Al-Ḥīra: Some Notes on Its Relations with Arabia

Al-Hira.pdf AL-HIRA Some notes on its relations with Arabia BY M. J. KISTER RIVALRY between the Persian and Byzantine Empires over the control of the regions of the Arab Peninsula at the end of the sixth and the beginning of the seventh century is reflected in a number of traditions attributed to the Prophet and recorded in some commentaries of the Qur'an. Qatada (died lI7 AH) 1 gives a description of the sad situation of the Arab population of the Peninsula before they embraced Islam, commenting on Qur'an, VIII, 26: "And remember when you were few and abased in the land and were fearful that the people (al-nas) would snatch you away" 2. He describes their sorrowful economic situation, their going astray and their weakness, and states that they were "confined on a top of a rock between Faris and Rum" (ma'kufina 'ala ra'si l;tagarin bayna Farisa wa-l-Rumi) 3. "The people" (al-nas) mentioned in the verse of the Qur'an are said to refer to Persians and Byzantines 4. A hadit reported on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas (died 68 AH) states that the Prophet interpreted al-nas as I. See about him IBN I;IAGAR: Tahrjib al-tahrjib, VIII, 355 (Hyderabad 1327 AH); AL-:)dAHABI:Miztin al-i'tidal, III, 385, No. 6864 (ed. AL-BIGAWI, Cairo 1963). 2. Translation of A. J. ARBERRY : The Koran Interpreted, p. 172 (London 1964). 3. AL-SUYUTI, al-Durr al-manlur, III, 177 (Cairo 1314 AH); TABARI'S Tajsir, XIII, 478 (ed. Mal)mud Mul:,l.~AKIR and Al:,lmad Mul:,l.~AKIR, Cairo 1958) contains the comment of Qatada, but the mentioned phrase is inserted by the Editors with variants: "between the two lions (asadayni) Paris and Rum" and "mak'umina" instead of "ma'kujina"; AL-~AWKANI,Path alQadir, II, 287 (Cairo 1932-but the phrase is omitted); IBN KA];:IR, Tajsir, III, 303 (Beirut 1966-the phrase is omitted); AL-SAMARQANDI,Tajsir, Ms. Chester Beatty, I, f. 252b (ki'inu bayna asadayni bayna Qay~ara wa-Kisra). 4. AL-SUYUTI, op. cit., ib.; AL-TABARI, op. cit., ib.-but al-Tabari prefers another interpretation, according to which "aI-ntis" refers to Qurays, ib. p. 379; AL-FAYRUZABADI, anwir al-miqbas, p. 138 (Cairo 1290 AH) records T that al-nas refers to Qurays; AL-SAMARQANDi, p. cit., ib.: al-nas refers to o Persians, Byzantines and "'Arab" who dwelt around Mecca; AL-BAYDAWI, Tajsir, I, 183 (Cairo 1355 AH) ... wa-qila li-l-cArabi kaffatan ja-innahum kanu arjilla'a ji aydi Parisa wa-l-Rumi. THE 144 M. J. KISTER [2] referring to Persians 1. Whatever the interpretation of the phrase in the verse discussed above, these early commentaries seem to mirror the apprehensions felt by the people of the Peninsula concerning the power of the two rival Empires and to bring out the impact of this rivalry on the life of the communities in the Peninsula. The struggle between the two Empires, in which the two vassalkingdoms of al-Hira and Oassan took active part, was closely watched by the unbelievers and Muslims in the different stages of their context. According to the commentaries on Qur'an, XXX, 1-2, the sympathies of the unbelievers of Mecca were with Persia whereas the Muslim community inclined towards the Byzantines 2. The victories of the Byzantines, it is stressed, coincided with the victories of the Prophet 3. The efforts of Persia to gain control over the region of al-ljigaz were noticed by R. Ruzicka, who assumed that the waning of the influence of Tamim and the rise of the influence of Oatafan were caused by the action of Persian policy performed through the medium of the Lahmid kingdom in order to get a foothold in this region 4. A tradition recorded by Ibn Sa'id in his N aswat al-iarab 5 reports I. AL-SUYUrI, op. cit., ib; but in TABARI'S Tafsir, p. 478 the comment is attributed to Wahb b. Munabbih. 2. AL-TABARI, op. cit., XXI, 16 (Cairo 1954, printed by Mustafa al-Babl AL-J:!ALABi);AL-QURrUBI, al-Gami' li-ahkam al-Qur'iin, XIV, I seq. (Cairo 1945); IBN KA:!:IR, op. cit., V, 342-43; ABU NU'AYM: Dala'il al-nubuwwa, p. 296 (Hyderabad 1950); ABU J:!AYYAN: Tafsir al-Bahr al-Muhij, VII, 161 (Cairo 1328 AH); ABU L-MAHAS1NYUSUF B. MusA AL-J:!ANAFi, al-Mu'tasar min al-muhta$ar, II, 189-190 (Hyderabad 1362 AH); and see M. HARTMANN, Der Islamische Orient, II (Die arabische Frage), pp. 50-51, 511-514 (Leipzig 1909); R. BLACHERE,Le Coran, I, 418-20 (Paris 1920); MUH. HAMlDULLAH, Le Prophete de l'Lslam, I, 18 (Paris 1959). 3. AL-QURrUBI, op. cit., XIV, 1-5; AL-TABARI, op. cit., XXI, 16 seq.; IBN KAIIR, op. cit., V, 348; of interest is a record reported by al-Qurtubr: when the tidings of the victory of the Byzantines arrived many people embraced Islam, op, cit., XIV, 2; and see F. ALTHE1Mand R. STIEHL: Finanzgeschichte der Spatantike, pp. 158-60 (Frankfurt am Main I957). 