, from al-Waqidi's Ridda (fol. 25a). The missing last word in the first verse of the poem .)..ll:ll can be provided from the new edition of Hassan's Diwan by Walid N. Arafat, London 1971, p. 459 (CCLXXXIV, 1), quoted from Ibn Durayd's Ishtiqdq. The word <.?l:.;. in verse 3 has to be corrected into ~l:.;., as in Arafat's edition; in fact; this is how the word occurs in the Ms. of al-Waqidl, The version of verse 7 of the poem in al-Waqidi's Ridda differs from that in Ibn Durayd's Ishtiqdq (verse 6 in Arafat's edition). The verse in the Ishtiqdq runs as follows: J ...\.....41 .:-'.)-::...JI • & .... ~ 0... 0 Muhammad Hamldullah - follows:J reads the verse in the Ms. of al-Waqidi as " ~~ ~ f ~J~_.) J •. ~;k" 1 .'r.::""" T 0..G 0.JL•• ~I ..L..J ...u~ .)~ JI i.,r.ll~ ~UI ~ But the correct reading is: J t .....:w. ~ ..Lj~ -.)~ ~i u·.:-"-~UI ~ 128 

mecca_tribes.pdf MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA: SOME NOTES ON THEIR RELATIONS Reports about the relations between Mecca, Medina and the various tribal units of the Arabian peninsula are scarce. A scrutiny of some of these reports may contribute to a better understanding of certain events in the Arabian peninsula in the second half of the sixth century and the beginning of the seventh century. Certain data supplied by early transmitters may be helpfu1 in elucidating the peculiar methods used by the Meccan clans in their attempts to gain the sympathy of other tribal units and acquire their cooperation in order to secure the continuity of the Meccan mercantile activities and the performance of the ritual practices at the Ka cba. Some accounts indicate that clashes broke out from time to time between certain Meccan clans and the tribal groups; others point to the involvement of the Meccan and Medinan Ieaders in the efforts to solve intertribal conflicts. A few reports give information concerning the activities of the tribal groups at Mecca itself, their share in the politics of Mecca, and their involvement in the erection of the building of the Sanctuary at Mecca. Some aspects of these relations will be discussed in the following pages. I A clash which took place between a tribal faction and a Qurashi clan comes to light in a story recorded by al-Zubayr b. Bakkar 1 on the authority of Mul:tammad b. al-Qahhak al-l:lizimi,2 a Fazari transmitter I:lurayth b. Riyal:t "and others"; Everybody who performed the pilgrimage from among the Bedouins used to stop by one of the clans of Quraysh and that clan supplied them garments in which they used to perform the circumambulation of the Ka 'ba; at their arrival at Mecca they (i.e. the Bedouin pilgrims - K) threw away the clothes which they wore. The Qurashi clan in whose abode they 1 AI-Zubayr b. Bakkiir, Jamharat nasab quraysh, MS. Bodley, Marsh 384, fol. 128b. , See on him: al-Zubayr b. Bakkiir, op. cit., ed. MaJ;miid Muqammad,Shiikir (Cairo, 1381), I, 402, 494; al-Fiisi, al-'Iqd al-thamin fi ta'rikhi l-baladi l-amin, ed. Fu'iid Sayyid (Cairo, 1385/1966), V, 47-48, no. 1421; al-Bukhiri, al-Ta'rikh al-kabir(rpt. Hyderabad, n.d.), IV, 334, no. 3030: al-Sam'iini, al-Anstib, ed. 'Abd al-Ral}miin al-Mu'alliml (Hyderabad, 1384/1964), IV, 148; Fuat Sezgin, GAS, I, 266, no. 2. sojourned, used to take from them (a part of - K) what they slaughtered. The Fazara, the report continues, used to alight with al-Mughira b. (Abdallah b. 'Umar al-Makhzumi, The first who denied al-Mughira the (lots of the - K) slaughtered beasts was Khushayn b. La'y al-Fazari aI-Shamkhi. AI-Mughira threatened him and Khushayn refrained from performing the pilgrimage. He said: Ya rabbi hal 'indaka min ghafirah: uslihu mali wa-ada ( nahirali inna minan mdnituhu l-mughirah: wa-mant'un baida minan thabirah wa-mani'un baytaka an azurah "0 Lord, is there forgiveness with you: I shall set my herds right and leave their slaughter Indeed I am prevented from coming to Minii by al-Mughira: and prevented by him to come to Thabir after Minii. And he prevents me from visiting thy House." The report recorded by Ibn Abi l-Hadid is a shorter version of aI-Zubayr's account; it contains however some peculiar divergencies; it is told within the frame of a series of utterances and anecdotes which emphasize the virtues and laudable deeds of the members of the clan of Makhziim: among the eminent men of Makhziim there is mentioned "the leader of Quraysh" (sayyid quraysh fi l-jahiliyya), who was the man who debarred (the tribe of - K) Faziira from performing the hajj (wa-huwa lladhi mana' a fazdrata mina l-~aiil). This happened, the report says, when Khushayn b. La)y blamed "a people of Quraysh" ('ayyara qawman min quraysh) of having taken (a share of - K) the camels slaughtered by the Bedouins tal-t arab) during the period of the pilgrimage (al-mawsim). Then Khushayn recited the verses about al-Mughira's action. 3 A more detailed report is recorded by al-Baladhuri" on the authority of Abu l-Yaqzan.! The Fazari who refused to give al-Mughira the required share of the slaughtered beasts was Zuwaylim b. 'Arin b. Khushayn, the grandson of Khushayn. Zuwaylim, according to the tradition, set out in the period of the Jiihiliyya in order to perform the pilgrimage and alighted at the court of alMughira b. (Abdallah al-Makhziimi, Al-Mughira bade him pay the harim, i.e. the pay rendered to Quraysh by the men of the tribes who alighted in their dwellings in the period of the Jiihiliyya; this harim consisted of a part of the J Ibn Abi I-Hadid, SharI] nahj al-baldgha, ed. Muhammad Abu I-Fa41 Ibrahim (Cairo, 1382/1963), XVIII, 297 (read in the first hemistich ghajira, not 'aqira; in the third hemistich read minan mdni'uhu instead of minnd mdniiun; in the fourth read thabirah instead of bathirah. 4 Al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-ashrdf, MS. Ashir Efendi 597/8, fol. 1161a. l See on him, GAS, I, 266, no. 3. 34 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA clothes (of the Bedouins whom the Qurashites acommodated - K) and a share of the meat of the slaughtered beasts. Then Zuwaylim recited the verses in which he complained of al-Mughira's iniquitous demands and of his actions which prevented him (i.e. Zuwaylim - K) from performing the rites of pilgrimage." A shortened version of this report is given by Ibn Durayd.? Zuwaylirn's deed was praised by one of his relatives, the Fazari poet Jabbar b. Malik b. Himar b. Hazn b. 'Amr b. Jabir b. Khushayn." Jabbar said: wa-nahnu mana' nii min qurayshin harimaha : bi-makkata ayyama 1tahdluqi wa-l-nahri. "We denied Quraysh their harim : at Mecca on the days of the shaving [of heads - KJ and of the siaughter [of victims - KJ."9 But Zuwaylim revolted not only against the iniquitous rules and payments imposed on his tribe by some of the Meccan Ieaders; he also rebelled against the unjust deeds of his relatives, the Ieaders of his tribe. According to some reports Khushayn b. La 'y, the grandfather of Zuwaylim, was one of the famous warriors of Fazara; he was nicknamed dhsi l-ra'sayn, "The Man with the Two Heads," and nobody in Fazara equalled him in the number of raids carried out by him.!? His grandson 'Amr b. Jabir b. Khushayn regarded it as his privilege to get two young camels from every captive captured by Ghatafan (to whom Fazara belonged - K) and freed on ransom. II Zuwaylim decided to prevent him from unjustly levying this share of the ransom. The motives of his action are clearly expounded in two of his verses: ard 'amran yastimu l-ndsa khasfan : lahu min kulli 'iinin bakratdni fa-inn; diifi'un md kunta tu'{ii : fa-hal laka bi-ntizdilhimd yaddni "I see 'Amr wronging the people : to him [belongs the right - KJ to take from every captive two young camels. , The verses recorded by al-Baladhuri differ slightly from those recorded by al-Zubayr b. Bakkiir; they read as follows: yei rabbi hal 'Indaka min ghqfirah : inna minan mdni' uhd 1mughirah. wa-mdni' un baida minan thabirah : wa-mdnt'T rabbi an aztiran : ahbisu mali waada' tanhtrah. 7 Ibn Durayd, al-Ishtiqdq, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hiiriin (Cairo, 1378/1958), p. 282 (the final hemistich, as recorded by al-Baladhuri, is missing). • On Miilik b. Himar see Caskel, {;amhara! an-nasab (Das Genealogische Werk des Ibn alKalM (Leiden, 1966), II, 389. • Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 116Ib, sup.; on Jabbar b. Miilik see al-Amidi, al-Mu'talif wa-lmukhtalif, ed. 'Abd al-Sattar Farriij (Cairo, 1381/1961), pp. 128, 138. 10 Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 1161, quoting it on the authority of Ibn al-Kalbi, This assessment is indeed recorded in Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamharat al-nasab, MS. Br. Mus., Add. 23, 297, fol. 175b. 11 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS. Br. Mus., fol. 175b; Ibn Hazrn, Jamharat ansdb al-t arab, ed. 'Abd al-Saliim Hiiriin (Cairo, 1382/1963), p. 259; al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 1161a. 35 But I am repudiating what you have been given : do you have the power to snatch them [from my hands - KJ? 12 The leadership of one of the sons of Khushayn (Jabir? - K) was apparently anything but benign; he killed a man who dared to compose verses against him. This deed was praised by a Fazari poet, Ibn a1-'Anqa, who extolled the strength and glory of the "Son of the Man with Two Heads." 13 The few details about Zuwaylim give us some insight into the struggle for justice waged by certain courageous tribal rebels against the iniquitous actions of tribal Ieaders and the oppressive deeds of members of the Meccan nobility. According to a peculiar tradition even the fundamental event of the transfer of custody over the Ka 'ba to Qusayy came about as an outcome of struggle against the iniquity of Qusayy's predecessor, Abu Ghubshan, According to an account traced back to Ibn Jurayj and recorded by al-Fakihi from a compilation of al-Waqidi, the slaughter ofthe bahira camels (i.e. Iope-eared she camels set free - K) was carried out (scil. in the period of the J ahiliyya - K) at the Ka' ba, close to Isaf and N a 'ila (who were at that time Iocated close to the Ka 'ba - K).14 Abu-Ghubshan used to take for himself the head and the neck of every bahira slaughtered; later he considered this to be insufficient and ordered to add to it the shoulders, and people obeyed. But afterwards Abu Ghubshan required in addition the hind part of the victim; however, people were reluctant to obey this. When a man of the Bami 'Uqayl, Murra b. Kathir (or Kabir), slaughtered the victim at the Ka'ba, Abu Ghubshan demanded to hand over to him the parts of the animal which he regarded as his due. The 'Uqayli disobeyed and "people from Quraysh and others" supported the argument of the 'Uqayli and pronounced the bid of Abu Ghubshan as 'abath, "a wicked deed". Consequently Abu Ghubshan declared that he would not stay in Mecca if people did not accede to his demands, and decided to give up his prerogative at the Ka 'ba for a wine skin. In this way Qusayy acquired control of the Ka 'ba, IS AI-Balidhuri, MS., fol. 1161a. Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 1161b: abd li-bni dhi l-ra'sayni majdun muqaddamun: wa-sayfun idhd massa l-daribata yaqla'u fa-qultu li-shawwdlin tawaqqa dhubdbahd: wa-Id-ta~mi anfan an yusabba muraqqa'u The name of the executed man was Shawwil b. Muraqqa' . •< About the location of lsir and Ni'i1a see U. Rubin, "The Ka'ba. Aspects of its ritual functions and position in pre-Islamic and early Islamic times," JSAI (forthcoming) ad notes 12 13 49-50, 121, 172-173, 175. •, Al-Fasi, Shlfd al-ghardm bi-akhbdri I-baladi I-~ardm (Cairo, 1956), II, 54. 36 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA The stories concerning Abu Ghubshan and Qusayy, or Zuwaylim and Mughira, are but two instances in a chain of reports relating to the incessant struggle of some tribal groups associated with Quraysh to establish fair and honest relations with Meccan clans and the strenuous efforts of some Meccan leaders to secure justice at Mecca itself. Terms like baghy, khasf, zulm and jawr appearing in reports of this kind enable us to reach an understanding of the character of the struggle against iniquity and oppression . • The period of the end of the sixth and the beginning of the seventh century was characterized by intertribal conflicts and by the pressure of the Byzantine and Persian Empires (through their vassal states) on the tribal divisions aimed at widening their influence and tightening their control over the Arabian peninsula. Mecca extended in that period its commercial relations, becoming a centre of economic activity for the tribes of the Arabian peninsula. and strengthened its ties with other centres Iike Medina and Tit )if; transactions of considerable extent involving the purchase of landed property and financial enterprises were carried out by Meccan businessmen.l" The commercial co-operation of the merchants of the cities (like Mecca and Medina) with the tribes called for acumen, flexibility and close knowledge of intertribal relations. This can be seen in the story of Qays b. Zuhayr al-'Absi:" when he decided to prepare a raid against the Bami (Amir in order to avenge the murder of his father, he set out to Medina and approached Uhayha b. alJulah al-Awsi, asking that he should sell him weapons. He inquired especially about a strongly built coat of mail owned by Uhayha; he wished to buy it or to receive it as a gift. Uhayha's answer was a shrewd one: "A man like me does not sell weapons; would I know that the Bami (Amir will not claim that I extended help against them to their enemies I would present it to you as a gift." Uhayha was grateful to the Banii (Amir for the praises by which he was lauded in the poem of Khalid b. Ja'far of the (Amir b. ~a(~a(a; he extolled him as the man of Yathrib who was capable of granting shelter and protection. Uhayha was not ready to forfeit his friendly relations with the (Amir. 18 He nevertheless 16 17 18 See e.g. JSAl, 1 (1979), 8-'10, 17. See on him e.g. Caskel, Gamhara, II, 464. Al-Baladhuri, MS., fot. 1154a: wa-kdna ulJaylJatu yal1fa;u II-bani 'timirin anna khdlida bna ja'farin abytitin awwaluhti •. idhti mti aradta 1-'izza fi ahli yathribin •.fa-ndd! bi-sawtin yti-ul}ayl}atu tumna'» fa-tusbihu bi-l-awst bni 'amri bni 'timirin •. ka-annaka jtirun li-l-yamtiniyyi tubba"! madahahu bi- 37 handed over to Qays the coat of mail and Qays succeeded in acquiring at Medina the needed weapons: spears and coats of mail.t? It was indeed Uhayha's coat of mail which brought about a serious clash between Qays b. Zuhayr and one of his relatives, al-Rabi' b. Zuyad a1-'Absi, 20 Qays drove away 400 pregnant camels belonging to ai-Rabie b. Ziyad; he brought them to Mecca and sold them to Harb b. Umayya, (Abdallah b. Judfan and Hisham b. al-Mughira in exchange for horses and weapons. Qays remained for some time in Mecca (seeking asylum there - K); then he went to the Banu Badr of Fazara and was granted their protection." It is interesting to note that Qays b. Zuhayr bought in Mecca the ominous horse, Dahis, out of the money which he received for the plundered camels of Rabi( b. Ziyad." The keen interest of the Medinan notables in the feud between the quarrelling and clashing tribes of 'Abs and Fazara and their attempt to bring about a peace agreement between them can be gauged from the report stating that a delegation of the people of Yathrib including the Ieading personalities of the city - 'Amr b. al-Itnaba, Uhayha b. al-Julah, Qays b. al-Khatim, Abu Qays b. al-Aslat and the Jew Ka(b (perhaps Ka(b b. ai-Ashraf - K) - came in order to reconcilie the fighting tribes." The fact that Qays b. Zuhayr asked for protection of the Banu Badr of F azara is instructive. This family became at that time the Ieading and influential family-group of Fazara, played a decisive role in the tribal clashes and established close relations, with Mecca. 'Abd al-Rahman b.Hassan put the clan of the Banii Badr on a par with that of the Makhziimi clan of the Banu Mughira as to pride and glory." Hudhayfa b. Badr was nicknamed rabbu 19 Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol, 1154a: '" thumma bta:« qaysun min yathriba rimdhan waadrd'on; this report bears evidence that Yathrib was not merely a rural centre of agricultural activity; there seem to have been a considerable amount of commercial transactions. 20 See on him g.e., Caskel, Gamhara, II, 475. 21 Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol, 1I54a: .. .fa-lammd balagha dhdlika qaysan aghara 'ala I-na'am fa-tarada li-l-rabi"i (text: al-rabi') arba'a mi' ati ndqatin laqu~infa-marra biha i/a makkata fa-ba' aha min harbt bni umayyata wa-' abdi llahi bni jud" ana wa-hishdmi bni l-mughirati bi-Ikhayli wa-I-sila~i. wa-aqdma bi-makkata, thumma innahu lahiqa bi-bani badri bni "amrtn ... 22 Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol, 1I54b, 1. 20: ... wa-kdna qaysu bnu zuhayrin bta'a da~isan bimakkata min thamani ibli l-rabr i.fa-anzdhu "ala farasin lahufa-ja'atbi-muhratin sammahti l-ghabra?«: 23 Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 1156a: ... wa-qadimat jama'atun min ah/i yathriba Ii-I-i#a~i bayna I-~ayyayni : 'amru bnu l-undbati, wa-u~ay~atu bnu l-jula~i. wa-qaysu bnu l-khatimi waaM qaysin bnu l-aslati wa-ka' bun I-yahudi ... 24 Ibn Abi l-Hadid, XVIII, 287: inni tami'tu bi-fakhri man law rdmahu : alu l-mughirati-aw banu dhakwdn! 38 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA ma'addin, the "Lord of Ma'add."2s Abu l-Yaqzan reports that Hisn b. Hudhayfa was one of the greatest Ieaders of the federation of Ghatafan; he commanded all the allied forces of Ghatafan and Asad. A man attending the council (maj/is) of Mu 'awiya said: "We have never seen a Bedouin who, while leaning on his bow between the two allies, Asad and Ghatafan, and dividing the spoils among them, was more dignified (a'~amu qadran) than Hisn b. Hudhayfa." 26 Two Fazari chiefs are highly praised by the poet of 'A.mir b. ~a'~a'a, 'A.mir b. al-Tufayl: they granted him protection when he was captured during a clash with the Fazara and the Fazari leader 'Uyayna b. Hisn demanded to decapitate him; he extols them in one of his poems saying: 1. When thou desirest to meet with a sure defence, seek the protection of Khidharn son of Zayd, if Khidharn will grant it thee. 2. I called upon Abu l-Jabbar, specially naming Malik; and from aforetime he whom thou tookest under thy shield was never scathed (Lyall's translation). 27 The competition between tribal leaders to gain rank, position and recognition of governors and rulers is fairly clear in the report about the meeting of Hudhayfa b. Badr al-Fazari and al-Hakam b. Marwan b. Zinba' a1'Absi at the court of Hira, Hudhayfa used to frequent the court of al-Nu'rnan b. al-Mundhir; the king (al-Nu'rnan) treated him with honour and kindness. Hudhayfa used to bring gifts to al-Mutajarrida." Al-Hakam also used to visit the court of al-Nu'rnan and bring him gifts. When Hudhayfa and al-Hakam met some day in al-Hira, al-Hakam said to Hudhayfa: "May God curse a dignity gained through [the intercession of] women". AI-Mutajarrida became enraged when she heard the words of al-Hakam and decided to send to Hudhayfa a songstress and wine. When al-Hakam attended the council (maj/is) of Hudhayfa the Iatter asked the girl to sing some poems of Imru ' 1-Qays in la-mala' tuhd khaylan tadibbu lithdtuhd : mithla l-dabd wa-kawdsiri 1-'iqMni Banu Dhakwan are explained to denote Banii Badr b. 'Amr b. Juwayya b. Dhakwan of the Banii 'Adiyy of Fazara; to this clan belong Hudhayfa, Hamal and their families. See on the descendants of Dhakwan: Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS. Br. Mus., fol. Ina, ult. rs Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. Jl53b: ... wa-kdna yuqdlu lahu rabbu ma'addin ... : and see: Labid, Diwdn, ed. Ihsan 'Abbas (Kuwayt, 1962), p. 55; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, XVIII. 295; Muhammad b. Habib, al-Muhabbar, ed. lise Lichtenstaedter (Hyderabad, 1361/1942), p. 461; Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'tirlf; ed. Tharwat 'Ukasha (Cairo, 1969), pp, 83, 402, 592. ze Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. I 158b. 27 'Amir b. al-Tufayl, Diwdn, ed. Ch. Lyall (Leiden, 1913), p. 141, no~XXVI (Arabic text); see ibid., "Introduction," pp. 81, 114; and see al-Mufaddal al-Dabbi, al-Miifa44aliyydt, ed. Ch. Lyall (Oxford, 1921), p. 33. 28 See on her e.g. Aghdni; index. 39 which he mentioned love-affairs with 'Absi women. Al-Hakam became furious and hit the songstress. Hudhayfa rebuked him, saying that he had lost his mind and hurt the honour of al-Nu 'man. When the two leaders returned to their tribes they related the event; this accident widened the rift between the two leaders and increased the animosity between their tribal divisions. 29 The position of the Fazari leaders among the federation of Ghatafan caused some tribal divisions to attempt at concluding agreements or alliances with them. The cAmir b. ~ac~aca tried to persuade Hisn b. Hudhayfa and his son 'Uyayna to withdraw from their alliance with the Asad, to enable Asad to return to their relations with Kinana, and to conclude an alliance of the Ghatafan with cAmir b. ~ac~aca. 'Uyayna b. Hisn considered the offer and consulted about it the Banii Dhubyan (one of the main branches of Ghatafan K); they however refused and 'Uyayna had to give up the idea of the alliance with C Amir. 30 'Uyayna and his tribal division, the Fazara, played a very important role in the struggle of the Prophet and the Muslim community with Quraysh at Mecca. An agreement of non-aggression was concluded between the Prophet and 'Uyayna for a limited period; when the Muslim forces left Medina for the raid of Muraysi' they feared that 'Uyayna may attack the city in which there were no warriors Ieft, because the treaty was to expire at that time; the Prophet allayed their fears, assuring them that 'Uyayna would not attack the city." 'Uyayna attended the Battle of the Ditch commanding a fighting body of a thousand warriors of Faziira; it was the strongest force of the allies of Quraysh. Smaller units numbering about 400 warriors each were recruited from among the relatives of Faziira, Ashja C and Murra" When the situation of the besieged Muslim community became serious, the Prophet sent to 'Uyayna offering him a third of the date harvest of Medina if he withdrew with his force, thus causing disarray among the other forces of the allies of Quraysh. 'Uyayna asked for half the harvest, but consented Iater to accept the proposal of the Prophet to accept a third of it. However, when the agreement had to be signed, the Companions of the Prophet opposed it and persuaded the Prophet to annul it.33 The failure of 'Uyayna to gain profits and success on the "Day of the Ditch" (i.e. the siege of Medina) recurred in the siege of Khaybar. 'Uyayna promised to hurry to help the besieged Jews against the besieging Muslims in 2. Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 1154b. Al-Nabigha al-Dhubyani, Diwdn, ed. Muhammad Jamal (Beirut, 1347/1929), p. 98. Al-Waqidi, al-Maghcizi, ed. Marsden Jones (London, 1966), p. 422. 32 See e.g. al-Waqidi, p. 443. as AI-Waqidi, pp. 477-480; Ibn Hisham, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, ed. Mu~lafa l-Saqa, Ibrahim al-Abyiiri, 'Abd al-Hafiz Shalabi (Cairo, 1355/1936), III, 234. 30 31 40 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA return for half of the date harvest of Khaybar; he negotiated, however, at the same time with the Prophet the withdrawal of his force of 400 warriors in return for half of the date harvest. In one of the stages of the Muslim attack on Khaybar the Fazari force withdrew forsaking the besieged Jews. 'Uyayna did not get his half of the date harvest and had to satisfy himself with the grant bestowed on him by the Prophet: a mountain at Khaybar called Dhu 1Ruqayba." There were some clashes between troops of the Prophet and some Fazari units, but 'Uyayna was shrewd enough to appear at the conquest of Mecca (although without his tribe) and to accompany the Prophet at his entrance to the city;3' he is counted among "those whose hearts had to be reconciled" (al-mu'allaja qulubuhum) and was indeed granted by the Prophet a gift of a hundred camels." In spite of his treacherous behaviour when he was sent as messenger of the Muslim forces to al-Ta'if,37 he was dispatched by the Prophet against a group of Tamim who prevented their neighbours, the Khuza "a, from paying taxes." Finally the Prophet appointed 'Uyayna as tax-collector of F azara, an influential and responsible office." This short sketch of the role of 'Uyayna and his tribal division, the Fazara, in the Prophet's period indicates clearly that they had close relations with Mecca." They joined the Prophet only after his victory. The high position acquired by 'Uyayna in the period of the Prophet can be seen from the fact that the Caliph 'Uthman b. cAffan married his daughter, Umm al-Banin bint 'Uyayna b. Hisn." Only two wives of 'Uthman attended his clandestine 34 See e.g. al-Waqidi, pp. 650-652, 676; and see Yaqiit, Mu'jam al-bulddn (Beirut, 1376/1957), s.v. Ruqayba. 3' See e.g. al-Waqidi, pp. 803-804. 36 See e.g. Ibn Hisham, IV, 136-137; al-Maqrizi, Imta'» l-asma'; ed. Mahmud Muhammad Shakir (Cairo, 1941), I, 424. 37 See al-Waqidi, pp. 932-933. 38 Al-Waqidi, pp. 974-975. Al-Baladhuri, op. cit.; I (ed. Muhammad Hamidullah, Cairo 1959) 530. The Fazara seem to have taken part in certain ritual practices at the Ka 'ba since very early times: see e.g. Ibn Hisharn, I, 128: nahnu dafa'rui 'an abi sayydrah : wa-'an mawalihi bantfazdrah and see al-Fasi, Shifa, II, 32-34 and 351. 15; al-'I~iimi, Simi al-nujtim al-'awali(Cairo, 1380), 1,217; al-Kala'j, al-Iktifa' fi maghdztrastilt lldhi wa-l-thaldthati l-khulafd, ed. MuHafa 'Abd al-Wal)id (Cairo, 1287/1968), I, 77; al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 1180b. 41 Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 1158a, sup.; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt, (Beirut, 1377/1957), III, 54; Muhammad b. Yahya al-Maliqi, al-Tamhid wa-l-baytin fi maqtali I=shahid "uthman, ed. Mahrmid Yiisuf Za 'id (Beirut, 1~64), p. 4; Umm al-Banin was before that offered by 'Uyayna to the Prophet as wife (see Ibn 'AIX! al-Barr, al-Isti'tibjima'rifati I-a~~tib, ed. 'Ali Muhammad alBijawi [Cairo, 1380/1960], p. 1249 ult.) 39 40 41 funeral: the Kalbite Na'ila and the Fazarite Umm al-Banin." The prophet rightly characterized 'Uyayna as "the fool obeyed by his people.t' " He got indeed the allegiance and loyalty of his people when he decided to fight the body politic of Medina, leading the troops of the Fazara against the Muslim forces after the death of the Prophet in the "War of the Ridda."44 II Another division of Ghatafan, the Banu Murra b. 'Awf, seem to have had close relations with Mecca. Some clans of Murra claimed that their ancestor was 'Awf b. Lu 'ayy, the ancestor of Quraysh." Al-Harith b. Zalim al-Murri asked for the protection of 'Abdallah b. Jud'iin, denied his descent from Ghatafan and stated that he was from Quraysh." 'Umar is said to have justified their claim and was even ready to accept them into the fold of Quraysh." It is of interest that the Meccan notable, 'Abdallah b. Jud'an,48 interceded with the king of al-Hira, al-Nu'rnan, on behalf of al-Harith b. Zalim and asked that the protection of the king be renewed for him." A distinctive feature of the religio-economic system of the Banu Murra was the institution of the basI. They observed eight months as the trucia1 period during the year and travelled during these months through the territories of the Bedouins undisturbed; the Bedouin tribes accepted this order and granted them security during these months. so One may assume that this basi order was designed to bring about a competition between Mecca with its four trucial months and the basi system of the Banu Murra. Ibn Sa'd, III, 78 inf.-79 sup. See e.g, Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, pp. 1249 inf.-1250; al-JiIl:Ii~al-Baydn wa-l-tabyin, ed. 'Abd alSalam Harlin (rpt. Beirut of Cairo, 1367/1948), II, 253. 44 See e.g. Ella Landau-Tasseron, Aspects of the Ridda Wars, Ph.D. Diss., Hebrew University, 1981 (in Hebrew), Chapter III (Ghatafan) ad notes 137-149. 4' See e.g. al-Suhayli, al-Rawd al-unuf, ed. 'Abd al-Rahrnan al-Wakil (Cairo, 1387/1967). I. 410-412; al-Baladhuri, I, 42-43; Ibn Kathir, al-Biddya wa-l-nihdya (Riyad-Beirut, 1966), II, 204. 4' 43 46 Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 1143b; idem, I, 42 inf.; al-Suhayli, I, 411; al-Jahiz, al-Bursdn wa-l"urjdn, ed. Muhammad Mursi l-Khiili (Beirut, 1392/1972), p. 298; Abii l-Baqa Hibatullah, alMandqib al-mazyadiyya fi akhbdri l-muliiki I-asadiyya, MS. Br. Mus. add. 23, 296, fol. 43a. 47 Al-Suhayli, I, 411, 412. See on him EI', s.v. 'Abd Allah b. Djud'iin (Ch. Pellat); and see above ad notes 18,43. Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 1143b: thumma innahu talaba lahu l-amdna mina l-nut mdni fadmanahu wa-qadima fa-aqdma 'Indahu. so See e.g. al-Suhayli, I, 414, 421; Ibn Hisham, i, 106-107; and see additional sources In JESHO, 8 (1965), 141. n. 4. 