4. R. RUZICKA: Duraid b. as-Simma, I, 55 (Praha 1930): "Zda se, Ie v zaniknuti nadvlady Tamimovcu a v prevladnuti vlivu Gatafanouou !reba spatrovati ucinky politiky perske, jel se snalila postrednictvim polititky vladnouti" ... ["II semble qu'il faille voir dans la disparition de la preponderance de Tamim et la montee de celle de Gatafan les effets de Ia politique perse, qui s'efforcait d'assurer sa domination en mettant en ceuvre de petits moyens" (N.D.L.R.)J. 5. Ms. Tiibingen, f. 96 v. (See F. TRUMMETER, Ibn Sa'id's Geschichte der vorislamischen Araber, Stuttgart 1928; and see G. POTIRON: Un polygraphe andalou du XIII" Siecle, in Arabica 1966, p. 164). AL-~iRA 145 an interesting attempt of Persia to cast its power over Mecca. When QUbag embraced the faith of Mazdak 1 and deposed the Banii Nasr who refused to accept it, al-Harit al-Kindi followed suit. Qubag, the story relates, ordered al-Harit to impose this faith on the Arabs of Nagd and Tihama 2. When these tidings reached Mecca some people embraced the faith of Mazdak (fa-minhum man tazandaqa) and when Islam appeared there was a group (scil. in Mecca-K.) of people who were indicated as former Mazdakites 3. There were however people who refrained from embracing this faith. Among them was 'Abd Manaf, who gathered his people and stated that he would not abandon the religion of Isma'Il and Abraham and follow a religion imposed by the sword. When al-Hari] came to know about it he reported it to Qubag. QUbag ordered him to rush upon Mecca, to destroy the Ka 'ba, to kill 'Abd Manaf and to abolish the leadership of the Banfi Qusayy 4. Al-Hari]; was not willing to comply with the order; because of his partisanship of the Arabs he prevented QUbag from it and Qubag was busy with other people than Qurays 5. The tendency of this tradition is obvious: it tries to lay a heavy stress on the behaviour of 'Abd Manaf who remained faithful to the religion of Qurays, the din Isma'il. The tradition may be spurious, but it points to the contacts which seem to have existed between al-Hira and Mecca. Ibn Hurdadbeh in his Kitdb al-masdlik wa-l-mamalik 6 records a tradition according to which the marzuban al-badiya appointed an 'amil on al-Madina, who collected the taxes. The Qurayza and the Nadir-e-says the tradition-were kings who were appointed by them on al-Madina, upon the Aws and the lj:azrag. A verse to this effect by an Ansari poet is quoted. It says: I. fi zamani Qubiiqa sultiini l-Fursi llaqi tazandaqa wa-ttaba'a marJhaba Mazdaqa. 2. wa-amara l-Hiirita an ya'!JurJa ahla Nagdin wa-Tihamata bi-rJalika. 3. See GAWAD 'ALI, Ta'rih al-iArab qabla l-Isliim, VI, 287-88 (Baghdad 1957); he assumes that these "eaniidiqa" of Qurays embraced the magusiyya; this passage of Naiiuat al-tarab seems to give a new interpretation of the well known tradition about the" zandaqa" of some Qurays, And see the list of these "zaniidiqa" of Qurays in IBN I:fABIB'S al-Mwhabbar, p. 161 (ed. Ilse LICHTENSTADTER, Hyderabad 1942). 4. "fa-amarahu an yanhada ilii Makkata wa-yahdima l-bayta wa-yanhara 'Abda Maniifin wa-yuzila ri'iisata bani QU$ayyin". 5. "fa-kariha rJiilika al-Hiiritu wa-dii!Jalathu flamiyyatun li-l-'Arabi fadara'a 'anhum wa-sugila QubiirJu bi-gayrihim"; 6. p. 128 (ed. de Goeje, Leiden 1889). ARABICAXV 10 M. J. KISTER "You pay the tax after the tax of Kisra: and the tax of Qurayza and Nadir" 1. Yaqfit quotes the tradition that the Qurayz;a and Nadir were kings driven out by the Aws and Hazrag ; the Aws and lj:azrag used formerly to pay tax to the Jews 2. W. Caskel doubts whether Ibn Hurdadbeh had had another source than this verse of one of the Ansar ". Caskel's assumption can however hardly be accepted. The record given by Ibn Hurdadbeh and Yaqut seems to be based on a separate tradition to which the verse was attached. This verse attributed here to an Ansari poet occurs in the well-known poem of Ibn Buqayla; in the poem this verse has quite a different connotation 4. This tradition was discussed by H. Z. Hirschberg in his Yisrael be-i Ara» 5. Hirschberg does not accept the tradition as valid, arguing that this report is not confirmed by another independent source. He maintains that the people of al-Madina were free (bnei horin) with regard to Persia and Byzantium. It is not plausibleargues Hirschberg-that the 'amil of the marzubiin. of Hagar, whose power was so weak in Bahrayn, could have levied taxes in the North of Ijigaz. Altheim and Stiehl consider the tradition sound. The 'iimil of alMadina represented the king of al-Hira, on his side stood the "kings" of Qurayz;a and Nadir. This state of affairs-according to Altheim-Stiehl-could endure as long as the] ewish tribes dominated the immigrant Aws and Hazrag, i.e. till the middle of the sixth century. How things went on later with the Sassanid 'amil is unknown-state the authors 6. I. "Tu'addi l-harga ba'da !Jaragi Kisrii: wa-hargin min QuraYf:ata wa-lNtuiiri" . "Min Quraysata" would mean "for Quraysa", The variant given in YAQUT'S Mu'gam al-buldiin, IV, 460 is "wa-hargi bani Quraysata wa-lNadiri". 2. YAQUT, op. cit., ib.; and see ALTHEIM-STIEHL, op. cit., p. 150, l. 4-5. 3. F. ALTHEIM-R. STIEHL, op. cit., p. 149, n. 63. 4. See the poem AL-TABARI,Ta'rih, 1,2042; AL-MAS'UDI, urug, 1,221-222 M (ed. BARBIER DE MEYNARD,Paris 1861). A significant variant is given in ABU L-BAQA"S al-Mandqib al-Mazyadiyya, f. 34b (Ms. Br. Mus.): "ka-hargi bani-Quray?ata". Abu l-Baqa> states that 'Abd al-Masih composed this poem eulogising al-Nu-man, his son and his grandfather and wailing them after Ijiilid b. al-Walid "imposed (scil. upon his people-K.) the gizya" (lamma zahara l-Lsliimw tua-daraba ijalidu bnu l-WaHdi l-gizyata). 5. p. 122, n. 99, Tel-Aviv 1946; in this note an additional reference is given: AL-SAMHUDI,Waja' al-tuafd, II, 269 (quoted from Ibn Hurdadbeh, but without the verse). 6. Op. cit., pp. 149-150. [5] AL-I;IiRA 147 Altheim-Stiehl are probably right in their assumption. A significant record of Ibn Sa'id in his Naswat al-iarab gives important details about the continuity of the Sassanid control of al-Madina after the Jewish domination had come to an end. Ibn Sa'id reports that battles often took place between the two fighting groups (i.e. the Jews, Aws and Hazrag] 1 and no rule was imposed on them until 'Amr b. al-Itnaba al-Hazragi entered the court of al-Nu'rnan b. al-Mundir, the king of al-Hira and was appointed by him (as king) on al-Madina 2. In another passage Ibn Sa'id furnishes us with further details about this event. The author records that 'Amr b. al-Itnaba was appointed by al-Nu'rnan b. al-Mundir as king of al-Madina. The father of Hassan b. Tabit composed satirical verses about 'Amr and said: "Alikni ila l-Nu'mani qawlan ma!taeJtuhu: wa-fi l-nu$hi li-l-albiibi yawman daZa'ilu Ba'aua. ilayna ba{eJanawa-hwa ahmaqun: ja-yii laytahi; min gayrina wa-hwa 'iiqiiu" "Convey from me to al-Nu'rnan a word which [I said truthfully for in good advise minds will have some day [indications You sent to us one from us-but he is a fool; Lo! Would that he were from an alien people [and be a wise man" 3. Our knowledge of the life of 'Amr b. al-Itnaba is meagre. 'Amr b. 'Amir b. Zayd Manat b. Malik b. Ta'laba b. Ka 'b b. al-Hazrag' is a well known poet often quoted in literary anthologies 4. He is I. See the interpretation of Hirschberg about the continuous penetration of the Bedouins and their raids against the Jewish population, op. cit., 127 ult., 128 sup. 2. Nasioa» al-tarab, f. 55 V., inf.: "ilia annahu kanati l-harbu. kaliran ma taqa 'u bayna l-fariqayni wa-lam yastaqim lahum an yastabidda bihim malikun ilii an dahala ita l-Nu'miini bni l-Mundiri maliki l-Hirati 'Amru bnu l-Itniibati ~l-ij azragiyyu fa-mallakahu 'alii I-M adinati". . 3. ib., f. 57 v.: wa-min si'rihi fi 'Amri bni l-Ttniibati l-ijazragiyyi lamma mallakahu l-Nu'miinu bnu l-Mundiri 'alii l-Madinati: alikni-etc. 4. IBN I;IAZM, Gamharat ansiib ;;l-'Arab, p. 345, 1. 17 (ed. LEVI-PROVENC;:AL, Cairo 1948); SADR AL-DIN, al-Hamiisa al-Basriy ya, I, 3 (see the references supplied by the editor, MU!JTAR AL-DIN AHMAD, Hyderabad 1964); AL'ASKARI, al-Masan, p. 136 (see the references given by the editor 'Abd al- 148 M. J. KISTER [6] described as "the most honoured of the Hazrag' 1, as the "best horseman of his people" 2, as a "king of al-Higaz" 3. The opinion of W. Caskel that the story of the meeting of 'Amr b. al-Itnaba with al-Hari] b. Zalim is of legendary character 4 seems to be sound. It is however noteworthy that Abu 'Ubayda stresses in his record that 'Amr b. al-Itnaba was a friend of Halid b. Ga'far, the leader of the Kilab, who was in close contact with the ruler of al-Hira and who was murdered by al-Harit b. Zalim 5 at the court of al-Nu'man. The names of the persons mentioned in the stories about 'Amr b. al-Itnaba 6 like al-Hari] b. ~alim, Zayd al-Hayl 7, Halid b. Ga'far, al-Nu'rnan b. al-Mundir, help us to fix the time of his life as the second half of the sixth century. The tradition about the appointment of 'Amr as a "king", which meant in fact as a representative of al-Hira and a collector of the taxes on al-Madina, by al-Nu'man seems authentic. Invention can hardly be suspected as there were no prominent men among the descendents of 'Amr who would have been interested to boast of this appointment. The two verses of Tabit, the father of Hassan, confirm the authenticity of the story, which is thus complementary Salam HARUN, Kuweit 1960); IBN AL-~AGARI, al-Hamiisa, p. 112 (Hyderabad 1345 AH); IBN I:IABIB, Man nusiba ila ummihi min al-su'ara' (Nawadir almahtutat, I, 95, 201-ed. 'Abd al-Salarn HARON, Cairo 1951); AL-MuBARRAD, al-Kiimil, I, 89, IV, 68 (ed. MuQ.. Abu I-Fa(;l1 IBRAHIM, Cairo 1956); L. 