48 49 42 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA The conflict between Mecca and the Bami Murra is reflected in the report about a building erected by the Manu Murra at BUSS.51 explanatory note on An a verse of al-Husayn b. al-Humam says: "Buss is a building erected by the Ghatafan; they built it in a shape similar to that of the Ka "ba, performed pilgrimage to it, revered it an called it al-haram. Zuhayr b. Janab al-Kalbi raided them and destroyed it."52 An anonymous report recorded by alFayruzabadi gives more details: Buss is a House of Ghatafan, built by Zalim b. Asad. He saw that Quraysh circumambulated the Ka''ba and performed the sa'y between al-Safa and al-Marwa; he therefore measured the Ka'ba, took a stone from al-Safa and a stone from al-Marwa, returned to his people and built a House like the Ka'ba; he laid down the two stones and said: "These are the Safa and the Marwa". So they (i.e. his people) became satisfied with it instead of the pilgrimage to Mecca. Subsequently Zuhayr b. Janab al-Kalbi raided (scil, the Ghatafan - K), killed ~iilim and destroyed his building. 53 AIBaladhuri's report is concise: al-Muthallam b. Riyal].b. ~alim b. As'ad (in text: Sa'd) b. Rabi'a b. 'Amir was a noble man (kana shari/an). His grandfather, Zalim, was the man who built Buss; Buss is the House, which Ghatafan worshipped. Zuhayr b. Janab said: Thus Ghatafan Ieft afterwards Buss: and what has Ghatafan (to do) with a spacious tract of land? 54 This report corresponds to that of Ibn al-Kalbi." Another report in Ibn al-Kalbi's Jamhara contains details similar to those given in the account of al-Faynizabadi (the two stones of al-~afa and alMarwa, the House erected in the territory of Ghatafan, Zuhayr b. Janab destroyed the House and [buildings? - KJ around it), but has a significant passage, not recorded in other sources: when the Prophet heard about Zuhayr II In text "lubs" which is an error. See L. 'A. s.v. bss (correctly Buss); and see the correction in Wellhausen, Reste Arabischen Heidentums (Berlin, 1887), p. 33, n. 2; and see Ihsan 'Abbas, "Two Hitherto Unpublished Texts on Pre-Islamic Religion," La Signification du Bas Moyen Age dans I'Histoire et la Culture du Monde Musulman, Actes du 8me Congres de l'Union Europeenne des Arabisants et Islamisants (Aix-en-Provence, 1976), pp. 7-16; and see Ihsan 'Abbas, "Na~~ani jadidani 'ani l-dini fi l-jahiliyyati," al-AblJath, 1973-1977, pp. 27-34. " Aghtim~ XII, 126; see on Buss: Yiiqiit, Mu'jam al-bulddn, s.v. b.s.s.: ... wa-buss aydan bay tun banat-hu gha/q{anu mu4ahatan li-l-ka' ba. 53 Al-Fayruzabadi, al-Qamus al-muhit, s.v. bss; and see Wellhausen, pp. 33-34; this report is recorded in al-Sinjari's, Mana'ilJ al-karam, MS. Leiden, Or. 7018, fols. )3b, ult.-14a. 54 Al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 1146b-1147a sup. ss Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS. Br. Mus., fol. 168b, sup.: ... al-Muthallam b. RiyalJ b. ~alim b. As'ad b. Rabi"'a b. 'Amir kana sharif an. wa-abuhu riytilJun lladhi qala lahu zuhayru bnu jandbin: fa-khalld ba'daha ghatq{anu ... ; wa-kdna bandhu jadduhu ~alimun ... 43 b. Janiib's action he said: "Of the matters of the Jiihiliyya nothing is in agreement with Islam except that which Zuhayr b. Janab did."56 It was no doubt an act of great significance as it helped to preserve the Ka 'ba as the only sanctuary of the Arabian peninsula and spoiled a bold attempt at erecting a tribal sanctuary in competition with the Ka 'ba at Mecca. The intention to imitate the Kacba comes out even in the name of Ghatafani sanctuary, Buss, which is derived from the root bss and is reminiscent of the name of the Meccan sanctuary, which is called al-Bassa." The destruction of Buss served indirectly the cause of Islam and the utterance attributed to the Prophet undoubtedly reflects a historical truth. It is worthwhile mentioning that Buss was not the only sanctuary which was erected by a tribe or a governor: such was for instance the case of the sanctuary of Abraha which was erected in order to compete with the Ka 'ba 58 and the sanctuary erected in Qawdam." • The reasons for the enmity between Zuhayr b. Janiib and the Banu Murra, his position in his tribe, the Kalb, his role in the intertribal contests on the background of the rivalry of the petty kingdoms and the struggle of the Byzantine and Sassanian powers for control of the tribes of the Arabian peninsula, all these data are recorded in reports which are often obscure, blurred, divergent or contradictory. A scrutiny of these reports may provide a clue for the elucidation of, at least, some aspects of these events. According to a tradition traced back to Ibn al-A 'rabi (d. ca. 230 AH) the Banu Baghid were attacked by the Suda? (a division of Madhhij) when they were on their way from Tihama, The Bami Baghid succeeded however in repelling the attack, gained a sweeping victory and took rich booty. Then they decided to build a haram, like that at Mecca, in which no hunted beast would be killed, no tree would be felled and no man seeking refuge would be troubled (la yuhaju ca'idhuhu). The pIan was carried out by the tribal division of Ghatafan, the Bami Murra; the man in charge of the haram and the builder of '6 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS. Br. Mus., fo1. 191a inf.-191b sup.: .. .fa-hadama (i.e. Zuhayr b. Janab) l-bayta wa-ma ~awlahu,fa-balagha dhalika l-nabiyya (~)fa-qala: "lam yakun shay'un min amri l-jahiliyyati wdfaqa l-isldma ilia rna sana'« zuhayru bnu jandbin". " See L. 'A., S.v. bss; Ibn ?:uhayra, al-Jdmi" al-Ia(iffifafjli makkata wa-ahlihd wa-bind"! 1bayti I-sharif (Cairo, 1357/1938), p. 160, penult.; al-Azraqi, Kltab akhbtiri makkata, ed. F. Wiistenfeld (rpt. Beirut), p. 50, 1.8; Ibn Nii~ir al-Din a1-Dimashqi, Jami' al-dthdr fi mawlidi 1nab/yyi l-mukhtdr, MS. Cambridge Or. 913, fol. 269a. " See e.g. EI2, S.V. Abraha (A.F.L. Beeston). 50 See Yaqiit, Mu'jam al-bulddn, s.v. Qawdam. 44 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA its walls was Riyah b. Zalirn (not his father, ~alim - K). They built it when staying at a well called Buss. When the news reached Zuhayr b. Janab, who was then the sayyid of Kalb, he vowed to prevent the Ghatafan from carrying out their plan. He summoned his tribal relatives to aid him in the noble enterprise (akram ma'thura) of the destruction of the Fazari haram, but the Banu l-Qayn from Jusham refused to participate in the raid; he carried out the raid with his people only and defeated the Ghatafan, He captured a rider (jaris) of the Ghatafan in the haram of Buss and ordered to kill him; his order was however disobeyed by one of his warriors, who argued that the man was a basl.60 Zuhayr stated that for him there was no obligation to refrain from harming a basi (i.e. to take his life - K; md baslun "alayya bi-haramins and he himself decapitated him. He desecrated the haram (Ca!{ala dhdlika l-haramt, generously released the captured women and returned them to their tribe." The passage about the decapitation of the basi and the desecration of the haram of Buss is of importance. It may be deduced that this event put an end to the free and undisturbed traffic of the Bami Murra during eight months in the Arabian peninsula and did away with the sanctity of the haram of Buss; the only sacred months to remain were thus the four months of the Pax Meccana; the only sanctuary which continued to be venerated was the haram of Mecca. Zuhayr's deed appears to be the reason why the group of Janab b. Hubal were included in the organization of the l;Iums.62 Some of the accounts link the person of Janab with that of Dawud b. Hubala,63 whose kingdom was conquered by the Byzantines and who fought at that time on their side. He later embraced Christianity and became reluctant to shed blood; he was however compelled to obey the order of the Byzantines to raid the Arab tribes. In his force was (according to this report) Zuhayr b. Janab, Zuhayr went out, fought and killed Haddaj b. Malik of the cAbd Qays and Haddaj b. Malik b. Taymallah b. Thaclaba b. cUkaba.64 Some reports connect Zuhayr b. Janab with the expedition of Abraha." When the Abyssinians went out on their expedition to destroy the sanctuary at Mecca they were approached by Zuhayr; he met their king, was welcomed by 60 61 62 See on basi n. 50 above. Aghani, XXI, 63. See JESHO, 8 (1965),133, n. 4, 134, n. 3; and see Caskel, Gamhara, II, 77 inf.-78 sup. Caskel, Gamhara, II, 232 (Dawud b. Habala). See on him Ibn Habib, ''Asnui' al-mughttilin min al-ashrtif" in cAbd al-Salam Hanin's 63 64 Nawddir al-makh!u!tit (Cairo, 1374/1954), II, 127-128; on the two Haddaj see Caskel, Gamhala, II, 276. See on Abraha: EJ2, s.v. Abraha (A.F.L. Beeston); and see R. Paret, Der Koran. Kommentarund Konkordanz (Stuttgart, 1980), ad Sura 105; and seeJESHO, 15 (1972), 61-76. 6' 45 him and was sent as his messenger to (the tribes in - K) the vicinity (niilJiya) of Iraq in order to summon them to submit to his authority (i/ii l-dukhuli fi {ii'atihl). When he was in the territory of Bakr b. Wa'iI, he was attacked by a man of the tribe and seriously wounded, but managed to escape." A similar report is given in the Aghdnioti the authority of Abu 'Arnr al-Shaybani; there are, however, several differences which may be noted: Abraha appointed Zuhayr b. Janab over the tribes of Bakr and Taghlib; he ruled them for a time until they were afflicted by a drought. Zuhayr prevented them from pasturing their herds unless they paid the taxes imposed upon them; their situation worsened and they were on the brink of perishing. One of the Taymallah b. Tha 'laba 67 decided to assassinate Zuhayr; he attacked him in his sleep and pierced his belly with a sword; he left the tent of Zuhayr with the conviction that he had killed him. Zuhayr remained however alive, and a group of his people wrapped him in a shroud and were given permission to leave with what was supposed to be his corpse in order to bury him in the territory of his tribe. The stratagem succeeded: Zuhayr returned to his tribe, recovered and ordered to prepare a raid against the Bakr and Taghlib. The raid was successful and Zuhayr returned with a rich booty. Kulayb and Muhalhil were captured and many warriors from Taghlib were killed.68 Zuhayr's appointment over the Bakr and Taghlib is explicitly mentioned in a poem of a1-Musayyib b. a1-Rifall, a descendant of Zuhayr: 1. wa-abrahatu lladhi kdna ~{afiinii " wa-sawwasanii wa-tiiju l-mulki wa-qdsama nisfa imro.tihi zuhayran " wa-lam yaku dtinahu fi l-amri wdli wa-ammarahu 'alii hayyay mai addin : wa-ammarahu 'alii l-hayyi 1- 'au 2. 3. 4. mu'tilt 'alii bnay wii'ilin lahumd muhinan " yarudduhumd 'alii raghmi 1sibdli 5. bi-habsihimd bi-ddri l-dhul/i lJattii "alammd yahlikdni mina l-huziili 1. And Abraha, he who had chosen us : and invested us with authority : and high is the crown of kingdom. 2. And he gave half of the rule to Zuhayr : nobody except him was a ruler of the affairs. 3. And he invested him with power over the two tribes of Ma 'add: and he gave him authority over the tribe competing for superiority 00 01 08 Ibn Qutayba, al-Shi'r wa-l-shu' ard", ed. M. J. de Goeje (Leiden, 1904), pp. 223-225. A group of Bakr b. Wii'il; see Caskel, Gamhara, II, 543. Aghdni, XXI, 64. 46 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA 4. 5. Over the two sons of Wii'il (i.e. their descendants) treating them with contempt : turning them humbled and abased. Detaining them in the abode of vileness: until they would perish out of emaciation." Some reports tell about his visits to the court of the Ghassani ruler and his stratagems in spreading false accusations against his opponents and foes in order to keep the favours of the ruler al-Harith b. Miiriya exclusively to himself." Some accounts relate anecdotes about the attendance of Zuhayr at the courts of governors and rulers in company of certain fools of his family; Zuhayr succeeds in saving the people from the fateful results of their stupid words. 71 The sources are unanimous about the strength and power of Zuhayr; he is said to have been one of the jarrdnin (i.e. commanding more than thousand warriors - K) and one who succeeded in uniting the whole tribe of Ka1b, or even the whole federation of QU9iicaY Ibn al-Kalbi reports a conflict between Zuhayr and Rizah (a half brother of Qusayy, the leader of 'Udhra - K) concerning their attitude towards the tribal divisions of N ahd, Hawtaka and J arm; these tribal divisions were driven out by Rizah from the federation of Qudaa, and were compelled to migrate and join other tribes. Rizah's action was severely censured by Zuhayr." Al-Bakri records the story of the conflict. mentions the role of Nahd and their strength in the past and draws the line of succession of that power: Hanzala b. Nahd, the ancestor of Nahd, was the arbiter of Tihama and the Ieader of the Bedouins (al-' arab) at 'Ukaz during the period of the markets. Then the leadership went over to the Kalb b. • 9 Abu Hatim al-Sijistiini, Kitdb al-mu'ammarin; ed. Goldziher, (Leiden, 1899), p. 29 (Ar. text); al-Marzubani, Mu'jam al-shui ara", ed. F. Krenkow (Cairo, 1354), p. 386 (only 4 verses). 70 Aghiini, IV, 175-176; Ibn 'Asakir, Tahdhib ta'rikh (Beirut, 1399/1979), V, 321-322. 71 Aghdni; XXI, 65 (the fool was his brother, Haritha); Abu Hilal al-'Askari, Jamharat alamthdl, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim and 'Abd al-Majid Qatamish (Cairo, 1384/1964), I, 151 (the fool was his brother, 'Adiyy. According to Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Escurial 1968, p. 380 'Adiyy was considered a fool: kana yu~ammaqu). Another fool in his family was his son Khidash (Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Esc. p. 405 ult.-406; see the utterance of al-Samaw 'al about him: laysa li-qalbi khiddshin udhundni). 12 See Muhammad b. Habib, al-Muhabbar, p. 250 (Zuhayr and Rizii~ b. Rabi'a al- 'Udhri), Aghdnt, XXI, 65 (Zuhayr and Hunn b. Zayd); al-Bakri, Mu'jam md sta'fam, ed. Mustafa I· Saqa (Cairo, 1364/1945), p. 39 (Zuhayr and Rizii~ b. Rabi'a); Abu !iatim al-Sijistani, p. 28 (Zuhayr and Rizah); and see al-Majlisi, Bi~ar ai-an war (Teheran, 1392), LI, 268; al-Murtada, Amali; ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim (Cairo, 1373/1954), I, 240; Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Esc. p. 514 (Zuhayr and Rizah), 73 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Esc., p. 514; al-Bakri, Mu'jam ma sta'jam, p. 39. 47 Wabara, afterwards to 'Awf b. Kinana b. 'Awf.74 After some generations it passed over to Zuhayr b. Janab, then to 'Adiyy b. Janab and finally it remained in the family of al-Harith b. Hisn b. Damdam b. 'Adiyy b. Janab." The conflict between Rizah and the two tribes, Nahd and Hawtaka, is mentioned in Ibn Hisham's Sira: but in this account it was Qusayy who censured Rizah for his expulsion of these two tribal divisions of Quda ' a. He said the following verses: 1. Who will tell Rizah from me : that I blame you on two accounts: 2. I blame you for the Banii Nahd b. Zayd : because you drove a wedge between them and me. 3. And for Hawtaka b. Aslum : verily, he who treats them badly has badly treated me. (A. Guillaume's translation, slightly modified). It is of great importance that Qusayy wanted Quda' a to increase and to be united because of "their goodwill to him when they responded to his appeal for help." 76 The account confirms that there were contacts between Quraysh and the Quda'I divisions and shows the help extended by some Quda'ii groups to Qusayy. Al-Arnidi records a story in which Zuhayr is connected with the person of Muha1hi1,the legendary leader of Taghlib during the wars of Basus, 77 Zuhayr is said to have attacked the Taghlib, succeeded in getting away with booty, was however pursued by Muhalhil, who tracked down one of the attackers (Imru? 1Qays b. Humam al-Kalbi) and wounded him." The reports about contacts between Zuhayr and Muhalhil are however refuted by a statement saying that Zuhayr preceded Muhalhil. 79 The amusing story about the capture of Zuhayr by Hamrnam b. Murra 80 also belongs to the period of the war of Basiis. Zuhayr offered as ransom for his release a hundred camels, but Hammam refused; he consented however to free him on condition that Zuhayr would mention his name and make an invocation for his Iife before every drink." 74 Al-Bakri, Mu'jam, p. 56: 'Auf b. Kiniina b. 'Auf b. 'Udhra ... b. Kalb was the first to whom the idol of Wadd was handed over and a tent was pitched over him; and see Caskel, Gamhara, II, 210. rs See e.g. al-Bakri, Mu'jam, pp. 30, 39, 49, 51. ,. Ibn Hisharn, I, 136 (=A. Guillaume, The Life of Muhammad [Karachi, 1967J, p. 55); the verses are attributed to Zuhayr in Bakri's Mu'jam, p. 39. 77 See on him Caskel, Gamhara, II, 421; and see above ad n. 68. ,8 AI-A midi, ai-Mu'taiij", pp. 7-8; Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Esc., pp. 413 inf.-414. ,. Abii Ahmad al-Hasan b. 'Abdallah a!-'Askari, SharlJ md yaqa' u fihi l-tashif wa-l-tahrif; ed. 'Abd al-'Aziz Ahmad (Cairo, 1383/1963), p. 427. 80 See on him e.g. Caskel, Gamhara, II, 278. 81 AI-Maghribi, Nashwat al-tarab, MS., Tiibingen I, fo1. 52 r. 48 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA According to some reports Zuhayr's brother 'Ulayrn introduced the mirbd' in the tribal division of Kalb (i.e. the fourth of the booty, paid to the leader of the tribe; in this case paid to 'Ulaym - K).82His son, (Abdallah b. (Ulaym, is said to have opposed Zuhayr and bade the people disobey his orders. Zuhayr became embittered and angry over the loss of his position in the tribe and decided to drink unmixed wine until his death." * There are divergent traditions about the Iife-span of Zuhayr; he was included in the list of the mut ammartin, men distinguished for their longevity, and unusual periods of life were attributed to him. Accounts vary from 450 years," 420 years," 350 years," 250 years," 220 years," 200 years 89to 150 years.?? The list is confusing and does not give any clue for establishing the period in which the events happened. It may therefore be useful to cast a brief glance at the other persons mentioned in the preceding accounts. A1-Mughira b. (Abdallah al-Makhzumi who caused the rebellious action of the Fazari chief is known as the father of the wealthy and influential family of the Banu I-Mughira. His son Hisham b. aI-Mughira died, according to some accounts, in the last decade of the sixth century." The grandsons of alMughira, the sons of Hisham, took active part in the struggle between the Prophet and the Meccan unbelievers." The period of the activity of a1Mughira, the father of Hisham, may be put in the middle of the sixth century. Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Esc., p. 380; and see ibid., the verse of Zuhayr: sannahd rcibi'u l-juyushi 'ulaymun: kulla yawmin ta'ti l-mandyd bi-qadri 83 Muhammad b. Habib, al-Muhabbar, p. 471; Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Esc., p. 394; Abii Hatirn al-Sijistani, pp. 28-29; Aghdnl; III, 17, XXI, 66; Ibn Qutayba, al-Shiir, p. 224. 84 Aghdni; XXI, 65 penult. 85 Abii Hatirn al-Sijistani, p. 25. 86 Abii Hatirn al-Sijistani, ibid. 87 Aghdni; XXI, 65. 82 88 89 90 91 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Esc., p. 380; al-Majlisi, Blhtir, LI, 267. Abii Hatim al-Sijistani, p. 28. Aghdni; III, 17. See on him: al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, MS., fol. 129a-b; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, XVIII, 285 seq. (and see the utterance attributed to the Prophet about him p. 293: law dakhala ahadun min mushriki qurayshin al-jannata la-dakhalahd hishdmu bnu l-mughirati; kana abdhalahum li-l-matrufi waahmalahum Ii-I-kalli); Mu~'ab b. 'Abdallah al-Zubayri, Nasab quraysh, ed. Levi-Provencal (Cairo, 1953), p. 301; and see Le Museon, 78 (1965), 427 (according t9 this report he died AD 598). 92 See e.g. on the Banii l-Mughira and their relatives: Mu 'arrij b. 'Amr al-Sadiisi, Kiuib hadhf min nasab quraysh, ed. ~alal,1 al-Din al-Munajjid (Cairo, 1960), pp. 66-75; and see Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, pp. 301-303; on al-Harith b. Hisham see e.g. Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-ghaba fi ma'rifati 49 This was the period of the growth of the Meccan body politic and the incubation of the opposition of certain Fazari clans against their Makhzumi hosts at Mecca. As to Zuhayr b. Janab, it is pIau sible to give credence to the reports about the relations between Zuhayr and Abraha. Abraha, when on his expeditions against Mecca, was evidently interested in the collaboration with Kalb in order to gain control over the Bakr and Taghlib when he would continue his march against al-Hira, The appointment of Zuhayr as tax-collector seems to have taken place when Abraha went out against Mecca; this may be dated to the middle of the sixth century." The failure of Abraha's expedition and his retreat to the Yaman stimulated the Bakr and Taghlib to rebel against Zuhayr, the merciless tax-collector. The destruction of the sanctuary of Buss must have taken ",lace after the strength of Abraha was crushed and Zuhayr renewed close relations with Mecca; these relations began already in the period of Qusayy, which is said to have preceded that of Zuhayr: Qusayy was active in the first half of the sixth century." Qusayy succeeded in gaining control of Mecca and expelled the former ruler of Khuza (a, aided by his Quda (i halfbrother (from the (Udhra) and probably by a Byzantine troop sent by the governor of Syria." The tradition that he rebuilt the Ka 'ba 96 seems plausible. l-sahdba (Cairo, 1280), I, 351-352; on 'Amr b. Hishiim (Abu Jahl) see al-Baladhuri, I, index (esp. pp. 125-130); on al-'A~ b. Hishiim see al-Baladhuri, I, 292, 299; on Salama b. Hishiim see e.g. Ibn al-Athir, Usd, II, 341. The hostile attitude of the Shi'a towards the Makhziim is exposed in the interpretation of verses 28-29 ofSiirat Ibrahim: "Hast thou not seen those who exchanged the bounty of God with unthankfulness and caused their people to dwell in the abode of ruin? Gehenna wherein they are roasted, an evil establishment." (Arberry's translation). According to an utterance attributed to 'Ali and 'Umar the verses refer to the Bami l-Mughira and to the Banu Umayya; they are meant by "those who exchanged the bounty of God with unthankfulness" and "caused their people to dwell in the abode of ruin." The Banii l-Mughira were killed on the Day of Badr; the Banu Umayya were given some period of time to enjoy life. (... wa-qila: nazalat fi-l-afjarayni min qurayshin : bani makhzumin wa-bani umayyata; faammd banii umayyata fa-muttiiti ild hinin, wa-ammd banu makhzumin fa-uhliku yauma badrin; qdlahuiali b. abi tdltb wa-'umaru bnu l-khattdbi ... ) See: al-Qurtubi, al-Jtimi' li-ahkdmi 1qur'tin (Cairo, 1387/1967), IX, 364; 'Ali b. Miisii b. Ja'far b. Muhammad b. Tawiis, alMalahim wa-l-fitan (Najaf, 1382/1962), p. 98; Hiishim b. Sulaymiin al-Tawbali al-Katakani, alBurhdn fi-tafsiri l-qur'tin (Qumm, 1393), II, 316-317; al- 'Ayyiishi, Tafsir al-qur'tin, ed. Hiishim al-Rasuli al-Mahallati (Qumm, 1385), II, 229-230, nos. 22-23, 27-28. 9J See EI', s.v. Abraha (A.F.L. Beeston); and see Khiilid al-'Asali, "Aljwa' 'ala kitab almufassal ji ta'rikhi I-'arab qabla l-isldm", al-t Arab, 1971, pp. 37-38, no. 14. '4 See EI', s.v. Kuraysh (Montgomery Watt): " ... On the death of Kusayy, probably in the first half of the sixth century AD ... " ss See Ibn Qutayba, Kiuib al-ma'tirif, ed. Tharwat 'Ukasha (Cairo, 1969), pp. 640 ult.-64I : ... wa-a'tinahu qaYljar "alayhd •• See Muhammad b. Yiisuf aH?wit:U, Subul al-hudd wa-l-rashdd fi sirat khayri 1-'ibad (=al- 50 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA Qusayy introduced substantial changes in the sanctuary of Mecca, ordered to build houses in areas in which building was hitherto forbidden and permitted to fell trees in the sacred territory."? The changes introduced by Qusayy in Mecca, the repatriation of the dispersed Qurashi factions and their unification into a coherent tribal body at Mecca 98 opened a new era of development and expansion for Mecca. The crucial event of the defeat of the army of Abraha enhanced the growth of the power of Mecca and strengthened the prestige of Quraysh. The activity of Zuhayr can be estimated to have taken place in the period following the "Day of the Elephant." The date of the destruction of Buss can further be conjectured by the examination of the data about the persons who are mentioned in the accounts about this event. Al-Muthallam b. Riya~ b. Zalim, the grandson of the builder of Buss, killed a man named Hubasha who was under the protection of alHarith b. Zalim al-Murri, Al-Muthallam asked the protection of al-Husayn b. Humam al-Murri; when al-Harith b. ~aIim heard about it he demanded of alHusayn b. al-Humam to pay the blood-wit of the siain Hubasha." According to an account traced back to Abu 'Ubayda the poet al-Husayn b. al-Humam reached the time of Islam.P" This opinion is indeed recorded in the compilations about the Companions of the Prophet.'?' His son is said to have visited the court of Mu'awiya!02 The ill-famed commander sent by Yazid b. Sira al-shdmiyya), ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wiil:1id (Cairo, 1392/1972), I, 192: ... al-marrata 1siibi'ata .. "imdratu qusayyi bni kilabin; naqalahu I-zubayru bnu bakkarin fi Kitdbi I-Nasabi wajazama bihi l-imdmu Abu Ishdqa al-Mtiwardiyyu l-ahkdmi l-sultdniyya ... ; and see al-Maqrizi, Dhikru md warada ji bunyan! I-ka'bati l-mu'assama, MS. Leiden, Or. 560, fols. 175b: ... dhakara l-zubayru bnu bakkdrin wa-ghayruhu anna qll~ayya bna kilabin band l-bayta, walam yadhkur dhdlika l-azraqi . .. fol. 176b, I. 10: wa-bana qu~ayyun al-ka'bata 'ala khamsin wa- 'Ishrina dhira'n ... Fol. 178a, I. 17: fa-lammd stabadda qusayyun bi-amri makkata akhadha ji blln~ani I-bayti wa-jam'i nafaqatihi thumma hadamahu wa-banahu bina'an lam yabnmi ahadun mimman bandhu mithlahu wa-ja'ala yaqUiu wa-huwa yabni... abni wa-yabni lldhu yarfa'uhci .. wa-l-yabni ahlu wirathi!ra ba'di; bunyanuhci wa-tamdmllha wa-Wabuha .. bi-yadi l-ildhi wa-Iaysa bi-I-'abdi; fa-bandha wa-saqqafahd bi-khashabi l-daumi l-jayyidi wa-bi-jaridi l-nakhli wa-bandhd 'ala khamsatin wa-'ishrina dhire'on ... al-Zurqani, Shar~ al-mawdhib al-Iaduniyya (Cairo, 1325),1,206,1. 18: .. .fa-banat-hu jurhum, thumma qu~ayy b. kilab. naqalahu l-zubayr b. bakkdr wa-jazama bihi l-mawardi ... 97 See e.g. Ibn Hishiim, I, 132; and ~ee JESHO, 8 (1965), 126. 9. See e.g. al-Baliidhuri, I, 50; Ibn Kathir, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, ed. Mu~~afii 'Abd al-Wahid (Cairo, 1384/1964), I, 97. 99 See Aghani, XII, 126. 100 Aghcini, XII, 128. 101 See e.g. Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba ji tamyizi l-~a~aba, ed. 'Ali Muhammad 1392/1972), II, 84-85, no. 1735. 102 Aghcini, XII, 123. al-Bijiiwi, (Cairo, 51 Muawiya to attack Medina on the "Day of the Harra" (63 AH), the aged Muslim b. 'Uqba al-Murri (he went out to Medina at the age of more than 90 years), is listed with the same number of genealogical links as Muthallam.l'" The demolition of Buss may thus be dated to the third quarter of the sixth century. Some other reports may be scrutinized as well. A tradition says that Zuhayr b. J anab remained alive until he met a man of the fifth generation of the descendants of his brother; it was Abu l-Ahwas 'Amr b. Tha 'laba b. al-Harith b. Hisn b. Damdam b. 'Adiyy b. Janab.i'" Ibn al-Kalbi reports that 'Amr b. Tha 'Iaba captured al-A (sha when he was on his way to the king of the family of Jafna, IO~ He was released according to the request of Shurayh b. Hisn b. 'Imran b. Samaw 'al. 106 This report, as recorded in the commentary of a qasida of a1-A(sha, is corroborated by an account in Abu l-Baqa's Mandqib.v" The accounts quoted above seem to indicate that the activity of Zuhayr b. Janab and the strengthening of the ties of QU9a(a with Mecca took place in the second half of the sixth century and that Zuhayr died in the late decades of that century. III Authority and rule were based in the Meccan body politic on mutual agreements concluded between the various tribal factions and clans. Duties were imposed and privileges were established after intertribal struggles ceased; the stipulations in the agreements were laid down according to the balance of strength of the negotiating tribal groups. According to such agreements or pacts, usages upheld by custom turned into customary Iaw, administratively bidding taxes became obligatory payments, customary religious practices became mandatory regulations. The struggle for power of the different tribal factions on the one hand and the necessity to prevent disorder in Mecca on the other hand originated the institution of the hukkdm, the arbitrators. A1-Maqrizi provides a list of the arbiters of Quraysh in the period of the Jahiliyya (in fact at the end of the sixth and the beginning of the seventh century - K): 'Abd a1103 See Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, VI, 294, no. 8420; al-Baladhuri, MS., fol. 1147a; Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS. Br. Mus., fol. 168b (in all these sources; Muslim b. 'Uqba b. Riyal} b. As'ad b. Rabi'a 104 10' 106 b. 'Amir.) Abu Hatirn al-Sijistani, p. 29. Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Esc., p. 384, I. I; Caskel, Gamhara, II, 185. See a[-A'shii. Diwdn, ed. R. Geyer (Wien, 1928), pp. 125-126, (nos. XXIII-XXIV) MS., fol. 141a. commentary. 107 Abu l-Baqa, a[-Maniiqib al-mazyadiyya, 52 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA Muttalib and his two sons, al-Zubayr and Abu Talib; Abu Sutyan and his father Harb on behalf of the Banu Umayya; al-Walid b. a1-Mughira on behalf of the Makhzum; al-' A~ b. wsu and Qays b. 'Adiyy on behalf of Banu Sahm; Nawfal b. 'Abd al- 'Uzza on behalf of the Banii 'Adiyy and a1-'Ala' b. Haritha al-Thaqafi on behalf of the Bami Sahm; Naufal b. 