'A., s.v. tnb ; S. M. I:IUSAIN, Early Arabic Odes, p. 42-44 (Ar. text; and see the references of the Editor; and see pp. 41-42 of the English text-Dacca 1938). One of the descendants of ABBIrecorded by AL-BALAl>URI, op. cit., f. 956 b, he captured Hassan b. Wabara, the brother of al-Nu-man (from his mother's side) who led the Dabba in this raid and who was appointed by his brother, al-Nu'rnan, on the Ribab. 2. So in the account of ABU L-BAQA', op, cit., ms. f. 126 a, 21 b; in the account of AL-BALAl>URI, p, cit., 948 b. o "uia-gaddavna Murran wa-l-muluka l-sanii+i'ii", 3. ABU L-BAQA mentions as well another version recorded from the descendants of Ibn al-Sa-iq ("wa-fi riwayatin uhra 'an wuldi Yazida bni l-$a'iq"), according to which the king of al-Hira was al-Mundir, not alNu'rnan. (About Mu'ag b. Yazid b. al-Sa-iq who opposed the ridda see: IBN I;!AGAR,al-Tsiiba, No. 8425; about Yazid b. Qays b. Yazid b. al-Sa-iq see AL-BALAl>URI, nsiib, ms. f. 942 b); about Umama bint Yazid b. 'Amr A b. al-Sa-iq see IBN I;!ABIB, al-Munammaq, p. 8). 4. f. 128 b; another version: AL-l;>ABBI,Amlal al-s Arab, p. 6. 5. See ROTHSTEIN, op. cit., p. 108, n. 3. 158 M. J. KISTER [16J with the gift given to him by al-Harit : the bondwoman Salma, his later wife, the mother of his son al-Nu'rnan. Only by the intercession of al-Harit b. Hisn=-did Dirar agree to return the seized property of al-Mundir, inter alia the bondwoman Salma. Some time after the battle of al-Qurnatayn 1 Dirar attended the market of 'Uka~ 2. Dirar attended the battle as an aged man. He is said to have visited the court of al-Mundir b. Ma' al-Sama", had quarrelled with Abu Marhab, Rabi'a b. Hasaba b. Aznam of the Yarbir' 3 and had cut his forearm. He asked for the protection of the king failed to grant him protection. He was granted the protection of Gusays (or Husays) b. Nimran al-Riyahi 4. Of interest are the relations of Dirar with Tarnim ; he gave his daughter Mu'aga as wife to Ma'bad b. Zurara 5. The version of Ibn al-Atir states that al-Nu'rnan summoned with the Banfi Dabba the Banii Ribab and Tamim; they responded and took part in the battle. Some verses of Aws b. J:Iagar 6, Labid 7 and Yazid b. al-Sa 'iq 8 give the impression that the battle was a grave one. It is noteworthy that Ibn al-Ajir stresses in his report (on the authority of Abu 'Ubayda), that the 'Amir b. Sa'sa 'a were Ijums, kindred with the Qurays and that they were Laqiih, (kana Banu 'Amiri bni Sa'sa'aia humsan, wa-l-humsu Quraysun wa-man lahu fihim wiladatun). This points to the connections between Qurays and the 'Amir and explains why 'Abd Allah b. Gud 'an 9 sent to I. See about the battle: YAQUT, Buldan, s.V. Sullan; IBN I:IAZM,Gamharat ansab ai-i Arab, p. 194; about the location of the place: U. TH1LO, Die Ortsnamen in der altarabischen Poesie, s.v. Lubiin, 'Uyun (Wiesbaden 1958). 2. IBN AB! L-I:IAD!D, Sar1:t Nahg al-Baliiga, IV, 308, 362 (Cairo 1329 AH). 3. About Abu Marhab see: IBN I:IABIB, Asmd? al-mugtdlina (Nawadir almahtutat, VII, 139); about the quarrel between Dirar and Abu Marhab see AL-:QABBI,Amlal al-i Arab, p. 15; about Dirar at the court of al-Htra see AL-MAYDANI,Magma' al-amlal, I, 44 (Cairo 1352 AH). 4. ABU L-BAQA', op. cit., f. 137 b. 5. AL-BALAl]URI, Ansab, ms. f. 948 b, 954 a; IBN AB! L-I:IADiD, op. cit., IV, 308; AL-GAH1:?,al-Bayiin, I, 168 (ed. AL-SANDUBI,Cairo 1932). 6. Ditoiin, p. 6 (ed. Muh, Yiisuf NAGM, Beirut 1960). 7. Sarh Diwan Labid, p. 133 (ed. Ihsan 'ABBAS, Kuwait 1962); see note 2 of the editor, who did not identify the battle. 8. ABU L-BAQA', op. cit., f. 126 b, inf.: "uia-nabwu gadata l-Qurnatayni tatoiihaqat : !Janadidu yam'agna l-gubiira dawa'i'a. Bi-kulli siniinin. fi l-qaniiti tahaluhu: sihaban Ii zuirnati l-layli saWa. rfaraJkna Hubaysan hina argafa nagduhu: yu'aligu ma'suran 'alayhi l-gawami'a". 9. See about him: IBN H1SAM, al-Sira, I, 141 (ed. AL-SAQQA,AL-ABYARI, SALABI,Cairo 1936); AL-BALAl]URi,Ansiib, 1,74, 101 (ed. Muh. I:IAMIDULLAH, [17J AL-I;IiRA 159 warn Banii 'Amir of the approaching forces of al-Hira, enabling them to prepare themselves for battle. One may assume that there was some co-operation between Qurays and cAmir, that Mecca had some influence on the actions of 'Amir and that this had some bearing on the attitude of 'Amir towards al-Hira. It is plausible, that the booty of the raided caravan of the king of al-Hira was sold at 'Ukaz ; a case of this kind is recorded in Ibn Habib's al-Munammaq 1. For understanding of the relations between al-Hira and the tribes the reports about the taxes collected by the kings of al-Hira and the position of the tax-collectors are of some importance. Analyzing the sources of income of the rulers of al-Hira and the position of al-Hira Abu I-Baqa' mentions the income from the fiefs of al- 'Iraq and states: "That was the amount of their income from al-Traq. But the bulk of their revenues for their livelihood and their profits was gained from trade, from booty of their raids against the Bedouins, against the border lands of Syria, against every territory they could raid and from collection of taxes from the obedient tribes; they collected in this way great quantities of cattle" 2. The rulers of al-Hira appointed the leaders of friendly tribes as collectors of taxes, as military leaders of divisions of their forces and as officials in territories in which they exercised some control. 'Amr b. Sarik, the father of al-Hawfazan, was in charge of the police troops of al-Mundir and al-Nu'man (waliya surata l-Mundiri wa-l-Nu'mani min ba'dihi),3 Sinan b. Malik of the Aws Mana! (of the Namir b. Qasit) was appointed by al-Nu'rnan b. al-Mundir as governor of Ubulla 4. In the service of 'Amr b. Hind there was the Tamimi al-Oallaq b. Cairo 1959); IBN KAJ)R, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, I, 116-117 (ed. Mustafa 'ABD AL-WAHID, Cairo 1964); AL-Mu!.i'AB AL-ZUBAYRI, Nasab Qurays, p. 291. I. IBN !:IABIB, al-Munammaq, p. 428-29. 2. ABU L-BAQA', op. cit., f. 145 a: "Ja-htiq,a kana qadra nasibi l-qawmi min al-vIrtiqi, Wa-innama kana gulla ma'asihim ma-aktara amwalihim ma kanu yusibicnab« min al-arbiibi Ji l-tigarati uia-vagnimicnabu min al-magiisi wa-ligarati 'ala l-s Arabi uia-atrafi l-Sami wa-kulli ardin yumkinuhum gazwuha wa-yagtabuna l-itiiiuata mimman dana lahum ma-zafirii bihi min al- 'A rabi ; fa-yagtami=u lahum min q,alika l-kaiiru. min al-an'iimi", 3. IBN AL-KALBI, op. cit., f. 205 a. 4. IBN AL-KALBI, op. cit., f. 232 a; W. CASKEL, op, cit., II, 513; these Aws Maniit were exterminated by Halid b. al-Walid in the wars of the ridda. (see IBN !:IAZM, Gamharat ansab-al-'Arab, p. 284). 160 M. J. KISTER [18J Qays b. 'Abd Allah b. 'Amr b. Hammam 1. He is mentioned in a verse of Digaga 2 b. 'Abd Qays quoted in the Ihtiyarayn 3 as a leader of an attacking troop together with al-Harit b. Bayba 4 and I;Iagib 5. Oallaq was sent by 'Amr b. Hind to submit the Taglib: he raided them and killed many of them 6. This event is mentioned by al-I;Iarit b. Hilliza in his Mu'allaqa 7. According to AganiS and the commentary of al-Tibrizi 9 al-Oallaq was in charge of the white camels (haga'in) of al-Nu'rnan P. According to Simt al-La'alPI he was appointed by al-Nu'rnan who put him in charge of the white camels of the tribes adjacent to his country (ista(malahu l-Nu'mdn« bnu l-Mundiri 'ala haga'ini man yali ardahu min al-'Arab). The report of al-Bakri indicates that al-Oallaq was entrusted with collecting taxes. 'Uqfan b. 'Asim al-Yarbfi'I hid from al-Oallaq->I. So IBN AL-KALBI, op, cit., and AL-BALA!?URI, Ansab, "Galliiq"; in some other sources ", p. 2II: "in taqtuliihum", which seems to be the correct reading. [21] AL-I;IiRA "When they saw the banner of al-Nu'rnan advancing they said: "would that our nearest abode be 'Adan May the mother of Tamim not have known Murr and been like one destroyed by the (changes of) time". If you kill them-they are (merely) asses with cut [noses, and if you show grace-since ancient time you have [shown grace. From among them are Zuhayr, 'Attab and Muhtadar and two sons of Laqit ; Qatan perished in the battle". The leaders of Tamim came to al-Nu'rnan asking him to release the captives. Al-Nu'rnan agreed that every woman who wished to return to her relatives should be returned. All the women questioned expressed the wish to be returned to their tribe except the daughter of Qays b. 'Asim who preferred to remain with the man who captured her, 'Amr b. al-Musamrag. Qays then vowed to bury every female child, that would be born to him. The version of al-Agani 1 does not mention that the cause of the raid was the refusal to pay taxes, does not contain the verses and records the story as a raid of al-Musamrag. But in this version the raid is restricted to the Banii Sa 'd and the name of the captured woman is given: Rumayma bint Ahmar 2 b. Gandal; her mother was the sister of Qays b. 'Asim. Al-Musamrag is mentioned in a short account of al-Baladuri 3: some clans of Bakr b. Wa'il raided the 'Ukl. They were however defeated by the 'Ukl under the command of al-Namir b. Tawlab 4. In one of the verses quoted by al-Baladuri and attributed to alNamir b. Tawlab.al-Musamrag is mentioned as a captive ofthe 'Ukl ", For the assessment of the story of the raid the verse recited by I. Agiini, XII, 144. 2. In the text "A hrnad" , which is a mistake. Ahmar b. Gandal was the brother of Salama b. Gandal (See SALAMA B. GANDAL, Diwiin, p. 21-ed. CHE1KHO; and see AL-GAH1~, al-Bayan, III, 318; AL-BAGDADI: ijiziinat aladab, II,86; 'AMR B. KULIUM, Diwiin, p. 3-ed. KRENKOW; AL-BALA!:lURI, op. cit., f. 1040 a; W. CASKEL, op. cit., II, 146). 