'Abd al-'Uzza on behalf of the Banu Zuhra.l'" A passage quoted by al-Maqrizi from al-Fakihi's Ta'rikh Makka sheds some light on the position of the arbiters and on the way in which they were elected: in order to avoid wickedness they were chosen by mutual consent and none of them would strive to overpower the rest of Quraysh (... wa-Iam yakun minhum ahadun mutamallikan 'ala baqiyyati qurayshin. wa-innama dhdlika bi-tarddihim 'alayhi hasman li-mdddati 1sharri; qdlahu l-fdkihiyyu ...). 109 Qusayy's innovations and regulations (taxes imposed on aliens entering Mecca [soil, with merchandise - K), food provided for the pilgrims, fire lit on Muzdalifa, practices in the dar al-nadwa etc.) became binding and obligatory, as the different clans agreed to carry them out: the hukkdm of Mecca seem to have acted according to that tradition. This is reflected in the following passage recorded by Maqrizi: wa-inna amra qusayyin fi qawmihi ka-l-dini l-muttaba"i la yu'malu bi-ghayrihi fi haydtihi wa-min ba'dihi.110 The mutual agreements between the chiefs of the different tribal factions of Quraysh are reflected in the story of the rebuilding of the Ka 'ba by Quraysh. The different factions and clans agreed upon to allot every faction its share in the erection of the building: the Banu 'Abd Manaf and the Banu Zuhra were entrusted with the side of the door; the space between the Black Stone and the southern corner was assigned to the Bami Makhziim and groups of Quraysh who joined them; the back of the Ka 'ba was entrusted to the Banu Jumah and Banu Sahm; the section of the ~ijr was given to the 'Abd al-Dar b. Qusayy, the Banu Asad b. 'Abd aI-'Uzza and the Banii 'Adiyy b. Ka'b; the Wr is the ~a,im - says an attached note. III According to tradition Quraysh planned to rebuild the Ka 'ba and to cover 108 Al-Maqrizi, Sinjari, Mana'ilj 109 AI-Maqrizi, 110 AI-Maqrizi, 111 Dhikru rna warada ji bunyan al-ka' 00, MS., fols. I77b inf.-178a sup.; alal-karam, MS., fol. 59b. Dhikru rna warada, MS., fol. 178a sup.; al-Sinjiiri, Manci'ilj, MS., fol. 59b. Dhikru rna warada, MS., fol. 176b. Ibn Hishiim, I, 207; al- 'I~iimi, Sim; al-nujum; I, 166; al-Sinjiiri, Manci'ilj, MS., fol. 62a; Ibn Ruzayq, al-~aljifa al-'adnciniyya, MS. Br. Mus. Or. 6569, fol. 259b; al-Shatibi, al-Jumdn fi akhbdri l-zamdn, MS. Br. Mus. Or. 3008, fol. 58b; al-Maqrizi, Dhikru rna warada, MS., fol. 180a-b; al-$iiliJ:ll,Subul al-huda, II, 229; Ibn Kathir, al-Stra al-nabawiyya, I, 277 penult.-278 sup. Ibn Kathir, Tqfsir (Beirut, 1385/1966), I, 318; 'Ali b. Burhan al-Din al-Halabi, Insdn al'uytin (=al-Sira al-Ijalabiyya) (Cairo, 1382/1962), I, 159 inf.-160 sup. 53 the building with a roof; their calculation of the expenditure seems to have been inaccurate 112and they were compelled to limit the size ofthe building; they did not include in the building the space of the hijr; the lJ.ijr remained outside the Ka 'ba.1l3 The exclusion of the lJ.ijr led later to a heated discussion in connection with the circumambulation of the Ka 'ba; the question posed was whether the believers should during the {awdf disregard the area of the lJ.ijr excluded from the building or to circumambulate behind it, considering it as part of the Sanctuary. The Prophet's answer was clear: the lJ.ijr is part of the Ka 'ba and the circumambulation has to be performed from behind the space of the lJ.ijr.114 The reason for this decision is said to have been that the hijr was part of the House erected by Abraham."! This fact was taken into consideration by 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr when he decided to rebuild the Ka'ba (anno 64/683); although he was advised to confine himself to the repairing of the building "as built by Quraysh," he decided to pull down the Ka 'ba and to erect the building of the Sanctuary in its original "Abrahamian" dimensions (i.e. to include the hijr, which was excluded by Quraysh - K); he indeed carried out his plan.!" Al-Hajja] changed the building of the Ka 'ba: he Ieft Ibn al-Zubayr's extension of the building, but ordered to pull down the part of the lJ.ijr built by Ibn al-Zubayr.'!? 112 See the references provided by U. Rubin, The Ka'ba, n. 26; and see al-Suyuti, Jam' al- jawdmi' (Cairo, 1978), I, 1218. 113 See e.g. Ibn Kathir, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, I, 281-282; al-Zurqiini, Sharh al-mawdhib, I. 206, 1. 20; al-Maqrizi, Dhikru md warada, MS., fol. 181b; al-Shatibi, al-Jumiin, MS., fol. 59a; 'Ali b. Burhiin aI-Din,lnsan al-t uytin, 1,189; and see the thorough scrutiny of the problem in U. Rubin, The Ka'ba. 114 See e.g. al-Shatibi, al-Jumdn, MS., fol. 59a: ... wa-su'ila rastilu lkih! (s) 'ani l-hijri, hal huwa mina l-ka' bati am la,fa-qala huwa mina I-ka' bati wa-ld yqjrizu l-tawdfu ilia khalfahu ... ; and see al-Muhibbu l-Tabari, al-Qira li-qasid! ummi l-qurd, ad. Mu~~afa l-Saqa (Cairo, 1390/1970), p. 507: ., .fa-inna I-~ijra mina l-bayti fa-dhhabi fa-salli fihi ... 115 See U. Rubin, The Ka'ba, chapter 2: "the ritual functions" ... esp. n. 54. 116 See e.g. al-Harbi, al-Mandsik wa-amdkin turuqi I-~ajj, ed. Hamad al-Jasir (Riyad, 1389/1969), pp. 488-491 (see esp. p. 488 penult.: ... fa-adkhala jfha na~wan min sab'i adhru'In mina l-hijri ... and 489: ... fa-in bada li-qawmiki min ba'diki an yabntihu fahalummi uriki ma tarakii fa-ardha nahwan min sab'] adhru'in ... ); Muhibb ai-Din al-Tabari, al-Qira, pp. 508-509; and see al-Shatibi, al-Jumdn, MS., fol. 59a (seven cubits of the ~ijr not included in the building erected by Quraysh; according to a tradition recorded by Muhibb alDin, al-Qira, p. 509, 'Abdallah b. aI-Zubayr included five cubits of the Wr in the Ka 'ba erected b.y him). 117 See e.g, Muhibb ai-Din al-Tabari, al-Qira, p. 509 (... ammd rna zatiaji{rilihifa-aqirrahu, wa-ammd rna zdda fihi mina I-Wrifa-ruddahu ila bina'ihi ... ); Ibn Zuhayra, al-Jami' ai-latif, p. 92 has an erroneous reading: ... ammd ma zdda ji {rilihl fa-akhkhirhu ... ; al-Maqrizi, Dhikru rna warada, MS., fol. 184a: ... thumma hadama (i.e. aI-l:laijiij) rna bandhu bnu 1zubayri fi l-ka'bati min nti~iyati l-hijri, thumma a'adahu 'ala ma kdna 'alayhi wa-akhraja 1- 54 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA Tradition says that the Prophet attended the building of the Ka 'ba by Quraysh; when the chiefs of the Qurashi clans quarrelled as to who would put the Black Stone in its place the Prophet was unanimously chosen by the contending factions to put the Stone in its place.!'" Traditions are however divergent about the age of the Prophet at the time of the building of the Ka'ba: whether he was a youth, a boy who had reached virility, 15 years old, 25 years, 30 years, 35 years, 15 years before he got his revelation, five years before revelation or before he was employed by Khadija. I19 All the traditions are unanimous that he participated in the building. An important role in the erection of the Ka 'ba was allotted to aI-Walid b. al-Mughira al-Makhziimi, 120 a noble member of Quraysh; he was a courageous man and did not fear to start the demolition of the oid building of the Sanctuary. According to a tradition recorded by Ibn al-Ka1bi when the Meccans were engaged in building the Ka 'ba and realized that they lacked the necessary funds for accomplishing of the building, they were surprised by a generous offer for help from a wealthy triballeader of the Kalb. It was Ubayy b. Salim al-Kalbi who came to Mecca and asked the Meccans to allow him to get a share in the building. They agreed and he built the right side of the Ka 'ba. A1Jawwas b. al-Qatal said about that: Lana aymanu I-bayti lladhi tahjubunahu : wirdthatu md abqd ubayyu bnu sdlimi To us belongs the right side of the House which you cover with curtains: an inheritance left by Ubayy b. Salim. I2I This tradition is quoted (with few variants) by Ibn Qutayba.!" AI-Maqrizi records the tradition on the authority of Ibn al-Kalbi and gives the full name of the Kalbi leader: Ubayy b. Swim b. al-Harith b. aI-Wiil}id(Malik) b. 'Abdallah ~ijra min at-ka'batt, wa-kdna dhdlika ft sanati arba'in wa-sabiinat fa-laysa fi I-ka'bati al-tina min bind"! I-lJaiidji ghayru l-jiddri l/adhi ya/i I-lJijra faqat. 118 See e.g. Ibn Is~iq, al-Siyar wa-l-maghdzi, ed. Suhayl Zakkir, (Damascus, 1398/1978), pp. 107-108; al-Harbi, al-Mandsik, p. 487; aI-$ili~i, Subul al-hudd, II, 231-232; 'Ali b. Burhan al-Din al-Halabi, Insdn al- 'uyUn, I, 161; Ibn Ni~ir al-Din al-Dimashqi, Jdmi' al-dthdr ji mawlidi l-nabiyyi l-mukhuir, MS. Cambridge Or. 913, fol. 268a • • 1> See e.g. aI-$ilil}i, Subul al-hudd, II, 233-234; aI-Zurqini, SharlJ al-mawdhib, I, 203; alHarbi, al-Mandsik, pp, 494-495; Ibn Nasir al-Din, Jlimi' al-athdr, MS., fol. 268a; Ibn Ishaq, alSiyar wa-l-maghdzt, p. 109; and see the references given by U. Rubin, The Ka'ba; n. 16. 120 See e.g. Ibn Hisham, I, 206-207. 121 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Esc., MS., pp. 414-415; intalaqa ubayyun ma'ahu mdlun kathirun fa-atd qurayshan lJina arddu bind'a l-kaibati fa-qdla: da'uni ushrikkum fi bind'ihd, fa-adhimi lahu, fa-band janibaha l-aymana ... m Ibn Qutayba, Kitdb al-ma'drif, p, 561. 55 b. Hubal b. 'Abdallah b. 'Ulaym b. Janab.l2l He was thus a descendant of 'Ulaym, the brother of Zuhayr b. Janab, There is nothing to make us doubt the soundness of this tradition; it is indeed credible that the Qurashites were glad to allot a share of the building to a Kalbite tribal group. • The memory of Janab b. Hubal remained alive among the Ka1b. The troops levied from among his descendants are praised in the poems of aI-Jawwas b. alQa'tal, himself a descendant of Janab: Da'o bi-sildhin, thumma ahjama idh ra'a : suytifa jandbin wa-l-tiwdla 1madhdkiyti He called for weapons, then he turned back as he saw : the swords of J anab and the long-bodied horses, which had reached full age and complete strength. 124 In a verse in which al-Jawwas describes the march of the divisions of Janab and' Auf he says that they are filling the high mountains formed of one mass of rocks. izs Ibn Sa' d recorded a Ietter sent by the Prophet to the Banu Janab and their allies.126 • Kalb were famous for their wealth and the multitude of their flocks. The Prophet is reported as saying that God would grant forgiveness to a countless multitude of believers on the night of mid-Sha 'ban as numerous as the hairs of the flocks of the tribe of Kalb.127 The close ties of Kalb with the Umayyad rulers seem to be reflected in a saying reported by 'Awana in which the Al-Maqrizi, Dhikru md warada, MS., fol. 180a inf.-180 sup. Al-Baladhuri, op. cit.; V (ed. Goitein, Jerusalem, 1936), 142; al-Tabari, Ta'rikh, ed. Abii I· Fadl Ibrahim (Cairo, 1971), V, 542; al-Mas'iidi, al-Tanbih wa-I-ishr4f, ed. de Goeje (rpt, 123 124 Baghdad), p. 310. m Aghdni; XVII, 112: idhd sdrat qaba'tlu min jandbin : wa- "awfin ash~anii shumma I-hit/dbi. 126 Ibn Sa' d, Tabaqdt, I, 285. 127 See e.g. al-Naysiibiiri, Ghard'ib al-qur'tin wa-ragha'ib al-furqan, ed. Ibrahim 'Atwa 'Awad (Cairo, 1388/1968), XXV, 65; Muhammad l;Iasanayn Makhliif al'Adawi, Risdla fi fadli laylati l-nisfi min sha'bdn, ed. l;Iasanayn Muhammad Makhliif (Cairo, 1394/1974), p. 20 (and see ibid., the explanation of the Prophet: ... qultu: yd nabiyya lldhi, rna bdlu ghanami bani kalbin? qdla: laysaji I-'arabi qawmun aktharu ghanaman minhum ... ); and see the references given in Kister, "Sha'ban is my month," in Studia Orientalia Memoriae D.H. Baneth Dedicata (Jerusalem, 1979), p. 26, n. 52. 56 MECCA AND THE TRIBES OF ARABIA position of different tribes was assessed. "The kingdom was never aided by a tribe (stronger - K) than that of Kalb." 128 It is not surprising that they attracted the enmity of the opposition-groups of the Umayyads. Apocalyptic tradition has gloomy things to say about the fate of Kalb during the crucial clash between the Mahdi and his enemy, the Sufyani, The Kalb will be attacked by the forces of the Mahdi and plundered. The event will be named: "The Day of the Plunder of the Bedouins" or "The Day of the Plunder of Kalb." "The man who will be disappointed on that Day will [indeed] be disappointed." 129 • The few accounts discussed above may provide us with a clue for a better understanding of the relations of Mecca with certain tribal groups. These reports seem to reflect the ingenious and sagacious policy of the Meccan leaders, who succeeded in their wisdom and flexibility to establish friendly relations with influential tribal leaders and to win them over to a peaceful cooperation with Mecca. The wise leaders of Mecca did not hesitate even to attach them as partners in the erection of the Sanctuary of Mecca. 12. Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Ishrtif fi mandzil al-ashrdf, MS. Chester Beatty 4427, fol. 43b: ... akhbarand l-hakamu bnut awdnata I-kalbiyyu 'an abihi, qdla, lam yu'ayyadi 1mulku bi-mithli kalbin, wa-Iam tu'Ia l-mandbiru bi-mithli qurayshin, wa-lam tutlabi 1tirtitu bi-mithli tamimin, wa-Iam tur'a t-rt'oya bi-mithli thaqifin, wa-Iam tusadda 1thughiiru bi-mithli qaysin, wa-Iam tuhaji l-jitanu bi-mithli rabi' ata, wa-Iam yujba 1khartiju bi-mithli I-yamani. 12, Nu'aym b. Harnmad, Kiuib al-fitan, MS. Br. Mus. Or. 9449, fol. 95b: ... thumma yasiru ild kalbin fa-yanhabuhum fa-l-khd'tbu man khdba yawma nahbi kalbin ... ; fol. 96a: ... 'an ka'bin qdla: wadidtu anniudriku nahba l-a'rab; wa-hiya nahbatu kalbinfaI-khti'ibu man khdba yawma kalbin ... ; fol. 96b: .. .Ja-yaqtatilu huwa wa-jayshu 1slifyaniyyi 'ala sab'I rtiydt, kullu ~alJibi rdyatin minhum yarju I-amra li-nofsihi fayahzimuhumu I-mahdiyyu; qdla abu hurayrata: fa-l-mahriimu man lJurima nahba kalbin ... ; fol. 97b: .. .fa-l-klui'ibu man khdba yawma kalbin.lJatiti tuba'« l-jdriyatu 1"adhrti'u bi-thamdniyati dardhima. And see Yiisuf b. YaI}yii I-Maqdisi I-Shiifj'i, 'Lqd aldurar fi-akhbdri l-muntazar, ed. 'Abd al-Fattah al-Hilw (Cairo, 1399/1979), pp. 69-70, 85, 86 (and see the references provided by the editor). 57 

labbayka-full.pdf LABBA YKA, ALLAHUMMA, LABBA YKA ... On a monotheistic aspect of a Jahiliyya practice In memory of Dr. Isaiah Shachar In his article Talbiyat al-Jahiliyya1 S.M. Husain recorded twenty five formulae of ritual invocation, talbiyat, uttered by the tribes in the period of the Jiihiliyya during their pilgrimage to Mecca. He mentions that Abill-'Alii' al-Ma'arr! had given in his Risalat al-ghufran seven such fonnulae of tribal talbiyat, classifying them by prosody and metre. I:Iusain supposes that the labbayka allahumma labbayka "was probably adopted from the first responders to the call of Abraham,,,2 and emphasizes that the Prophet changed the Jahilf fonnula: labbayka allahumma labbayka, la sharlka laka ilia sharlkun huwa laka, tamlikuhu wa-mii malaka ("Here I am, 0 God, here I am; Thou hast no partner except such partner as Thou hast; Thou possessest him and all that is his,,)3 into the Muslim one: labbayka allahumma labbayka, la sharlka laka; inna 1-lJamda wa-l-ni'mata laka wa-l-mulka, la sharlka laka ("Here I am, 0 God, here I am, Thou hast no partner; the praise and Proceedings of the 9th All India Or. Conference, 1937, pp. 361-369. Ibid., p. 362. • See this Jahill talbiya e.g.: Ibn al-KalbI, al-A~nlZm, ed. Al:tmad Zakl Pasha, CaiIo 1343/ 1924, p. 7; al-Azraqr,: AkhblZr Makka, ed. F. Wiistenfeld, p. 134; al-Kala'I, al-IktiflZ' ft maghlZzf rasali lllZhi wa-l-thallZthati l·khulaflZ', ed. Mu~tafa: 'Abd al-Wahid, CaiIo 1387/1968, I, 94; al-Tabar!, Tafslr, ed. ShakiI, CaiIo 1969, XVI, 289, no. 19973; al-SuyotI, al-Du" al·manthar, Cairo 1314, IV, 40, 359; al-BayhaqI, al-Sunan al-kubrlZ, Hyderabad 1352, V, 45 inf.; Ibn i:Iazm, Ijajjat al-wadlZ', ed. Mamdol) i:IaqqI, BeiIut 1966, pp. 349 inf. -350; al-NaysabilrI, GharlZ'ib al-Qur' IZn, ed. IbrahIm 'Atwa 'Awac:I,CaiIo 1384/1965, XVII, 96; al-Khazin, LublZb al-ta'wll, CaiIo 1381, III, 261, V, 13; al-BaghawI, Ma'iilim al-tanzll (on margin of Lubilb a/· ta'wf/), ibid.; al-ShahrastanI, al-Milal wa-l-nihal, ed. Mul:tammad Sayyid KaylanI ,Cairo 1387/ 1967, II, 238, 247; Ibn Sa'Id al-AndalusI, Nashwat al-rarab ft ta'rTkhi jlZhiliyyati l-'arab, Ms. Tiibingen I, fot. 194, inf.; Nor al-DIn al-HaythamI, Majma'al-zawii'id, BeiIut 1967, III, 223; AbO l-'AJa' al-Ma'arrI, RislZlat al-ghufriin, ed. )\'isha 'Abd al-Rahman, Cairo 1382/1963, p. 535 (with an additional hemistich: aM baniitin bi-fadak; it is expfained by Abo I-'Ala' as pointing to the idols that were in that time in Fadak); Ibn al-Athrr, JlZmi' al-u~al, ed. Muhammad /::Iamid al-Fiql, Cairo 1368/1949, III, 444, no. 1377; 'Umar b. Mul:tammad al-MausilI, KitlZb al-waslla, Hyderabad 1392/1973, III", 196; A. Guthrie, The Significance of Abraham, MW, 1955, p. 116. I 2 the grace are Thine and the empire; Thou hast no partner.")" Husain points out that the tribes performing the pilgrimage acknowledged in their talbiydt a supreme God who was the Master of their gods, giving Him such names as al-Rahrnan, al-Ma'bud, al-Dayyan, al-Mustajib, al-Qahhar, al-Sarnad, and emphasizes the Muslim character of some of the utterances of the talbiya. The Prophet used in his prayer the utterance: in taghfir alliihumma taghfir jammd, wa-ayyu 'abdin laka Iii alammd, a phrase which, according to Husain, occurs in the talbiya of the Ash'ariyyun." This idea of the presence of an all-powerful and all-pervading Divinity, concludes Husain, was working amongst the Arabs preparing the field for the propagation of the sublime monotheism as preached by Muhammad. Husain, although he carefully collected and edited the valuable text of the talbiydt, did not, however, record the sources from which he derived his material. It may be of some importance to trace the sources of the talbiyiit and to examine more closely their content and purport. The talbiydt of certain tribes are given in a1-Ya' qiib'i's (d. 248 H) Ta'rlkh.6 Al-Ya' qiib'i's account of the talbiyiit is pre· ceded by a short account of the gods and idols worshipped by the Arabs. More detailed is the account of talbiyiit in Muhammad b. Habib's (d. 145 H) al-Muhabbar," followed by a list of idols worshipped by the different tribes. The complete text of several talbiyiit is given in the commentary to the phrase: ... wajtanibii qaula l-ziiri (Sura XXII, 31) in Muqatil b. Sulayrnan's (d. 150 H) Tafslr8 and this is followed by a list of idols worshipped by the various tribes. Zia' is 4 See the various forms of the Muslim talbiya: AbO Yusuf at-Ansarr, Kitab al-athar, ed. Abu I-Wafa, Cairo 1355, nos. 456-458; al-Shafi'I, al-Umm, Cairo 1321 (reprint 1388/1968) II, 132-133; al-Tayalist, Musnad, Hyderabad 1321, p. 232, no. 1668; Ibn Hazm, Hajjar al. wadtr, p. 350; Nor al-Dtn al-Haytharnt , op. cit., III, 222-223; al-Tahawt, Sharh ma'am l-athar ed. Muhammad ZuhrI l-Najjar, Cairo 1388/1968 II, 124-l25; ibn aI-Athir,JiJmi' al-usal: III, 438-443, nos. 1371-1375; al-Zurqant, Sharh al-muwatta', ed Ibrahtm 'Atwa 'Awad C~iro 1381/1961, III, 34; Arnrn Mahrnud Khattab: Fathu 1-~~IiI'i l-ma'bud, takmilatu I-~anhali I· 'adhbi l-maurud, sharh sunan abI dawud, Cairo 1394/1974, I, 109-111; ai-BayhaqI, al-Sunan al-kubra, V, 44-45; al-Khatlb al-Baghdadt, Ta'rzkh Baghdad, Cairo 1349/1931, V, 55; Muhibb al-Dtn al-TabarI, al-Qira li-qasidi ummi l-qura, ed Mustafa f-Saqa, Cairo 1390/1970, pp. i73175, 415; al-tAyni, 'Umdat al-qart, Cairo 1348, IX, 172-174; al-Qastallant, Irshad al-sarr., Cairo 1323, III, 114-115; Ibn Hajar, Fath al-bart, Cairo 1300, III, 324-326; al-Harbt, Kitab al-manasik, ed, Hamad al-Jasir, al-Riyad 1389/1969, p. 429; 'Umar b. Muhammad alMausilr, op. cit., III", 193-195; IV" 183; Ibn Babuyah al-Qummt, 'Ilal al-shara'i', Najaf 1385/1966, pp, 416-418; Muhammad b. abI l-Qasirn al-Tabarr, Bisharat al-mustafa tt-snt'at al-murtada, Najaf 1383/1963, pp. 213-214; al-Majlisr, Bihar al-anwar, Tehran 1388, XLIX, 92, 93, 183, 339; Murtada l-Zabtdr, Ithaf al-sada al-muttaqtn bi-sharh asrar thya' 'ulurni 1_ din, Cairo 1311, IV, 336; Muhammad Nasir al-Dtn al-AlbanI, Haijat al-nabt , Damascus 1387, p. 60, nos. 14-15; G.E. von Grunebaum, Muhammadan Festivals, New York 1951, p. 28. s Husain,op. cit., pp, 362-364; text no. 3. • Ed. M. Th. Houtsma, Leiden 1883, I, 296-297. 7 Ed. lise Lichtenstaedter, Hyderabad 1361/1942, pp. 311-315; the list of the idols ibid. pp, 315-318. 8 Ms. Ahmet III, 74/11, fols. 22a-24a; the list of the idols is given on fol. 24a, inf.-24b. 34 On a monotheistic aspect of a Jiihiliyya practice rendered by Muqatil by kadhib, lie, and identified with the falsehood inherent in the Jilin talbiyiit, that associate gods and idols with God. Ziir is thus defined as al-shirku fi l-talbiya, 9 attribution of a partner to God in the talbiya. Muqatil's list, in which fifty six forms of talbiya are recorded, is however a composite affair. Several of the talbiyiit are in fact duplicates with certain variations. The first eight talbiyiit give the utterances of the tribes without referring to the names of the gods. The ninth relates the utterances of the women who perform the circumambulation of the Ka' ba while naked. The tenth gives the talbiya of Adam. The following twenty talbiydt (nos. 11-31) are listed by the names of the gods worshipped by the different tribes, without however giving the names of the tribes. This series of talbiyiit is preceded by the heading: talbiyatu l-'arabi Ii l-jdhiliyyati and ends with the phrase: wa-hiidhihi ru'iisu tawdghitihim ... The forms of talbiya which constitute this series correspond to those which occur in the report of Muhammad b. Habib. The close relation between the text of Muqatil and that of Ibn Habib is evident. In the talbiya of the tribes worshipping Sa'lda (no. 23) the last line of the talbiya breaks the chain of sal -rhymes: miyiiha and raqiiha are followed by tii'o. This same wording is recorded in Ibn Habib's alMuhabbar, where however a marginal gloss in the Ms. of al-Muhabbar replaces the last word by al-nasdha. 10 The lacuna in the talbiya of the worshippers of a1Muntabiq (Muqatil, no. 19) can clearly be seen in the Mss., indicating that some phrases of the utterance are missing; the text is identical with that given in alMuhabbar (p. 313, 1.1), but the printed edition of al-Muhabbar has no note about a lacuna in the Ms. The heading missing in the talbiya no. 25 (Muqatil, fo1. 23a sup.): wa-kanat talbiyata man nasaka li-yaghiitha can be supplied from the account of al-Muhabbar (p. 314, 1.1). Furthermore Ibn Habib's account of the idols worshipped by the Arabs also shows close similarity with that of Muqatil, though it is more detailed.'! In another series of talbiyiit (nos. 32-56) only the name of the tribe in which the invocation was used is given, or else both the name of the tribe and that of the idol of the tribe are specified. Three of the talbiya invocations in this series (nos. 33, 34, 36) are reported on the authority of Ibn Ishaq (d. 150 H); one talbiya (no. 35) is recorded on the authority of al-Sha b i (d. 109 H). The divergent versions of the talbiyiit as recorded in the chapter of Muqatil's Tafsir, the variously formulated utterances, the three traditions on the authority of Ibn Ishaq and the one of al-Sha bI - all this seems to indicate that the chapter was put together by the combination of several sources. This conjecture is corroborated by the fact that two out of the five consulted Mss. (Koprulu 143, fols. 175b penult.-176a; Hamidiyya 58, fo1. 255a.-255b) contain only the first ten 9 10 11 Muqatil,op. cit., fol. 22a, sup. Al-Muhabbar, p. 313, note 5. See Muqatil, op. cit., fol. 24b; and see another short account ibid., fol. 210b. 35 talbiyiit. One may venture to say that some parts of the account were inserted by the transmitter of the Tafsir, al-Hudhayl b.Habib al·Dandani.12 An examination of the talbiyiit mentioned above together with a few more from other sources may shed some light on certain Significant aspects of these ritual invocations. The well known Jahili talbiya associating a partner with GOd13 is recorded in Muqatil's account as the talbiya of Quraysh, who were worshippers of Isiif.14 This very talbiya is however recorded as the ritual invocation of the Hums, a group of tribes including Quraysh, Khuza' a, Kinana and 'Amlr b. Sa'sa'a, as stated in this report. IS In another form of the talbiya of the Hums they invoke God, addressing Him as the Lord of Sirius (rabbu I-shi'ra) and ask His aid against the offenders. They address Him as the Lord of Manat, 16 3I.Lat and al~Uzza and as the Lord of the sanctuary of the Ka'ba (rabbu l-ka 'bati l-hariim). They came to Him riding on lean camels - having evidently made an ardous journey - and left the idols forsaken and desolate, (khilwan sifran), as they say in their invocation. I? It is, of course, of some importance to find the talbiya of the Hums, a group closely connected by ties of loyalty and allegiance with the Ka'ba, observing distinctive ritual practices during the IJ.ajj and enjoying a special privileged position in Mecca. While the Jahil] talbiya with regard to associating a partner is usually attibuted to Quraysh, or to Quraysh and Kmana," the latter talbiya attributed to the Hums seems to be congruous with their religious ideas and their duties during the lJajj. The talbiya expounds clearly their belief in the authority of Allah over the principal Arab deities al-Lat, al~Uzza and Manat. God is the Lord of the Kaba and the idols of the gods had been left behind void and insignificant. This may be quite a faithful exposition of their belief. Moreover, the arduous journey fits in well with the fact that they exercised exertions in worship during the lJajj. See Sezgin GAS, I, 37 ( ... "Dieser fiigte an manchem Stellen dem Text von Muqlltil von anderen hinzu "), On the transmission of the Tafstr see al-Khatfb alBaghdadt, Ta'nkh Baghdlld, VII, 143, no. 3591, IX, 426, no. 5039; and see MuqatiI, op. cit., fol, 33a. IS See above, note 3. I. MuqatiI op. cit., fol. 22b (no. 11); Ibn Habtb, al·Mu/Jllbbar, p. 311; al-Ya'qobt, op. cit. I, 296; Husain, op. cit. p. 367, no. 15 (with the addition: aba l-banat bi-fadak , like inAba 1-'AII1' 's Risalat al-ghufran, p. 535). " MuqatiI, op. cit., fol. 22a (no. 1); a following comment says that the partner attachec by the Hums to God referred to the angels worshipped by them; this is the zQr, the falsehood (mentioned in the verse of the Qur'an), •• The phrase in the text: rabbu l-thalithati I-ukhra denotes, of course, Manat. 17 Muqatil op. cit., fol. 23b (no. 45). 18 See the talbiya uttered by Quraysh and Kinana on the Day of 'Arafa, containing the declaration of the associate partner: MuqatiI, op, cit., fol. 23a (no. 32). 12 Uberlieferugen 36 On a monotheistic aspect of a Jiihiliyya practice Their invocation of God to aid them against those who transgress seems to point to these tribal groups who did not observe the sanctity of the K~ba and violated the peace of the holy months of the /Jaji No clear answer can be given why their talbiya stressed that Allah was the Lord of Sirius..This very expression occurs in the Qur'an only once (Sura LIII, 49). Early commentators attribute the worship of Sirius to the tribe of Himyar, or to some ancestor of the Prophet or to the tribe of Khuza'a, This could explain the naming of God as the Lord of Sirius, as Khuza'a were a part of the Hums. But the expression "the Lord of Sirius ... the Lord of al-Iiit and al-'Uzza" recurs as well in the talbiya of Madhhij.19 Quite different was the talbiya of Ghassan. They invoke God on behalf of their kings, addressing Him as the Lord of their people.j" In the same vein is cast the very short talbiya of Rabta. They uttered their invocation, addressing God as the Lord of Rabfat al-Qasll'am.21 In both forms of the talbiya God is perceived as the Lord of the tribe. Another version of the talbiya of RabI'a (the worshippers of MuJ:larriq22) reflects sincere devotion and servitude and expresses the request that the pilgrimage be correct and sound: labbayka /Jajjan haqqan tdabbudan wa.riqqan.23 A third relation has some additional phrases describing the race of the pilgrims towards Mecca so that they may shave their heads.2A A fourth version shows some divergence: the Bakr b. ws'u stress in their talbiya on behalf of RabI' a their obedience to the Lord who is not worshipped in a church or in a synagogue. Their idols, they say, they have left protected and safe.25 A fifth report adds to the concise form of the devotion and servitude a phrase stating the Rabl'a did not come to Mecca to ask for gifts nor for reasons of trade. 26 This expression, stating that the pilgrims did not come for trade or profit, recurs in the talbiyiit of other tribes.?" It confirms the early traditions that the tribes refrained from trade activities during their pilgrimage. This was changed by " Muqatil,op. cit., fol. 23b (no. 41); al-Ya'qobI, op. cit., I, 297; and cornp, H.A.R. Gibb, "Pre-Islamic Monotheism in Arabia," Harvard Theological Review, 1962, pp. 275 inf. -276 . • 0 Muql!til, op. cit., fol. 24a (no. 54). '1 Ibn Hisham, Kitab at-ttisn, Hyderabad 1347, p. 219; and see on qash 'am as the sobriquet of RabI'a L 'A, s.v. q sh 'm . •• See Muqatil, op. cit., fol. 24b: we-kana al-muharriq bi-salmanali-bakri bni wa'ilin wa-sa'iri rabt'ata; Ibn l;Iablb,op. cit., p. 317. 23 Muqatil, op. cit., fol. 22b (no. 17); Ibn Habtb, p. 312; Aba 1-'AIl!' al-Ma'arrt, op. cit., p.536. . Muqatil,op. cit., for 23b (no. 38) . •s Muqatil,op. cit., fol. 24a (no. 50) . •• Muqatil,op. cit., fol 22a (no. 4); cf. L 'A, s.v. r q h: some people used to utter in their talbiya in the period of the Jl!hiliyya: ii'nska li-l-na~alJa a-lamna'ti li-l-raqaha. w 2? See e.g. Muqatil, op. cit., fol. 22b (no. 23), fol. 23b (nos. 36, 39,44); Ibn Habtb, op. cit., p. 313. 24 37 th revelation (Siira II, 198) which gave Muslims permission to carry out business transactions during the haii. 28 The description of the hardship of travel during the pilgrimage, the lean camels, the race to reach Mecca, the exertion of performing the haii by foot as exposed in the talbiyar" - all these features are in agreement with the reports about the pilgrimage in the period of the Jahiliyya and with the stories about exertions during the f;aji in Islamic times. The talbiyiit reflect the ideas of the tribes about the supreme God as well as their perception of the relation between the lesser gods and the supreme God. The idea that the gods are inferior and dependent upon God is expressed in the talbiya of Kinda, Hadramaut and Sakiin, To the Jahili talbiya of association (above note 3) they added: ... "Thou possessest him (i.e. the partner - K) whether Thou destroyest or leavest him; Thou art the Forbearing (al-I}al/m), therefore leave him.3o Judham prided themselves in their talbiya of their royal descendance, of their forbearing minds and addressed God as "the God of the idols" (ilahu l-asndmii, naming Him al-Rahman." In the talbiya of Daus God is named "the Lord of the idols" (rabbu l-a~niimi).32 Tamirn mentioned in their talbiya God the Creator; it is He whom they singled out by their invocation (wa-akhlasat /i-rabbiha duCahii).33 Qays 'Aylan describe themselves as being together with their idols, in humble submission to al-Rahrnan.P' Thaqif, asking for forgiveness of their sins, stated that their goddesses, al-Lat and al-' Uzza, were in the hands of God and that the idols yielded obediently to Him.3s Asad named God "the One," "the Subduer" and asserted that they did not worship the idols;36 they also mentioned Him in the talbiya as "al-rabbu l-samad," The meaning of the word al-samad, which occurs only once in the Qur'an,37 as one of God's attributes is usually explained as "the Lord to whom people direct themselves in their needs;,,38 there 28 See e.g. Muqatil, op. cir., I, 31b; Ibn al-tArabt, Ahkam al-qur'an, Cairo 1387/1967, 1,135 inf. -136; al-Tabarr, Ta[Slr, ed. Shakir, IV, 164-168. nos. 3763, 3771, 3775,3777,3781 (noteworthy is the expression of the commentator: [a-rukhkhisa lahum ... "and they were granted concession") 3787 (and see another version of the verse: no. 3766); al-SuYU~I, alDurr an-manthur, I, 222; al-Raghib al-Isfahant, MuJ;adariit al-udaba', Beirut 1961, II, 465; and see JESHO XV (1972) 76, note 4. 29 See e.g. Muqatil, op. cit ; fol. 22a (nos. 3,7), 23a (no. 34), 23b (no. 44), 24a (no. 49). 3. Muqatil,op. cit ; fol. 24a (no. 53); al-Ya'qnbr, op. cit., I, 297, 11.4-5. 31 Muqatil,op. cit., fol. 24a (no. 52); comp. the fragmentary talbiya in al-Ya'qubt, op. cit., 1,297. 32 Muqatil,op. cit., fol, 24a (no. 56). 33 Muqatil,op. cit., fol. 23a (no. 33); cornp. al-Ya'qubt, op. cit., I, 296. 34 Muqatil,op. cit., fol. 23b (no. 37); and comp. the talbiya of 'Akk and the Ash'ariyynn (ib. no. 40): haijun li-l-rahman, dhallat lahu l-asnam. 35 Muql1til,op. cit" fol. 24a (no. 48). 36 Muqatil,op. cit., fol, 23a (no. 35), 37 SOra CXII, 2. 38 See e.g. Abo Mishal, Kitab al-nawadir, ed. 'Izzat Hasan, Damascus 1380/1961, pp. 122-123 (and see the references of the editor, ib., note "35"); L'A s.v, s m d; Ahmad bv Hamdan al-Razt, al-Ztna, edv Husayn al-Hamdant, Cairo 1958, II, 43-45; and comp. linin al-'Aud, 38 On a monotheistic aspect of a Jdhlliy y a practice are however other explanations and some of them seem to have been introduced together with the later ideas about the attributes of God. The talbiya of Himyar is significant. They stress in their invocation that they address God on behalf of the kings and the petty rulers (ani l-muliiki wa-l-aqwdl} [of people - KJ of prudence and forbearing minds, who practise piety towards their kinsmen, staying away from sins by self-withdrawal (from shame - k) and out of Islam (tanazzuhan wa-isldmi. They declare that they humbly submit to the Lord of mankind, yielding to Him on every elevated place [they and their - K] idols and gods.39 The word isliim and its meaning need elucidation. It occurs only once in the talbiyat ; in the quoted invocation of Hirnyar ; it is preceded by the phrase of eschewing sins, coupled with the word tanazzun denoting keeping aloof from shameful and wicked deeds, and followed by the statement of obedience to the God of mankind. It is apparent that the word islam placed between a word which denotes abstention from sin and another one, which talks of submission to God, both terms bearing as they do a religio-ethical connotation, also belongs to the same semantic field. It probably denotes the idea of exclusive devotion to one God, as assumed by the late D.Z. Baneth. In his illuminating discussion of the social and religious background of the Prophet's activity, Baneth made the following observation: ... The fundamental change required by Muhammad was the abandonment of polytheism, to serve one god only, the same god which they had already previously known under the name of Allah. Does not the idea suggest itself to seek this very meaning of adopting monotheism in the words aslama, isliim:>40 This meaning proposed for islam by Baneth, is indeed confirmed by the definition given by Muqatil in his Tafsir: muslim is consistently interpreted by mukhlisun bi-l-tauhidi (or: bi-tauhidi llahi);41 Islam and ikhlds are here given as identical in connotation. H. Ringgren, analyzing the meaning of ikhliis and mukhlis states that "the context indicates that making one's religion khdlis to God is contrary to choosing patrons apart from Him,,,42 and finds fit Bell's translation: "making Him the exclusive object of religion.,,43 One may venture to assume Dtwan, ed, Ahmad Naslm, Cairo 1350/1931, p. 39,1. 12; Ibn Muqbil, Dtwan, ed. 'Izzat Hasan, Damascus 1:,81/ 1962, p. 51, 1. 3; al-Raghib al-Isfahanr, al-Mufradat ft ghartbi l-qur'an, Cairo 1324, p. 288. 39 Muqatil,op. cit., fol. 23b (no. 43). 40 D.Z.H. Baneth, "What did Muhammad mean when he called his religion Isillm? The original rnearning of A slama and its derivatives," Israel Oriental Studies I (1971) 184. 41 See e.g. Muqatil, op. cit ; I, 51a (aslamtu ya'nt akhlastu), I, 57a tkuntum muslimtna ya'nt mukhlistna lahu bi-l-tauhtdii, II, 58b, ult.-59a, 1. 1 tqabla an ya'tunt muslimtna, ya'· nl mukhlistna bi-l-tauhtdii. II, 59b, 1. 3 twa-kunna muslimtna ya'nt mukhlistna bi-l-tauhtdi min qabliha'; II, 61b, 1.4 from bottom, II, 62a, 1. 5 from bottom, II, 73b, II, 83a, b, 1. 2, II, 123a, II, 2Ila, I. 6. 42 H. Ringgren, "The Pure Religion," Oriens XV (1962), 93-96. 43 Ibid., p. 94 inf. 39 that isliim here denotes the idea ascribed to it in the Qur'an. This may change to some extent the accepted views about the beliefs of the people of the Jahiliyya and provide a clue for an evaluation as to how monotheistic ideas were adopted and transmitted from the Jahiliyya period to Islam. The talbiya of Jurhum'" is of an altogether different content and purport. This tribe was already extinct by the advent of Islam, and traditions as to their origin and ancestors were shrouded in a web of miracles and legend. The talbiya of Jurhum is thus merely a reminiscence of an early talbiya of an ancient tribe perpetuated in the invocation of the worshippers of Dhu l-Kaffaynj" this idol was worshipped by Daus'" and Khuza'a.?? Muqatil records two versions of the talbiya of Jurhum: a short one, the talbiya of the worshippers of Dhii l-Kaffayn, who utter the invocation of Jurhum, and a longer one referred to above (note 44), recorded as the talbiya of Jurhum. They invoke God, stating that they are his servants; that people are (like) newly acquired property, while they are (like) the hereditary property of God; that they have dwelt in God's land and caused it to flourish and that to be remote from God is something which one cannot stand. Further they say in their invocation that they are the first to come to God's meeting place; they will oppose anyone who shows hostility towards God until they set the faith straight in His valley/" The first three hemistichs of this rajaz are often quoted in the sources and attributed to 'Arnr b. al-Harith (or 'Arnfr b. al Harith) b. Mu4a(L49 they became incorporated into the talbiya. The concept of man assisting God against His enemies is of considerable antiquity in Islam, recurring as it does in the Qur'an and in early Islamic literature. The contrasting pair of notions "tirf" (or (Urf) and "tiliid", current in ancient Arabic poetry is here interpreted as pointing to the heavenly origin of Jurhum, "tiliiduka", "Thy hereditary property"; their ancestor is said to have been an angel who, having sinned, was sent down to earth. 50 It is noteworthy that al-Tufayl b. 'Amr al-Dausi pulling down the idol of Dhii l-Kaffayn uttered his denunciation of the pagan worship of the idol in the same metre, rajaz, and with the same rhyme. 51 See on this tribe EP, s.v. Djurhum (W.M. Watt). Muqatil,op. cit., fo1. 23a (no. 30) . • 6 Al-Ya'qubr, op. cit., I, 296; al-Baghdadt, Khizanat al-adab (ed. Balaq), III, 246 sup. 47 Muhammad b.l:lablb, op. cit., p. 318. 48 Muqatil,op. cit., fo1. 22a (no. 6); comp. Ibn l:lablb, op. cit 0' p. 314 . •• Al-Tabart, Ta'rtkh, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahtrn, Cairo 1961, II, 285; al-Fast, Shifa' al-gharam, Cairo 1956, I, 357, 374; al-Tsamt, Simt al-nujum al-tawalt ; Cairo 1380, I, 174; al-Mawardt, A'llIm al-nubuwwa, Cairo 1319, p. 120; Abll l-Baqa', al-Manaqib al-mazyadiyya, Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23, 296, fol. 79b. so AI-'I~amI, op. cit., I, 174 inf. - 175. 51 Ibn Hisham, al-Stra al-nabawiyya, ed. al-Saqa, al-Abyart , Shalabt, Cairo 1355/1936, II, 25; al-Kalbt, al-Asnam, p. 37; Ibn Habfb, op. cit., p. 318 (with the variant in the first hemistich: ylI dha l-kaffayni lastu min tiladika): al-Waqidr, al-Maghazt , ed. Marsden Jones, London 1966, p. 923; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, ed. 'All Muhammad al-BijawI, Cairo 1392/1972, III, 521; al-Dimyatt, al-Mukhtasar ft strati sayyidi l-bashar, Ms. Chester Beatty 3332, fol. l06b. 44 4S 40 On a monotheistic aspect of a Jdhiliy y a practice The phrase "wa-humu l-awwalima 'alii ml'iidika" deserves attention. Although the word ml'iid occurs several times in the Qur 'an, the use of the word with the preposition 'alii is not attested in the Qur an, It occurs however with the preposition 'alii in the famous poem of al-Aswad b. Ya'fur." In the talbiya of Jurhum the word seems to denote an appointed time or an appointed place of meeting; in this case it is the time of the /:lajj as established by God or the place appointed by God for the pilgrimage, Mecca." To the sphere of Jahil'i custom also belongs the invocation by women who used to perform the circumambulation naked. To the usually recorded rajaz - verse 54 Muqatil adds three rajaz hemistichs about the spectators who watch the corpulent women. 55 The body-features mentioned in the last hemistich resemble the details provided about Duba'a when she circumambulated the Ka'ba in the nude.56 II Abu I-'Alii' al-Ma'arri remarks, classifying the different forms of the talbiydt , that there is no talbiya (scil. from the period fo the Jahiliyya - K) cast in one of the qasida - metres. He remarks with caution that talbiyiit may have perhaps been uttered in one of the qasida metres, but they were not recorded by the transmitters. Most of them are utterances cast in saj' or rajaz form. 57 Goldziher analyzed thoroughly the role of sai' and rajaz and their occurrence in invocations, curses, wisdom sayings and in oracular utterances." Gibb succintly referred to sal and rajaz in connection with the style of the Our an, assuming that there was an estab- 52 Al-Dabbl, al-Mufaddaliyyat, ed. Lyall, XCIV, 11, rendered by Lyall: "Now sweep the winds over all their dwellings: empty they lie, as though their lords had been set a time and no more to be"; al-A'sha, Dtwan, ed. Geyer (A'sM Nahshal XVII, II) p.296 (and see the references of the editor). 53 My son, Menahem Kister, provided me with the following note: "The word mo'ed in Hebrew has, in addition to its current meanings in the Scriptures, two other denotations: (1) a holy place, a sanctuary (see e.g. Ps. LXXIV, 4,8, Lam. II, 6; cf. ohel mo'ed in this sense; and cf. plJr m'd in the Ugaritic myths indicating the place of the meeting of the gods); (2) a festival, a holiday (see e.g. Lev. XXIII, 37). One of these two meanings suits perhaps the phrase here. The expression ba'ey mo'ed (Lam. I, 4) which seems to denote "pilgrims" is probably jlerived from one of these 2 meanings (see the commentary of Ibn Ezra on this verse)". I have failed to trace this meaning in the Arabic sources. 54 AI-AzraqI, op. cit., pp. 124-125; al-Tsamt, op. cit., I, 219; cf. the story of Duba'a bint 'Amir: Ibn J:la"bIb, l-Munammaq, ed. Kh~rsheed Ahmad Fariq , Hyderabad 1964, p. 272. a 55 Muqatil, op. cit., fol. 22a (no. 9); cf. Mughultay, al-Zahr al-btisim , Ms. Leiden Or. 370, fol. 100a. 56 Cf. Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VIII, 153 inf.; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, VIII, 6; Mughultay, op. cit., fols. 99b-l00a; al-Wahidt,op. cit., pp. 151-152. 5. 57 Abol~~Ala',op. cit., p. 537. J. Goldziher, Abhandlungen zur Arabischen Philologie , Leiden 1896. 41 lished style of religious discourse in the period of the Jahiliyya.t" Tradition stresses the efficacy of saj' invocations uttered in the haram of Mecca in the period of the Jahiliyya and directed against wrong-doers and oppressors. The Sira of Ibn Ishaq in the transmission of Yiinus b. Bukayr has a special chapter recording cases of this kind.6o In early Islam saj' and rajaz were considered a product of the Bedouin mind and it was deemed especially odious to link the Qur'ii:n with raiaz/" The Prophet is said to have prohibited the use of saj' in mvocauons." Some saj' invocations of the Jahiliyya period were indeed utterly forgotten. According to the report of al-Fakihi the people performing the tawdf between al-Safa and al-Marwa in the period of the Jahiliyya used to utter the following short invocation: al-yauma qirri 'aynd: bi-qari l-marwataynai" This invocation is never encountered again in the Islamic period. some 01 the invocations of the talbiya in their sal or rajaz forms did, however, survive and were adopted by the Prophet; he used to utter them during his pilgrimage. The invocation labbayka hajjan haqqd: taabbudan wa-riqqd mentioned above'" was uttered by the Prophet in his talbiya. 65 Ibn Manziir records the verses uttered by Abu Khirash al-Hudhali (sa' y) between al-Safa and al-Marwa: liihumma hddhii khdmisun in tamma: atammahu llahu wa-qad atammii: during running 59 H.A.R. Gibb, Arabic Literature, Oxford 1963, pp. 14-15, 34-35; idem, "Pre Islamic Monotheism in Arabia," Harvard Theological Review, 1962, pp. 278-279. 6' A. Guillaume, "New Light on the Life of Muhhamad," JSS, Monograph No, 1, Manchester n.d., pp. 15-18 ("The Potency ofInvocations Pronounced in Saj'"). Guillame remarked that he had been unable to find this passage elsewhere. The stories of this passage can, however, be traced in al-Kala'r's al-Iktifa', I, 66~9; Ibn al-Athtr, Usd al-ghaba, BOiaq 1280, III, 150-151; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, IV, 752-753; Ibn Abl I-Dunya, Kitab muiabt l-da'wa, Bombay 1389/1969, pp, 10-14, no. 5; Abo I-Baqa' Muhammad b. al- .t;>iya' al-Makkl al-Adawt, A!JWlll makka wa-l-madtna, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 11865, fols, 119b-121a; Ibn Zuhayra, al-Jami' al-lattf ft fadli makkata wa-ahliha wa-bina'i l-bayti l-shartf, Cairo 1357/1938. p. 61. 61 See al-Baladhurt, Ansab al-ashraf, Ms. fo!. 1211b: .. 'ani l-salti bni dtnarin qala: sam i'tu I-!Jajjllja 'ala minbari wasitin yaqulu: qatala llahu 'abda hudhaylin, wa-llahi ma qara 'a mimma anzala llahu 'alll muhammadin harfan, wa-mil huwa illa rajazu 1- 'arabi, wa-llahi lau adraktuhu la-saqaytu l-arda min damihi; Ibn Abr l-Dunya, al-Ishraf ft manazil al-ashraf, Ms. Chester Beatty 4427, fol. 62b (al-Hajjaj refers to the version of the Qur'an of Ibn Mas'ud). " See L 'A, s.v.s j 'a; 'All al-Qart, al-Asrar al-marfu'a ft l-akhbar al-maudu'a, ed. Muhammad al-Sabbagh, Beirut 1391/1971, p. 140, no. 109 (see the comments of the editor); cf. 'Abd ai-Malik b. HabIb, al-Ta'rtkh, Ms. Bodleian, Marsh. 288, p. 167,1. 17. (. .. qillll; aqbalna min al-fajji t-tamtq na'ummu l-bayta l-tattq: fa qala 'umaru: qad waqa'u ft hadha, ya'nr saj'a l-kalam wa-tahstnahu. " AI-FakihI, Ta'rlkh makka, Ms. Leiden, Or. 463, fo!. 380a, 11. 2-3. 6. Note 22. " Abo 'Abdallah al-Sarr, Juz', Leiden, Or. 2465, fols. 7a-b, 8b; Nor al-Dtn al-Haythamt, op. cit., II, 223; al-Muttaqr I-Hindr, Kanz al-tummal. Hyderabad 1374/1954, V, 16, 77-78, nos. 138, 634~35; Murta"a l-Zabrdr, op. cit., IV 337 inf. 42 On a monotheistic aspect of a Jdhiliy y a practice in taghfiri lliihumma tagfir jammii: wa-ayyu 'abdin laka Iii alammii:66 AI-Tabari who reports on the authority of Mujahid that the people used to circumambulate the Ka 'ba uttering the second verse: in taghfiri lliihuma ... 67 records however another tradition saying that the Prophet recited this verse.t" According to a tradition recorded by Ibn Manziir the second verse (in taghfir ... ) was composed by Umayya b. abi 1_~alt.69 The verse is indeed ascribed to Umayya b. ab'i l-Salt in the Kitiib al-Aghiini and two versions are related about the circumstances in which Umayya composed the verse: according to al-Zuhri he uttered it during the miraculous opening of his breast; according to Thabit b. al-Zubayr he recited it before his death.?" According to a tradition reported by Ibn al-Kalbi the verse was uttered by al-Dayyan (the ancestor of the Bami l-Dayyan)?' during his prayer.72 These verses (with the variant: alliihumma hiidhii wdhidun in tammii ... ) are recorded by Husain as the talbiya of the Ash 'ariyyun. 73 Muqatil records a talk between 'Umar and Abu Burda (the son of Abu Milsa al-Ash'arl) in which he asked him about the talbiya of the Ash'ariyyun. Abu Burda quoted the following form of their Jahili talbiya: alliihumma hiidhii wdhidun innamii: 74 athamahu lliihu wa-qad athimii: in taghfiri lliihumma ... 75 It is thus a divergent version with a different intent: God knows the sins of the men who commit them (and will certainly punish them - K); if God forgives He will forgive them all together, as there is no believer who has not sinned. The four hemistichs seem to have been a widely current popular invocation and their authorship was, as usually in such cases, ascribed to different poets, or recorded as a ritual invocation of individuals or groups.?" •• L:4 s.v. I m m; aI-SUy1ltI, Sharh shawahid al-mughnt , ed. al-Shanqrtt, rev. Ahmad zsfir Kojan, Damascus 1386/1966, p.625, no.388 (with the variant in the first hemistich: hadha rabi'un); Ahmad b. Hamdan aI-Razr, op. cit., II, 15. 67 AI-Tabarl, Tafslr (BOIag) XXVII, 40; al-Suyntt, Sharh shawahid, p. 625. 68 AI-Tabar1, Tafstr, XXVII, 39; al-Qurtubt, Tafslr, XVII, 107; aI-SUy1lt1, al-Durr al-manthui, VI, 127 inf.; al-Munawr, Fayd al-qadtr, Cairo 1391/1972, III, 28, no. 2662; cf. L'A, s.v. jmm. 69 L 'A, s.v. I m m. 70 Aghant (BOlag) III, 190-191; al-Darnrrr, Hayat al-hayawan, Cairo 1383/1963, II, 402403; al-Jumaht, Tabaqat fuhut ai-shu 'ara " ed. Mahmud Shakir, Cairo 1952, pp. 223-224 (and see the references of the editor, p. 224, note 3); and see Sadr aI-DIn al-Basrt, al-Hamasa albasriyya, ed. Mukhtar al-Drn Ahmad, Hyderabad 1383/1964, II, 431, no. 53 (and see the references recorded by the editor); 'Abd al-Qadir al-Baghdadt, Khizanat al-adab, ed. 'Abd alSalam Hartin, Cairo 1388/1968, II, 295-296 (and see the references given by the editor); Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, I, 252. 71 See on him Ibn Hazrn , Jamharat ansab al-tarab, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Haran, Cairo 1962, p.416. 72 Aghant ; X, 146, penult. 73 Husain, op cit., p. 365, no. 3. 74 The metre here is defective. Perhaps: lahumma has to be read. 7S Mugatil,op. cit., 24a (no. 51). "a Cf. 'Abd aI Qadir al-Baghdadt, op. cit., 11,295. 43 The two last hemistichs were adopted by the Prophet and uttered by him in his invocation. This is another instance for the way in which Jahilf pious ideas tainted by a shade of monotheism were taken up by Islam. The delegation of Najran, who journeyed to Medina to meet the Prophet, was preceded by Kurz b. 'Alqama who uttered the following rajaz verses: i/ayka ta'du qaliqan wadinuhii: mu'taridan fi batnihii janinuhii: mukhaztfan dina'l-na~ara dinuha76 Several traditions report that 'Umar recited these verseswhen driving his riding beast swiftly through the Wadi Muhassir during his ~ajj. 77 Another tradition relates that the Prophet uttered these verses when on his ifoqa from 'Arafa." It is quite significant that these rajaz verses, marked as a piece of Yamani poetry, are recorded as the talbiya of the Asad and Ghatafan."" These rajaz-verses are yet another case of the absorption of Jahil'i material, whereby it was transformed into a part of the Muslim ritual invocation. According to current tradition the tribal talbiyiit were prohibited and were substituted by a Muslim formula. This is c1early reflected in the story of 'Amr b. Ma'dfkarib, reported on the authority of Sharqi b. Qutami: the old tribal talbiya, telling about the strenuous efforts of the journey and about the idols left void behind them, was replaced by the prescribed Muslim talbiya.80 The case of the talbiya of Zubayd, as recorded by Muqatil, is however different. The Jahili talbiya mentioned above was replaced by a new one in which God is addressed as "the Lord of the lords" (rabbu l-arbdb) and "the Subduer of every idol and graven image in the land" tqdhiru kulli wathanin wa-sanamin fi l-bilad).81 It is the only , ,. Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., I, 357; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, V, 586, no. 7403; al-Kalil'I, al-Ikti/4, 1,259. 77 Al-Bayhaqt, al-Sunan al-kubra, V, 126; al-Bakrr, Mu'jam mil sta'jam, ed. Mu~~afa l-Saqa, Cairo 1368/1949, pp. 1191 inf. - 1192; Ibn AbI Shayba,al-Mu¥lnflll[. ed. 'Abd alKMliq al-Afghant, Hyderabad 1386/1966, IV, 81; Nor ai-DIn al-Haythamt, op, cit., III, 256; L 'A, s.v, wdn; al-Muttaqt l-Hindt, op. cit.; V, 116, no. 866, 111, no. 837 (with the hemistich: wa·ayyu 'abdin laka III alamma, added); Muhibb al-Dtn al-Tabar I, op. cit., p. 414; Ibn al-Athlr, al-Nihaya, s.v. wdn; cf al-Fakihr,op. cit ; fol. 531a; and see Abo 'Ubayda, Majllz al-Qur'l1n, ed. F. Sezgin, Cairo, 1381/1962, II, 249, no. 898, Murtac;la I-ZabIdI, op. cit., IV, 386. ,8 Ibn al-Athtr, al-Nihaya, s.v. wdn; L'A, s.v. wdn; Mul:tibb al-Drn al-Tabart, op. cit., p. 414; NOr al-Drn al-Haythamr, op. cit., Ill, 156. ,. Muqatil,op. cit., 22a (no. 8). 80 Al-Tabarant, al-Mu'jam al-sagbtr, ed. 'Abd al-Rahrnan 'Uthman, Cairo 1388/1968, I, 59; Nor al-Dtn al-Haythamt, op. cit., III, 111; al-Tahawr, SharlJ ma'ant l-athar, II, 124-125; Ibn al-Athtr, Usd ai-ghaba, IV, 133; Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba, IV, 690; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isn'ab, ed. 'All Muhammad al-Bijawt, Cairo 1380/1960, p. 1203; aI-Kha~Ib ai-BaghdadI, Ta'rlkh, V,282. 81 Muqatil,op. cit., 24a (no.49). 44 On a monotheistic aspect of a Jiihiliyya practice case in which a separate talbiya of a tribe is mentioned in the period of Islam. It is interesting to note that this talbiya stresses the struggle of God against the gods and the idols and His subjugation of them, thus giving a clear idea how Islam was conceived by the tribes in its nascent period. The animosities between the tribes are reflected in the talbiyiit of 'Abd al-Qays and Qays 'Aylan. The Qays 'Aylan in their talbiya make the complaint that Bakr (scil. b. Wa)il) interpose between them and God; people obey God, while Bakr disbelieve Him. Were it not for Bakr b. Wa)il people would set out in crowds for the pilgrimage.82 The worshippers of Dhii I·LIba (i.e. the 'Abd al-Qays) invoke God that He may turn Mudar away from them, make the journey safe and relieve them from the lords of Hajar.83 The complaint of the 'Abd al-Qays recurs in fact in another setting: when the delegation of 'Abd al-Qays came to the Prophet they complained that they were unable to reach Medina, save during the holy months, because the Mudartribes stood in their way. 84 • Different in content and in setting is the talbiya of Adam. Adam mentions that God created him with His own hand, bestowed on him graces and attests that God is the Lord of the House (i.e. the Ka'ba).85 It is apparent that this talbiya, in contradistinction to the other Jiihili ones, is rooted in the Muslim concept of the role of Adam and of other prophets in establishing the lJajj and its rites. Adam built the Ka'ba;86 he is said to have performed the lJajj from India seventy times.87 Prophets 82 Muqatil, op. cit., fol. 22a (no. 5), 22b (no. 22, given as the talbiya of the worshippers of Manat; and so Ibn Habrb, al·Mul}abbar p. 313); see AbQ I-'Ala',op. cit., p. 536 (recorded as the talbiya of Tamtm). 8' Muqatil,op. cit., fol. 23a (no. 27); Ibn HabIb,al-Muhabbar, p. 314 . •• See e.g. al-Zurqanl, Sharh al-mawahib al-laduniyya, Cairo 1327, IV, 13-14; Ibn Kaunr, al-Stra al-nabawiyya, ed. Mu~tafa 'Abd al-WaJ:tid,Cairo 1385/1966, IV, 88; 'AIr b. Burhan al-Dtn, Insan al-tuyan (= al-Stra al-halabiyyar, Cairo, 1382/1962, III, 251. The animosity between TamIm and RabI'a was reflected in certain I}a//-practices: the tribes used to rally in al-Muhassab and would leave according to an established order, to avoid clashes among them. Ibn 'Abbas remarked that Tamtm and RabI'a used to fear each other (kanat banu tamtmin wa-rabt'atu takhafu ba'duha ba'dan). See al-Fakiht, op. cit.; fol. 481b. 85 Muqatil,op. cit., fol, 22b (no. 10) . •• See e.g, Muhibb al-Dtn al-TabarI, op. cit., p. 47 inf.; al-$aliJ:tI,Subul al-huda wa-l-rashad, ed. Mu~tafa 'Abd al-WaJ;1.id 167 (1.4 from bottom) I, 167, 168 (1.3 from bottom), 168, I, (1.3 from bottom), 171-172; al-Khuwarizmt, Itharatu l-targhtb wa-l-tashwtq illJ l-masaiidi l-thalathati wa-ila l-bayti l-tattq, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 4584, fol. 17a, 1.4; cf. Murta~a 1-ZabldI, op. cit., IV, 356 sup. 87 AI-Isfara'Inr, Zubdatu l-a'mal, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3034, fol. 35a (or 40 times as Ibid., fol, 36a); Muhibb al-Dtn al-Tabart, op. cit., p. 48 sup.; al~aliJ:tI. op. cit., 1,242-243; and see al-Daylamt, Firdaus, Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 117a, inf.: qad aUllldamu hadha l-bayta alfa utyatin mina l-hindi 'allJ riilayhi, 10m yarkab [thinna min dhalika thalntha mi'ati !la/jatin wa-sab'a mi'ati 'umratin, wa-awwalu !lajjatin haiiahlllldamu wa-huwa waqifun bi-tarafatin atahu jibrtlu fa-qala yll adamu burra nuskuka, amll inna qad tufna bi-hadha l-bayti qabla an tukhlaqa bi-khamstna alfa sana tin. . 45 and saints used since then to perform the pilgrimage, mostly walking, and used to utter the talbiya in various fonns.88 It is evident that the Muslim talbiya is, according to Muslim concepts, an adequate extension of the talbiyiit uttered by the prophets while performing their /:lajj to the Ka'ba in Mecca. III Muslim scholars differ in their assessment of the position of the talbiya: whether it has to be considered a sunna, an obligatory practice (wiijib), a recommended practice imandiibv, or an essential part of the ihrdm: 119 Neither are they unanimous concerning the form of the talbiya: some of them approve of an addition to the widely circulated talbiya of the Prophet and adduce various versions of the talbiya, others recommend to adhere to the accepted wording of the talbiya.i" A rather liberal opinion is given by al-Harbi: the muhrim utters his talbiya in whatever way he likes." According to a widely current tradition the Prophet was ordered by the angel Jibrfl to enjoin his Companions to utter the talbiya in a loud voice; the best pilgrimage was considered to be one which combined the loud cry of the talbiya with the slaughter of the sacrifice (afdalu l-lJajj al-'ajj wa-l-thajj). The Companions used to recite it in such a loud voice that they would become hoarse.92 There •• See e.g. Ahmad b. Hanbal, Kttab al-zuhd, Beirut 1396/1976, pp. 58, 74, 87; aI-BayhaqI, al-Sunan al-kubra, V, 42; al-~alil;1I, op. cit., I, 243-247; Muhibb at-urn aI-Tabarl, op. cit., pp, 49-56; al-Mundhirt, al-Tarhtb, ed. Muhammad Mul;1yr I-DIn 'Abd al-Harnld, Cairo 1380/ 1961, III, 20-22, nos. 1657-1662; ai-MuttaqI l-Hindt, op. cit., V, 78, no. 636; al-Qastallant, [rshad ai-sarI, III, 115; Nur aI-DIn al-Haythamt, op. cit ; III, 220-222; al..'Aynl, op. cit., IX, 173; al-Nuwayrt, Nihl1yat at-arab, Cairo n.d. I, 309-310; al-Majlisl, Bif;l1r al-anwar, XCIX, 44, no. 33; Ibn Babliyah, 'Ilal al-shara'i', pp. 418419 . •0 Al-Zurqant, Sharf; al-muwatta', III, 44, al-Shaukant, Nayl al-autar, Cairo 1380/1961, IV, 359 ult. - 360; Amrn Mahrned Khattab, op. cit., 1,111-112 sup.; al-'Aynl, op. cit., IX, 17linf.;al-Qastallanl,op. cit., III, 113;lbn i:lajar,Fatf;, III, 326 inf. - 327. O. AI-Shafi'I, op. cit., II, 132-133, 186; al-Zurqant, Sharf; al-muwatta', III, 34-37; Nor ai-DIn al-Haythamt, op. cit., III, 222; al-Shaukant, op. cit., IV, 359; Muhibb aI-DIn al-Tabarr, op. cit., pp. 173-174 (and see pp. 424,430);AmIn Mahmud Kha~~ab,op. cit., 1,109,112-113; aI-'Aynl, op. cit., IX, 173; Ibn Hajar, Fath, III, 325-326; al-Qastallant, op. cit., III, 114-115. 