3. AL-BALA!:lURI,op. cit., f. 928 a. 4. About him see W. CASKEL, op. cit., II, 444. 5. "Riiba l-Musamragu li-l-rikiibi ganibatan: fi l-qiddi marsicra»: 'alii adbiirihii" (in text: MusamraJ:" ganbiyatan). M. J. KISTER [22J al-Nu'man=-quoted by al-Mubarrad-is of some importance: when al-Nu'man forgave the Tamim he said: "Ma kana darra Tamiman law tagammadahii: min fa4lina ma 'alayhi Qaysu 'Aylani" "What would harm the Banii Tamim if they [would be filled with our favour like the Qays 'Aylan" 1. Al-Nu'man reminds the Banii Tamim that by paying the itawa, and by their loyalty they would enjoy the favour of the king. The expression seems to point to the benefits bestowed by the king on the chiefs of the tribe Qays 'Aylan, appointment of their chiefs as tax collectors, granting them pastures, etc. It is noteworthy that al-Mubarrad renders itiiwa by adyiin, pointing to obedience and submission 2. The verse attributed to al-Nu'man reflects the efforts of al-Hira to gain the allegiance of some divisions of Tamim (evidently the Sa'd), who tried to free themselves from the dependence of al-Hira. That was manifested by the refusal to pay taxes. Some light on the relations between al-Hira and Asad and Oatafan is shed by a story recorded by Muhammad b. Habib 3. These tribes-says Ibn I;Iabib-were allies, not submitting to the obedience of the kings 4. 'Amr b. Mas'fid and ljalid b. Nadla 5 of Asad used to visit every year the ruler of al-Hira, stay with him and drink with him. During one of these visits al-Mundir al-Akbar suggested that they should accept his obedience. He said: "What prevents you from yielding to my obedience and to defend me like the Tamim and Rabi'a?" They refused his offer, remarking: "These territories are not suitable for our herds. Besides (in the present situation) we are near to you; we are here in these sandy lands and if you summon us we will respond". Al-Mundir understood that they were not willing to accept his offer and ordered to poison them. Whether ljiilid b. Nadla was really poisoned is rather doubtful 6; the story itself may be spurious. But the tendency of I. AL-MuBARRAD, op. cit., II, 84. 2. ib., p. 83, 1. 2; and see above note 4, p. [II]. (adyiin is identical with urban and aryan). 3. IBN I;IABIB, Asmii? al-mugtalina (Nawadir al-mah!utat, VI, 133). 4. Comp. p. 12, 1. 3 of this paper (note 3). 5. SEE W. CASKEL, op, cit., II, 179, 342. 6. See AL-BALAQURI, Ansab, f. 903 a (with other versions about his death); AL-1;>ABBI,Mufaddaliyyat, VII, I (LYALL notes p. 14); AL-QALI, al-Nawadir, p. 195; AL-A'SA, Diuiiin, p. 306 (ed. GEYER-AL-AsWAD B. YA'FUR, XLIX, AL-l;IiRA the rulers of al-Hira to widen their influence by gaining the obedience of independent tribes is evident from this story. The answer of the two leaders seems to indicate that the ruler of al-Hira proposed that they should enter territories under his control, but that they refused to do so 1. The rulers of al-Hira could impose their sway on the tribes either by granting the chiefs benefits-as mentioned in the stories quoted above-or by force. The rulers based their power on their troops. The troops were, however, not levied from a certain tribe: there was no tribe ruling in al-Hira ; it was a family. The rulers of alHira had therefore to rely on foreign troops or on mercenary troops. Only occasionally could they use a tribal force against another tribal unit, hostile to the first-as already mentioned. The problem of the formations of Dawsar, al-Sahbii", al-Warf,a'i', al-$ana'i' and al-Raha'in was discussed by Rothstein 2. Rothstein, quoting the sources 3 and arguing with Caussin de Perceval arrives at the conclusion that the $ana'i' seem to have been a Priitorianerschaar 4. This is confirmed by the commentary of the Naqa'icj 5: Ahmad b. 'Ubayd states that the $ana'i' are people upon whom the king bestows his favours (yastani'uhumu l-maliku) and they remain in his service. Another version is also given there: the $ana'i' of the kings are the helpers of the king, who raid with him, by whom the king is aided. An additional information is given by alMubarrad 6: most of them are from Bakr b. Wa'il. The Warf,ii'i' are defined by Rothstein as Besatzungstruppen. Rothstein argues that Warf,ii'i' cannot refer to certain troops (... "dass damit unmoglich eine bestimmte Truppe gemeint sein kann"). He assumes that the W acja'i' may probably denote the troops of the garrisons and especially the border garrisons. Dawsar and Sahba' refer probably-according to Rothstein-to the garrison-troops of al-Hira. v. 6-7); and see GAWAD 'ALI, Ta'ri!J al-i Arab qabla l-Lsldm, IV, 73; ABU MISHAL: Nauiiidi«, I, 122-3 (ed. 'IZZAT I;IASAN, Damascus 1961-see the notes of the editor). I. "... haf%ihi l-biliidu la tula'imu mawasiyana" ... and see the variant of the question of the king (AL-BAGDADi, Hisiina, IV, 151): " ... wa-an tadnii minni kama danat Tamimun wa-Rabi'atu". 2. Die Dynastie der Lahmiden, pp. 134-138. 3. Al-Hamiisa, al-Agani, al-rl qd al-farid, AL-GAWHARI, $a~ah. 4. ROTHSTEIN, op, cit., p. 137. 5. p.884· 6. Al-Kamil, II, 83. 166 M. J. KISTER The definition of the Waq,a'i' given by Ahmad b. 'Ubayd is different. Waq,a'i'-says Ibn 'Ubayd-are the troops levied by the king, 100 from every tribal group (qawm), more or less according to their number. Another definition quoted in the same source 1 claims that the Waq,a'i' are the forces of the subjects of the kingdom. According to this definition Bevan renders Waq,a'i' in his glossary "levies, troops, raised by the Lakhmite king". Ibn alAtir, however, defines them as "semi-chiefs" 2. The opinion about the Rahii'in, the hostages of the tribes is unanimous. A detailed account about the troops of al-Hira is given by Abu l-Baqa" 3. Imru' I-Qays al-Badan 4-records Abu l-Baqa==was the man who, imitating the division of the troops of Kisra, divided his troops and gave them names, which remained till the end of the kingdom of al-Hira. People next in kinship to the king were called Ahlu l-rifiida. There were leaders of the troops marching in front of the troops in battles and raids 5. The commanders of the divisions of the troops were the Ardiif ". A special division of the army of al-Hira was levied from among the Lahm. This troop was called al-Gamariit or al-Gimar. As soldiers of this troop are mentioned the Urays b. Iras b. Gazila 7 of Lahm. Another version claims that this troop was formed from people levied from Lahm and other groups. Mentioned are Banii Silsila from Gu'fi, Banfi Mawiya from Kalb 8 and groups from Banii Salaman b. Tu 'al 9 of Tayy, The Sana'i' were a troop of outlaws from different tribesrecords Abu l-Baqa '. Driven out from their tribes as murderers or culprits-they were protected by the king of al-Hira and gained Naqa'id, p. 884. See GAWAD'ALi, Ta'rih al-s.Arab qabla l-Lsliim, IV, 92 ("al-wada'i' wahumu lladina kanu sibha l-masayil!"). 3. ABU L-BAQA', op, cit., f. 21 a, seq. 4. See GAWAD 'ALi, op, cit., IV, 31; and see S. SMITH, Events in Arabia, in BSOAS, 1954, p. 430, Table A. 5. The word denoting the title of these leaders cannot be deciphered. It is written LS' \.;J~. 6. ABU L-BAQA', op. cit., f. 21 a: "ioa-l-ardiif wa-hum 'uraja'u l-gundi wa-zu'ama'uhum wa-quwwaduhum wa-azimmatuhum". 7. See IBN l:!AZM, op. cit., p. 396. 8. See W. CASKEL, op, cit., II, 405. 9. See IBN DURAYD, al-Lstiqiiq, p. 386. I. 2. [25] AL-I;IiRA 167 safety. They attended his battles and raids 1. The other version about the Sana'i" is given as well, they were men from Bakr b. Wa'il, from the Lahazim, from Qays and 'Abd al-Lat and from Ta'laba b. 'Ukaba. Abu l-Baqa: prefers the first version. The Waq.a'i'-says Abu l-Baqat-c-were a Persian unit, sent by Kisra to the kings of al-Hira as reinforcements. They counted 1000 mounted soldiers (asawira) and stayed a year at al-Hira. After a year's service they used to return to Persia and were replaced by another troop sent from Persia. They formed in fact the strength of the ruler of al-Hira and through their force the ruler of al-Hira could compel the people of al-Hira as well as the Bedouin tribes to yield obedience to him. Without these forces the rulers were weakened, so that they had to fear the people of al-Hira 2. The people of al-Hira consisted of three divisions Dawsar (or Dawsara), an elite troop of valiant and courageous warriors; alSahba', (but according to a contradictory tradition this was the troop of the Waq.a'i'); al-Malha', so called because of the colour of the iron (i.e. their coat-of-mail) 3. The Rahii'i« were youths from Arab tribes taken by the kings of al-Hira as hostages guaranteeing that their tribes would not raid the territories of al-Hira and that they would fulfil the terms of their pacts and obligations between them and the kings of alHira. They counted-according to a tradition quoted by Abu I-Baqa'-500 youths and stayed 6 months at the court of al-Hira. After this period they were replaced by others 4. These forces-of the people of al-Hira and the Persian troopsformed the strength, upon which the rulers of al-Hira relied. They fought with the rulers of al-Hira in obedience to Kisra, in order to defend their abode, their families and possessions; they could not forsake them 5. I. Two verses are quoted as evidence: the verse of Yazid b. al-Sa-iq (see above, n. 2, p. [15J) and the verse of GARIR: "Hamay nii yawma l)i N agabin !timana: uia-ahrasrui l-~ana'i'a uia-l-nihiibii" see his Ditoiin. (ed. AL-SAWI), p. 68, 1. I. 2. ABU L-BAQA', op. cit., f. 99 b, seq. 3. ib., f. 22 b; ABU L-BAQA' records the opinion of TABAR!, that these two troops (Sahba' and Dawsar) were Persian troops sent to al-Hira. 4. ib., f. 21 b; GAWAD 'ALI, op. cit., IV, 93. 5. ABU L-BAQA', op. cit., f. 99 b: "wa-kana gundahum lladina bihimi mtina'uhum wa-'izzuhum ahlu l-Hirati l-musammawna bi-tilka l-asmiisi l-muqaddami qikruha; fa-kanu yu!taribuna ma'ahum ta'atan li-Kisra wa- 168 M. J. KISTER [26J When the king of al-Hira left with his troops for a military action, the people of al-Hira afraid of an attack of the raiding Bedouins, used to stay in their fortified fortresses till the king returned with his troops. Sometimes the king concluded agreements with the neighbouring tribes-mainly from Bakr b. Wa'il and Tamim-that they would not raid al-Hira in his absence 1. A peculiar aspect of the relations of the tribes with the rulers of al-Hira is brought out by Abu l-Baqa": tribes pasturing in regions adjacent to the kingdom of al-Hira were compelled to get their provisions (al-mira wa-l-kayl) from the kingdom of al-Hira and therefore had to submit to the obedience of its rulers 2. The rulers of al-Hira were well acquainted with the situation in the tribe itself and used to intervene in the internal affairs of the tribes. A case of this kind is illustrated by the story of Laqit b. Zurara, who was convinced by al-Mundir b. Ma) al-Sama? to return the children of Damra b. Gabir al-Nahsali 3. His children were given as hostages to Laqit for the children of Kubays and Rusayya 4 and the Banfi Nahsal requested the king to intervene 5. Damra himself was respected and liked by the king 6. His son, Damra b. Damra, was favoured by al-Mundir and al-Nu'man. He was one of his booncompanions and the king entrusted him with the care of his white camels 7. Instructive is the case of I;Iagib b. Zurara with the Banfi 'Adiyy hif;an li-baydatihim wa-ahlihim wa-manazilihim wa-himayatan li-anfusihim wa-amwalihim wa-la yumkinuhum hirjlanuhum tua-lii l-tahaUufu 'anhum. ib. f. 102 a. ib., f. 100 a; for the necessity of getting provisions comp. the story of "Yawm al-Musaqqar ", 3. He was the father of the famous Damra b.J!amra. The name of Damra b. Damra was in fact Siqqa b. Damra ; his mother was Hind bint Karib b. Safwan, one of the leaders of Sa'd. About Damra b. Gabir see W. CASKEL, op. cit., II, 241; about Siqqa b. Damra, ib., II, 530. 4. AI-Kalb b. Kunays (or Kubays) b. Gabir, the son of Kunays and Rusayya married the mother of al-Hutay-a (see ABU L-FARAG, al-Agani, II, 43; ZDMG, XLIII, p. 3, n. 2). 5. AL-J!ABBI, Amliil al-i.Arab, pp. 7-9; AL-MuFADDAL B. SALAMA, alFa!;ir, p. 53 (ed. C. A. STOREY, Leiden 1915); AL-MAYDANI, Magma' alamlal, I, 136. 6. See the sources given in the preceding note and see AL-BALAgURI, op. cit., f. 986 b. 7. AL-BALAguRI, op, cit., 987 a: "wa-ga'alahu min !tuddalihi wa-sumI. 2. marihi wa-dafa'a ilayhi ibilan kanat lahu fa-kanat fi yadihi wa-hiya haga'inuhu wa-haga'inu l-Nu'mani bnihi ba'dahu, warilaha 'an abihi; wa-kanat min akrami l-ibili ... ". [27] AL-:~IiRA 169 b. 'Abd Manat 1. These 'Adiyy were in the service of I;Iagib and I;Iagib intended to turn them into his slaves by a writ of al-Mundir 2. Chiefs of tribal divisions co-operating with the rulers of al-Hira took part in their expeditions against Syria, visited their court and were favoured and respected. There was, however, no general line of continuous loyalty and allegiance to the rulers of al-Hira, Contending leaders of clans revolted against the agreements concluded by their chiefs with al-Hira from which they could not get the desired share of profit. There was continuous contention between chiefs on the favour of the ruler, which strenghened the feeling of lack of confidence. Sudden changes in the policy of Persia towards the rulers of al-Hira further enhanced the feeling of instability. The application of the method of "divide and impera" 3 as a means to control the tribes and the lack of sufficient and steady support for the loyal tribes-all this created a feeling of disappointment and bitterness. The successful raids of small units of clans against al-Hira undermined the prestige of its rulers. 'Usayma b. Halid b. Minqar 4 could oppose the orders of the king al-Nu'man, when he demanded to extradite the man from 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a to whom 'Usayma gave shelter. When raided by the troops of al-Nu'man 'Usayma summoned his people by the war-cry "Katotar" and defied the king. Directing the spear to the mane of his horse he said: "Go back, you wind-breaking king! Would I like to put the spear in another place-I would put it 5. The Banii 'Amr b. Tamim when attacked by the forces of the king al-Nu'rnan succeeded in defeating his army and in plundering his camp 6. The cases of the victory of Bedouin tribes over the royal troops of al-Hira were sufficient proof of the weakness of the vassal kingdom of al-Hira, presaging its fall. It was concurrent with the rise of Mecca to authority and power. I. Probably the 'Adiyy b.