0' Al-Harbt, op. cit., p. 429: ... wa-kayfama sha'a l-muhrimu an yulabbiya labba. Ol See e.g. Abo Yosuf, op. cit., p. 95, no. 459; aI-Shafi'l, op. cit., 11,133; al-Harbt, op. cit., p. 429; al-Shaukant, op. cit., IV, 360 inf. -361; Muhibb aI-DIn al-Tabarr, op. cit., pp. 171-172; AmIn Ma.l;!mod aI-KhaHab, op. cit., I, 114-115; al-Zurqanr, Sharf; al-muwana', III, 4445; al-MundhirI, op. cit., III, 23 (no. 1663), 25 (nos. 1667-1668, 1670); al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, I, 450451; al-Munawt, Fayd al-qadtr, II, 31, no. 1248; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, ['111m al-muwaqqi'tn, Beirut 1973, IV, i99; Ibn al-Athtr, al-Nihaya, s.v. 'ajj; Ibn Hajar, Fath, III, 324; alQastallanj, op. cit., III, 113; L 'A, s.v. th j j, 'a j j; Murtada I-ZabIdl, op. cit., IV, 338; cf. Muhammad Na~ al-Albant, Silsilat al-ahadtth al·~af;I':a, Damascus 1392/1972, p. 504, no. 830; and see Gaudefroy Demornbynes, op. cit., p. 184. 46 On a monotheistic aspect of a Jdhiliy y a practice were, however, other traditions, mitigating ones, which warned of too loud cries which might cause harm to the pilgrims. It was recommended that the pilgrim utter the talbiya at every spot and in various positions: riding, alighting, Iying, ascending a hill or a mountain, descending into a valley, at meeting of caravans, in markets and in mosques; some scholars however tried to confine the permission to utter the talbiya to certain mosques in Mecca. It is advisable, according to some, that the talbiya be followed by an invocation for the Prophet (al-~aliit 'alii l-nabiyyi, ~allii lldhu 'alayhi wa-sallam). 93 It was permitted to utter the talbiya in foreign Ianguages too, even by a person with a good knowledge of Arabic." Scholars were not unanimous with regard to the place where the Prophet commenced the utterance of the talbiya nor about the time and the place where he concluded it.95 The divergencies of scholarly opinions about the various practices of the talbiya bear evidence that the mandatory forms of the talbiya had not been established by the end of the second century of the hijra, as already pointed out by Gaudefroy Dernombynes.P' The talbiya was however incorporated in the rites of the pilgrimage by the unanimous opinion of Muslim scholars, and its merits and reo wards were recorded in the compilations of hadith, 97 IV The chapter of the talbiyiit in Muqatil's Tafsir gives us a clue for a better understanding of the religious ideas of the tribes during the period of the Jahiliyya. The tribes of course had their gods and the places of worship of these gods were usually shared by other tribes allied with them or living in their neighbourhood. They believed however in a supreme God, who had His House in Mecca. On their pilgrimage to Mecca they directed themselves to this God, who held supremacy over their tribal gods. The relation between God and their gods, as perceived by the tribes, is reflected in the report of al-Ya'qnbt: when intending to perform the .3 Al-Shafi't, op. cit., II, 133-134, 186; al-Zurqant, Sharh al-muwatta', III, 46; Muhibb al-Drn al-Tabart, op. cit., pp. 172-180; al-Harbr, op. cit., p. 429; Amrn Mahmnd Khattab, op. cit., I, 11 i, 115; and see Gaudefroy Demombynes, op. cit., 181, 183-184; Murtada I-ZabldY, op. cit., IV, 339 . •• Arntn Mahmod Khattab, op. cit., I, 111; Gaudefroy Dernombynes, op. cit., p. 180. 95 See e.g. Ibn I:Iajar"Fat~, III, 317 inf. -318; al-Aynt, op. cit., IX, 159-160; al-Zurqant, Shar~ al-muwatta', III, 37-38, 43; Nor al-Dtn al-Haythamj, op. cit., III, 221; al-Tahawt, Sharh ma'ani t-amar, II, 120-123; al-Shaukant, op. cit., IV, 360-361; Muhibb al-Dtn al-Taban: op. cit., pp. 180-184 (and see pp. 415416); Amtn MaJ:tmod Khattab, op. cit., 1,31-35, 116-121; Gaudefroy Dernombynes, op. cit., pp. 181-183 . •• Gaudefroy Demombynes, op. cit., p, 183. 9? See e.g, al-Mundhirt, op. cit., III, 24-26, nos. 1665-1666, 1669, 1671; al-Hakim, op, cit., I, 451; al-Tibrtzt, MishklJt al-ma~bll}, Karachi 1350, p. 223 inf.; N11ral-Dtn al Haythaml, op. cit., III, 223 uIt.; Mul,tibb al-Dtn al-TabarI.op. cit., pp. 41, 70; see al-DayIamI, Firdaus, Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 157b: man labba sab'tna marratan ft ilJrlJmihiashhada llahu 'azza wa-jallasab'tna alfa malakin lahu bi-bara'atin min al-nari wa-barn'atin min al-nifiiqi. 47 pilgrimage to the Sanctuary at Mecca every tribe would come to ( the abode of) their idol and pray there; then they would set out uttering the talbiya (on their journey - K) until they reached Mecca." This report demonstrates to what extent there prevailed harmonious co-existence and co-operation between the tribal deities and the supreme God of Mecca. The Jahiliyya tribes cannot be said to have been straightforward polytheists; they were mushrikiin, i.e. while accepting and admitting the existence and supreme authority of God, they associated other deities with Him. The talbiyiit expose a remarkably rich religious vocabulary and termino .. logy. The attributes of God are well attested in the two monotheistic faiths pre .... ceding Isiam and are recurring in the Qur"an.99 It is the merit of Brockelmann, who in his study of the religious terms in the extant compilations of ancient Arabic poetry, adduced an abundant body of references to Allah and Rahman in the Jahi.. Ii poetry. Brockelmann also pointed out the various expressions pertaining to the conception of Allah in the Jahiliyya: God the Creator, the Lord of the creatures, the Omnipotent; God punishes and grants rewards; this is why He ought to be feared, revered, and praised. Brockelmann shows that expressions like hamd, khashya, hudii, taqwii occurring in the JIihiII poetry suggest a kind of religious perception of a High God akin to that of EI-' Olam and EI-'Elyon. Admitting that some details of the Genesis-story of creation might have reached Arabia, Broc.. kelmann refutes definitely the assumption that the concept of Allah might have been borrowed from one of the religions of Revelation or originated from animism.lOO Gibb, starting from a quite different point and using different material arrives at a rather similar conclusion, stressing the original Arabian concepts of monotheism which developed in the Arab peninsula and denying the hypothesis of a Jewish or Christian source for the Qur'an.101 In another article Gibb analyses the process of the rededication of the Jahili religious symbolism and the re..nter .. i pretation of the religious terms of the Jahiliyya into the monotheistic, Muslim ones.102 They are moulded in the genuine old Arabic forms of sa;' and rajaz and expose the belief in the supreme God of the Ka'ba, Allah, associated with tribal gods; this was an indigenous religious tradition, developed in the Arabian peninsula, •• AI-Ya'qnbI,Op. cit., I, 296 . •• See W. Montgomery Watt, "Belief in a 'High God' in Pre-Islamic Mecca," JSS 16(1971) pp. 35-40; the assumption on p. 40 about the pre-nomadic agriculture times in which the deities represented the neutral forces, thus forming "a vigorous paganism" in contradistinction to the Bedouin for whom "it was not incongruous that AUah rather than the pagan deities should send rain and supply man with his rizq or provision," seems, however, not to be based on solid textual evidence. 100 C. Brockelmann, "Allah und die Gotzen, der Ursprung des islamischen Monotheismus," Archiv fur Religionswissenschaft 21 (1922) 99-121. 101 H.A.R. Gibb, "Pre-Islamic Monotheism in Arabia", pp.269, 271, 277 inf.-278; and see idem. Studies on the Civilization of Islam, ed. S.J. Shaw and W.R. Polk, Boston 1962, p. 192; cr. C. Torrey, The Jewish Foundation of Islam, New York 1933, pp. 54-56; W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Mecca. Oxford 1953, pp. 158-161. 102 H.A.R. Gibb, Studies on the Civilization of Islam. pp, 176-192. 48 On a monotheistic aspect of a liihiliyya practice and reflecting the peculiar setting of co-operation between the tribes and Mecca. It was against the people who recited these talbiyiit, the mushrikiin, that Muhammad preached his exclusive monotheistic ideas. It is thus not surprising that some of the expressions and terms in these talbiydt found their way into the Qur'an. Reiriterpreted and transformed they coalesced with other elements to form the body of ideas represented by the religious literature of Islam. Addenda Note 3: See: al-Samarqandi, Tafstr, Ms. Chester Beatty 3668/11, fol. 37a; Muqatil, Tafstr, Ms. Ahmet III, 74/11, fol. 78a; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Ighiithat al-lahfan min masayid al-shaytan, ed. Muhammad Hamid al-Fiqi, Cairo 1358/1939, II, 210, 245. Note 4: See Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Badii't al-fawl/id, Beirut, n.d. (repr.) II, 214-215; Ibn Abf Uitim al-Razr, 'Ilal al-hadtth. , ed. Muhibb al-Dm al-Khatrb, Cairo 1343, I, nos. 842, 843, 876, 888; al-Nawawr, al-Adhkdr, Cairo 1324, p. 87; Ghulam Tha'lab, Juz", Ms. Chester Beatty 3495 (mojrnifa), fol. 96b; Abu Nu'aym, Ifilyat al-auliyd", IX, 28; al-Tabarf', Tafsfr, ed. Shakir, XIII, 512, No. 16000; alTabarani. al.Mu'jam al-~aghfr, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman 'Uthman, al-Madina almunawwara 1388/1968, I, 87. Note 38: See F. Rosenthal, "Some Minor Problems in the Qur'an", The Joshua Starr Memorial Volume, New York 1953, pp. 72-83; Rudi Paret, "Der Ausdruck samad in Sure 112,2," Der Islam 1979, pp. 294-295. Note 55: Cf. Ibn Abr l-Dunya, al-Ishriif manazil al-ashraf, Ms. Chester Beatty 4427, fol. 43a: ... kiinat imra'atun jiihiliyyatun tatufu bi-l-bayti wa-lahd sittatu banina yasturunahii min at-nasi wa-hiya taqidu tawa[iha ... tr tr Note 76: Cf. Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, V, 586, No. 7403. Note 80: See Ibn Athlr, Usd al-ghiiba, IV, 133. 49 ‫ﻡﻟﻢﺝ ﻡ ﻭ ﻡ ﻡ0 ﻡ ﻭﺍﺑﻤﺘﺐ ﺍﻗﻮﻝﺍﻟﺰﻭﺭ ، ﻳﻘﻮﻝ . ﺍﺗﻘﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﺬﺏ ، ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻙ < ﺣﺪ~ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻌﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻝ ﺣﺪﺛﻨﻲ :ﺑﻲ ﻗﺎﻝ ﺣﺪﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻢ ﻣﺬﻳﻞ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﺗﻞ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺒﻮﺍ ﻗﻮﻝﺍﻟﺰﻭﺭ ﻗﺎﻝ . ﺍﻟﻜﺬﺏ ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ «‬ ‫) « ( ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻥ~ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺲ ،ﻗﺮﻳﺸﺎﻭﺧﺰﺍﻋﺖﻭﻛﻤﺎﻣﺖﺍ ﻭﻋﺎﻣﺮ ﺑﻦﻣﻌﺼﻌﺖ ، ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻫﻠﻴﺔﺍﻛﺎﻧﺮﺍ ﻳﻘﻮﻟﻮﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔﺍ 0 ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﻻ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻻ ﺷﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻟﻚ ﺗﻤﻠﻚ ﻭﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﻚ . ﻳﻌﻤﻮﻥ ﺷﻜﺖ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺒﺪ . ﻫﺬﺍ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺰﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﻮﻟﻬﻢ . ﺍﻻ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﻫﻮ ﻟﻚ <‬ ‫) « ﻟﻢ ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻫﻠﻴﺔﺍ ﻳﻘﻮﻟﻮﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔﺍ . ﻣﺤﻦ ﻏﺮﺍﺑﺎ «‬ ‫ﺍ~ﻻﺹ‬ ‫ﻋﻚ، ﻣﺚ ﺍﻟﺒﻚ ( ﻋﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻙ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﺎﻣﻴﻪ ، ﻛﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺤﺞ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﻪ ، ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺟﻴﻪ <‬ ‫) ﻩ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻤﻴﻢ « ﺗﻘﻮﻝ . ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺭﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺮﻩ ، ﺍﺩﻻﺟﻪ ﻭﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﺣﺮﻩ ،‬ ‫ﻻﻣﺘﻘﻲ ﻣﺘﻴﺜﺄ «ﻭﻻﻣﺼﺮﻩ ، ﺣﺠﺎ ﻟﺮﺏ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻩ <‬ ‫) ( ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖﻭﻳﺒﻌﺖ ﺗﻘﻮﻝ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﺣﺠﺎ ﺣﻔﺎ، ﺗﻌﺒﺪﺍ ﻭﺭ( ، ﻟﻢ ﻧﺄﺗﻚ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺼﺎﺣﻪ ، « ﻭﻻ ﺣﺒﺎ « ﻟﻠﺮﺑﺎ~ «‬ ‫) ﻩ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﻗﻴﺲ ﻣﻴﺔ ﺭ ﺗﻘﻮﻝ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﻟﻮﻻ :ﻥ ﺑﻜﺮﺍ ﺃﻭﻣﻜﺎ ، « ﺑﻤﻮ ﻏﻔﺎﺭ «‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻢ ﻳﻠﻮﻣﻚ ، ﻻ ﺑﻴﺮﺙ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺱﻭﻳﻔﺠﺮﻭﻣﻜﺎ ، ﻣﺎﺯﺍﻝ ﻣﻤﺎ ﻋﺠﻴﺞ ( ﻳﺄﺗﻮﻣﻜﺎ «‬ ‫) 6 ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺟﺮﻫﻢ ﺗﻘﻮﻝ . ﻟﻴﻨﻚ ﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻫﻤﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻙ ، ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺎﺱﻃﺮﻑ ﻭﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺩﻙ ، ´ « ﻭﻫﻢ ﻟﻌﻤﺮﻱﻋﻤﺮﻭﺍ ﺑﻼﺩﻙ ، ﻻﻳﻄﺎﻕ ﺭﺑﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺎﺩﻙ ، ﻭﻫﻢ ﺍﻻ~ﻭﻟﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻌﺎﺩﻙ ، ﻓﺎﻥ )ﺇ (ﻳﻌﺎﺩﻭﺍ « ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻌﺎﺩﻙ ، ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻘﻴﻤﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﺩﻙ < ﻻ‬ ‫ﺃﻟﺮﻣﻮﺯ.‬ ‫.ﻡ ﻡ ﻭﻡ000 ﻡ ﻭﻡ ﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺭﻡﺭﻯ _ ..~‬ ‫0 ﺭﻡ ﺭﺭﺡ _ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻩ»ﺭ‬ ‫ﺡ‬ ‫85 »ﻻﻻﺃ 9 1ﺍ» 7‬ ‫ﺁﺍ‬ ‫71 ﺗﺎﺍﺍﻷﻵﻻ .ﻻ « ﻣﺲ‬ ‫)ﺍ( ) ﺍ ( < ﻗﺎﺭﻥ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﺒﻲ ، ﺍﻻﻣﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮ ﻡ .‬ ‫) « ( ﺍ ﻙﻭﺭ . ﻣﺨﺰ ﺍﻡﻣﺤﻜﺎ: ﺱ ﻭﻣﺲ ﻭ(ﺡ . ﻣﺤﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻚ > ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻤﺮ ﻣﺮ ﺀﺍﺀ. « ﺍﻟﺒﻚ _ﻣﺤﺪﺭﺀ ﻣﻰ ﻙ ﻭ ﻭ .‬ ‫) ﻻ ( » ﻓﻲ ﻙ ﻭﺡ . ﻭﻛﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﻢ « ﻣﻰ ﻙﻭﺡ . ﺳﺎ ﻭﻻ ﺑﻨﺮﻩ.‬ ‫) ( ( < ﻓﻲ~ ﻡ ﻭ:ﻟﻠﻤﻤﺎﺏ . . . . ﻟﻠﺮﻓﺎ~ ، ﻭﻣﻤﺪﻭ ﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻭﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻤﺮ ﻭ (<ﻡ ، ﺍﻟﻄﺮ ﺍﻻﺣﻴﻰ > ﻟﻠﻤﻴﺎﺱ .< .. ﻟﻠﺮﻣﺎ~ .‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻥ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﻢ ﻡ ،ﻩ،ﻩ ﻡ . ﺀ ﺃﺡ ﻭﻣﺮﻭﻣﺲ . ﻭﻻﺣﺎ.‬ ‫) ﻩ ( < ﺍﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﺎ ﻣﻲ ´ﺡ ﻭﻣﺲ ﻭﺱ:ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﺎﻭﺭﺩﻣﺎ« ﻣﺮ ﻙﻭﻯ‬ ‫« ﻛﺬﺍ ﻣﻲ ﻙﻭﺡ . ﻭﻗﺎﺭﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ (« ﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ . ﻣﻤﻲ ﻓﻄﻔﺎﻥ . ﻡ ﻣﻰ ﻙﻭﺭ . ﻣﻼﻙ‬ ‫ﻡ ﻣﻲ ﻙ ﻭ ﺭ:ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﻴﺤﺎ:ﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﺮ:ﺣﺖ ، ﻣﻤﺮ : ﺑﻰﻭﺳﺎﻟﺖﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﺮﺍﺭ . ﺳﻮ . ﻭﺍﻣﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻮ~ . ﻋﺸﺮ .‬ ‫ﺍ ﺍﻧﻪ ( < ﻣﻰ ﻙﻭﺭ . ﻭﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺩﻙ ﻭﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﻣﺮ ﺳﻤﻞ ﺍ ؟ ﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﻙ . «‬ ‫0‬ ‫ﻣﺮ ﻙﻭﺭ . ﻭﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺎﺩﻭﺍ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺮ ﻋﺎﺩﺍﻙ . ﻡ ﻣﻰ ﻙﺡ . ﻣﻰ ﻣﺎﺩﻙ ﻭﻻ ﻣﻪ ﻭﺭﻣﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﺎﻋﺖﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻝ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﻞﻭﺍﻻﺣﺮﺍﻡ ، ﺍﺭﺣﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺃ ﻣﺒﺪ ﻡ‬ ‫) ﻡ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ~ﻡ ، ﺃﺗﻮﻙ ﻳﻤﺘﻨﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻗﺪﺍﻡ >‬ ‫) ﻡ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ :ﺳﺪ ﻭﻏﻄﻔﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻝ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﻣﻬﺎ ﺑﺸﻌﺮ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﻦ« . ﻟﺘﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﻴﻚ ﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﻭ ﻗﻠﻘﺎ ﻭﻓﻴﻨﻬﺎ ، ﻣﻌﺘﺮﻓﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻄﻬﺎ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎ ، ﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎ ﻟﺪﻳﻦ ( ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﺴﺎ .‬ ‫0 ﻳﻄﻔﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﺒﺖ « ﻋﺮﺍﺓ ، ﺗﺄﺧﺬ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﻫﻦ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﺔ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺗﺴﺘﺘﺮ‬ ‫) ﻭ ( ﻭﻛﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎ‬ ‫~‬ ‫ﻩ ﻭﺗﻘﻮﻝ . ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺑﻌﻒ ﺃﻭﻛﻼ، ﻭﻣﺎ « ﺑﺪﺍ ﺳﺮ ﻓﺔ ﺍ~ ، ﻛﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻻ‬ ‫ﻯﻟﻮﻳﻀﻠﻰ،ﻭﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﻡ ﻳﻤﻈﺮﻓﻤﺎ ~، ﻓﻴﺨﻢﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺠﺜﻢ ﻩ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻇﻠﺚ <‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺩ22 _()01 ( ﻭﻻﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔﺍ~ﺩﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ« .ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﻳﺒﺪﻳﻚ ، ﻛﺮﻣﺖ ﻓﺄ ﻋﻄﻴﺔ ، ﺗﺮﺑﺖ ﻓﺄﺩﻣﻴﺖ ، ﺗﺒﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ، ﺃﻧﺖ ﺭﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺖ <‬ ‫ﻓﺄﻣﺮﻝ ﺍﻟﻠﻮ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ > ﻭﺍﺟﺘﻨﺒﻮﺍ ﻗﻮﻝﺍﻟﺰﻭﺭ ﺣﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻮﺍ . ﻻ ﺛﺮﻳﻚ ﻟﻚ ﺍﻻ ﺛﺮﺑﻜﺎ ﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﻟﻚ ، ﻧﻤﻠﻚﻭﻣﺎﻣﻠﻚ < «‬ ‫< ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻫﻠﻴﺔ <‬ ‫) »« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖﻗﺮﻳﻨﺜﺮ ﺗﺴﻚﻻﺳﺎﻑ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﺎ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ >‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﻻﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﻟﻚ ، ﺍﻻﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﻫﻮ ﻟﻚ ، ﺗﻤﻠﻜﻲﻭﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﻚ <‬ ‫) (« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﻟﻠﻌﺰﻯ > ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ «‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺪﻳﻚ،ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﻣﺎ ﺃﺣﺒﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻚ <‬ ‫) ﻡ« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖﺗﻠﺒﻴﻮﻙ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻚ ﺍﻻﺕ 0 . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻛﻔﻰ « ﻣﻴﻴﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻮ ، ﻟﻴﺴﺮ ﺑﻤﺠﻮﺭ ﻭﻻ ~ ، ﻟﻜﻤﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺮﺑﺔﺍ ﺯﻛﻴﻪ ، :ﻭﺑﺎﺑﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻣﻠﺢ ﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻳﻪ <‬ ‫) (« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﻬﻴﺔﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﻟﺠﻬﺎﺭ. ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻤﻴﻚ،« ﺍﺟﻌﻞ ﺫﻣﻮﺑﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺎﺭﺍ ،ﻭﺍﻫﺪﻧﺎ ﻻﻣﻠﺢﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺭﺍ«، ﻭﻣﺘﻌﻨﺎ ﻭﻣﻠﻨﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﺭﺍ< ﻡ‬ ‫) 7 ﺍ ﺍ ~ﻙ ﻭﺹ . ﺗﺴﺪ . ﻭﻓﻰ ﻙﻭﺀ . ´ﻣﻤﺪ ، ﻓﺎﺭ، :ﺩﻁ ﺩ ﺭﻡ 64‬ ‫ﺡ‬ ‫) / ( < ﺑﺸﻤﺮ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﺭﻑ ﻓﻲ ﻙﻭﺡ. « ﺍﻟﻴﻚ ﺣﺬ~ ﻓﻲ1 ﺡﻭﺱ ﻭﺣﻰ .‬ ‫ﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻙﻭﺡ > ﻓﻲ ﺑﻄﻤﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﻓﻌﺎ ﺣﻨﻴﻬﺎ. 4 ﻓﻲ ﻭﻣﺮﻭﺣﺲ . ﻟﺬﻱﺍﻟﻌﺼﺎﺭﻯ .‬ ‫ﺃﺡ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﻙﻭﺡ . ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻤﻬﺎ ﻩ‬ ‫) 5 (« ﻓﻲ ﻙﻭﺡ > ﺑﺎﻟﻴﺒﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻠﺐﻝ. ﻟﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻙﻭﺡ > ﻓﻤﺎ. ﻩ ´´ﻣﻦ´´ ﺣﺪﻑ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻙﻭﺡ ﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻙﻭﺡ . ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻇﻰ ﻩ ﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺃ ﺡ ﺣﺲ> ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻢ:ﻙ ﻭ ﺡ ﻫﻦ »ﻝ_)< (‬ ‫ﻭﺱ‬ ‫) .« ( ﻓﻲ ﻙ ﻭ ﺡ .ﺍﺩﻡ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻠﻪ ﻋﻠﺐ ﻭﺳﻠﻢ « ﻓﻲ ﻙﻭﺡ . ﻓﺎﻣﺰﻝ ﺍ~‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺟﺘﺘﺒﻮﺍ ﻛﻮﻝ ﺍﺍﺯﻭﺭﻡ ﻭﻫﻮﺍﻟﻨﺮﻙ ﺩﺭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﺒﺔ ،ﺣﺪﺗﻤﺎ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻠﻪ ﻗﺎﻝ . ﺣﺪﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﻲ ﻗﺎﻝ ،‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺛﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺰﻳﻞ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﺗﻞ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻮﻝ ﺍ~ ﻋﺰﻭ ﺟﻞ .ﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺒﻮﺍ ﻓﻮﻝﺍﻟﺰﻭﺭ ﻗﺎﻝ:‬ ‫ﻳﻘﺎﻝ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻋﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺮﻛﻴﻦ ، ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻋﻴﻦ ) ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻰ > ﺍﻟﺴﻌﺎ ﻣﻴﻦ ( ﻭﻧﻤﻴﺮﻩ ، ﻓﺬﻟﻚ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻠﻪ ﻟﻠﺤﻤﺲ . ﺍﺟﺘﺒﻮﺍ ﻓﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﻉ ﺣﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻟﻮﺍ . ﺍﻻﺗﺤﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻟﻚ • ﻭﺃﻣﻈﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺗﻞ‬ ‫ﺍ ﺡ ﻭﻡ(ﺏ «‬ ‫)«« ( « ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺣﺪﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺡ ﻭﺱ ﻭﺣﺲ.ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﻣﻰ < «ﻡ «‬ ‫)ﻻ« ( «ﻓﻲ ﺃﺡ`ﻭﺱ ﻭﺣﺮ . ﻟﻼ~ . « ﻓﻲ1 ﺡ ﻭﺱ ﻭﺳﻰ. ﻛﻌﺎ . ﻡ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮﺹ «»ﻡ . ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﺤﻲ «‬ ‫)ﺀ« ( « ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﻫﺮ ﻻ«ﻻ . .< ﻩ ﻟﺒﻨﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﺣﻌﻞ < « ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ.‬ ‫ﺣﺒﺎﺭ ، ﻭﺍﻫﺪﻧﺎﻻﻭﺿﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺭ . ﻻ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ . ﻭﻣﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﺤﻬﺎﺭ <‬ ‫15‬ ‫) ﻩ« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻨﺰ ﻓﻠﺒﺒﺄ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻤﻚ ﻟﺴﺮﺍﻉ . ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ~ﻧﺒﺘﺎ«‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻚ ، ﻣﻤﻮﺍﻋﺎ ﻃﻠﺒﻦ « ﺍﻟﺒﻚ «‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‬ ‫) «» ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻨﺰ ﻙ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﻟﻠﺸﺲ « _ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ، ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺮ« ﻭﻓﺮﻩ، ﻻﻧﺸﻔﻲ ﺷﺜﺎﻭﻻﻧﻀﺮﻩ، ﺣﺠﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻔﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻩ<«‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺮﻩ، ﺍﺩﻻﺟﻪ‬ ‫) ﻫﺎ« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻨﺰ ﻧﻠﺒﺒﺄﺍ ﻣﻦﻧﺴﻚ ﻟﻤﺤﺮﻥ - ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺣﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﺎ ، ﻓﻔﺒﺪﺍﻭﺭﻓﺎ <‬ ‫) ﻭ« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻨﺰ ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚﻟﻮﺙ . ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﻴﺒﻚ ﻣﻌﺬﺭﻩ ﺁﻟﺒﺒﻚ.‬ ‫) ﻭ« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴﻚ ﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﺼﻪ 0 _ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﻟﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﻟﺒﻚ . «‬ ‫) <« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﻓﻠﺒﺒﺄ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﻟﻤﻨﻄﺒﻦ . ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ < «‬ ‫) «« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪ ﻋﻚ3 ﺍﺫﺍ ﺑﻠﻐﻮﺍ ﻙ ﺑﺒﻌﻨﻮﻥ ﻏﻼﺑﺒﻦ ﺑﺴﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻮﻛﻴﻦ ﻓﺪ ﺟﺮﺩﺍ ﻋﺮﺍﺑﺎ ، « ﻓﺔ ﺑﺰﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻥ ﺑﻔﻮﻻ . ﻣﺤﻦ ﻏﺮﺍﺑﺎ « ﻋﺚ ، ﻓﺎﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﻐﻼﻣﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﻚﻣﻤﺎﺡ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻠﻔﻬﻤﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻚ . ﻋﻚ ﺍﻟﺒﻚ ﻋﺎﻣﺐ ، ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻙ ﺍﻟﺒﻤﺎﻣﺐ،‬ ‫ﻛﺒﻤﺎﻣﺤﺞ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻋﺐ، ﻋﻠﻰ ﺹ ﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺟﺐ < ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺔ‬ ‫)ﻡ«( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻨﺰ ﻧﻠﺒﺄ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻚ ﻣﻨﺎﻩ - ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ،ﻟﺒﺒﻚﻟﻮﻻ ﺍﻥﺑﻜﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﻧﻜﺎ،‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻔﺠﺮﻭﻣﻜﺎ ، « ﻣﺎ ﺯﺍﻝ ﻣﻨﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﺠﺎﺀﻹﻧﻮﺗﻜﺎ«‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻲ ﻏﻄﻔﺎﻥ ﻭﻫﻢ ﺑﻠﻮﻣﻜﺎ ،« ﻧﺒﺮﻙ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺎﻭﻧﻨﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻭﻣﻜﺎ <‬ ‫) ﻡ« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻨﺰ ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴﻚ ﻟﺴﻌﺒﺪ « _ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ، ﻟﻢ ﻣﺄﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﺒﺎﺣﻪ،« ﻭﻻﻟﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﺣﻪ، « ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺟﺌﻨﺎﻙ ﻟﻠﻄﺎﻋﺔ < ﻩ‬ ‫)ﻩ ﺍ ( « ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻤﺮﺹ ﻻ«ﻻ . ﺍﺑﻨﺎ ﻩ ﻟﻢ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﺰﻥ ﻟﺤﻠﺒﻰ ﻩ‬ ‫0 ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺳﺦ . ´´ ﻳﻮﺣﺬ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻼﻩ ﺍﻻﺗﻲ ﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺲ‬ ‫)«« ( » ﻓﻲ ﻫﺎﻣﺶ ﺃ »ﻻﺣﻈﺖ‬ ‫ﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎ ﻭﺛﻦ ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻴﻢ ﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺗﺐ ´´ < ﺀ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮﻫﻰ ﻩ» 7 . ﺣﺠﺎ ﻟﺮﺏ ﻣﺴﺘﻔﻴﻢ‬ ‫)«<(‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺮﺍ ﻟﻴﻚ.‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻟﻤﺒﺮﻣﺮ«ﺩ«ﻣﺮ ﺍ > ..< ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ، ﻟﻤﻤﻚ .‬ ‫).(( »‬ ‫)>(( » ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﻣﺮﻡ<( . ..< ﺗﺪ ﺣﺮﺩﺍ ﻣﻤﻤﺎ ﻣﺮﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﺭ (ﺭﺍ ﻭﻭﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺲ . ﻣﺮﺍﻳﺎ. ( ﻣﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ > ﻣﻠﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﺮﺍﺃ . 4 .ﺍﺣﺮ ﻣﻠﻴﺒﺖ ﻣﻚ 0 ﺍﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻠﺒﺪ،ﺍﻻﺳﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﻡ .‬ ‫)ﻟﻢ ﺀ( <~ ﺑﺐ ﻣﻄﺎﻥ ﻭﻣﻢ ﻳﻠﻮﻣﺔ ´´ ﻣﺤﺬﻭﻑ ﻣﺪ ﻣﻤﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺮ ﻭ «ﺍﻡ .‬ ‫« ﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ. ﻡﻳﻤﺠﺮﻭﻣﻚ < ﻻ ﻓﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ . ﻣﺎ ،ﺍﻝ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺮ ،ﻭﺍﻅ.ﻻﺣﻸ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺍ~ ﺭﻑ ﻡ . ﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ . ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻭﺍﻫﻤﻢ ، ﻭﺗﺎﻡ ﻥ.ﻣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭ~~~ .‬ ‫)ﻡﻟﻢ( < ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺮ ﻣﺮ «>( . ﻟﺴﻴﺪﺓ < ﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺭ ﻭﻣﺮ ﻭﻣﺮ. ﻟﻠﻤﻴﺎ-.‬ ‫ﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺮ .ﻟﻠﻤﻴﺎ- ﻭﻻ ﻫﻠﺒﺎ ﻟﻠﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ، ﻭﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﻣﺮ ﺍﻻﻫﻮ . ﻡ ﺁﻅ‬ ‫.ﻻﺣﻈﺖ ﺭﻑ ﻩ ﻟﻤﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻼ .‬ ‫ﻣﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﻭ «<ﻡ > ﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻐﻠﻤﺔ> . ﺀ ﻣﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ . ﺑﻤﺎ ﻣﻮ‬ ‫ﺍ‬ ‫.>ﻩ ﺀﺩﻩ‬ ‫) ﻭﻡ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﻟﻴﻌﻮﻕ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ،ﻟﺒﻴﻚﺑﻐﺾ ﺍﻟﻴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﺩﻭﺣﺒﺐ ﺍﻟﻴﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﺨﻴﺮ، ﻭﻻﻧﺒﻄﺮ« ﻓﻨﺄﺷﺮ « «‬ ‫)ﻩ ﻡ( )ﻭﻡ«ﺃ(ﺍﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔﻣﻦﻧﺴﻚﻟﻴﻐﻮﺙ(«0 ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﻚ، ﺍﺣﻴﻨﺎ ﻟﺪﻳﻚ،ﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﺤﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻙ ﻗﺪ ﻣﺮﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻚ <‬ ‫)6« ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﻟﻤﺲ 0 ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ،ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻣﺘﺎ ﻋﻴﺒﺎ ،‬ ‫ﻭﻛﻨﺎﻣﻴﺴﺮ » ﻋﺘﻴﺪ ،ﻡ ﻭﺃﻣﺖ ﺭﺑﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﻴﺪ ، ﺍﺭﺩﺩﻧﺎ ﻩ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻴﺪ <‬ ‫) ﻣﺎ( ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﻴﺒﺄﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﺎ .ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ، ﺭ( ﻣﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺜﺎﻣﻀﺮ ، ﻭﺳﻠﻢ « ﻟﻨﺎ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺮ ، ﻭﺍﺭﺳﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺰﺩﺟﺮ ، « ﺛﻢ ﺍﻛﻔﺎ ﻩ ﺍﻟﻠﻤﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻫﺠﺮ<‬ ‫) ﻡ ﻡ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴﻚ ﻟﻤﺮﺣﺐ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﺍﻣﺘﺎ ﻟﺪﻳﻚ ،‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺣﺒﺒﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻚ «‬ ‫)5«( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻦﻧﺴﻚ ﻟﺬﺭﻳﺢ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ،ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﻃﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﺩ،‬ ‫ﻭﻛﻄﺎﻟﻨﻌﻤﺖ ﺟﺤﻮﺩ ، ﻓﺎﻛﻔﺎ ﻛﻞ ﺣﻴﺔﺭﻋﻮﺩ <‬ ‫) <ﻡ ﻟﻢ ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﻦ . ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭﻫﻢ ﺗﻼﺩﻙ،ﻭﻣﺤﻦ:ﻭﻟﻰﺑﻮﻻﺷﻚ < »‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻫﻤﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻙ ، ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫) »ﻩ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻚ ﻫﺒﻞ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻤﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﺛﻨﺎ ﻟﻘﺎﺡ.‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻣﺘﻨﺎ)ﻋﻠﻰ(« ﺃﻋﻨﺖﺍﻟﺮﻣﺎﺡ ، ﻳﺤﺴﺪﻧﺎ ( ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻉ <‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺬﻩﺭﻭﺀﻭﺱ ﻃﻮﺍﻏﻴﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻮﺍ ﻳﻘﺼﺪﻭﻥ ﻩ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺠﻬﻢ ﻭﻻ ﻳﺄﺗﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻮﺗﻬﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻤﺮﻭﺍ ﺑﻬﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻌﻈﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﻭﻳﺘﻘﺮﺑﻮﻥ 0 ﻟﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﻳﻨﺴﻜﻮﺍ ( ﻟﻢ«( ﻟﻤﺎ « ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺴﺠﺪﻭﻥ ﻟﻬﺎ «‬ ‫) «ﻡ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻛﻌﺎﻧﺖﺍ ﻭﻗﺮﻳﺜﺮ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﻳﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻑ ، « ﻟﻤﻴﻚ ﻻ ﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻟﻚ ﺍﻻﺷﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻟﻚ ، ﺗﻤﻠﻚ ﻭﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﻚ <‬ ‫) ﻡ«( ﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻧﻔﺎﺣﻨﺎ ﺑﻌﻨﺎﺭ ﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻩ7 ﺍ « ﺍ ( ﻣﺤﺪﺭﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺡ، ﺣﺲ، ﻭﺍﻟﺰﺑﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺺ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮﺹ 4 «ﻩ‬ ‫ﺱ‬ ‫ﺍ~ : ﺍﺣﺒﻨﺎﺑﺼﺎ ﻟﺪﺑﻚ ﻩ‬ ‫( ﻓﺐ‬ ‫0 :ﻓﻲ1 ﺡﻡﻭﺱ ﻭﺣﺲ .ﻋﺒﺒﺪ ، ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ_‬ ‫)6«( « ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﻣﻰ 4«ﻻﺩ ﻣﺒﻤﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺒﺄ < ﻩ ﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ > ﺍﺭﺩﺃ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎ <‬ ‫) 7«( ´ « ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﺹ 4«ﻻ . ﺭﺙ ﻓﺎﻫﻮﻓﻦ ﻋﻨﺎ ﻣﻀﺮﻭﻣﻄﻤﻦ <<< ﻟﻢ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ . ﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﺎ ﻓﺒﻬﻢ ﻟﻤﺰﺩﺟﺮ ﻩ ﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ . ﻭﺍﻛﺨﺎ «‬ ‫) «ﻻ( « ﺏ ﺍﺡ ﻭﻭ ﻭﺣﺲ« ﻭﻧﺤﻦ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺑﻬﻢ ﺍﻭﻻﻣﻚ، ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺺ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺩﻣﺎ«‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺧﻮﺫ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻤﺮ ﻣﻰ ( <ﻡ، ﺍﻟﺴﻄﺮ ﺍﻻﺧﻴﺮ _ﻣﻰ ﻫﺪﻡ ﺱ » <‬ ‫ﺍ~ ﻣﻰ ﻩ«ﻻ .7ﻫﺐ1 ﺡ ﻭﺣﺲ ﻭﺱ . ﻟﺤﺴﺪﻧﻨﺎ~‬ ‫) «ﻩ( ﻡ)ﻋﻠﻰﻟﻢ_ ﺍﻟﺰﺑﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫7 ﻓﺎﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﻫﺮ 5 »ﻩ ﺱ« . ﻣﻤﺪﺭﺭﻥ ﺁﻟﺒﺒﻬﺎ « 4 ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ . ﻓﺒﻌﻈﻤﻮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﺘﻔﺮﺑﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎ ﻭﺑﻨﺴﻜﻮﺍﻟﻬﺎ_´´ ﺑﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺴﺤﺪﻭﻥ ﻟﻬﺎ ´´ ﻟﻢﺑﺒﻰ ﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻤﺮ <‬ ‫)23 ( » ﻅﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﻔﻮﺑﻲ ، ﻓﺎﺭﺑﺦﺝ»ﻣﻰ6 ﻫﻢ ﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﻣﻰ4«ﻻ:ﻭﻻ ﻧﺒﻄﺮﻧﺎ ﻩ « ﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮ ﺟﻤﻚ ﺯﺍﺋﺪﻩ‬ ‫) ﻡ ﻡ ﻟﻢ ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺳﺤﻖ . ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺖ ﺗﻤﻴﻢ ﻭﺃ ﺳﺪ ﻭﻣﺰﻳﻤﺖ، ﻓﻜﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺒﺔﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﻴﻢ ﺗﻘﻮﻝ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻤﻴﻢ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﻗﺪ ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﺍﻭﺛﺎﺳﻬﺎﻭﺭﺍﻫﺎ ،‬ ‫ﻭﺃﺧﻠﻤﺖ ﻟﺮﺛﻬﺎ ﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ، ﻗﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺩﺕ ﺣﺞ )ﺑﺎ ( ﻟﻤﻦﺑﺮﺍﻫﺎ ، ﻗﺪ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﺑﺘﻨﺎﻫﺎ ،‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺖ ﻟﻠﺮﺏ ﻭﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻫﺎ < «‬ ‫) ﻭﻡ ( ﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﻣﺤﻖ . ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺧﻨﺪﻕ ، ﺗﻤﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻣﺪ ﻭﻣﺰﻳﻤﺖ،ﻳﻌﻈﻤﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻤﺮﻩ، ﻻﻳﺘﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺒﻞ ﻭﻳﻘﻮﻟﻮﻥ . ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻣﺎﻣﻬﺎﺭﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺮﻩ ، ﺍﺩﻻﺟﻪ ﻭﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﻀﺮ« ، ﺣﺠﺎ ﻟﺮﺏ ﺳﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻩ < 0‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺌﺎ‬ ‫) ﻩ ﻩ ( ﻗﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻲ . ﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﺪ ﺍﺫﺍ ﺣﺠﻮﺍ . ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ‬ ‫0 ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻠﺪ ، ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﻴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﺍﻟﻴﻚ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻗﺒﻠﺖ ﺑﻨﻮ ﺍﺳﺪ ، :ﻫﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﻤﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻨﺮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺪﺩ ، ﻭ:ﻧﺖ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻌﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ، ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﻌﺒﺪ ﺍﻻﻭﺛﺎﻥ ﻣﻊ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺪ ﻋﺒﺪ « 0‬ ‫)ﻩ ﻩ( ﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺳﺤﻖ . ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻞﺍﻭ ﻩ« ﺏ ﺳﻮﺍﻋﺎﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﻢ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻙ ﻫﺰﻳﻞ ، ﺣﺞ ﺍﻟﻴﻚ ﻛﺎﻟﺤﻴﻞ ،ﻧﺼﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﻴﻞ ، ﻟﻢ ﻣﺄﺕ ﻟﻠﻤﻴﺎﺣﻮ ، «‬ ‫ﻭﺟﺜﻤﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺎﺣﻪ < «‬ ‫) ﻩ ﻩ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﻗﻴﺲ ﻯﻻﻥ ﺗﻌﻈﻢﺍﻻﻟﺖ،ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﺫﺍ ﺍﻫﻠﻮﺍ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻠﻤﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ، ﺃﺗﺘﻚ ﻗﻴﺲ ﻯﻻﻥ ، ﺭﺍﺟﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻛﺒﺎﻥ « ﻭﻧﻤﻴﺨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻟﺪﺍﻥ ، ﺫﻟﻴﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻻﻭﺛﺎﻥ « «‬ ‫ﺍ ﻡ ﻡ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔﻭﻳﺒﻌﺖﺍ ﺑﻦﻣﺰﺍﺭ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺣﺠﺎ ﺣﻔﺎ ، ﺗﻌﺒﺪﺍ ﻭﺭﻓﺎ.‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺀﻭﺱ ﺣﻠﻘﺎ «‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻛﺐ ﻃﺮﻗﺎ، ﺳﺘﺒﻘﻴﻰ ﻣﺒﻘﺎ ، ﻟﺤﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﻚ‬ ‫) ﻭﻩ ( ﻗﺎﻝ ،ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻚ . ﻻﺣﺞ ﺍﻻ ﺣﺠﻚ ، ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻚ ﻭﺳﺘﻐﻴﺚ ﺑﻚ ،‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺳﻖ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﺭﺑﻤﺎ ﻓﻜﺎ ، 0 ﻭﺯﺍﺩﺯﻛﺎ ، ﻟﻢ ﻣﺄﺕ ﻟﻠﺮﻗﺎﺣﻪ.ﻭﺍﻭﺟﺒﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺣﻪ <‬ ‫)< (( ﻗﺎﻝ .ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻚ ﻭﺍﻻﺷﺮﺑﻴﻦ ،« ﺍﺫﺍ ﺣﺠﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﻴﺒﺖ .ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ، ﺣﺞ ﻟﻠﺮﺣﻤﻦ ، ﺯﻟﺖ ~ ﺍﻻﺳﻤﺎﻡ ، ﻓﺎﻧﻤﻔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﻴﺖﻣﻤﺎ ﻣﺪﺩﺍ <‬ ‫) « ﻭ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﺬﺣﺞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻫﻠﻴﺔﺍ ،ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻮﺍ ﻳﻌﻈﻤﻮﻥ ﻳﻐﻮﺙ ﻭﺳﻞﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻮ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺮﻯ ، ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻰ ، ﺭﺏ (ﺍﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺰﻯ < 0‬ ‫ﻭﻯ‬ ‫)ﻻﻻ( 0 ﻓﺎﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻴﻌﻔﻮﻣﻲ ، ﺗﺎ.ﻳﺦ ﻫﺮ 65ﻟﻢ ، ﺗﻠﻌﺒﺖﺍ ﻣﻤﻲ ﻣﻤﻴﻢ .‬ ‫)4 ﻻ( ´« ﺍﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻓﻢ ﻻ ﺍﻋﻼﻩ ﺩ‬ ‫)ﻩﻻ( « ﻗﺎﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﻌﻮﻣﻲ ، ﺗﺎﺭﻣﺢ ﺹ 65 ( ، ﺗﻠﻴﺐ ﻣﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺪ 0 ﻭﺃﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ، ﻓﻠﻤﺒﺎﺕ ﻫﻰ ﻩ6ﻻ ﺭﻓﻢ ﻻ .‬ ‫)«ﻡ( ﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺡ ، ﺣﺲ ﻭﺱ . ﻟﻠﻨﻴﺎﺣﻪ ﺩ ( ﻗﺎ.ﻥ ﺍﻟﻴﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ، ﺗﺎﺭﻣﺢ‬ ‫ﻫﻰ652 ﻭﺣﺒﻦ ، ﺗﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻰ /6 ﻻﺭﻓﻢ ﻻ«.‬ ‫)ﻻﻩ( « ﺍﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﻴﻌﺤﻮﺑﻲ ﺹ «5 «. « ﻓﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﺣﻴﻦ ،‬ ‫ﻓﻠﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺍﻟﻢ > . . . ﺳﺸﻴﺨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻟﺪﺍﻥ ، ﻣﺬﻟﻠﺖ ﻟﻸﻳﺎﻥ .‬ ‫)5 ﻩ( « ﻛﺪﺍ ﺍﺡﻭﺱ ﻭﺣﺲ:ﻭﻟﻌﻠﻪ . ﻣﻨﻜﺎ .‬ ‫) . ( ( ﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺡ ﻭﺱ ﻭﺣﺲ.ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺴﺮﻣﻮﻥ .‬ ‫)«4 ( » ﻓﻲ ﺍﺡ ﻭﺱ ﻭﺣﺲ0 . . . . ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺍ . . . ﺍﻟﻌﻼ .. . ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺰﺍ .‬ ‫) «ﻭ ( ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﻡ ﻭﺧﻮﻻﻥ ! ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻤﺪﺍﻥ « ﺗﻌﻈﻢ ﻳﻌﻮﻕ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﻢ . ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﺎﻥ ، ﻫﺬﺍ ﺣﺠﻴﺞ ﻣﻤﺪﺍﻥ ، ﻗﺪ ﺃﺗﺎﻙ ﻭﻛﺒﺎﻥ ، ﺗﺮﻳﺪ ﺭﺏ‬ ‫ﻏﻔﺮﺍﻥ ، ﻗﺪ ﺃﻭﺟﺒﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﺎ~ <‬ ‫) ﻩﻭ ( ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔﺍ ﺣﻤﻴﺮ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻌﺒﺪ ﻧﺴﺮﺍ 0 ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﻗﻮﺍﻝ « ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻰ ﻭﺍﻻﺣﻼﻡ ، ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺍﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﺭﺣﺎﻡ ، ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﺮﺑﻮﺍ « ﻟﺔﺷﺎﻡ ، 2ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﻼﻡ ،ﺯﻟﻮﺍ ﻟﺮﺏ ﺍﻻﻣﺎﻡ ، ﻡ ﺩﺍﻣﻮﺍ ﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ، ﺃﻭﻧﺂﻧﻢ ﻭﺍﻻﻣﻨﺎﻡ .ﻭ‬ ‫) ﻭﻭ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﻢ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺣﻤﻴﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﻤﺎ ﺳﺮ ، ﻗﺪ ﺃﺗﺘﻚ ﺷﻌﺜﺎ ﻋﺎﻧﺲ ، ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻼﺹ ﻧﺎﺳﺮ ، ﻛﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﺤﺞ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻣﻴﻪ ، ﻟﻢ ﻧﺄﺕ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺮﺑﺎ~.ﻭﺍﻭﺟﺒﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﺎﺣﻪ <‬ ‫) ﻩ( ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔﺍ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺲ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻧﺖ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻤﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﻯ ، ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻟﺜﺖ ﺍﻻﺧﺮﻯ ، ﻭﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺰﻯ ، ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻌﺒﺖ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺍﻧﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺪﻋﺎ ، ﺟﺌﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺨﺶ > ﺗﻬﺪﻱ ﺑﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻀﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ، ﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻔﻮﺍ ﺍﻻﻭﺛﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﻮﺍﺻﻔﺮﺍ <‬ ‫ﺗﻀﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫) «ﻭ ( ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﻌﺐ)ﺍ(ﺑﻦ ﻭﺑﺮﺓ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻌﺒﺪ ﻭﺩﺍ ، ﻭﺗﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﻢ ﻭﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ ، ﺍﻏﻔﺮ ﺧﻄﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻋﺒﺪ ﻭﺍﻡ ، :ﺗﻮﻙ ﻳﻤﺸﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻗﺪﺍﻡ <‬ ‫)ﻩ ﻭ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻭ (( ﺍ ( ﺣﺎﻣﺖ 0 ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ، ﺯﻟﺖ ﻟﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﻋﻪ ، ﺳﻌﺎ ﻟﻪ ﻭﻃﺎ~ ، ﻳﻘﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﻭﺩﺍﻯ <‬ ‫) ﻡﻭ ( ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺖﺍ ﺛﻘﻴﻒ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻫﻠﻴﺔ . ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ، ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻳﺎﺩ «‬ ‫ﻗﺪ ﺃﺗﻮﻙ ، ﻗﺪ ﻣﻤﻄﻠﻮﺍ 2 ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺪ ﺭﺟﺮﻙ ،ﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺰﻯ ﻓﻲ ﻳﺪﻳﻚ > ( ﺩﺍﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﻚ ﺍﻻﺻﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﻈﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻚ ، ﻗﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﻨﺖ ﺑﺴﻠﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻚ ، ﻓﺎﻏﻔﺮ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻩ ﻓﻄﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻔﻮﺕ. «‬ ‫) 5 ( ( ﻗﺎﻝ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻥﻋﻤﺮﻭ ﺑﻦ ﻣﻌﺪﻳﻜﺮﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ.ﻟﻘﺪﺭﺍﻳﺘﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺤﻦ ﺍﺫﺍ ﺣﺠﺠﻨﺎ ﻧﻘﻮﻝ:ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺗﻌﻈﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻚ ﻋﺬﺭﺃ«ﻫﺬﻩ ﺯﺑﻴﺄ ﻗﺪ ﺍﺗﺘﻚ ﻗﺼﺮﺍ ، ﺗﻌﺪﻭ «‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺎ ﻣﻀﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺰﺭﺍ ، ﻳﻘﻄﻌﻦ ﺧﺒﺘﺎ ﻭﺟﺒﺎﻻ ﻭﻋﺮﺍ ، ﻗﺪ ﺣﻠﻔﻮﺍ ﺍﻻﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﻠﻮﺍ ﻣﻔﺮﺍ:‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﺪ ~ ، ﻣﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ . ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ، ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺖ ﺻﺪﻕ ، ﻟﺒﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺤﻦ،‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ، ﺭﺏ ﺍﻻﺭﺑﺎﺏ ، ﺗﻌﺪﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺳﺮﺭ ﻏﺔﺏ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﻣﺨﻠﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﺠﻮﺍﺏ ، ﺍﻟﻌﺠﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻣﺎ~ ﻭﺍﻻﻣﺒﺎﺏ ، ﻗﺎﻫﺮ ﻛﻞ ﻭﺛﻦ ﻭﻣﻨﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺐﻻﺩ ﻩ‬ ‫) <ﻩ ( ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺑﻜﺮ ﺑﻦ ﻭﺍﺛﻞ . ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ، ﻟﻴﺒﻚ ﻋﻦ ﺭﺑﺴﺮ ،ﺳﺎﻣﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺴﺮ ، ﻟﺮﺏ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﺒﺪ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻴﺴﺮ ﻭﻳﺴﺮ ، ﻗﺪ ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﺃﻭﺷﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺼﻤﺔ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ <«‬ ‫)«4 ( « ﻭﻣﺮﻭﺣﺲ . ﻓﻤﺬﺍﻥ <‬ ‫ﺍﺡ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻴﻮﺭﻗﻢ <« . ﻭﺍﻻﻗﻴﺎﻝ . ﺀ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ . ﻻﻳﺘﺮﺑﻮﻥ‬ ‫)ﻻﻡ( « ﻓﻲ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻻ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ . ﻫﻺﻡ ( ´´ﺩﺍﻣﻮﺍ <<.<<<<<<ﻭﺍﻻﻣﻨﺎﻡ ´´_ﻟﻢ ﻳﺮﺩ ﻓﻴﻨﺺ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ <‬ ‫)ﻡ ﻭ( ﻡ ﺍﻟﻴﻴﻘﻮﻣﺒﻲ ﺹ ﻭﻭ« . ﺍﻥ ﺛﻌﻴﻌﺎﻗﺪﺍﺗﻮﻙ < « ﺍﻟﻴﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ - ﻭﺍﺧﻠﻔﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ • ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻭ . ﻭﻗﺪ ﻣﻈﻤﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﻩ « ﺍﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻧﺺ ﺍﻟﻴﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ « 4‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺒﻦ . ﻋﺰﺍﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻼﺕ ﻓﻴﻴﺪﻳﻚ . ﻩ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ:ﻟﻬﺎﺩ 6 ﺣﺴﻴﻦ.ﻏﻔﺮﺕ .‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺎﺡ . ﻧﻘﺪﻭﺍ <‬ ‫)5 ﻭ( »‬ ‫)<ﻩ( « ﻗﺎﺭﻥ . ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ، ﻓﻠﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﻗﻢ «ﺩﻭﺍﻟﻴﻌﻘﻮﺑﻴﺺ ﻭﻭ« <‬ ‫) ﻡ ﻭ ﻟﻢ ﻭﻓﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ ﺭﻓﻲ ﺍ~ ﻋﻤﻪ 8ﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻦ ﺍﺑﻲﻣﻮﻣﺲ‬ ‫ﺃﻧﺪﺭﻱ ﻛﺒﻒ ﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﻙ ﻓﻮﻣﻚ « ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻫﻠﺒﺄﺍ ( ﻓﺎﻝ _ ﻛﺎﻣﻮﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﻟﻮﻥ . ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻫﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﻧﻤﺎ ، ﺃﺛﻤﻮ ﺍ~ ﻭﻓﺪ ﺃﻧﻤﺎ ، ( ﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﻔﺮﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻧﻐﻔﺮﺟﻮ ﻭﺃﻯ ﻋﺒﺪ ﻟﻚ ﻻﺃﻟﺜﺎ <‬ ‫) ﻡ ﻭ ( ﻭﻛﺎ~ ﻓﻠﺒﺒﺒﻮ ﺟﺬﺍﻡ . ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﻋﻦ ﺟﺬﺍﻡ ﺫﻭﻱ «‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺲ ﻭﺍﻻﺣﻼﻡ ، ﺑﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﺎﻡ ، ﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻭﻉﻭﺍﻻﻋﻼﻡ ، ﻭﺍﻧﻮﺍ ﺍ~ﺍﻻﻣﻨﺎﻡ.‬ ‫ﺗﺘﻤﺎﺳﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻛﺒﺎﻥ، ﻓﻔﻈﺒﻤﺎ ﻟﻠﺮﺣﻤﻦ < ﻡ‬ ‫) ﻡ ﻩ ( ﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﺣﻀﺮﻣﻮﻧﺬ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻮﻥ « _ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ،ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﻻ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺒﺐ 0ﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺑﺒﻚ ﻟﻚ ، ﺍﻻ ﺗﺘﺮﺑﻜﺎ ﻧﻤﻠﻚ ، « ﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﻠﻜﻪ ﺃﻭ ﻧﻨﺮﻙ ، :ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻟﺤﻠﺒﻢ « ﻓﺎﻧﺰﻛﻪ <‬ ‫)ﺍ ﻭﻩ ( ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪ ﻏﺴﺎﻥ . ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ، ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﻣﻠﻮﻛﻤﺎ« ﻓﺄﻣﻨﺬ ﻓﻮﻣﻤﺎ،‬ ‫ﺭﺏ‬ ‫ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺍ،ﻭﻋﺘﺒﺘﻤﺎﻭﻧﺤﻨﺎﻭﺣﺠﻨﺎ <‬ ‫~ . ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﻋﻦ ﺑﺠﺒﻼ ، ﻓﺎﺳﻬﺎ ﻟﻌﻤﻨﺬ ﺍﻟﻔﺒﺒﻠﻮﺀ«‬ ‫) ﻩ ﻩ ( ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻨﻨﻰ ﻧﺰﻯ ﻃﺎﺋﻔﻪﺍﺑﻜﻌﺒﻪ ﻙ~، ﻓﺪ ﺧﻠﻔﻨﺬ :ﻭﻧﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﻣﻂ ﺍ~ «ﻡ‬ ‫) «ﻩ ( ﻓﻠﺒﺒﻪﺍ ﺩﻭﺱ . ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻻﻣﻤﺎﻡ ، ﺗﺘﻤﺎﻧﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻛﺒﺎﻥ ،‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﻓﻄﺴﺮ <‬ ‫:ﻧﻨﻼ ﺩﻭﺱﺳﺎﻣﻌﺎﺍ ~،ﻭﺭﺏ ﻛﻞ ﻭﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫0ﺍ ﺑﻤﺨﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻻﺳﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻠﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ .ﻻﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ . ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻯ ﺷﺠﺮ‬ ‫)ﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻭﺛﻦ ﻓﻐﺒﺪﻫﺎ ﻏﻄﻔﺎﻥ ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻨﺰ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭﺑﺎﻫﻼﺍ ﻓﻔﺒﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻡﻝﻭ ﻭ«ﺏ(ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻭﺛﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻔﻄﺴﺎ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﻟﺒﺪ ﻭﺣﻤﻮ ﺍﻟﻠﻮ < ﻭﻛﺎﺳﺮ ﺍﺍﻻ: ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺎﺋﻒ ﻟﻨﻔﺒﻒ ﻓﺒﻌﻨﺰ ﺍﻟﺒﻲ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍ~ ﻋﻠﺒﻰ ﻭﺳﻠﻢ ﺃﺑﺎ ﻣﻤﻨﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻐﺒﺮﻩ ﺑﻦ ﺷﺐﺍ ﻓﻬﺪﻣﺎﻫﺎ، ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﺟﻬﺎﺭ ﻟﻬﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺑﻌﻜﺎﻅ<‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﺳﻮﺍﻉ ﺑﻤﻌﻌﺎﻥ « ﺗﻌﺒﺪﻩ )« ( ﻛﺎﻥﺍ ﻭﻫﺬﺑﻞﻭﻣﺰﺑﺖﻭﺣﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺒﺲﻣﺐﻻﻥ < ﻭﻛﺎﺳﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺘﻤﺲ ﻟﺒﻨﻲ ﺗﻤﺒﺞ ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻨﺰ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﺒﻨﺰ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﺗﻌﺒﺪﻩ )« ( ﺑﻤﻮ ﻩ ﻭﺩ ﻛﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﻓﺴﺰﻭﻧﻨﻬﺒﻢ ﻭﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﻮﺭ ﻭﻋﻜﻞ « ﻭﻛﺎﻥﻭﺙ ﻟﺒﻨﻲ ﻭﺑﺮﻩﺍ ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻮ~ﺑﺪﻭﻣﻨﻪﺍ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻝ < ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﻰ ﺑﻤﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻋﺼﺎﺭﻭ:ﺯﺩ 0 ﻩﺍﻭﻏﺒﺮﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺯﺩ ﺑﻌﺒﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺛﻨﻤﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﻔﺒﺪﻩ 0.ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺑﺒﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺒﺪ < ﻭﻛﺎ~‬ ‫ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺰﺍ، ﺍﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻩﺍ ﻭﻛﺎﻥ )« ( ﺑﺴﺒﻒ ( ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ )« ( < ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﺳﺪ ﻫﺬﺑﻢ (ﺃ ﻭﺳﺎﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻲ ﻭﺑﺮﻩ ، ﺑﻌﺒﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺪﻩﺍ ﻭﻣﻨﺎﻩﺍ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻻﺯﺩ ﺑﻌﺒﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺪ0ﺍ< ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺫﻭ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﻮﻣﺸﺬ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺑﻨﻮ ﻫﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻟﻮ ﺑﺒﻨﺖ ﺑﻌﺪﻩﺳﺠﺒﺒﻚﺍ ﻭﺧﻨﻔﻢ ﻭﺣﺎﺭﻧﺬ ﺑﻦ ﻛﻌﺐ ﻭﺟﺮﻡ ﻭﺯﺑﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻰﻋﻤﺎﺭﻩﺍ < ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻐﻮﻧﺰ ﻟﻤﺬﺣﺞ < ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﻮﻥ ﻟﺨﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ < ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺗﺴﺮ ﻩ ﻟﺤﻤﺒﺮ‬ ‫«ﻓﻴﺎﺡ ﻭﺱ ﻭﺣﻰ- ﻓﻮﻡ ! ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺎﻣﻨﻨﻰ ﺃﺡ « ﻓﻮﺹ « «‬ ‫)«ﻩ(‬ ‫:~ﺍ~ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻧﻨﻬﺎ «‬ ‫.ﻓﻢ ﻩ . ﻓﺬﺍﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎ ،‬ ‫ﺍ«ﻩ( « ﻣﻲ:ﺡ ﻭﺣﺲ .ﺩﻱ « « ﻓﺎﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺨﻮﺑﻰﻫﻰﻻ«( «‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺣﻀﺮﻣﻮﺕ ﻩ « ﺍﻟﺒﻌﻔﻮﺑﻲ _ﻻ ﻧﻨﻰ ﺑﻚ‬ ‫)ﻡ ﻩ( « ﺍﻟﺒﻌﻔﻮﺑﻲ ﺹ ﻩ5« - ﻛﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻟﻚ ﻧﻨﻬﻠﻜﻮﺃﻭﻧﻬﻠﻜﻪ. ﻩ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ «‬ ‫0«‬ ‫0 ﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﻥ ﻭﻣﺨﺒﻠﻮ‬ ‫)ﻩ ﻩ( « ﻅﺭﻥ ﺃﻟﻴﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﻰ ﻩ5« » ﻟﺒﺒﻚ ﻋﻦ ﺑﺠﻴﻠﻮ‬ ‫0 ﺃﻟﻐﻔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰ«ﻡ ﻭ .‬ ‫~ « ﻧﺒﻴﺎﻧﺬ ،ﻓﻢ ﻩ ﻭﺭﺳﺎﻷ‬ ‫2 ﻅﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻗﻤﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﻤﻦ < ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺫﻭ ﻩ ﻟﺒﺎ ﻟﻤﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺲ . ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺮﻕ ﺑﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻡ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻜﺮ ﺑﻦ ﻭﺍﺛﻞ ﺭﻳﺒﻌﺖ~ < ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻜﻤﺪﺓﺍ ﺫﺭﻳﻊ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺠﻴﺮ « ﺑﺎﻟﻴﻤﻦ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﻮﺕ.‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻒ ﻭﻟﻌﻚ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﻌﺮﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻤﺎ ﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺤﺎﺱ ﻳﺘﻜﻠﻤﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻮﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻼﻡ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺴﻤﻊ ﺑﻤﺜﻠﻮ . ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺴﺎﻕ ﻭﻋﺎﺛﻚﺍ ﻟﻘﺮﻳﺜﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﻻﺣﺎ ﻳﺒﺶ < ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﺒﻞ ﻟﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺮ ﻭﻣﻠﻚ ﻭﻣﻠﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺛﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﻧﺔ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺒﺪ ﻣﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﻨﺎﻧﺔ ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﺪ ﻣﺎﺣﺐ ﺗﺮﻳﺶ.‬ ‫ﺍ() ﺃﺝ « ﻭ <«« ﺏ ﺍﻭﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﺃ ﺍﻻﻟﻬﺖﺍ ﻓﺄ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺙ ﻣﻠﻜﻠﺐ ﺑﺪﻭﻣﺔﺍ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺪﻝ ﻭﺃ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻬﺬﻳﻞ ﺑﻤﻤﺎﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮ ، ﻭﺃﻣﺎ ﻳﻐﻮﺙ ﻓﻠﺒﻨﻲﻣﺨﻄﻴﻒ ﻭﻫﻢ 0 ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ، ﻭﺃﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﻬﻤﺪﺍﻥ ، ﻭﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺮ ﻓﻠﺤﻤﻴﺮ ﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﻼﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻤﻴﺮ ، ﻓﻜﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﻟﻬﺔ ﻳﻌﺒﺪﻫﺎ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻧﻮﺡ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﻫﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ • ﻭﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻼﺕ ﻓﻠﺘﺘﻔﻴﻖ ﻭﺃ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﻏﻄﻔﺎﻥﻭﺣﺸﻢ ﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺼﺮ ﺑﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﺑﺔ ﻭﺳﻌﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺑﻜﺮ <ﻭﺃﻣﺎ،ﻣﻨﺎﺓ ﻓﻜﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻘﺪﻳﺪ « ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﻜﺖ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔﺍ « ﻭﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺒﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺴﺎﻕ ﻭﻣﺎﺛﻠﺖ ﻭﻫﺒﻞ ﻻﻫﻞ ﻣﻜﻪﺍ 0 ﻓﻜﺎﻥ ﻳﺴﺎﻕ ﺣﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﺮ ﺍﻻﺳﺮﺩ ، ﻭﻣﺎﺛﻠﺖﺍ ﺣﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ، ﻭﻫﺒﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻮﻑ ﺍﻟﻜﻌﺒﺔ ، ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﻩ ﻓﻤﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻋﺸﺮ ﺫﺭﺍﻋﺎ < ﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﺍﺍ )« ( ﻓﻲ ﺃﺡ > ﻭﻧﻤﺘﻢ . ﻭﺍﻧﻄﺮ . ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺳﻲ ،ﻓﻤﺤﺎﻧﺄ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺍﻡ ﺡ « ﻫﻰ «/«ﺱ ﻩ‬ ‫)7 ( ﻓﻲ ﺃﺡ > ﻟﻘﺪﻣﺪ ﻩ )ﻻ( ﺭﺍﺣﻊ . ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻯ، ﺗﻌﺴﺒﺮ )ﻣﻮﻻﻕ ﻻﻻﻣﻰ4 ﻻ_6ﻻ‬ ‫(ﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻴﻮﻛﻠﻲ ، ﺍﻟﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻮﺭ ﺝ ﻩ ﺹ««»_ﻻ«« ! ﺍﻟﺮﺭﻓﺎﻣﻲ ، ﻧﻤﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍ~ ﺍﻟﻠﺪﻣﻤﺖ‬ ‫)ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓﺍ ﻩ(ﻻ» ( ﺝ ﻡ ﻣﻰ ﻻ(ﻩ _ ﻭ(ﻻ ، ﺡ ﻩ ﻣﻰ ﻻ( ، (ﻩ _ (ﻩ : ﺍﻟﺼﺎﻟﺤﻰ ، ﺳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍ~ﻯ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺙ ﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺳﺒﺮﺓ ﺣﺒﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﺩ ، ﺝ«ﺹ (4« ~ 4 (ﻟﻢ ! ﺍﻣﻰ ﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﺑﺄ، ﺳﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻥ ، )ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻣﻮ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﻞ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻫﻤﻢ ، ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻩ/ﻻ«/ 691 ( ﺡ«‬ ‫ﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻰ 5»« _ ﻩﻻﻟﻢ ! ﻟﺤﺒﻰ ، ﺗﻔﻴﺮ ﺝ /« ﻫﻰ ﻻﻩ ﻻ~ ﻩ«ﻻ ﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﻡ.‬ 

illa_bihaqqihi.pdf ...ILLA BI-HAQQIHI... A STUDY OF AN EARLY HADITH In memory of my friend Dov 'Iron The revolt of the tribes in the Arabian peninsula after the death of the prophet Muhammad, the so-called ridda, endangered the very existence of the Muslim community in Medina and the survival of the nascent commonwealth set up by the Prophet. The rebellious tribes, aware of the weakness of the new leadership of the Medinan community, strove to sever their ties with the new authority in Medina, broke their allegiance to the newly elected Caliph, Abu Bakr, and declared that the agreements they had concluded with the Prophet were null and void. They sought to regain their separate tribal existence, and to rid themselves of the authority of Medina. Thus, returning to the type of relations with Mecca which were in effect during the Jahiliyya, they were willing to negotiate over agreements with the Medinan leadership which would be based on the principle of non-aggression. Some chiefs of tribes proposed to defend Medina, and to protect the city against attacks by other tribes, in return for certain payments they would get. Abu Bakr refused to negotiate with the chiefs of the tribes and decided to fight the hostile forces in the vicinity of Medina. The Muslim troops dis~atched by Abu Bakr succeeded in crushing the revolt and in bringing the tribes of the peninsula under the authority of Medina. Abu Bakr thus assured the survival and the perpetuation of the commonwealth of Medina. Having brought the tribal forces under the control of Medina and having laid a solid foundation for their unity and loyalty, he sent tribal troops under Medinan command towards the northern and the eastern borders of the Arab peninsula, thus initiating the powerful Muslim conquests in the Persian and Byzantine empires. An examination of some data incorporated in the reports about the ridda may help in elucidating certain economic aspects. of the revolt. The scrutiny of a hadith which is often quoted in the story of the ridda may enable us to get a glimpse into the ideas held by certain groups of Muslim scholars concerning the conditions imposed on those willing to embrace Isiam after the death of the Prophet, the status of the ridda people, and the question whether it was right to make war on them. 34 The term ridda, apostasy, applied in the sources to the rebellious movement of the tribes, was questioned by Western scholars who pointed out the political and social aspects of the revolt. I The economic factors Ieading to the rebellion were clearly expounded by Shaban.' who emphasized the struggle which the tribes, whether allied to Medina or not, carried against the Medinan hegemony and the commercial interests which played a major part in intertribal relations. The economic effect of conversion to Isiam can indeed be noticed in some early traditions. Al-Shafi'I carries a report that (members of -K) Quraysh used to travel to Syria and Iraq with their merchandise. Upon their conversion to Islam they spoke to the Prophet of their fear that their income might suffer as a result of their break with unbelief and of their having become Muslims, a step which might displease the rulers of Syria and Iraq. The Prophet allayed their anxiety by predicting that the end of Persian and Byzantine rule was near. 3 The unrest in Mecca after the death of the Prophet, the feeling of uncertainty and the fear oflosing their means of sustenance if they remained Ioyal to Islam and kept their obligations seem to have cast a shadow over the city;" the inhabitants wavered in face of the tribal revolt and were reluctant to pay their taxes. Suhayl b. 'Amrs Wellhausen, See e.g. A.J. Wensinck, The Muslim Creed, London 1965(repr.);pp.II-12;J. Das Arabische Reich und Sein Sturz, Berlin 1960 (repr.), pp. 14-15; C. Brockelmann, History of the Islamic Peoples, New York 1947, pp. 45-6 (... "In this religious motives played scarcely any role at all; there was simply a desire to be rid of the troublesome rule of the Muslims in Medina."); W. Montgomery Watt, MulJammad at Medina, Oxford 1956, pp. 79-80, 147-150. M.A. Shaban, Islamic History. A new interpretation, Cambridge 1971, pp. 19-23. AI-Shafi'i, al-Umm, Cairo 1321 (repr. 1388/1968), IV, 94; al-Tahawt, Mushkil al-tIthtIr, Hyderabad 1333, I, 214 (from al-Shafi'I); and see the lJadfth: idhtI halaka kisrtI ... : al-Tal)awi, Mushkil, I, 212-217; al-Suyutl, al-Khalti'il al-kubrtI, ed. Khaltl Harras, Cairo 1387/1967, 11,412; Ibn Kathir, NihtIyat al-bidtIya wa-l-nihaya, ed, Muhammad Fahtm Abo 'Ubayya, Riydd 1968, 1,9-10; idem, ShamtI'iI al-rasid, ed. Mu~~afa 'Abd al-Wal)id, Cairo 1386/1967, p. 352; idem al-Bid4ya wa-[..nihtIya,Beirut 1966, VI, 194; AbO l-Mal)asin YOsufb. MOsa al-Hanafl, al-Mu'tasar min al-mukhtasar, Hyderabad 1362, I, 248-249. Several reports stress however that Mecca was not affected by the ridda movement; see e.g, al- Tabarl, Ta'rikh, Cairo 1357/1939, 11,475; al-Maqdisi, al-Bad' wa-l-ta'rtkh, ed, Huart, Paris 1899, V, 151 inf.; al-Shawkanl, Nayl al-autdr, IV, 135; al-'Ayni, 'Umdat al-qart, VIII, 244, I. II from bottom. See on him e.g. al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Jamharat nasab quraysh wa-akhbtIrihtI, Ms. Bodley, Marsh 384, fols. 189a·190a; Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, Nasab quraysh, ed. Levi-Provencal, Cairo 1953, pp. 417-418; Anonymous, al-Ta'rikh al-muhkam fiman intasaba iltI t-nabiyyt lalltI IltIhu 'alayki wa-sallam, Ms. Br. Mus. Or. 8653, fols. I 96a-197a; al-Dhahabi, Siyar a'ltIm al-nubaltI', ed. As'ad Talas, Cairo 1962, III, 32, 1,141-142; idem, Ta'n7ch al-isltIm, Cairo 1367, II, 15; Ibn Hajar, al-Isab«, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawl, Cairo 139VI972, III, 212, no. 3575; Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, al-Istt'db, ed. Mul)ammad al-Bijawi, Cairo 1380/1960, pp. 669-672, no. 1106; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-ghtIba, Cairo 1280, 11,371-373; al-I:Iakim, al-Mustadrak, Hyderabad 1342, III, 281-282; Ibn al-'Arabi,AlJktImal-qur'tIn, ed. 'Air al-Bijawi, Cairo 138711967, 11,951 inf. - 952. ...ilia bi-haqqihi ... 35 ascended the minbar and addressed Quraysh; stressing the extent of his wealth he urged them to hand over their zakiit to the governor and promised to compensate them for any zakdt payment should the regime of Medina collapse." Al-Jarud, the leader of 'Abd al-Qays, promised his people to repay double the losses they would incur if they remained faithful to Islam." The tribes' unwillingness to pay the tax, the zakiit, is plairily reflected in the recorded speeches of the triballeaders and in the verses of their poets. It is noteworthy indeed that when the Ieaders of the rebellious tribes were captured and brought before Abu Bakr accused of apostasy, they defended themselves by saying that they had not become unbelievers, but were merely stingy with their wealth (i.e. they were reluctant to pay the zakdt from it - K).B Another aspect of the secession movement was the triballeaders' contention that their allegiance was confined to the Prophet; they had concluded their agreements with him, had accepted his authority and had given him the oath of allegiance; they had no commitment to Abu Bakr.9 The arguments of the secessionist tribes, who stressed the incompetence of the successor of the Prophet and claimed that they were exempted from paying the zakiit, are recorded in some commentaries of the Qur'an, They are said to have based themselves on Sura IX, 103: ..... Take aIms of their wealth to purify them and to cleanse them thereby and pray for them, thy prayers are a comfort for them ... ". It is the Prophet who is addressed in this verse and ordered to collect the tax; and it was the Prophet who was authorized to purify and cleanse them and to pray for them in return for Muhammad b. Habib, al-Munammaq, ed, Khurshld Ahmad Fariq, Hyderabad 1384/1964, pp. 260-261; al-Baladhurt, Ansab al-ashrdf, ed. Muhammad Hamldullah, Cairo 1959, p. 304: ... wo-ana ifijminun, in lam yatimma l-amru; an aruddaha ilaykum ... Cf. Ibn al-Athlr, Usd, II, 371 penult: anna rasiila lliihi lammd tuwuffiya irtajjat makkatu Iimii ra'at qurayshun min irtidddi 1-'arabi wa-khtafa 'attdbu bnu astdin al-umawiyyu, amiru makkata Ii-l-nabiyyits) fa-qdma suhaylu bnu 'amrin khattban ... ; and see Ibn Hisham, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, ed. MU~lafa l-Saqa, Ibrahim al-Abyarl, 'Abd al-Hafiz al-Shalabl, Cairo 1355/1936, IV, 316: ... anna akthara ahli makkata, lammii tuwuffiya rasiilu lliihi(~) hammii bi-I-rujii'i 'an al-isldmi wa-ariidii dhiilika /Jattii khii/ahum 'attdbu bnu asidin fatawiirii, fa-qama suhaylun ... ; 'Abd al-Jabbar, Tathbit dalii'if al-nubuwwa, ed. 'Abd alKarim 'Uthrnan, Beirut 1386/1966, p. 317; and cf. pp. 227-228. Ibn Abf l-Hadld, Shar/J nah} al-baliigha, ed. Muhammad Abu I-FaQI Ibrahlm, Cairo 1964, XVIII, 57. AI-Shafi'f,op. cit., IV, 134: ... wa-qiilii li-abtbakrin ba'da l-isdri: mii kafarnd ba'da imiininii we-lakin sha/Ja/Jnii 'alii amwiilinii ... ; al-Bayhaql, al-Sunan al-kubra, Hyderabad 1355, VIII, 178; al-Kala'I, Ta'rikh al-ridda, ed. Khurshid Ahmad Fariq, New Delhi 1970, p. 42; cf. ib. pp. 149, 170. See e.g. al-Shafi'I, op. cit., IV, 134; al- Tabarf, Ta'rikh, II, 417: a!a'niirasl1lalliihimii kdna was!anii:/a-yii 'ajaban mii biilu mulki abt bakri; Ibn al-'ArabI, op. cit., II, 994; Ibn Kathlr, al-Biddya, VI, 313; al-Khattabl, Ma'iilim al-sunan, Halab 1933,II,4;a1-Bayhaqf,al-Sunan al-kubra, VIII, 178. 36 their payment. Consequently they considered themselves dispensed from their obligations towards the Prophet, as his successor had not the ability to grant them the compensation mentioned in the Qur'an.'? It is rather doubtful whether the leaders of the seceding tribes indeed used arguments based on the interpretation of Qur'anic verses when they debated with the Muslim Ieaders; the recorded interpretation reflects however the idea held by the seceding tribal Ieaders that their obligations and allegiance were only binding towards the Prophet, not towards his successor. It is noteworthy that the Muslim tradition which emphasizes the religious aspects of the ridda secession also provides a clue to a better evaluation of the intentions of the rebellious tribes. Certain Iate compilations of hadith. and of fiqh are of importance for the elucidation of a number of terms occurring in the traditions. Wensinck quotes the commentary of al-Nawawi (d. 676 H) on Muslim's (d. 261 H) $aJ:zil:lin which it is said that there were three kinds of resistance in Arabia: there were two groups of unbelievers (viz. the followers of the false prophets and people who gave up religion altogether - K) and a group who did not renounce IsIam, but refused to pay the zakdt. Wensinck puts forward a very similar division: "those who followed religious or political adventurers and therefore turned their backs on Medina and Isiam and those who cut the Iinks with Medina without associating themselves with any new religious Ieader. This Iatter group did not, in all probability, reject IsIam; for their attachment to religion must have been too insignificant a fact. What they rejected was zakat':" The division, as recorded by al-Nawawi, can however be traced back to a period some four and half centuries earlier. Al-Shafi'I (d. 204 H) gives a similar division of the seceding groups, drawing a clear line between those who fell into unbelief like the followers of Musaylima, Tulayha and al-Aswad aI-'Ansl and those who refused to pay the zakiit, while remaining faithful to IsIam.12 It is significant that al-Shafi'I, in analyzing the problem whether it is permitted to fight and kill members of these groups, raises doubts whether the term ahl-al-ridda, "people of apostasy", can be applied to both of them. He finally justifies it by referring to them common usage of Arabic, in which irtadda denotes retreat from former tenets; this 10 11 12 Ibn al-'Arabi, op. ctt., II, 994; al-Qastallanl, Irshdd al-sart ii-sharI} ~al}i1;Ii /-bukhtirf. Cairo 1327, III, 6; al-Qurtubl, Tafsir (= al-Jdmi' Ii-al}ktimi I-qur'tin), Cairo 1386/1967, VIII, 244-245; Ibn Kathir, a/-Bidtiya, VI. 311. Wensinck, op. cit .• p. 13. Al-Shafi'I, op. cit.• IV, 134. ... illii bi-haqqihi.: 37 includes, of course, both: falling into unbelief and the refusal to pay the taxes. 13 When al-Shafi'I analyzes the status of the second group, he remarks that in their refusal to pay the zakiit they acted as if they were interpreting the verse Sura IX, 103 in the way mentioned above. Shafi'f is concerned with the problem of the false interpretation of the verse (al-muta'awwilun almumtani'iini and seeks to establish that fighting this group and killing its members is lawful, by comparing it to the group of Muslims rebelling unjustly against a just ruler (al-biighiin). He ultimately justifies without reserve the war-action taken by Abu Bakr against the group which refused to pay the zakat," The status of this group is discussed at length by al-Khattabi (d. 384 H) who states that they were in fact unjust rebels (wa-hii'ulii'i 'alii l-baqiqati ahlu baghyin) although they were not given this name at the time; this name became current at the time of 'AlL IS He remarks that among this group there were some factions who were ready to pay the tax, but who were prevented from doing so by their Ieaders. He further stresses that they were indeed not unbelievers (kufjiir); they shared the name ahl al-ridda with the unbelievers because Iike them they refused to carry out certain duties and prescriptions of the faith." The argument of this group in connection with the verse Sura IX, 103 is here recorded in a peculiar context, revealing some details of later polemic over religious and political issues in connection with the decision of Abu Bakr to fight those who refused to pay the zakdt, Al-Khattabl identifies explicitly the people who passed sharp criticism on Abu Bakr's action; those were certain people from among the snrt rawiifid, who stated that the tribes refusing to pay the zakat merely held a different interpretation for the verse mentioned above (Sura IX, 103): it was the Prophet who was addressed in the verse and only the Prophet could purify them and pray for them." As a consequence it was not right to fight them and Abu Bakr's military action was oppressive and unjust. A certain Shi'I faction argued indeed that the group which had refused the zakdt payment suspected Abu Bakr and considered him unworthy of being entrusted with their property (scil, of having it handed over to him as taxK). Al-Khattabi refutes these arguments and marks them as lies and Il 14 IS Al-Shafi'I, op. cit., ib. (...fd-in qiila qd'ilun: md dalla 'alii dhdlika wa-l-timmatu lahum ahlu l-ridda ...). AI-Shafi'l, op. cit., IV, 134. taqulu 16 17 AI-Khallabl,op. cit., 11,4; and see p. 6: ..fa-ammii mlini'u l-zakdti minhum t-muqtmana 'alii alii l-dint fa-innahum ahlu baghyin ... ; cr. al-Shawkant, Nayl al-autdr, Cairo 1372/1953, IV, 135-137 (quoting al-Khattabt), AI-Khal\abl,op. cit., II, 6. cr. above, note 10; and see al-Sh~wkanl, Nayl, IV, 136. 38 calumnies. Al-Khattabi argues that the verse was actually addressed to the Prophet, but that it put an obligation on all the believers and that it is incumbent upon all the believers at all times. Cleansing and purificaticn will be granted to the believer who hands over the zakiit and it is recommended that the imam and the collector of taxes invoke God's blessing for the payer of the tax. Further al-Khattabi strengthens his argument by a hadith' of the Prophet. According to this tradition the last words of the Prophet were: "Prayer and what your right hands possess." This hadtth is usually interpreted as a bid to observe the prayer and to take care of one's dependents; but al-Khattabi's interpretation is different; according to him "md ma/akat aymdnukum"; "what your right hands possess" refers to property and possessions and has to be understood as an injunction to pay the zakdt tax." According to this interpretation zakdt goes together with prayer. Consequently al-Khattabi deduces that zakdt is as obligatory as prayer and that he who is in charge of prayer is also in charge of the collection of zakiit, This was one of the considerations which induced Abu Bakr not to permit that prayer be separated from tax and to set out to fight the group Ioyal to IsIam, but refusing to pay the zakdt. Finally al-Khattabi compares Abu Bakr's attitude towards this group and the rules which would apply nowadays should such a group, or a similar one arise. In the period of Abu Bakr the aim was merely to compel the rebels to pay the tax; they were not killed. The Ieniency shown towards them took into consideration their ignorance since they had been in Islam only for a short period. But a group who would deny zakdt nowadays would be considered as falling into unbelief and apostasy and the apostate would have to be killed. 19 The discussions concerning the Iawfulness of Abu Bakr's decision to fight this group can thus be understood as a Iater debate with the aim of a positive evaluation of Abu Bakr's action against the rebellious tribes, and providing convincing proof that his action was in accordance with the prescriptions and injunctions of the Qur'an and with the sunna of the Prophet. The precedent of Abu Bakr had to serve as an example for dealing with similar cases of revolt in the contemporary Muslim Empire. The Sunni assessment of Abu Bakr's action is put forward in an utterance attributed to al-Hasan al-Basri and recorded by AbU Sukayn (d. 251 18 19 See both interpretations in Ibn al-Athir's al-Nihdya s.v. mlk; L 'A s.v. mlk; and cr. e.g, Ibn Sa'd, TabaqOt, Beirut 1376/1957, II, 253-254; 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Muiannq{, ed.I;IabIb al-Rahman al-A'zaml, Beirut 1392/1972, V 436 (ittaqr1 114hajr l-nis4'i wa-mO malakat aym4nukum); Nilr ai-Din al-Haythaml, Majma' al-zawO'id, Beirut 1967 (reprint) IV, 237. AI-KhaUibr,op. cit., 11,6-9; cr. Ibn Kathtr, Ta!sfral-qur'On, Beirut 1385/1966, III, 488. ...uta bi-haqqihi ... 39 H)20in his JuZ'.21 Al-Hasan evaluates the crucial events in the history ofthe Muslim community according to the actions of the men who shaped the destiny of the community for ever. Four men set aright the Muslim community. al-Hasan says, and two men impaired and spoilt it. 'Umar b. al-Khattab set it aright on the Day of the Hall of the Bam} Sa'ida , answering the arguments of the Ansar who demanded an equal share in authority with Quraysh. He reminded the assembled that the Prophet ordered Abu Bakr to pray in front of the people (thus establishing his right to rule the people - K) and that the Prophet uttered the bidding saying: "The leaders are from Quraysh" (al-a'immatu min quraysh). The Ansar convinced by the arguments of 'U mar dropped their claim for a QurashiAnsari duumvirate of two amlrs, But for 'Umar people would litigate upon the rights of the Caliphate until the Day of Resurrection. Abu Bakr set aright the Muslim community during the ridda. He asked the advice of the people (i.e. the Companions of the Prophet - K) and all of them advised him to accept from the rebelling tribes their commitment of prayer and give up their zakat. But Abu Bakr insisted and swore that if they withheld even one string which they had been in the habit of paying to the Messenger of Allah he would fight them. But for Abu Bakr, says al-Hasan, people would stray away from the right path until the Day of Resurrection. 'Uthrnan saved the community like 'Umar and Abu Bakr by the introduction of the single reading of the Qur'an. But for 'Uthman people would go astray on the Qur'an until the Day of Resurrection. Finally 'Ali like his predecessors set aright the community by refusing to divide the captives and spoils of his defeated enemies after the Battle of the Camel, thus establishing the rules which apply in a case when factions of the believers (ahl al-qibla) fight each other. In contradistinction to these four righteous Caliphs two men corrupted the Muslim community: 'Amr b. al-'A~ by the advice he gave to Mu'awiya to lift the Qur'ansrat Siffin - K) which caused the khawdrij and their tahkim to appear; this (fateful split of the community - K) will last until the Day of Resurrection. The other wicked man is al-Mughira b. Shu'ba, who advised Mu'awiya to appoint his son (Yazid) as Caliph, thus establishing a hereditary rule. But for al-Mughira the shUra principle of election would have persisted until the Day of Ressurection. The utterance of al-Hasan al-Basri expounds clearly the Sunni view about the role of the four Guided Caliphs in Muslim historiography. It is an adequate response to the Shi'i accusations directed against the three 20 21 Zakariya b. Yahya al-Kuft; see on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, III, no. 627; ai-Khatib al-Baghdadl, Ta'rfkh baghdad, VIII, 456, no. 4569. Ms. Leiden Or. 2428, fols. 4b-5a (not recorded by Sezgin); cf. Abii l-Mahasin Yiisuf b. Miisa, op. cit., I, 222. 40 first Caliphs. The credit given to Abu Bakr in establishing the zakdt as a binding prescription Iasting until the Day of Resurrection is ignored in the -Shi'i commentaries of the Qur'an: it is true that zakdt is a fundamental injunction imposed on every believer; but the prerogative of the Prophet mentioned in Sura IX, 103 (purification and cleansing) was transferred to the imam (i.e. the Shi'i imam - K). Accordingly people need the imam to accept their aIms in order to gain purification; the imiim, however, does not need their property (handed over to him - K); anyone who claims that the imiim is in need of the wealth of the people is a kafir." In support of the notion that Abu Bakr's decision to fight the people of the ridda was right, Sunni tradition states that the revolt and Abu Bakr's steps are foretold in the revelation of the Qur'an (Sura V, 54): "0 believers, whosoever of you turns from his religion God will assuredly bring a people He loves and who Iove Him" ... The people whom God Ioves and who Iove God refers to Abu Bakr and the men who aided him in the struggle against the ridda revolt." Shi'i traditions maintain that the verse refers to 'Ali and his adherents, to whom the description of people Ioving God and Ioved by God is applied. 'Ali and his adherents were thus ordered to fight the people who had 22 2! Al-Bahran! a1-TaubaII al-KataklinI, al-BurhtInft ta/sfri l·qur'4n, Qumm 1393, II, 156: al-'AyyAshi, al-Ta/sfr, ed, HAshim al-Rasiili a1-Mal)allAtr, Qumm 1371, II, 106, no. 111; and see about the case of paymcnt of the sadaqa to the governors of Mu'Awiya during the strugglc between him and 'All: al MajlisI, Bil}iir al-anwar, Tehran 1388, XCVI, 69-70, no. 45 (...Iaysa lahu an yanzila bil4dana wa-yu'addiya sadaqata malihi i/a 'aduwwin4); cf. ib. p. 68, no. 41 ial-mutasaddiqu 'ala a'dli'in4 ktrl-sariqi ft haram: Ilahl); and see the argument establishing that it is lawful for the Shi'I imams to receive the zak4t, because they werc deprived of the khums: ib., p. 69 no. 44. Comp. Ibn Babuyah al-QummI 'Ilal al-shar4'i, Najaf 1385/1966 p. 378 (about receiving of the khums by the Shf'I imam: ... innf laakhudhu min a/.ladikum l-dirhama wa-innt lamin akthari ahli l-madtnati mdkm, ma urtdu bi-dhdhka ilia an tunahanT). Al-Tabarl, Tafsir, ed. Shakir, Cairo 1957, X, 411-414 (nos. 12177-12187), 418 (no. 12201), 419-420; al-Qurtubl, op. cit., VI, 220; 'Abd al-Jabbar, Tathbftdala'ilal-nubuwwa, ed. 'Abd al-Kartrn 'Uthman, Beirut 1386/1966, pp. 417 inf. -418, 424 (and see 'Abd al-Jabbar's refutation of the claim of the zanadiqa that Abil Bakr was an apostate, p. 418); Abill-Layth al-Samarqandi, Ta/sfr, Ms. Chester Beatty 3668, I, 165a; al- Tha'labI, Tafsir, Ms. Br. Mus. Add. 19926, p. 389; al-Naysaburt, Ghara'ib al-qur'4n wa-ragh4'ib al-/urq4n, Cairo 138111962, VI, 114; al-Khazin, Lub4b al-ta'wil, Cairo 1381, II, 54 (see ib.: wa-qdla abu bakr b. 'ayyash: sami'tu aba lrusayn yaqulu: m4 wul/da ba'da I-nab/yyi afdalu min abt bakrin I-#ddfqi; laqad qama maqdma nabiyyin min al-anbiy4 ft qitali ahli l-ridda; al-BaghawI, Ma'alim al-tanztl (on margin of al-Khazin's Lubab) II, 53-54; Abil Hayyan, al-Bahr al-mu/.lf" Cairo 1328, III, 511; al-Suyutl, al-Durr al-manthtlr, Cairo, II, 292-293; Ibn Kathlr, Tafsir, II, 595. According to other traditions the verse refers to some tribal groups of aI-Yaman (Kinda, Ash'ar, Tujib,Sakiln), to the An,Ar, to the people who fought at Qadisiyya, to the Persians who will embrace Islam. And sec Ibn Kathlr, al-Bid4ya, VI, 312; Ibn Hajar al-HaytamI, al-$awtTiq al-mulrriqa, ed. 'Abd al-Wahhlib 'Abd al-Latlf, Cairo 1375, pp. 14-15. ...ilia bi-haqqihi.: 41 broken their vow of allegiance tal-ndkithin - i.e. Talha and aI-Zubayr), the people who strayed away from the true faith (al-mdriqin - i.e. the khawiiri]) and the unjust (a/-qiis(tfn - i.e. Mu'awiya and his adherents)." The various interpretations recorded in the Qur'an commentaries expound the diverse views about the ridda revolt, evaluate the decision of Abu Bakr to fight the rebellious tribes and try to establish the Iegal base of his fight, emphasizing his sound judgment, his courage and devotion to the faith of Islam. The widely current tradition about Abu Bakr's decision to fight the rebellious tribes is connected with the interpretation of an utterance of the Prophet concerning the creed of Islam and the conditions of conversion. Abu Bakr is said to have discussed the intent of the utterance with 'Umar and to have succeeded in convincing 'Umar that his interpretation was the right one. Consequently 'Umar and the Companions joined Abu Bakrwho declared war on the tribes who, though claiming allegiance to IsIam, refused to pay the prescribed tax of zakiit, This crucial report is rendered by Wensinck as follows: When the Apostle of Allah had departed this world and Abu Bakr had been appointed his vicegerent, and some of the Beduins had forsaken Islam, 'Umar ibn al-Khattab said to Abu Bakr: How is it possible for thee to make war on these people, since the Apostle of Allah has said: I am ordered to make war on people till they say: There is no God but Allah? And whoever says: There is no God but Allah has thereby rendered inviolable his possessions and his person, apart from the duties which he has to pay. And it belongs to Allah to call him to account. Thereupon Abu Bakr answered: By Allah, I shall make war on whomsoever makes a distinction between the saldt and the zaktit. For the zakdt is the duty that must be paid from possessions. By Allah, if they should withhold from me a string which they used to pay to the Apostle of Allah, I would make war on them on account of their refusal. Thereupon 'Umar said: By Allah, only because I saw that Allah had given Abu Bakr the conviction that he must wage war, did I recognize that he was right." This report with its different versions, was the subject of thorough analysis and discussion by Muslim scholars. The significant feature of this tradition is the single shahdda: "There is no deity except Allah." Acting 2. AI-Bal)nlni,op. cit .• 1,478-479; al-Naysabiirl, op. cit., VI, 114 inf. -115; al- Tabarsi, Ta/sl'r Majma' al-baydn fi tafsiri I-qur'dn) Beirut 1380/1961, VI, 122-124 (quoting sunnf traditions as well). Wensinck,op. cit., pp. 13-14. ( = * " 42 according to the hadith cast in this way would indicate that the single shahiida declaring the oneness of God, without complementing it with the shahdda of the prophethood of Muhammad, is sufficient as a declaration of faith, preventing any Muslim to attack or harm the person uttering it and protecting that person and his possessions from any injury and damage. There are indeed some traditions in which it is prohibited to fight people uttering the shahiida of belief: Iii ildha illii lliih. "If one of you draws the spear against a man and the spearhead reaches already the pit of his throat, he has to withdraw it if the man utters the shahiida of Iii iliiha illii lldh."?" This injunction is supplemented by a decision of the Prophet in a hypothetical case brought before him by al-Miqdad b. 'Amr. "If an unbeliever fighting me would cut off my hand, then he would utter Iii ildha illii lldh, shall I spare him or kill him"? - asked Miqdad, "You should spare him", answered the Prophet. "After he had cut off my hand?" - interpellated al-Miqdad, The Prophet said confirming his prior utterance: "Yes. And if you were to kill him (sci!. after he had uttered the single shahiida - K) you would be in his position before his utterance (i.e. you would become an unbeliever - K). "27 Another case is recorded in connection with the Prophet himself: a man talked secretly with the Prophet. Then the Prophet gave the order to kill him. When he turned back the Prophet called him and asked him: "Do you attest that there is no deity except Allah"? "Yes", answered the man. The Prophet then ordered to release him and said: "I have been merely ordered to make war on people until they say Iii ildha illii lliih: when they do their blood and possessions are inviolable by me. "28 It is noteworthy that the phrase of exception illii bi-haqqihd is not recorded in this version. It is however recorded by al-Tahawf" and by Ibn Majah himself in two other traditions recorded by him.'? This tradition according to which the mere utterance of the oneness of God was sufficient as proof of conversion to Isiam and granted inviolability of person and property was of paramount importance to scholars of Muslim jurisprudence in establishing the terms of conversion. It is obvious that these scholars could hardly agree with the formula of one shahiida ~s a condition of conversion." Some of the commentators of this tradition 2. 27 28 2. 30 Jl See e.g. ai-Muttaqi al-Hindl, Kanz al-ummat; Hyderabad 1364, I, 76, no. 369 (and cf. e.g. ib., pp. 38-41, nos. Ill, 112, 118, 119, 120, 123, 124, 126, 127, 130-132, 136... ). Al-Tahawl, Shar~ ma'iinfl-iithdr, ed. Muhammad Zuhrl l-Najjar, Cairo 1388/1968, III, 213; Abii l-Mahasin Yiisuf b. Musa, op. cit., I, 215-217; al-Bayhaql, al-Sunan al-kubrd, VIII, 195. Ibn Majah, Sunan al-mustafd, Cairo 1349, II, 458. AI-Tabiiwi, Shar~ ma'iini I-iithiir, III, 213. Ibn Majah, op. cit., II, 457; aI-Muttaqi l-Hindi, op. cit., I, 77, no. 373. In a similar story recorded by Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba, VI, 419, NOr ai-Din al-Haytharnl, op. cit., VI, 262. The man who apostatized three times and finally converted to Islam ...i/Ia bi-haqqihi.: shahdda 43 tried to attach to the shahdda of the oneness of God the implied sense of the of the prophethood of Muhammad; the badith in the recorded version is merely an allusion (kiniiya) to the open announcement of conversion to Islam (i?hiir shi'iir at-islam) and includes in fact the shahdda about the prophethood of Muhammad and the acceptance of the tenets of his faith." Some scholars regarded those who uttered the shahdda of the oneness of God as Muslims who shared the rights and obligations of other Muslims." Other scholars maintained that the utterance of the shahdda itself did not indicate conversion to IsIam; it merely indicated a renunciation of the former belief. It could however not be concluded that they had embraced Islam; they might have joined another monotheistic faith which, though attesting the oneness of God, is yet considered unbelief(kuJr). As a result it was necessary to suspend fight against such people until it was made clear that there was an obligation to make war on them. It eould thus be deduced that this tradition refers to polytheists, who had to utter the shahiida.34 It is evident that the injunction of the hadith' does not apply to Jews, who are monotheists and who uphold the oneness of God as a tenet of their faith. Hence when the Prophet handed over the banner to 'Ali and bade him fight the Jews of Khaybar, he enjoined him to fight them until they utter both shahiidas: of the oneness of God and of the prophethood of Muhammad." But the utterance of both shahddas by the Jews is not sufficient in the opinion of aI-Tahawi, as it does not confirm beyond doubt the Jews' conversion to Islam. It is, namely, possible that they attest the prophethood of Muhammad besides the oneness of God while they believe that Muhammad was sent as Messenger to the Arabs only." The utterance of the two shahddas by Jews denotes that they have renounced their faith; but it does not necessarily mean that they have embraced Islam. The Muslims fighting them are therefore obliged to cease fighting until they ascertain what is the real intention of the Jews, exactly as in the case of the polytheists uttering the soIe shahiida of the oneness of God. In both cases there is no evidence that the people making the declaration have joined IsIam; conversion to Isiam cannot be affected without the renunciation of the former faith of the convert; in the case of the Jews an additional uttered, however, the double shahdda: of the oneness of God and of the prophethood of Muhammad. Al-Sindi,/fashiya (= al-Nasa'I, Sunan, Cairo 1348/1930) V, 15; idem,/fashiya( = Ibn Miijah, op. cit., II, 457). Al-Tahawl, SharI} ma'ani, III, 213, penult: qdla abiija'far: fa-qad dhahaba qaumun ild anna man qala la ildha ilia llahu faqad sara bihd musliman, lahu ma li-l-muslimina wa-'alayhi ma 'ala l-muslimtna wa-lJtajjii bi-hddhihi I-athdri. Al-Tahawl, SharI} ma'anT, III, 214. Muslim,op. cit., VII, 121. AI-Tat,iiwi, SharI} ma'ani, III; 214. 32 Jl ,. JS J6 44 stipulation was added: to ascertain that they have fully accepted the tenets of Islam without reservations. A peculiar case of this kind is reported in a tradition about two Jews who uttered the two shahiidas, but were reluctant to follow the Prophet because the Jews believe that Dawud prayed to God asking that prophethood remain among his descendants; had those two Jews joined the Prophet the other Jews would have killed them." The confession of the two Jews and their declaration of the prophethood of Muhammad was insufficient to make them Muslims and they remained Jews. The Prophet did not order to fight them so as to force them to , commit themselves to all the injunctions and tenets of Islam, as stated by al-Tahawi. 38 In harmony with the idea that conversion to Isiam implied the convert's renunciation of the former faith was a tradition attributed to the Prophet according to which one who utters the shahiida of oneness of God and renounces the gods which he had worshipped before - God will make inviolable his person and property (literally: harrama lldhu damahu wamiilahu) and it is up to God to call him to account." It was, of course, essential to establish in which period the Prophet uttered hadtths of this type in which the condition of conversion to Islam was confined to the shahdda of the oneness of God and to assess their validity. Sufyan b. 'Uyayna maintained that this utterance was announced at the beginning of IsIam, before the prescriptions of prayer, zakdt, fasting and hijra were revealed." One can easily understand why some Muslim scholars tried to establish the early date of this tradition and state that as a result it must have been abrogated after the imposition of the above mentioned injunctions. This can be deduced from the comment of Sufyan b. 'Uyayna. Ibn Rajab tries to undermine the validity of the hadtth and also of Ibn 'Uyayna's comment. The transmitters of the hadith, says Ibn Rajab, were the Companions of the Prophet in Medina (i.e. not in the first period of IsIam, in Mecca - K); some of the persons on whose authority the badflh is reported converted to Islam in the Iate period (scil. of the Iife ofthe Prophet - K); therefore the soundness of the tradition as traced back to Sufyan is a moot question (wa-jf #bbalihi 'an sufydna nazari and his opinion has to be J7 See e.g. al-Dhahabl, Ta'rtkh, Cairo 1367, I, 223; Ibn Kathir, ShamtI'i/ al-rasul wa-dald'il nubuwwatth! ... ed. Muuafii 'Abd al- Wiibid, Cairo 1386/1967, p. 333; Ibn al-Athir,lami' al-u/ul min a/;ItIdithil-rasul, ed. Muhammad Hamid al-Fiqi, Cairo 1374/1955, XII, 96, no. 8899; Ibn Abi Shayba, Ta'rtkh, Ms. Berlin 9409 (Sprenger 104), fol. 5a-6a; alTabawi, SharI) ma'tInf, III, 215. Al-Tahawl, SharI) ma'ani, III, 215. Muslim, op. cit., I, 40 sup.; Ibn Rajab, Jami' al-'ulum wa-l-hikam, ed. Muhammad al-Ahmadl Abii I-Niir, Cairo 1389/1970, I, 180. Ibn Rajab, Jami', ib. 31 30 40 ..,ilia bi-haqqihi ... 45 considered weak. Ibn Rajab examines further the phrase 'asamii minni dimd'ahum wa-amwdlahum (they will cause their blood and property to be inviolab1e by me) in the tradition, arguing that this phrase indicates that the Prophet had already been ordered to make war on those who refused to convert to IsIam; this injunction was revealed to the Prophet after hishijra to Medina." According to the arguments of Ibn Rajab the Prophet uttered this hadtth after his hijra to Medina. Ibn Rajab puts forward a different assumption about the persistent validity of the tradition, and explains its origin on the background of the Prophet's custom and conduct with regard to conversion to Isiam. The Prophet used to be satisfied with the mere recitation ofthe two shahiidas by a convert to Islam; he would then grant the convert the right of inviolability for his person and regard him as Muslim. He even rebuked Usama b. Zayd for killing a man who uttered only the shahdda of the oneness of God. The Prophet, argues Ibn Rajab, did not stipulate with converts prayer and the payment of zakdt. There is even a tradition according to which he accepted the conversion of a group who asked to be dispensed from paying the zakdt, Further, Ibn Rajab quotes from Ahmad b. l;Ianbal'sMusnadthe /:Iadfth(recorded on the authoity of Jabir b. 'Abdallah) reporting that the delegation of Thaqif stipulated (in their negotiations with the ProphetK)42 that they would not pay the sadaqa nor would they participate in the expeditions of the holy war, jihad; the Prophet (agreed and - K) said: "They will (in the future - K) pay the sadaqa and will fight.'?" Another tradition recorded by Ibn Hanbal and quoted by Ibn Rajab states that the Prophet accepted the conversion of a man who stipulated that he would pray only two prayers (instead offive, during the day - K). Ibn Hanbal also records a tradition reporting that Hakim b. Hizam gave the Prophet the oath of conversion on the condition that he would not perform the rak'a during prostration." Basing himself on these traditions Ahmad b. Hanbal concluded that conversion to Islam may be accomplished despite a faulty stipulation; subsequently, the convert will be obliged to carry out the prescriptions of the law of Islam." " ., ., •• Ibn Rajab, Jdmi", ib.; cf. idem, Kalimat al-ikhlii/, ed. al-Shawish and al-Albanl, Beirut 1397, pp. 19-21. Cf. JSAl ( = Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam) I (1979), 1-18, "Some Reports Concerning al-Ta'if." Ibn Rajah, Jami', I, 180; the version quoted is in some traditions followed by the phrase: idhti astama . Ibn Rajab, Jdmi'; I, 180-181. Ibn Rajab, Jami'; I, 181: ... wa-akhadha l-imdmu ahmadu bi-hadhihi I-al)tidfthi wa-qala: ya#Mu l-islamu 'ala l-sharti 1-f4sidi; thumma yulzamu bi-shara'i'i I-isltimi. 46 Ibn Rajab joins Ibn Hanbal in his opinion and sums up the subject as follows: The utterance of the two shabada« by itselfforms the conversion and is sufficient to turn the convert inviolable; when he enters Islam he has to carry out the obligatory prescriptions of the Muslim Iaw including, of course, prayer and zakdt, If he performs them, he shares in the rights and duties of the Muslim community. Ifa group of converts does not carry out any of these fundamental obligations, they should be fought and compelled to carry them OUt.46 It may be assumed that the utterance of the Prophet promising inviolabili ty to the person and property of converts who utter the shahiida of the oneness of God, as quoted by 'Umar in his discussion with Abu Bakr, was contrasted by traditions according to which the convert had to utter the shahddas of oneness of God, and of the prophethood of Muhammad and renounce the tenets of his former faith. There was a clear tendency to bridge over the divergent traditions. The question of'Umar as to how Abu Bakr could fight the people (al-niis) since the Prophet had stated that he would make war on them only until they utter the single shahdda of the oneness of God was explained as a misunderstanding. 'Umar referred in his question to the unbelievers, as al-nds denoted in his perception idol worshippers; the utterance of the Prophet referred, of course, to these people. But Abu Bakr intended to fight also people who refused to pay zakdt, but did not renounce Islam; thus the word al-nds included in his opinion this category of people as well, Both Abu Bakr and 'Umar did not remember during their talk the hadith' transmitted by 'Abdallah, the son of 'Umar, in which conversion to Islam was explicitly said to depend upon the utterance of both shahddas, the performance of prayers and the payment of zakat:" Abu Bakr based himself on the Iast phrase of this 'utterance and replied: "By God I shall make war on those who make a distinction between prayer and the zakiit-tax, as the zakiit is a duty imposed on property"; 'Umar seems not to have noticed the phrase of exception: illa bi-haqqihi at the end of the utterance. This phrase was rendered by the commentators: illii bi-haqqi l-isldmi and explicated as referring to murder, refusal to perform the prayer, refusal to pay the zakiit by false interpretation (of the verses of the Qur'an - K) and other things (i.e. either the committing of crimes or negligence to carry out the prescriptions of the Muslim Iaw - K). Abu Bakr thus explained to 'Umar that the person uttering the shahdda of the oneness of God is in fact granted the inviolabiIity of body and property and should not be fought except on the ground of 4' Ibn Rajab, Umi', I, 181-182, See the tradition e.g. Ibn Rajab, Kalimat al-Ikhldi. ... ilIii bi-haqqihi ... 47 the Islamic law, which makes it necessary to fight people committing crimes or grave religious sins. As there was unanimity among the Companions that the non-performance of prayer was a gra ve sin, it was the duty of a Muslim ruler to make war on groups refusing to carry out this prescription. Abu Bakr, stating that he will make war on people who would separate prayer from zakdt, based himself on the principle of qiyds, analogy, putting zakiit on a par with prayer, salat:" Some other aspects in connection with the Iegitimacy of the war against the ridda people are pointed out by al-Jassas, Abu Bakr decided to fight the people of the ridda not because they did not pray, or because they did not pay zakdt; the decision to fight people for not paying the zakdt cannot be taken in the period of the year when people are not expected to pay; and people cannot be fought because they do not pray, as there are special times for prayer. The right reason for Abu Bakr's decision to make war on the people of the ridda was the fact that they refused to commit themselves to pay the zakdt; by this refusal they renounced (kajarii) a verse of the Qur'an (sci!. a prescription of the Qur'an) which was in fact a renunciation of the whole Qur'an. This was the basis for the decision of Abu Bakr to fight them, since they turned apostates by this renunciation." Another problem discussed by al-Jassas is the person authorized to Ievy the tax. Some of the triballeaders were ready to collect the tax and accept the injunction of the Qur'an as obligatory; they were however reluctant to hand over the tax to the Caliph or his officials. But Abu Bakr adhered to the precedent of the Prophet, demanded that the zakdt be delivered to the Caliph and considered war against people who refused to deliver it as justified." This argument was, of course, closely connected with the practice which was followed in the Muslim empire towards rebellious groups who refused to hand over the collected tax to the official of the Caliph. Some Muslim scholars drew weighty conclusions from the story about the discussion between Abu Bakr and 'Umar about the way in which utterances of the Prophet circulated during that early period. These scholars assume that Abu Bakr and 'Umar were not familiar with the utterance of the Prophet in which prayer and the zakdt were explicitly mentioned as necessary concomitants of conversion. It is presumed that Ibn 'Urnar who transmitted this tradition (i.e. in which prayer and zakiit were mentioned as fundamental conditions for conversion to Isiam - K) did not attend their conversation. It can further be deduced, according to some scholars, that even great men among the sahaba could have been ignorant of a sunna, •• •• so Cf. Ibn Rajab, Jdmi', I, 184 inf. -185 . AI-Ja~~ii~, Abkam al-qur'dn, Qustantlniyya AI-Ja~~ii~, op. cit., III, 82 inf. -83 sup. 1338, III, 82-83. 48 while others might have known it. Hence one should not lend weight to personal opinions of men if they may contradict a reliable tradition about a sunna. The word uqdtil served as argument for some scholars, who concluded that people refusing to pay the zakdt should be fought until the zakdt is collected from them; there is no permission to kill them; others maintained that it is lawful to kill." The interpretation of the crucial expression ilia bi-haqqihi (or: bi/:laqqiha) seems to have been closely connected with the commentaries on Sura VI, 151: wa-ki taqtulu l-nafsa /latf harrama lliihu ilia bi-l-haqqi "and that you siay not the soul God has forbidden, except for right". Al-Qurtubi states that the verse constitutes a prohibition to kill a person whose killing is forbidden, whether a believer or an ally tmu'minatan kdnat [i.e. al-najs] aw muiihiddtan) except on the basis of (a prescription of) Muslim law, which bids to kill him." Al-Qurtubi, basing himself on Qur'an verses and on hadiths, enumerates the cases in which the execution of sinners is mandatory: murderers, fornicators, rebels, usurpers and homosexuals; the list includes people refusing to perform the prescribed prayers and to pay the zakiit; the hadith: umirtu ... ilIa bi-haqqihi is quoted as reference for the indication of ilia bt-baqqihi:" Slightly different is the explanation given to the expression ilia bi/:laqqihii,appearing in another version of this hadtth," The personal suffix hii in this version refers to dimd'uhum wa-amwiiluhum, "Their blood and property" (literally: their blood and properties) and is explained by saying that their blood and possessions are inviolable except when they are convicted of crimes or sins or unfulfilled religious prescriptions (like abandonment of prayer, or the non-payment of zakat- K); "bi-haqqihii" indicates II 12 " See the discussion: Ibn Hajar, Fat~ al-bdri, shar~ ~a~i1)al-bukhdrt, Bulaq BOO, I, 71-72; al-'AynI, 'Umdat al-qiirf, shar~ ~a~i1)al-bukhdrt, n. p. 1348 (repr. Beirut), I, 110 inf., 179-183, VIII, 235·236, 244-277; al-Qastallani, Irshad al-sart, III, 6-7; cf. Mahmud Muhammad Khattab al-Subkl, al-Manhal al-tadhb al-maunid shar~ sunan abt diiwr1d, Cairo 1390, IX, 114-123; Ibn Rajab, Jiimi', I, 185-188; al-Qurtubl, Tafsir, Cairo 1387/1967, VII, 331-332. Al-Qurtubl, Tafsir, VII, 133... au mu'dhidatan il/ii bi-l-haqqi lladht yiijibu qatlahti. Cf. al-Tabarl, Tafsir (ed. Shakir) XII, 220: ...bi-l-haqqi, yu'nii bi-mii abii~a qatlahd bihi (murder, fornication of a married woman and apostasy are mentioned); al-Naysaburt, Ghard'ib al-qur'dn, VIII, 56 inf; al-Suyutl, al-Durr al-manthar, III, 54-55. Al-Qurtubl, op. cit .• VIII, 133. See e.g. al-Nasa'I, Sunan, ed. Hasan Muhammad al-Mas'iidI, Cairo 1348/1930 (repr. Beirut) VI, 6;- Ahmad b. 'Air al-MarwazI, Musnad abi bakr al-siddiq, ed. Shu'ayb al-Arna'ut, Beirut 1390/1970, pp. 145-146, no. 77 (comp. another version: pp. 208-209, no. 140); al-Muttaql l-Hindi, op. cit., I, 78, no. 375 (and see ib., pp. 76-79, nos. 265-285), VI, 294-295, nos. 2256-2259; al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, VIII, 74-75; al-Bayhaql, al-Sunan al-kubrii, VIII, 19, 176-177, 196,202; Niir ai-DIn al-Haythaml, op. cit., I, 24-26; Ps. Ibn Qutayba, al-Imiima wa-l-siydsa, ed. TaM Muhammad al-Zaynt, Cairo 1387/1967, I, 22 inf. -23 (2 different versions of Abu Bakr's answer). .. .illd bi-haqqihi.: 49 the obligations and duties imposed on the person and property of the believer. The preposition "bi" (in bi-haqqiha) is explained as equal to 'an or min, "on the ground", "on the base", "on account.i'" Another explanation states that" bi-haqqihd" refers to the declaration of the oneness of God; consequently, illd bi-haqqihii has to be rendered except on the grounds of the (unfulfilled) duties incumbent on the person and on the property, according to this declaration. 56 It is noteworthy that the authenticity of the tradition in which the shahdda of the oneness of God is maintained as sufficient and which has caused some difficulties of interpretation" was not questioned by scholars, whereas the one which speaks of two shahddas and which mentions the obligations of the Muslim was subject to suspicion, its reliability being put to doubt." Al-Jahiz rightly states that both snrr and Murji'i scholars accepted the report about the conversation between Abu Bakr and the Companions in which they quoted the badfth of the Prophet with the shahdda of the oneness of God, and about Abu Bakr's decision to wage war against the tribal dissidents basing himself on the final phrase of the hadith. Only the extremist rawdfid denied this report. 59 According to a report recorded by al-Jahiz both the Ansar and the Muhajirun urged Abu Bakr to concede to the demands of the ahl al-ridda and proposed to exempt them for some time from paying the zakiit.60 The other report recorded by al-Jahiz says that it was the An~ar who tried to convince Abu Bakr to concede to the demands of the ridda people." The first report says the Abu Bakr reminded the people who came to him of the final phrase: ilIii bi-haqqihd; in the other report the people themselves quoted the utterance with the final sentence and Abu Bakr merely stated that the zakat is part of the haqq (obligation,duty) imposed on it. The tendency of recording both traditions can be seen in the comments and conclusions drawn by al-Jahiz: * ,. 11 " " 60 ,. 61 Al-Munawt, Fayd al-qadir, Cairo 1391/1972, II, 188-189, no. 1630 (ilia bi-/:Iaqqihii, ay al-dima' wa-l-amwal, ya'nf hiya ma'sumatun ilia 'an haqqin yajibujiha ka-qawadin wariddatin wa-/:Iaddin wa-tarki $alatin wa-zakatin bi-ta'wilin ba!ilin wa-haqqin ddamtyyin), Al-Munawr, op. cit., II, 189. See e.g. Ibn Hajar, Fat/:lai-barf, I, 71 sup.; al-'Aynf, 'Umdat al-qart, I, 183; Ibn Abf l;Iatim, 'llal al-/:Iadfth, Cairo 1343, II, 147 (no. 1937),152 (no. 1952); and comp. ib., II, 159 (no. 1971); al-Jarraht, Kashf al-khafa wa-muztl al-ilbds, Cairo 1351, I, 194, no. 586; a1Maqdisf, ai-Bad' wa-I-ta'rikh, V, 153; 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mu$annaf, VI, 66-67, nos. 10020-10022; Abii l-Mahasin Yiisuf b. Miisa l-Hanafl, al-Mu'tasar, I, 130 ult. -132. See e.g. al-'Aynf, op. cit., I, 183, 11. 6-8: ... qultu.· wa-min hadha q41a ba'4uhum;]f$i/:l/:lati /:Iadfthi bni 'umara l-madhktir! nazarun ... ; and see Ibn Rajab, Jam:', I, ~4 inf. -185 sup. AI-Ja!)i~, al-Uthmaniyya, ed. 'Abd al-Salarn Haran, Cairo 137411955, pp. 81-82. AI-Ja!)i~, op. cit., p. 81; Ibn 'Abdal-Barr,Janu' bay4nal-'i1m, al-Madfna -munawwara, n.d. (reprint), II, 85, 102; 'Abd al-Jabbar, Tathbft, pp. 227-228. AI-Ja!)i~, op. cit., p. 82. 50 Abu Bakr, who knew things which others (of the Companions) did not know, interpreted the utterance of the Prophet in the proper way and got the approval of it by all the people of the sahdba. The two reports of al-Jahiz are certainly a sufficient answer for the slanders circulated by the rawdfid. Moreover: according to a tradition it was 'Ali who encouraged Abu Bakr to take his decision concerning the ahl al-ridda, stating that if Abu Bakr gave up anything collected by the Prophet from them he would have acted contrary to the sunnar? It is obvious that this tradition serves as an argument against the rawafi4,63 emphasizing as it does the friendly relations between Abu Bakr and 'Ali, 'Ali's participation in the decisions of Abu Bakr and 'AIl's full approval of Abu Bakr's action against ahlal-ridda. Sunni scholars tried to extend the ideological basis of Abu Bakr's utterance. He had recourse, they said, not only to qiyas(analogy); he based himself also on an explicit injunction (na$$) of the Qur'an (Sura IX, 11: "Yet if they repent and perform the prayer and pay the alms, then they are your brothers in religion ...") and on inference (diMla). When Abu Bakr decided to fight the ahl al-ridda he acted in accordance with the injunction given in this verse; hence 'Umar could say: rna huwa ilia an sharaha llahu sadra abt bakrin li-l-qitiili wa-araftu annahu l-haqq." But the utterance of 'Umar and his approval of Abu Bakr's decision seems to have been criticized, probably by some Shi'i circles, and designated as taqlid. This was firmly denied by Sunni scholars." The Iink between the revealed verse: Sura IX, 11 and the decision of Abu Bakr is sharply pointed out in the Muslim tradition: this verse was one of the latest verses revealed to the Prophet before his death." A trenchant reply to the rafi¢fscholars was made by Ibn aI-'Arabi: Had Abu Bakr been compliant with the demands of refusal of zakdt, their force would have become stronger, their wicked innovations would have gained " 6J •• 6l " Al-Muhibb al- Tabari, al-Riyii¢ al-nadira fi mandqib al-tashara, ed. Muhammad Badr al-Dln al-Na'sanr al-Halabi, Cairo n.d., I, 98; cf. 'Abd al-Jabbar, op. cit.• p. 418. About their arguments see e.g. Ibn 'Arabi, op. cit., p. 995: .... wa-bi-htidhli 'tarat/at al-riifidatu 'alii l-siddiqi, /a-qlilu: 'ajila fi amrihi wa-nabadha l-siydsata ward'a •.ahrihi wa-ardqa l-dimd'a . See al-'Ayni, op. cit., VIII, 246: ... bi-l-daltl lladht aqdmahu l-siddtq nassan wa-dtlalatan wa-qiydsan ... ; cf. Ibn al-Arabr, Ahkam al-qur'dn, p. 995; and see al- Tabart, Tafsir, XIV, 153, no. 16518. Al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrd, VIII, 177, II. 8-12; al-Aynr, op. cit., VIII, 246: .. fa-iii yuqdlu lahu innahu qal/ada aM bakrin It-anna l-mujtahida la yajiizu lahu an yuqal/ida I-mujtahida ... wa-fihi di/lillitun 'alii anna 'umara lam yarji' i/Ii qauli abi bakrin taqltdan. See e.g. al-Tabart, Tafsir (ed. Shakir) XIV, 135, no. 16475: ... wa-tasdiqu dhiilikafi kitdbi I/lihi fi dkhiri ma anzala I/lihu; qala lldhu: fa-in tlibU... ; al-'Atii'iqi, al-Nlisikh wa-Imansiikh, ed. 'Abd al-Hadl l-Fadll, Najaf 1390/1970, pp. 52-53; cf. al-'Ayni, op. cit .. I, 178; Hibatullah b. Salamah, al-Ndsikh wa-l-manstikh, Cairo 1387/1967, p. 51. ...ilia bi-haqqihi ... 51 hold in the hearts of people and it would have been difficult to turn them to obedience; Abu Bakr decided therefore to act quickly and resolutely in order to prevent it. It is certainly better to shed blood in order to strengthen the foundations of Isiam than in order to gain the Caliphate, Ibn al-Arabl observed." A significant report corroborating this view is recorded by al-Jahiz: Abu Bakr is said to have stated that any concession granted to one of the tribes would bring about demands from other tribes, as a consequence of which the strength of Isiam would ultimately be shattered." The refusal to pay the zakat was prompted by feelings of tribal independence opposed to the control and authority of Medina. The Medinan community being the only body politic which represented the legacy of the Prophet, it was bound to serve as the target for the struggle ofthe seceding tribes. The problem was not one of theoiogical formulations seeking to establish who is a believer. We may not suppose Abu Bakr to have discussed the meaning of Qur'anic verses with triballeaders. A few years later, when knowledge of Qur'an was set up as a criterion for the division of booty, the Muslim warriors demonstrated a rather poor knowledge of the Qur'an; well-known warriors could only quote the basmala.t? The concise confession of the oneness of God: Iii ildha iIIii llahu seems to have from the very beginning served as a token of adherence to the Muslim community; the testimony of the prophethood of Muhammad was probably very shortly afterwards added to it. It is mentioned in the very early compilations of the stra and in the biographies of the Companions'? and it was supplemented by the addition of various stipulations and injunctions during the first century of Isiam. The fact that there were in circulation numerous traditions which were more detailed and more elaborate, and in which the various obligations of conversion were enumerated and that these nevertheless could not undo the short formula of the shahdda of the oneness of God, seems to be a convincing evidence that this tradition is one of the very earliest I,ladiths. The efforts of the commentators to establish the time of this utterance, its contents and circumstances indicate that it was a rather difficult task to harmonize between the tradition and later practice, .7 •s 70 ., Ibn al-'Arabi, op. cit., p. 995 . Al-Jahiz, al-Uthmdniyya, p. 83 . Abii I-Faraj al-Isfahanl, Aghtini, XIV, 39. See e.g, Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., I, 279; Muhammad Hamldullah, Majmu'at al-wathii'iq alsiydsiyya, Cairo 137611956, p. 245, no. 233; cf. ib., p. 90, no. 67; ib., p. 1~9 no. 120; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, VII, 211, no. 10114; Ibn al-Athlr, Usd al-ghiiba V, 225; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, Majma' al-zawd'id, 1,29, III, 64; Muhammad Harnidullah, op. cit .• p. 98,no. 77 (and cf. on Abii Shaddad: Ibn Abi Hatim, al-Jarb wa-l-ta'dil, VII, no. 1830( = IX,389); al-Sam'ant, Anstib, V, 373, no. 1616; Yaqat, al-Bulddn, s.v. al-Dama); but see the opinion of Wensinck, op. cit .• pp. 11-12. 52 and it seems to have been difficult to explain its validity for the time of the ridda. The socio-economic factors behind the ridda movement can be glimpsed between the lines of those reports which relate how certain triballeaders refused to Ievy the prescribed zakdt" while others had collected the zakdt but were requested to return it to their people after the death of the Prophet." The obligation to pay the collected zakiit-tax to the rulers said to have been imposed on the ridda-people, seems to have been questioned as late as the end of the second century ofthe hijra; certain scholars had the courage to recommend not to hand it over to the rulers (who were considered vicious and unjust and liable to squander the tax on unworthy causes) or to their officials, but to distribute it among the poor of the community." The concise shahdda« of the oneness of God and of the message of Muhammad enabled the masses of the conquered peoples to join Isiam. These shahadas could even be rendered easier and more concise for the convenience of aliens converting to IsIam.74 The vague expression iIIii bi-baqqiha" secured that the converts would faithfully carry out the prescriptions ofIsiam. 71 72 13 74 " See e.g. al-Muhibb al-Tabari, op. cit .• I, 67: ... irtaddati I-'arabu wa-qata: Iii nu'addt zakatan ... ; ib., I, 98; al-Muttaql l-Hindl, op. cit., VI, 295, 110. 22588 ... irtadda man irtadda min al-tarabi wa-qdhi: nusalli wa-ld-nuzakkt.: Ps. Waqidf, Akhbar ahli l-ridda, Ms. Bankipore XV, 108-110, no. 1042, fol. 9a: .. .fa-qala lahu rajulun min qaumihi: yii hddhd, na~nu wa-lldhi aulii bi-sadaqatina min abt bakrin, wa-qadjama'ndhd ilayka wa-dafa'niihd Ii-tamdi bihii ilii muhammadin ($)fa-rudda $adaqiitind.fa-ghadiba l-zibriqdn ... ; al-Kala'f, op. cit., p. 51-52, 161. See e.g. 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., IV, 46, no. 6923: .. /an ibn tiiwus 'an abihi qdla: Iii yudfa'u ilayhim idhii lam yat,ia'uht'imawiit,ii'ahii... ; p. 48, no. 6931: 'an mak~ulin sami'tuhu yaqtilu: Iii tadfa'ht'i ilayhim, ya'nf l-umard'a ... ; no. 6932: ...kana ibnu 'abbdsin wa-bnu l-musayyibi wa-l-hasanu bnu abt l-hasani wa-ibrdhimu l-nakha'Iyyu wa-muhammadu bnu 'aliyyin wa~(Jmmiidu bnu abt sulaymdna yaquluna: Iii tu'addti l-zakdta itii man yajurujihii ... ; Ibn Abf Shayba, Musannaf, ed. 'Abd al-Khaliq al-Afghanr, Hyderabad 1387/1968, III, 156: ... qiila bnu 'umara: dfa'u zakata amwdlikum itii man walldhu fliihu amrakum, fa-man barra fa-li-nafsihi wa-man athima fa-talayha ... ib., idfti'ha ilayhim wa-in akah; bihd lu~uma l-kildb ... ; p. 158: .. /an tiiwus qlila: t,ia'hiiji l-fuqard ... Ibn 'Umar: Iii tadfa'hii ilayhim fa-innahum qad at,id'ul-$aliit ... See e.g. al-Shabrakhltf, Shar~ alii l-arba'Ina l-nawawiyya, Beirut, Dar al-fikr, n.d., p. 126: ... wa-Tam annahu Iii yushtaratu ji #Mati l-tmani al-talaffuzu bi-l-shahddatayni wa-lii l-nafyu wa-l-ithbiitu, bal yakji an yaqula: fllihu wii~idun wa-muhammadun rastilu fliihi... See e.g. al-Jassas, op. cit., III, 197 ult. -198 sup. (commenting. on wa-ati dhtI I-qurbii ~aqqahu ... ): qiila abu bakrin [i.e. al-Jassas]: al-haqqu l-madhkaru jihddhihi I-aya mujmalun muftaqarun ita l-baydni wa-huwa mithlu qaulihi ta'lilli: wa-ji amwdlthim haqqu« ... wa-qauli l-nabiyyi ($) umirtu an uqdtila ... ilia fliihufa·idhii qiiluht'i'a$amu ... ilia bi-~aqqihii fa-hiidha l-~aqqu ghayru zahiri I-ma'nii ft l-dyati, bal huwa mauqilfun 'alii l-bayani: