Society
aysEI.pdf Ḳays b. Ê¿Äá¹£im b. SinÄn b. KhÄlid b. Minḳar b. ÉUbayd b. MuḳÄÉis, AbÅ« ÉAlÄ« (according to other versions: AbÅ« Ṭalḥa or AbÅ« ḲabÄ«á¹£a), a mukhaá¸ram chief of
the BanÅ« MuḳÄÉis and leader of his tribe. Tribal tradition emphasised his generosity, care for people under his protection, mildness and leniency. Al-Aḥnaf b. Ḳays reported the story, recorded in the compilations of adab, of how Ḳays b. ÉÄá¹£im received calmly the news about the murder of his son and magnanimously pardoned the murderer who was brought fettered into his presence. A poet of Sulaym, ÉAbbÄs b. MirdÄs, praised his noble behaviour towards his djÄr. He is counted among the magnanimous ones (ḥulamÄʾ) and the nobles of the DjÄhiliyya who abstained from drinking wine. His reintroduction of the practice of burying alive female infants is connected with a story of a woman of his family who, when captured in a raid on the tribe, preferred to remain with her captor and refused to return to her tribe. In order to prevent the recurrence of such an ignominy he decided to bury his daughters alive; verses 8-9 of SÅ«ra LXXXI are said to have been revealed in connexion with this practice of Ḳays b. ÉÄá¹£im. Ḳays is recorded as a leader of his tribe in the stories of the battles which took place in the first decade of the 7th century. He was victorious in all of his battles, except that of Abraḳ al-KibrÄ«t where he was captured with his mother and two of his sisters. In the battle of al-SitÄr he is said to have killed ḲatÄda b. Salama al-ḤanafÄ«; if this report is true, ḲatÄda must have been a very old man when Ḳays killed him, as he had already been a tribal leader during the Expedition of the Elephant and had been warned by Ṭarafa of the advancing troops of Abraha (see Muḥammad b. ḤabÄ«b, al-Munammaḳ, ed. Khursheed Aḥmad Fariq, Hyderabad 1383/1964, 69). The attack on the ÉAbd Ḳays at DjuwÄt̲h̲a, in which Ḳays distinguished himself, seems to have been led by al-Ahtam. The attack on the LahÄzim (see W. Caskel, Ǧamharat an-Nasab, Leiden 1966, ii, 2627) at NibÄdj-Thaytal was a joint action undertaken by Ḳays at the head of the MuḳÄÉis and SalÄma b. áºarib, chief of the AdjÄrib (see Caskel, op. cit., 144). His rapid action and
his effective tactics assured them of victory. In the battle of al-KulÄb II (where the tribal units of TamÄ«m gathered after the slaughter of al-Mushaḳḳar) Ḳays became the leader of the troops of SaÉd and by his energetic action and bravery helped to win the battle; the TamÄ«m attacked by allied YamanÄ« tribes took spoils and captives. It was at this battle, which took place at the beginning of the second decade of the 7th century, that Ḳays clashed with al-Ahtam. The animosity between these two leaders and the rancour between Ḳays and al-ZibriḳÄn b. Badr are echoed in the recorded verses of hidjÄʾ and in the stories about the deputation of TamÄ«m to the Prophet. A mathal story reports the part played by Zayd al-Khayl (who left his tribe for some time and dwelt in the camp of Ḳays) in repelling an attack of the ÉIdjl against the MuḳÄÉis; Ḳays denied Zayd's meritorious deed and because of this gained the epithet âthe liarâ. TamÄ«mÄ« tradition stresses the role of Ḳays in the deputation of TamÄ«m to the Prophet, emphasising that the Prophet was impressed by him and named him âthe chief of the nomad peopleâ (sayyid ahl al-wabar). A spurious tradition records a conversation between the Prophet and Ḳays, in which Ḳays told the Prophet that the first man who applied radjaz in driving camels (ḥidÄʾ) was the ancestor of the Prophet, Mu ar; the first man who received information about the appearance of a prophet named Muḥammad was SufyÄn b. MudjÄs̲h̲iÉ al-DÄrimÄ«, who accordingly named his new born son Muḥammad. It is apparent that the tendency of this tradition is to stress the Prophet's link with Mu ar and TamÄ«m. The alleged sincerity of Ḳays' belief is indicated in a story of his divorce of his beloved wife from the BanÅ« ḤanÄ«fa, because she refused to embrace Islam. The Prophet exhorted Ḳays to donate some of his flocks to the poor and needy, and is said to have forbidden tribal alliances to be formed in Islam. The Prophet appointed Ḳays tax collector of the MuḳÄÉis and the Buá¹Å«n (see Caskel, op. cit., 230).
After the death of the Prophet, Ḳays seems to have wavered in his loyalty to Medina. He doubted the stability of the Medina establishment and preferred to divide the taxes collected for Medina among his tribe. This he apparently did according to some kind of agreement with al-ZibriḳÄn; when al-ZibriḳÄn later hurried to AbÅ« Bakr with the taxes levied from his tribal units, Ḳays felt himself deceived and accused al-ZibriḳÄn of treacherous behaviour. Both leaders showed no hostility towards Medina at the beginning of the ridda: they escorted ÉAmr b. al-ÉÄá¹£ in their territories when he was on his way from ÉUmÄn to Medina; they took a neutral stand towards Medina while waiting to see whether Medina would stand fast against the tribal revolts. Ḳays further aided SadjÄḥ, but no war action of his on her behalf is recorded. After the revolt of the BanÅ« ḤanÄ«fa was crushed, Ḳays joined ÉAlÄÉ al-Ḥa ramÄ« when he was on his way to Baḥrayn, but even then he simply escorted him through the territories of the SaÉd; only later did he decide to fight on his side. He fought bravely, and is credited with the killing of al-Ḥuá¹am and Abdjar b. Budjayr. Ḳays settled in Baá¹£ra. He is said to have had 33 sons and many daughters. Ṭalaba b. Ḳays was known for his generosity; MuḳÄtil b. Ṭalaba was in the deputation of the nobles of TamÄ«m and ÉÄmir b. á¹¢aÉá¹£aÉa sent by IbrÄhÄ«m b. ÉArabÄ« to ÉAbd al-Malik. Mayya, the daughter of MuḳÄtil b. Ṭalaba, was the beloved of DhÅ« Él-Rumma. According to Ibn KathÄ«r, Ḳays died in 47/667. He enjoined his sons not to reveal his place of burial, because he feared the BanÅ« Bakr b. WÄÉil, whom he had fought and who hated him. Following the example of the Prophet, he gave orders to refrain from lamentations at his funeral. He was eulogised by ÉAbda b. al-ṬabÄ«b in his famous elegy in which he said âThe death of Ḳays was not the death of one man: it was [as if] the edifice of a people had fallen downâ.
(M. J. Kister) Bibliography AghÄnÄ«, index ṬabarÄ«, index al-BalÄdhurÄ«, AnsÄb al-ashrÄf, Ms. ÉAs̲h̲ir Ef. 597/8, fols. 1019a-1020b al-BakrÄ«, MuÊ¿djam, ed. Muá¹£á¹afÄ al-SaḳḳÄ, Cairo 1368/1949, index AbÅ« Zayd, al-NawÄdir fÄ« ʾl-lugha, ed. SaÉÄ«d al-ShartÅ«nÄ«, repr. Beirut 1387/1967, 92 al-SharÄ«f al-Murta Ä, AmÄlÄ«, ed. Muḥammad AbÅ« Él-Fa l IbrÄhÄ«m, Cairo 1373/1954, index al-MarzubÄnÄ«, NÅ«r al-ḳabas, ed. R. Sellheim, Wiesbaden 1964, index Mufa al al- abbÄ«, al-Mufaá¸á¸aliyyÄt, ed. Ch. Lyall, Beirut 1920, 317, 741 Aḥmad b. AbÄ« ṬÄhir, BalÄghÄt al-nisÄʾ, al-Nad̲j̲af 1361, 51, 87-8 Ibn Ḥubaysh, al-MaghÄzÄ«, Ms. Leiden, Or. 343, pp. 13, 25, 72 Ibn al-KalbÄ«, Djamharat al-nasab, Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23297, f. 78b al-WÄḳidÄ«, al-Ridda, Ms. Bankipore, Cat. xv, 1042, fols. 27b-29a Ibn AÉtham, al-Futūḥ, Hyderabad 1388/1968, 50-51, 53 al-DjÄḥiáº, al-BayÄn wa ʾl-tabyÄ«n, ed. al-SandÅ«bÄ«, Cairo 1351/1932, index idem, al-ḤayawÄn, ed. ÉAbd al-SalÄm HÄrÅ«n, Cairo 1384/1965, iii, 490
Ibn Ḳutayba, al-MaÊ¿ÄnÄ« al-kabÄ«r, Hyderabad 1368/1949, i, 507, ii, 825, 1025 idem, Ê¿UyÅ«n al-akhbÄr, Cairo 1349/1930, index idem, al-MaÊ¿Ärif, ed. al-á¹¢ÄwÄ«, Cairo 1353/1935, 131 (repr. Beirut 1390/1970) Muḥammad b. ḤabÄ«b, al-Muḥabbar, ed. Ilse Lichtenstaedter, Hyderabad 1361/1942, 126, 237-8, 248 ThaÉÄlibÄ«, ThimÄr al-ḳulÅ«b, ed. Muḥammad AbÅ« Él-Fa l IbrÄhÄ«m, Cairo 1383/1965, 315, no. 484 al-ÉAbbÄs b. MirdÄs al-SulamÄ«, DÄ«wÄn, ed. YaḥyÄ al-DjubÅ«rÄ«, Baghdad 1388/1968, 61-2 á¹¢adr al-DÄ«n al-Baá¹£rÄ«, al-ḤamÄsa al-Baá¹£riyya, ed. MukhtÄr al-DÄ«n Aḥmad, Hyderabad 1383/1964, ii, 60, no. 157, 238, no. 4 al-BuḥturÄ«, al-ḤamÄsa, ed. L. Cheikho (repr. Beirut 1387/1967), 245, no. 1321 AbÅ« TammÄm, al-ḤamÄsa, Sharḥ al-TibrÄ«zÄ«, ed. Muḥammad MuḥyÄ« Él-DÄ«n ÉAbd alḤamÄ«d, Cairo 1357/1938, ii, 285-6 al-Mubarrad, al-KÄmil, ed. Muḥammad AbÅ« Él-Fa l IbrÄhÄ«m, Cairo 1376/1956, index Ibn ÉAbd Rabbihi, al-Ê¿Iḳd al-farÄ«d ed. Aḥmad AmÄ«n, IbrÄhÄ«m al-AbyÄrÄ«, ÉAbd al-SalÄm HÄrÅ«n, Cairo 1368/1949, index Ibn Durayd, IshtiḳÄḳ, ed. ÉAbd al-SalÄm HÄrÅ«n, Cairo 1378/1958, index Ibn ÉAbd al-Barr, al-IstÄ«Ê¿Äb, ed. ÉAlÄ« Muḥammad al-BidjÄwÄ«, Cairo n.d., iii, 1294-96, no. 1240 Ḳurá¹ubÄ«, TafsÄ«r, Cairo 1387/1967, iii, 56, xix, 233
Ibn Ḥadjar, al-Iá¹£Äba, Cairo 1325/1907, v, 258, no. 7188 Ibn al-AthÄ«r, Usd al-ghÄba, Cairo 1286, iv, 219-21 al-ḲÄlÄ«, al-AmÄlÄ«, ed. al-MaymanÄ«, Cairo 1344/1926, index al-BakrÄ«, Simá¹ al-laʾÄlÄ«, ed. al-MaymanÄ«, Cairo 1354/1936, i, 487-8 al-HaythamÄ«, MadjmaÊ¿ al-zawÄʾid, Beirut 1967 (repr.), iii, 107-8, iv, 221-2, ix, 404 BukhÄrÄ«, al-Adab al-mufrad, ed. Muḥibb al-DÄ«n al-Khaá¹Ä«b, Cairo 1379, 328-9 al-FattÄl al-NaysabÅ«rÄ«, Rawá¸at al-wÄÊ¿iáºÄ«n, al-Nadjaf 1386/1966, 487 YazÄ«dÄ«, al-AmÄlÄ«, Hyderabad 1367/1948, 101 al-WÄḳidÄ«, MaghÄzÄ«, ed. M. Jones, London 1966, iii, 975, 979 al-ZadjdjÄdjÄ«, al-AmÄlÄ«, ed. ÉAbd al-SalÄm HÄrÅ«n, Cairo 1382, 29, 88-9 AbÅ« DÄwÅ«d, á¹¢aḥīḥ sunan al-Muá¹£á¹afÄ, Cairo 1348, i, 59 ÉAskarÄ«, Djamharat al-amthÄl, ed. Muḥammad AbÅ« Él-Fa l IbrÄhÄ«m and ÉAbd al-MadjÄ«d Ḳaá¹Ämish, Cairo 1384/1964, index Ḥamza al-Iá¹£fahÄnÄ«, al-Durra al-fÄkhira, ed. ÉAbd al-MadjÄ«d Ḳaá¹Ämish, Cairo 1971, i, 164-5, no. 187, 287-9, no. 400, 324, no. 511 al-MaydÄnÄ«, MadjmaÊ¿ al-amthÄl, ed. Muḥammad MuḥyÄ« Él-DÄ«n ÉAbd al-ḤamÄ«d, Cairo 1379/1959, i, 220, no. 1179, ii, 65-6, no. 2711, 169, no. 3211 al-ḲurashÄ«, Djamharat as̲h̲ʿÄr al-Ê¿Arab, Beirut 1383/1963, 34-5
Ibn SaÉd, al-ṬabaḳÄt, Beirut 1380/1960, vi, 319, vii, 36 Ibn Sayyid al-NÄs, Ê¿UyÅ«n al-athar, Cairo 1356, ii, 203 Ibn HishÄm, SÄ«ra, ed. al-SaḳḳÄ, al-AbyÄrÄ«, ShalabÄ«, Cairo 1355/1936, iv, 206-7 212-13, 270 al-MaḳrÄ«zÄ«, ImtÄÊ¿ al-asmÄÊ¿, ed. MaḥmÅ«d Muḥammad ShÄkir, Cairo 1941, i, 434, 439, 509 al-ZurḳÄnÄ«, Sharḥ Ê¿alÄ 'l-mawÄhib al-laduniyya, Cairo 1325, iii, 44 YÄḳūt, MuÊ¿djam al-buldÄn, s.v. Abraḳ al-KibrÄ«t, DjadÅ«d, Thaytal, al-KulÄb, Musallaḥa, al-SitÄr al-MuÉÄfÄ b. ZakariyyÄ, al-DjalÄ«s al-á¹£Äliḥ al-kÄfÄ«, Ms. Topkapi Saray, Ahmet III, no. 2321, fols. 19b, 154a al-MaḳdisÄ«, al-Badʾ wa-l-taʾrÄ«kh, ed. Cl. Huart, Paris 1899, v, 109 Ibn KathÄ«r, al-BidÄya wa-l-nihÄya, Beirutâal-RiyÄ 1966, viii, 31-2 Ibn AbÄ« Él-ḤadÄ«d, S̲h̲arḥ Nahdj al-balÄgha, ed. Muḥammad AbÅ« Él-Fa l IbrÄhÄ«m, Cairo 1962, xv, 128, 130 ult. ÉAbd al-ḲÄdir BaghdÄdÄ«, KhizÄnat al-adab, BÅ«lÄḳ 1299, iii, 427 al-Ḥuá¹£rÄ«, Zahr al-ÄdÄb, ed. ÉAlÄ« Muḥammad al-BidjÄwÄ«, Cairo 1389/1969, ii, 965 Ibn AbÄ« Él-ÉAwn, al-TashbÄ«hÄt, ed. Muḥammad ÉAbd al-MuÉÄ«d KhÄn, Cambridge 1369/1950, 323
ÉAskarÄ«, al-Maṣūn fÄ« ʾl-adab, ed. ÉAbd al-SalÄm HÄrÅ«n, Kuwayt 1960, 16 ThÄbit b. AbÄ« ThÄbit, Khalḳ al-insÄn, ed. ÉAbd al-SattÄr FarrÄdj, Kuwayt 1965, 90 Ibn Ḥazm, Djamharat ansÄb al-Ê¿Arab, ed. E. Lévi-Provençal, Cairo 1948, 205-6 idem, DjawÄmiÊ¿ al-sÄ«ra, ed. IḥsÄn ÉAbbÄs, NÄá¹£ir al-DÄ«n al-Asad, Aḥmad Muḥammad ShÄkir, Cairo n.d., 25, 290 DhÅ« Él-Rumma, DÄ«wÄn, ed. C. H. H. Macartney, Cambridge 1919, 624 (no. 79, v, 57) ḤÄkim, al-Mustadrak, Hyderabad 1342 (reprint al-RiyÄ ), iii, 611-12 DjarÄ«r and al-Farazdaḳ, NaḳÄʾiá¸, ed. A. A. Bevan, Leiden 1908-12, index Ch. J. Lyall, Translations of Ancient Arabian Poetry, London 1930, 33-4, 84 W. M. Watt, Muhammad at Medina, Oxford 1956, 138 Ḥusayn b. ÉAlÄ« al-MaghribÄ«, Adab al-khawÄṣṣ, Ms. Bursa, Ḥu. Ãelebi 85b, fols. 36b-37a Ch. Pellat, RisÄla fi ʾl-ḥilm, Beirut 1973, index. [Print Version: Volume IV, page 832, column 1] Citation: Kister, M. J. âḲays b. ÉÄá¹£im b. SinÄn b. KhÄlid b. Minḳar b. ÉUbayd b. MuḳÄÉis, AbÅ« ÉAlÄ« (according to other versions: AbÅ« Ṭalḥa or AbÅ« ḲabÄ«á¹£a).â Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman; Th. Bianquis; C. E. Bosworth; E. van Donzel; and W. P. Heinrichs.
KhabbabEI.pdf KhabbÄb b. al-Aratt, AbÅ« ÉAbd AllÄh or AbÅ« YaḥyÄ or AbÅ« Muḥammad or AbÅ« ÉAbd Rabbihi, a Companion of the Prophet. Tradition is not unanimous about
his origin. Some reports state that his father was captured in a raid launched by the RabÄ«Éa in the SawÄd, sent to Mecca and sold as a slave to SibÄÉ b. ÉAbd al-ÉUáºzÄ alKhuzÄÉÄ«, a confederate (ḥalÄ«f) of the BanÅ« Zuhra; SibÄÉ (who was later killed by Ḥamza in the battle of Uḥud) gave him as a gift to his daughter Umm AnmÄr who freed him. In a tradition attributed to ÉAlÄ« he is said to have been the first of the Nabaá¹ to embrace Islam. Other traditions claim that the mother of KhabbÄb, a professional circumciser, also gave birth to SibÄÉ; it is for this reason that Ḥamza when killing SibÄÉ, shouted to him âO son of the woman cutting the clitorisâ. By virtue of this kinship, KhabbÄb claimed to be a confederate of the Zuhra in Mecca. Some reports say that his father was from Kaskar or from the vicinity of al-KÅ«fa. A quite different tradition states that alAratt was a TamÄ«mÄ«, of the BanÅ« SaÉd, who was captured in a raid and sold in Mecca to Umm AnmÄr al-KhuzÄÉiyya who freed him. This version, adopted by his descendants, gives his pedigree as follows: KhabbÄb b. al-Aratt b. Djandala b. SaÉd b. Khuzayma b. KaÉb b. SaÉd from TamÄ«m. Another account records that KhabbÄb was a freed slave (mawlÄ) of ThÄbit b. Umm AnmÄr; ThÄbit, these sources claim, was a mawlÄ of alAkhnas b. Sharīḳ ThaḳafÄ«, who in his turn was a confederate of the Zuhra. These contradictory traditions do not help to establish exactly his origin and his position in Mecca, but he must have been of a very low status, as he was doubly dependent, being a mawlÄ of a family which was in turn in a relation of dependence as confederates of the tribal group of Zuhra. KhabbÄb himself was a blacksmith, a profession regarded as base in Mecca and in the Arab peninsula in general. The tradition of his SawÄdÄ« origin seems preferable because of his father's incorrect Arabic speech, which is indicated by his nickname al-Aratt; this would seem to point to Arabic not being his native language, and he probably spoke Nabataean, sc. neo-Aramaic. Although a mawlÄ, KhabbÄb
apparently acquired some influence in the KhuzÄÉÄ« family of his master. It was he who promoted the plan that the family of SibÄÉ should join the ZuhrÄ« ÉAwf b. ÉAbd ÉAwf (the family of ÉAbd al-RaḥmÄn b. ÉAwf) as confederates and he indeed succeeded in carrying out his plan. KhabbÄb was one of the earliest converts to Islam. He is usually mentioned as the sixth or the seventh man who embraced Islam. A unique tradition granting him an usually high position in Islam says that he was the first man who embraced Islam. KhabbÄb is recorded as one of âthe weak onesâ in Mecca. Lacking any protection (manaÊ¿a), he was exposed to persecution and cruel torture. The noble ḲurashÄ«s and leaders of tribes used to mock the Prophet when they saw him in the company of KhabbÄb and other poor men, and some verses in the ḲurÉÄn were revealed to the Prophet in this connection. It is said that KhabbÄb was attached to the Prophet and heard some chapters of the ḲurÉÄn from his mouth, and that he witnessed the conversion of ÉUmar to Islam when present in the house of ÉUmar's sister, reading chapters from the ḲurÉÄn. Having left Mecca as a muhÄdjir, KhabbÄb dwelt in Medina together with al-MiḳdÄd b. ÉAmr in the house of KulthÅ«m b. Hidm; after the death of the latter they moved into the house of SaÉd b. ÉUbÄda. In some sources, KhabbÄb is included in the list of the AṣḥÄb al-á¹¢uffa. The Prophet set up the relation of brotherhood between KhabbÄb and Djabr b. ÉAtÄ«k. KhabbÄb participated in the battle of Badr and was entrusted with the division of the spoils. Tradition usually adds that he took part in all the other battles of the Prophet: he is, however, not mentioned in the list of warriors recorded in the stories of the battles.
No details are available about the vicissitudes of his life during the caliphates of AbÅ« Bakr and ÉUmar. ÉUthmÄn granted him possession of á¹¢aÉnabÄ or IstÄ«niyÄ in the vicinity of al-KÅ«fa and he settled in al-KÅ«fa. ShÄ«ÉÄ« traditions claim that he took part in the battle of á¹¢iffÄ«n and NahrawÄn; some ShÄ«ÉÄ« sources mention that he signed the document of arbitration at á¹¢iffÄ«n. KhabbÄb died in 37 AH (or 39) at the age of 63 (or 73) as a rich man, leaving about 40,000 dirham in cash. He regretted before his death that he had accumulated wealth; he was afraid lest he might have forfeited his reward in the next world, as he had received it already in this world. KhabbÄb gave orders that he should be buried outside al-KÅ«fa, thus initiating a change in the then custom of burying the dead in their own houses. ÉAlÄ« is said to have prayed over his grave when he returned from the battle of á¹¢iffÄ«n. He transmitted 32 utterances of the Prophet, some of which were recorded in the canonical collections of ḥadÄ«th, and some traditions of the Prophet were transmitted by his daughter. A son, ÉAbd AllÄh, was cruelly killed by the KhawÄridj. (M. J. Kister) Bibliography Ibn HishÄm, SÄ«ra al-nabawiyya, Cairo 1355/1936, i, 271, 368-370, 383, ii, 337 Ibn SaÉd, ṬabaḳÄt, Beirut 1377/1957, iii, 164-7, v, 245 al-WÄḳidÄ«, al-MaghÄzÄ«, ed. M. Jones, London 1966, i, 100, 155 al-BalÄdhurÄ«, AnsÄb al-ashrÄf, ed. Muḥammad ḤamÄ«dullÄh, Cairo 1959, i, index idem, Futūḥ al-buldÄn, Beirut 1377/1958, 381-2 al-ṬabarÄ«, TaʾrÄ«kh, index
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Muḥammad b. ḤabÄ«b, al-Munammaḳ, ed. Kh. A. FÄriḳ, Hyderabad 1384/1964, 294/295 idem, al-Muḥabbar, ed. Lichtenstaedter, Hyderabad 1361/1942, 288 al-MinḳarÄ«, Waḳʿat á¹¢iffÄ«n, Cairo 1382, 506, 530 Ibn Ḳutayba, al-MaÊ¿Ärif, ed. al-á¹¢ÄwÄ«, repr. Beirut 1390/1970, 138 ÉAbd Allah b. al-MubÄrak, KitÄb al-zuhd waʾl-raḳÄʾiḳ, ed. ÉAbd al-RaḥmÄn al-AÉáºamÄ«, Malegaon 1385/1966, 183-4 ṬayÄlisÄ«, al-Musnad, Hyderabad 1321, 141-2 MuḳÄtil, TafsÄ«r, Ms. Top Kapu Saray, Ahmet III, 74, ii, fols. 43b, 165b, 224b al-WÄḥidÄ«, AsbÄb al-nuzÅ«l, Cairo 1388/1968, 146, 251 al-ḤÄkim al-NaysÄbÅ«rÄ«, al-Mustadrak, Hyderabad 1342, 381/383 al-MasÉÅ«dÄ«, al-TanbÄ«h waʾl-ishrÄf, ed. al-á¹¢ÄwÄ«, Cairo 1357/1938, 199 (quoted by Mughulá¹Äy, al-Zahr al-bÄsim, Ms. Leiden Or. 370, fol. 118a) AbÅ« NuÉaym al-Iá¹£fahÄnÄ«, Ḥilyat al-awliyÄʾ, Cairo 1351/1932, i, 143-7, 359-60 al-KalÄÉÄ«, al-IktifÄʾ, Cairo 1387/1968, i, 336 Ibn ÉAbd al-Barr, al-IstÄ«Ê¿Äb, Cairo 1380/1960, 437-9, no. 628
Ibn Sayyid al-NÄs, Ê¿UyÅ«n al-athar, Cairo 1356, i, 272 Ibn Ḥazm, DjawÄmiÊ¿ al-sÄ«ra, ed. I. ÉAbbÄs, N. Asad, S̲h̲Äkir, Cairo, n.d., index Ibn KathÄ«r, al-BidÄya waʾl-nihÄya, Beirut â al-RiyÄ 1966, vii, 288 idem, SÄ«ra al-nabawiyya, Cairo 1384/1964, i, 496-7 idem, ShamÄʾil al-rasÅ«l, Cairo 1386/1967, 358 al-Bayhaḳī, DalÄʾil al-nubuwwa, Medina 1389/1969, i, 425, ii, 57 IbrÄhÄ«m b. Muḥammad al-Bayhaḳī, al-MaḥÄsin waʾl-masÄwÄ«, Cairo 1380/1961, i, 109-11 al-HaythamÄ«, MadjmaÊ¿ al-zawÄʾid, Beirut 1967, ix, 298-9 al-MÄwardÄ«, AÊ¿lÄm al-nubuwwa, Cairo 1319, 77 Ibn AbÄ« Él-ḤadÄ«d, Sharḥ nahdj al-balÄgha, Cairo 1964, xviii, 171-2 Muḥammad b. NÄá¹£ir al-DÄ«n al-Dimashḳī, DjÄmiÊ¿ al-ÄthÄr, Ms. Cambridge Or. 913, fol. 339a al-DhahabÄ«, Siyar aÊ¿lÄm al-nubalÄʾ, Cairo 1957, ii, 234-5 idem, TaʾrÄ«kh al-islÄm, Cairo 1367, ii, 175-6 al-KÄzarÅ«nÄ«, al-SÄ«ra al-nabawiyya, Ms. Br. Mus. Add. 18499, fol. 106a Ibn Ḥadjar, TahdhÄ«b al-tahdhÄ«b, Hyderabad 1325, iii, 133-4, no. 254 idem, al-Iá¹£Äba, Cairo 1325/1907, ii, 101, no. 2206 al-FÄsÄ«, al-Ê¿Iḳd al-thamÄ«n, Cairo 1384/1965, iv, 300-3, No. 1119
al-SuyÅ«á¹Ä«, al-Khaá¹£Äʾiá¹£ al-kubrÄ, Cairo 1386/1967, ii, 262 ÉAlÄ« b. BurhÄn DÄ«n, al-SÄ«ra al-ḥalabiyya, Cairo 1351/1932, i, 355 Ibn ÉAbd Rabbihi, al-Ê¿Iḳd al-farÄ«d, ed. Aḥmad AmÄ«n et alii, Cairo 1368/1949, iii, 238 al-Muttaḳī al-HindÄ«, Kanz al-Ê¿ummÄl, Hyderabad 1388/1968, xv, 343, no. 941 al-MadjlisÄ«, BiḥÄr al-anwÄr, Tehran 1270, viii, 728 al-NabulusÄ«, DhakhÄʾir al-mawÄrÄ«th, Cairo 1352/1934, i, 200-2, nos. 1811-20 al-YaÉḳūbÄ«, TaʾrÄ«kh, Nadjaf 1384/1964, ii, 22 Ibn BÄbÅ«ya al-ḲummÄ«, KitÄb al-khiá¹£Äl, Tehran 1389, 312 YÄḳūt, MuÊ¿djam al-buldÄn, s.v. á¹¢aÊ¿nabÄ and IstÄ«niyÄ W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Mecca, Oxford 1953, index. [Print Version: Volume IV, page 896, column 2] Citation:
Kister, M. J. âKhabbÄb b. al-Aratt, AbÅ« ÉAbd AllÄh or AbÅ« YaḥyÄ or AbÅ« Muḥammad or AbÅ« ÉAbd Rabbihi." Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman; Th. Bianquis; C. E. Bosworth; E. van Donzel; and W. P. Heinrichs.
la_tashabbahu.pdf "DO NOT ASSIMILATE YOURSELVES ... " La tashabbahu ... The sweeping victories gained by the Muslim forces during their conquests in Syria, Iraq and Persia, and their speedy advance in these vast areas, brought about a meeting between the Muslims and the native peoples of those areas. It is, therefore, evident that new principles had to be established in order to guide the Muslim community in its relations with Christians, Jews and Magians. Basing themselves on interpretations of Qur'anic verses, Muslim scholars stated that Jews and Christians were to be considered unbelievers.1 Very early commentators of the Qur'an interpreted the verse: "And confound not truth with falsehood ... " (wa-la talbisu l-haqqa bi-l-batili -- Qur'an II, 43) as constituting a warning to the believers not to mix Islam with (the precepts and injunctions of -- K) Judaism and Christianity.2 Many of the traditions touching upon this subject
See, e.g., 'Abd al-Jabbar, Tanzih al-qur'an 'ani l-mata'in, Beirut ed., pp. 118-119 (cf. p. ll8, 13. wa-dhalika sifatu l-yahudi wa-hum kuffar ... ); Muqatil, Tafsir, MS. Ahmet III, 74-2, fol. 2llb. ( ... wa-dhalika anna 1- yahuda wa-l-nasara yusl!rikuna fi salatihim fi l-biya'i wa-l-kana'isi ... ). There is however a difference between the unbelief of the People of the Book and that of those who associate idols with God (al-mushrikun); the latter are stronger in their unbelief ( ... Ii-anna kufra l-mushrikina aghla~u min kufri ahli l-kitabi ... ); Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Al;lkam ahli l-dhimma, ed. Subbi al-Salib, Damascus 1381/1961,I, 10. 2 Yabya b. Salam, Tafsir, Mukhtasar Ibn Zaman in, Ms. Fas, Qarawiyyin no. 40-34, p. 8 (. .. qala qatada: ya'ni la takhliru l-islama bi-l-yahudiyyati wa-l-naSraniyyati ); al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, Cairo 138711967, I, 341-342 (see p. 341, 1.3 la talbisu l-yahudiyyata wa-l-naSraniyyata bi-l-islami wa-qad 'alimtum anna dina llahi lladhi la yuqbalu ghayruhu wa-la yujza ilia bihi l-islamu wa-anna l-yahudiyyata wa-l-nasraniyyata bid'atun wa-laysat min allahi .. .); Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, Beirut 1385/1966, I, 146; al-Tabari, Tafsir (= Jami' al-bayan 'an ta'wil al-qur'an), ed. Mabmiid and Abmad Shiikir, Cairo n.d., I, 568, no. 825 (and see another interpretation ibid. no. 826:
322 were scrutinized by I. Goldziher.' The Muslim community was enjoined to observe strictly the injunctions of the Qur'an and to follow faithfully the sunna of the Prophet. Jahili customs and usages were to be abandoned. Thus the prayers performed at sunrise and sunset, when the polytheistic unbelievers ial=mushrikun) used to prostrate themselves to the sun, were forbidden. The sun rises and sets clasped between the two horns of the Devil.' Jahili
al-haqq is rendered by: al-tauriu lladhi (!) anzala llahu 'ala musa and al-batil by alladhi katabidu: bi-aydlhim); al-Samarqandi, Taf sir, Ms. Chester Beatty, 3668, I, fol. 16 b; al-Shaukani, Fatl) ai-qadir al-jami' bayna [annayi I-riwaya wa-l-diraya min 'ilmi l-taisir, Beirut n.d. I, 76; Abu Hayyan, Tafsir al-bahr at-mubit, Cairo 1328, I, 179; and see Muhammad b. Abi Bakr al-Riizi, Masa'il al-riizi wa-ajwibatuha, Cairo 1381/1961,p.5 ... li+anna l-murada bi-talblsihim al-haqqa bi-l-biuili kitiibatuhum fi l-tauriui mii laysa minhii ... ; Muqiitil, Tafsir, ed. 'Abdallah Shahata, Cairo 1969, I, 34: ... thumma qiila li-I-yahiidi wa-Ia t albi sii ... wa=dhiilika anna I-yahuda yuqirrisna bi-ba'4i amri muhammadin wa-yaktumuna badan. 3 See, e.g., I. Goldziher, "Ober jiidische Sitten und Gebrauche aus muhammedanischen Schriften," MGW J, vol. XXIX, (1880),302-365; idem, "Usages Juifs d'apres la litterature religieuse des Musulmans," REJ, XXVIII (1894) 75-94; and see the comprehensive study on this subject published recently: Albrecht Noth, "Abgrenzungsprobleme zwischen Muslimen und nicht-Muslimen: Die "Bedingungen 'Umars (al-shurul al-t umariyva)" unter einem anderen Aspekt gelesen,"JSAl, IX [1987] 290-315. 4 See e.g. 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, ed. Habibu l-Rabrnan al-A'zami, Beirut, 139211972, II, 424-434 (al-sa'atu llatl yukrahu fiha I-saliuut; according to some traditions prayer in the middle of the day is also reprehensible: see e.g. al-Daylami, Firdaus ai-akhbiir, Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 186a ... la tusalli: 'inda lulu'i l-shamsi, [a-innaha tatlo'« bayna qarnay shaytiinin, fa-yasjudu laha kullu kafirin, wa-Ia 'i nd a ghurubiha f a-innana t aghr ubu bayna qarnay shaYlanin, [a-yas judu lahii kullu kafirin, wa-Ia wasala l-nahari [a-innaha tasiuru [ahannama 'inda dhiilika ... ; al-Suyiitl, Jam' al-jawami', Cairo 1978, I, 895; Ibn Taymiyya, l qtidii' al-sirat al-mustaqim, mukhalafatu a$l)ab al=jahim, ed. Muhammad l;Iiimid al-Fiqi, Cairo 1369/1950, p. 135-136; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, Hyderabad 1355, repro Beirut, II, 453-455; al-Haythami, Majma' al-zawa'id wa-manba al-fawa'id, Beirut
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during the tawat were rejected and forbidden.' The of bewailing the dead, which were considered' to be a of Jahiliyya customs, were also forbidden." Bedouin greeting were to be given up. When al-Zubayr came to Prophet in his illness and greeted him by saying iaalani llahu. tidaka, the Prophet rebuked him by saying that he had not yet given up his bedouin manners (ma tarakta a'r abi yyataka ba'du}.1 The meal consumed after the funeral practices practices remnant forms of visit the
1967, II, 493; Muhammad l;Iabibullah al-Shinqiti, zs« at-muslim fima 'alayhi l-bukhiiri wa-muslim, Cairo 1387/1967, I, 134, nos. 347-348; al-Munawi, Fayd ai-qadir, sharb ai- jami' al-saghir, Beirut 139111972, V, 318-319, nos. 9408-9409; Ibn Kathir, al= Bi dii y a wa-l=nihaya, Beirut-al-Riyad 1966, I, 62; al-'Ayni, 'Umdat al-qiiri, Cairo 1348, XV, 192; al-Zamakhshari, al-Fii'iq, ed. Muhammad Abu I-Fal;il Ibrahim and 'Ali al-Bijawi, Cairo 1971, III, 179; CA, s.v. qrn; al-Majlisi, Bi/Jar ai-anwar, Tehran, 1392, LXXXII, 254, sup.; ai-Muttaqi al-Hindi, Kanz al='ummal, Hyderabad, 1395/1975, VIII. 124, no. 881; al-Tabarani, ai-Mu'jam al-kabir, ed. Hamdi 'Abd ai-Majid al-Silafi, n.p., 1405/1985, I, 352, no. 1070, VII, 227, no. 6946, 234, nos. 6973-6974, VIII, 62, no. 7344; al-Busiri, Mi$ba/Ju l-zuja]« tt zawiiidi bni majah. ed. Musa Muhammad 'Ali and 'Izzat 'Ali 'Atiyya, 'Cairo 1983, I, 412, no. 1253; Ibn Khuzayma, $a/Ji/J, ed. Muhammad Mustafa l-A'zami, Beirut 1395/1975, II, 256-257, nos. 1273, 1275. 5 See e.g. Ibn Taymiyya, Iqtidii', pp. 124-125; cf. M.J. Kister, "Concessions and conduct," in G.H. Juynboll (ed.), Studies on the first century of I slamic society, Southern Illinois University Press, 1982, pp. 100-103; and see U. Rubin, "The Ka'ba, Aspects of its ritual functions and position in pre-Islamic and early Islamic times," JSAl, VIII (1986), 97-131. 6 See e.g. Ibn Abi Shayba, at-Musanna], ed. 'Abd al-Khaliq al-Afghiini, Hyderabad 1388/1968, III, 389-390 (but see ib. p. 391 sup.: the niya/Ja permitted). And see about the forbidden practices of the wailing women ib. p. 290 sup.: anna rasida lliihi ts] la'ana man halaqa w a+kh ar aqa w a=s al aq a ... ; ib. anna r asiil a llahi ts) la'ana t-khamishata wajhahii wa-l-shaqqata jaybahii ... ;) and see al-Biisir i, Mi$ba/J ai-zujaja fi zawiiidi bni miijah, I, 518-520, nos. 1580-1583,521, no. 1585. 7 Miilik b. Anas, Risiil a f i I-sunan wa-l=mawii'i z wa-l=iidiib, ed. 'Abdallah Ahmad Abu Zina, Cairo 1403/1983, p. 44.
ttafaqa
324 was considered a Jahili practice," Ibn 'Umar refrained from praying in a mosque embellished with merlons ishurutiu) and gave an order to pull down the merlons because they were reminiscent of the idol stones iansab) of Mecca," The main concern of the religious leaders of the Muslim society was to establish some barrier between the Muslim community and the communities of the Jews, Christians and Magians. This separation was to be upheld in the various spheres of social relations, as well as in rites and customs. In the very early period after the death of the Prophet some young boys kept their side curls uncut. Anas b. Malik was enraged when he saw a young boy with such curls and ordered him to shave them immediately, because this was the fashion of the Jews,'? The Prophet told his daughter Fatima to pierce the lobes of the ears of al-Hasan and al-Husayn, in order to differentiate them from the usage of the Jews," Some scholars maintained that
(al-fa'am 'ala l-mayyit) 8 Ibn Abi-Shayba, at-Musannaf, III. 290. inf.; and see 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, III. 550. no. 6664 ... 'an saidi bni jubayr qala: thaliuhun min 'amali l-jahiliyyati: al-niya/:latu wa-l=ta'iimu 'ala l-may yiti wa-baytiaatu l-mar'ati 'inda ahli l-mayyiti laysat minhum ; and see al-Bii$iri, al-Zujii]«, I, 535, no. 1612. 9 Ibn Taymiyya, lqti4a'. p. 132, info 10 Ibn Taymiyya, I qtida', pp. 131, inf.-132 sup.; and see L 'A S.V. qss; Ibn al-Athir, al-Nihaya [i gharibi I-hadlth, ed. Mahmiid Muhammad al-Tanahi, Cairo 1385/1965, IV. 71, S.V. qss; idem. Jiimi' al-usid min ahiidlthi l-rasid, ed. Muhammad l;liimid al-Fiqi, Cairo 1368/1949, V, 424, no. 2893. 11 Ibn Biibiiyah al-Qummi, Man la ya/:l4uruhu l-f aqih. ed. Hasan al-Miisawi al-Khursiin, Beirut 140111981,III, 319, no. 1534;and see the description of Sufyiin al-Thauri as a young man with an earring in his ear: Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kamil [i au'ala'i l-rijiil, al-Muqaddima, ed. Subhi I-Badr i l-Samarr a'I, Bagdad 1977, p. 156; and see al-Mundhiri, al-Targhib wa-i-tarhib, ed. MUQyi l-Din 'Abd al-Hamid, Cairo, 1381/1961,IV. 223. no. 3182:... wa-inna [i udhuni Ia-qurtayni, wa-ana ghuliim ... ; and see the opinion of Miilik b. Anas in 'Abdallah b. Abi Zayd al-Qayrawiini, al-Jami' [i l+sunan wa-l-adab wa-l=maghazi wa=l=t a'r i kh, ed. Muhammad Abii I-Ajfiin and 'Uthman Bitt ikh, Tunis-Beirut 140211982, p. 231:... wa=akrahu l-qurta mina l=dhahabi li-l-ghilmani i-sighar.
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performing circumcision on the seventh day after a boy's birth is disliked, as this may indicate an assimilation to a Jewish custom." Orthodox scholars were unwilling to instruct people to avoid work on Friday, considering this to be too close to the usage of the Jews and the Christians who do not work on Saturday and Sunday respectively," The believers were enjoined to refrain from placing their hands on the tombs or kissing them when visiting a cemetery; it was considered a Jewish custom." The Prophet ordered the believers not to greet each other in the way observed by Jews and Christians: the Jews greet each other by raising their fingers, the Christians by raising their hands," Some traditions attributed to the Prophet claimed that he forbade shaking hands with dhimmi s. The prohibition is explained by commentators by saying that the dhimmi s are
12 See 'Abdallah b. Abi Zayd al-Qayrawiini, al-Lami', pp. 208 ult.-209 sup.... qala miilik: wa-Ia yu'jibuni an yukhtana l-sabiyyu bnu sab'ati ayyam, wa-hadha fi'lu I-yahud ... [but see the note of the editors, ib.l; and see Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Zad al-maiid fi hadyi khayri I-'ibad, Beirut, n.d. II, 4. 13 See al-Turtiishi, al-Hawaditn wa-t-bida', ed. Muhammad al-Talibi, Tunis 1959,p. 133:... wa-qata malik [i l-mudawwana inna bada ao$/;lab ai-nabiy yi (0$) kanu yakrahiina an yatruka l-rajulu I-'amaia yauma i-jumu'a kama tarakati i-yahudu wa-i-nao$ara [i yaumi l+sabti wa-l-ahadi ; and cf. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Zad al-maad, I, 115. 14 'Abd al-Qiidir al-Jiliini, al-Ghuny a li-tiilibi tari qa l-haqqi 'azza wa-jalla, Cairo 1322, I, 44: ... wa-idha zara qabran ia yada' yadahu 'alayhi wa-ia yuqabbilhu, [a-innahu 'iidatu I-yahud ... 15 AI-Muniiwi, Fayd, VI, 402, no. 9798: ... ia tusallimis taslima l-yahiuii wa-l-nasara, [a-inna tasllmahum isharatun bi-I-kufufi wa-l-hawaiibi. (And see the comments of al-Muniiwi, ib); AI-Muniiwi, Fayd, V, 384, no. 7679: ... laysa minna man tashabbaha bi-ghayrinii, ia tashabbahii bi-t-yahiidi wa-Ia bi-l=nasarii [a-inna taslima I-yahudi l-isharatu bi-t-asiibi' wa-tasllma l-nasarii l-ishiiratu bi-t-akuifi ; Ibn Taymiyya, al-Lqtida; p. 85; al-Suyiiti, Jam' al-jawami', I, 684; Ibn al-Athir, Jami' al-usid, VII, 388, no. 4861; Abii Ya'Ia, Musnad, ed. Husayn Salim Asad, Beirut 140411984, III, 397, no. 1875; Ibn al-Qaysariini, M a'rif ai al-tadhkira fi l-ahadithi l-maudiia, ed. 'Imiid al-Din Ahmad Haydar, Beirut 1406/1985, p. 139, no. 387; Fawii'i d min kaliimi bni rajab, Majmii'a, Ms. Hebrew University AP. Ar. 8* 158, fol. 104a = Ms.
326 unbelievers, kuffar, and therefore do not deserve to have their hands shaken. The Muslims, on the other hand, are brethren, and they have to greet each other with the shaking of hands and with the greeting of salami" Malik b. Anas, however, did not see any wrong in shaking hands with Jews and Christians,"? Similar in content were some traditions traced to Ibn 'Abbas. Had Pharao greeted me by saying, "May God bless you", I would answer, "And you". "And Pharao is dead already", added Ibn 'Abbas," Ibn 'Abbas is said to have recommended that the greeting of a Jew, a Christian or a Magian be answered in a proper manner; he based himself on Sura IV, 86: And when you are greeted with a greeting, greet with a fairer than it, or return it; surely God keeps a watchful count over everything, which in his opinion referred to believers and to unbelievers alike." A tradition traced to Abii Musa al-Ash'ari, who is said to have answered in a due manner the greeting of a dihqan in a letter sent to him, displays the same attitude." Some traditions enjoin that the response of a believer to the greeting of the People of the Book be confined to the utterance "And upon you"; this concise response was justified by the fact that the Jews greeted the Prophet by saying at-sam 'alayka, and the Prophet ordered that the malediction of the Jews be answered
Laurenziana, Or. 197, fol. 94a; Goldziher, Uber jUdische Siuen, p. 355. 16 Al-Hakim al-Tirmidhi, al-Manhiyyat, ed. Muhammad al-Sa'Id Zaghliil, Beirut 1405/1985, p. 76 sup.; comp, al-Muniiwi, Fay4, VI, 350, no. 9569: nahi: an yusafaha I-mushrikiina au yuknau au yuraMaba bihim (and see ib; the comments of al-Munawl); and see 'Abd al-Qadir al-Jiliini, al-Ghunya, I, 44. 17 Malik b. Anas, Risiila, p. 44. 18 Fal,llu lliihi al-Jiliini, Fa41u llahi l-samad taudihi l=adabi l-muirad li-abi 'abdi llahi muhammadi bni ismiilla l-bukhiiri, Hims, 1388/1969, II, 555, no. lIB; al-Tabarani, al-Mu'jam al-kabir, X, 319,no. 10609. 19 AI-Jiliini, op.cit., II, 549, no. 1107; and see: Mabmiid Muhammad al-Zabidi, 'Uqiid al-jawahir al-munifa, ed. Wahbi Sulaymiin al-Albiini, Beirut 1406/1985, II, 151ult.-152. 20 Al-Jiliini, op.cit; II, 544, inf.-545, sup.
rt
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by the ominous: wa-'alaykum.21 Several traditions enjoined upon Muslims not to be the first to greet Jews and Christiansf? this injunction was often coupled with the utterance of the Prophet in which it was said that Jews and Christians encountered on a road should be forced to the narrowest part of the way.23 In another tradition, the list of people from whom one should withhold one's greeting includes Jews, Christians, Zoroastrians, wine drinkers, people who cast doubts on the
21 AI- nuer, op.cit., II, 545, no. 1102, II, 548, nos. 1105-1106,II, 553, no. 1ll0; Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Dinawari (Ibn al-Sunni), 'Amal ai-yaum wa-l-tayla; Hyderabad 1358, p. 67; Ibn al-Athlr, Jiimi' al-usul, VII, 389-392, nos. 4863-4866; Malik b. Anas,Risala, p. 44; al-Ja$$i~, Ahkam al-Qur'an, Qustantiniyya, 1338, III, 427; Abu Ya'li, Musnad, V, 295, no. 2916, 410, no. 3089, 425, no. 3114, 445, no. 3153,478, no. 3214; ai-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz; IX, 68, no. 646, 69, no. 660, 70, nos. 672, 675; Goldziher, Ober jicdisck« Siuen, p. 308; al-Da'I Thiqat at-Imam, al-Majalis al-mustansiriyya, ed. Muhammad Kamil Husayn, n.p., n.d., p. 109; 'Ala' al-Dln 'Ali b. Balaban al-Farisl, al-Ihsan [i taqrib sahihi bni hibban, ed. Shu'ayb al-Ama'iit, Beirut 1404/1984, II, 220, no. 503. 22 AI-Ja~~i~, op.cit., III, 427: ... qii!« abu bakrin l i.e. al-Jassas]: wa-innama kuriha al-ibtida'u li-anna t-saiam« min tahiyyati ahli l+lannati fa-kuriha an yubda'a bihi l-kafiru idh laysa min ahliha wa-la yukrahu l-radda 'ala wajhi I-mukafa'ati ... ; al-Jilini, op.cit .. II, 545, no. 1102;Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kamil fi du'afa'i I-rijal, VII, 2237-2238; Abu Ya'li, Musnad, II, 236, no. 936; al-Muniwi, Fay4, VI, 386, no. 9726; al-Tabaranl, al-Mu'jam al-kablr, II, 277-278, nos. 2162-2164; I. Goldziher, Uber jiJdische Siuen, p. 307. 23 AI-Jilani, op.cit., II, 547, no. 1103, 554, no. 1111;al-Muniwi, Fay4, VI, 386, no. 9726; al-Suyuti, Jam' al-jawamt, I, 87; Ibn al-Sunni, 'Amal, p. 67; Ibrahim b. 'Ali al-Fayruzabadi ai-Shirazi, al-Muhadhdhab [i [iqhi /-imami I-shafi'i, Beirut 1379/1959 (repr.), II, 255; Ibn al-Athir, Jami' al-usul, VII, 392, no. 4867; al-Jassds, Ahkam, III, 427; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Zad al-maiid, II, 27 [and see the different views of the Muslim scholars on this subject, ib.1; al-Fayrjiziibddf, Sifr al-sa'ada, Beirut 1398/1978, p. 103; Muhammad Mustafi 'Azmi [= al-A'zaml], Studies in early lJadith Literature, Beirut 1968, Ar. text, p. 20, no. 29 and pp. 80-81 lthe assessment of the traditionl
328 pedigree of people's mothers and players of chess." In one of the pious utterances the believer is recommended to utter the formula of the oneness of God when looking at a church or a synagogue, on hearing the sound of a horn ish abur) or a church-bell (niiqus) or when looking at a group of unbelievers, Jews or Christians," Scholars devoted some attention to the problem of how to deal with a greeting given by mistake, that is, if a Muslim responded to the greeting of a dhimmi but later realized that he had made amistake, he would often come back and ask him to "give him back" the greeting." In one case of this kind the reason for asking the response to the greeting to be "given back" is formulated as follows: the mercy of God and His blessing are reserved exclusively for the Muslims; therefore the believer ('Uqba b. 'Amir al-Juhani) substituted the invocation "May God expand the span of your life tata!« llahu hayataka) and multiply takthara) your wealth and children" to the conventional response to a greeting.i" The reason why one should avoid a greeting which contained a reference to the "Mercy of God" was that the blessing to someone who sneezed had been changed because of the Jews. The latter would present themselves to the Prophet sneezing, and would expect the Prophet to say, "May God have mercy upon you trahimakumu lliihu)", but the Prophet used to say: "May God lead you to the right way (yahdikumu lliihu wa-yuslihu biilakum)."28 It is similarly forbidden to use the
24 AI-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz, IX, 132, no. 1099; al-Dhahabi, Mizan al-i'tidal, II, 417, no. 4296. 25 'Abd al-Qadir al-Jilanl, al-Ghunya, I, 47 ... wa-yustahabbu id/.la ra'a bay'atan au kanisatan ... an yaqida: ashhadu an la iliiha ilia liahu wahdahu la sharika lahu ilahan wa/.lidan la ndbudu ilia iyyahu. 26 Al-Jfldn], op.cit., II, 555, no. 1115; . Goldziher, Ueber juedische Sitten, p. I 308. 27 AI-Jilani, op.cit; II, 554, no. 1112;al-Dhababi, Mizan al-i'tidiu, II, 401, no. 4247: idha daautum li-ahadin mina l+yahiuii au al-nasarii fa-qulu: akthara lliihu miilaka wa-wuldaka. 28 AI-Jilani, op.cit., II, 555, no. 1ll4; Ibn al-Sunni, "Amal, p. 72; Ibn al-Athir, Jam;' al-usid, VII, 400, no. 4888.
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formula salamu llahi 'alaykum when writing to non-Muslims; the formula to be used should be al=salamu 'ala man ittabaa I-huda; this formula was used by the Prophet in his letter to Musaylima." The believers were warned of adoption of ideas and customs of Jews and Christians and were enjoined not to follow them in their practices and rites. But it is worthwhile to notice that the Prophet himself is said to have followed the practices and rituals of the People of the Book until ordered by God to act differently."
29 Malik b. Anas, Risala, p. 40. 30 See e.g. al-Haziml, al-I'tibar [i bayiini l-nasikhi wa-l-mansiikhi mina l=akhbiir, Hyderabad 1359, p. 121:... Kana yat ashabbahu bi-ahli l-kitiibi, [a-lamma nusikha dhiilika wa-nuhiya 'anhu ntahii ... ; and see al-Tahawi, Shorb ma'iini l-Iuhiu; ed. Mahmiid Sayyid Jao al-Haqq, Cairo 1388/1968, I, 489: ... Kana yattabi'u ahla l-kitiibi I)atta yumaru bi-khilafi dhiilika ... li-anna hukmahu $alla lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallam an yak una 'ala shari'ati l-nabiyyi lladhi kana qablahu I)atta yuhdatha lahu shari'atun tansukhu ... ; and see ib. p. 490 the comment of 'Ali when the believers stood up at a funeral: "that [was so] while you were Jews", dhalika wa-antum yahudu ... ; al-Tahawi explains that 'Ali referred to the fact that they followed the shari'a of the Jews; later it was abrogated by Islam. And see ib. p. 389: the hairdress of the Prophet was like that of the Jews; it was later changed by the Prophet. And see Ibrahim al-Bajiir I, Hiishiy a 'ala l-shama'ili l-muhammadiy ya ... li-i-tirmidhi, Cairo 1344, p. 41: ... kana yasdilu sharahu ... wa-kana l-mushrikiina yafruqiina ru'usahum ... wa-kana yuhibbu muwafaqata ahli l-kitabi [ima lam yu'mar fihi bi-shay'in, ay fima lam yutlab fihi minhu shay'un 'ala jihati l-wu jiib! au al-nadbi; qala l-Qurtubi: wa-hubbuhu muwafaqatahum kana fi auwwali l-amri 'inda qudiimihi l=mad i nat a f i l=waqti lladhi kana yastaqbilu qiblat ahum [ihi li=t a'allufihim, f a-Iammii lam yanfa' [ihim dhiilika wa-ghalabat 'alayhim al-shaqwa amara bi-mukhiilafatihim [i umiirin kathiratin; wa-innama iuh ar a mahabb at a ahli l=kitiib] duna l=mushriki n l i+t am as suki ul a'ik a bi-b aqii y a sh arii'i'] l-rusuti, wa-ha'ula'i wathaniyyiu: ; and see the discussion concerning the shari'a followed by the Prophet in the period of the Jahiliyya before his Call: Ibn al-'Arabi, Tafsir at-qur'an (=Al)kam al-qur'im}, pp. 23-24; 'Abdallah b.
330 Believers were enjoined to refrain from disputes with the People of the Book as to the Torah, the Injil and the Zabiir, and from confirming their views; believers should affirm the truth of passages which are true, and which have been falsified or declared untrue (fa-tukadhdhibunahum) by the People of the Book. The believers were enjoined to believe only in the holy Book, i.e. the Qur'an," An extremist attitude towards the dhimmis is exposed in traditions which say that Jibril refrained from conveying the revelation to the Prophet and from touching his hand because the Prophet had touched the hand of a Jew. Only after the Prophet had performed the ritual ablution did Jibril shake his hand and convey the revelation to him.32 A similar tradition says that the Prophet advised Abii Hurayra not to shake hands with a Jew or a Christian after having performed the wudis'; if he shook hands with them, he would have to repeat the
Muhammad al-Sadiqi al-Ghimari, Takhri] al)adithi Huma' [i usuli l-liqh, ed. Yiisuf 'Abd al-Rahman al-Mar'ashll, Beirut 1405/1984, pp. 184-185; al-Zurqani, Sharh. al-mawahibi l-laduniyya, Cairo 1328, VII, 239-242: ... wa-qad ikhtalaf a l-'ulama'u hal kana 'alayhi l-saliuu wa-l+saliimu qabla ba'thatihi mutaabbidan bi-shar'i man qablahu am la ... ; and see Mughultay, ai-Zahr al-biisim [i sirat abi l-qiisim, MS. Leiden Or. 370, fol. 110 a-b: ... qala l-madhiri: ikhtalaf a l-nasu hal kana muia'abbidan qabla nubuwwatihi salta llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam bi-shari'atin am la ... 31 Al-Daylami, Firdaus al-akhbiir, Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 188 b, sup.; al-Tabarani, al-Mu'jam al-kabir, IX, 413, no. 9759. The utterance /a tusaddiqu ahla l=kitiibi is said to have been connected with a peculiar usage in the first stage of Islam, as reflected in the following report: .'. 'an abi hurayrata lrl qala: kana ahlu /-kitabi yaqra'una l=t aurata bi-l-cibrani y y ati wa-yulassirunaha li+ahli l=isliimi bi=l-c ar abi y y ati; [a+qiil a r asiue llahi l sl : /a t usaddi qk ahla l-kitabi ... ; see Ibn Hazm, al-Fisal fi lrmilal wa-/-ahwa'i wa-l-nihal, Cairo 1384/1964, II, 13sup.; cf. al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir [i l-tafsir bi-l-mathiir, Cairo 1314,II, 48. 32 Al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir, III, 227; al-Dhahabi, Mizan al-i'tidiil, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawf, Cairo 1382/1963, III, 299; I. Goldziher, Usages juifs, p. 76.
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ablution." Although scholars called upon Muslims to restrict their contacts with the People of the Book, the believers were urged to summon them to embrace Islam whenever they met them." The consensus of the Muslim scholars was that the precepts of Islam abrogated the injunctions of every religion which preceded Islam; God annulled the laws of the Torah, the Injil and the other religions, and made the laws of Islam incumbent upon mankind and upon the iinn.3s If the Torah or the Gospels are taken as booty during a military expedition, they should not be left to stand as they are, because these are books deliberately altered tmubaddalat and without any sanctity (Ill hurmata laM). The writing should therefore be scratched out, and the vellum or paper utilized in a proper fashion." It stands to reason that traces of Jewish and Christian rites and usages should be abrogated. The Prophet forbade believers to lean on their left when sitting during prayer. Such practices were labelled by the Prophet "the prayer of the Jews"." The believers were ordered not to sway during prayer from one side to the other in the manner of the Jews when they prayed"
33 Muhyi l-Din Ibn al-'Arabi, al-Wa,faya, Beirut n.d., p. 198;'Abd al-Qadir al-Jilani, al-Ghunya, I, 44 info 34 Muhyl l-Din Ibn al-'Arabi, al-Wa,faya, p.198. 35 Ibn Qayyirn al-Jauziyya, Al)kam, I, 259. 36 Ibrahim b. 'Ali al-Shirazi, al-Muhadhdhab, II, 241 info 37 AI-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz al-lummal, VII, 342, no. 2212, VIII, 97, no. 716, 98 nos. 717-718;al-Munawi, Fayd, VI, 345, no. 9536; al-Tabarani, ai-Mu'jam al-kabir, VII, 316, no. 7243: hadhihi [ilsatu l-maghdkbi 'alayhim. 38 AI-Muttaqi l-Hindi, Kanz, VIII, 129, no. 921: ... 'an ummi ruman qalat: ra'ani abii bakrin amilu fi l-saliui [a-zajarani zajratan kidtu ansarifu min saliui thumma qd!«: sami'tu rasida lIahi i sl yaqidu: idhii qiima ahadukum [i I-,faiati [a-l=yusakkin alrafahu wa-Ia yamilu mayla l-yahlidi, [a-inna taskina t-atrat! min tamami l-saliui ; al-Khalliil, ai-Musnad min masa'il ahmad b. mukammad b. hanbal, Ms. Br. Mus. Or. 2675, fol. 80a: ... wa-I-yahudu tanudu [i l-saliui, wa-kadhiilika
332 or when the Torah was unrolled." Muslim scholars disapproved of invocations at the minbar that were accompanied by the raising of hands and by loud noises; these were labelled taqlis al-yahud.40 Standing up and raising one's hands during the t aw a] was condemned as a Jewish custom. "Jews in the synagogues use such a practice", said 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. al-'A~, and advised the believers who used to follow this practice during the tawat to utter such invocations in their councils tmaiatis, not during the fawilf).41 Jews used to close their eyes
l-riifidatu ... 39 Ibn al-Athir. al-Nihaya, V, 124. s.v. nwd. 40 Al-Turtiishi, Kitiib al-hawiidith; p. 59 inf. [The text la tuqallis taqlisa I-yahud is interpreted by Malik (b. Anas) as denoting rising of the voice and rising of hands in invocation. Taqlis in this meaning could. however, not be traced in the standard dictionaries; but a very similar definition is given for taqlis (with a sin): alrtaqli s huwa raf'u l-sauti bi-l+dua'] wa-l-qirii'ati wa-ghiniii ; see e.g. L 'A. S.v. qls; and see ib. other interpretations of the verbl. According to tradition the Prophet was entertained by taqlis on the day of 'id at-fur: kana yuqallasu lahu yauma l-fitr ; this is rendered by al-Munawi by: ... yudrabu bayna yadayhi bi-I-duff wa-I-ghina'[al-Munawi. Fay d, V. 238. no. 7130]. Taqlis, entertainment. play. is said to have been practiced on two days of feasts in the period of the Jjihiliyya; it was replaced by the entertainment on the days of "id al-fitr and "id al-a4I:ta. [See e.g. al-Tahawi, Mushkil al-iuhlir, Hyderabad 1333. II. 2lll. Qays b. Sa'd b. 'Ubiida is said to have been astonished that this practice was abandoned after the death of the Prophet L .. shahidtu "idan bi-I-anbar, [a-qultu lahum: ma Ii la ariikum tuqallisisna kama kanu yuqallisiina 'ala 'ahdi rasuli llahi (s); al-Tahawl, M ushkil, II, 209]. A similar utterance is attributed to 'Iyac;l al-Ash'ari Ial-Suyiiti, Jam' ai-jawiimi', II, 586, inf.l. 'Iyac;l stresses that the taqlis is a sunna lf a-innahu sunnatunl ; the word taqlls is explained by Yiisuf b. 'Adiyy as an entertainment in which girls and boys used to sit on the roads playing drums and other instruments lib. II, 586, penult., and cf. al-Tabawl, Mushkil, II, 212, sup.l And see on taqti s in the time of the Prophet: Ibn al-Athir, U sd al-ghiiba, IV, 164 and Ibn l:Iajar, al-Isaba, IV, 756. no. 6143. 41 About raising of hands during prayers and invocations see: al-Dhahabi, Mizan al-i'tidal, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawi, Cairo 138211963, III, 429, no. 7036: man raiaa yadayhi [i l-saliu fa-Ia salata lahu; and see
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during their prayers; this practice forbidden in Islam.P Two features
was disliked and even of Jewish prayer, the
Ibn Hibban al-Busti, Kitab al-majruhin, ed. Mahmiid Ibrahim Ziiyid, n.p. 1976, III, 46, 11.1-2; bn al-Qaysarani, Ma'rifat al-tadhkira, p. 85, no. I 17: ... a-r a'ayt um r af' akum a y di y akum fi l+saliiti innahli la-bid'atun; and see the various versions of this utterance: al-Bustl, al-Majruhin, I, 186:... bid'atun, yani ilii udhunayhi; ma zada rasidu. llahi 'ala hadha, ya'ni thadyayhi ... wa+auma'a hammiid ila thad y ayhi ... ; wa-l=arabu tusammi l=salata ,du'a'an, f a-khabaru hammiidin hadha a-ra'aytum raf'akum aydiyakum [i l-saliui' ariida bihi "fi l-dua'!" ... ma rajaa nabiyyu llahi ts) yadayhi [auqa sadrihi fi I-du'a' ... ; and see a l-Biisfr i, Mi$bahu I-zujaja, I, 299, no. 860: ... ra'aytu rasida llahi (s) yarfdu yadayhi fi l+saliui hadhwa mankib a yhi hl na y af t at ihu t-saliaa wa-hi na yarka't« wa-hina y as judu ... ; and see another tradition ib. pp. 299-301. Cf. Ibn al-Qaysariini, Mo'rif atu l-tadhkira, p. 153,no. 451:... raaytu l-nabiyya is) kana idhii raf aa ra'sahu mina l-sajdati I-ilia rajaa yadayhi tilqa'a w a jhihi ; and see ib. p, 117, no. 233: ... kana idha raka'a raf a'a yadayhi la yujawizu bihimii udhunayhi wa-qala: al-shaytanu yarfau yadayhi [auqa rasihi; and see Ibn Hibban al-Busti, al-Majruhin, I, 316: ... inna l-shaytana hina ukhri]a mina l+jannati raf'a yadayhi fauqa ra'sihi; and see this tradition: Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kamil fi 4u'afa'i l-riiii! III, 1224; al-Tabarani, ai-Mu'jam al-kabir, IX, 300-301, nos. 9298-9300; and see the scrutiny of the different versions of the tradition of rising the hands: Murtada I-Zabidi, 'Uqudu 1-[awiihiri l-munif a, ed. Wahbi Sulayman al-Albiini, Beirut 1406/1985, I, 100-103 [and see the comments of the editorl; and see Muhammad b. Ja'far al-Kattani, Nazm at-musaniuhir mina i-hadithi l-mutawiuir, Cairo 1983, pp. 85-86, no. 67, 176-177 no. 203. Ibn Rajab al-Hanbali, Jami' al-'uium wa-i-hikam, ed. 'Abd al-'Aziz Kiimil and Muhammad al-Ahmadi Abii l-Niir, Cairo 1969,I, 222, penult.-226; cf. Abii Ya'Ia, Musnad, V, 291, no. 294; and see al-Tabarani, al-Mu'jam al-kabir, X, 388, no. 10779; Ibn Khuzayma, I, 294-296, no. 583, 344-345, nos. 693, 695, III, 146-147, nos. 1791-1792; and see, e.g., M.J. Kister, "Concessions and conduct" in: G.H.A. Juynboll (ed.) Studies on the first century of Islamic society, p. 98, note 80; al-Turtiishi, al-Ifawadith, p. 122. 42 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, II, 271, no. 3329; Ibn Taymiyya, l qud«, p. 85; al-Daylami, Firdaus, Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 186a; al-Jarrabi, Kashfu l-khafa'i wa-muzilu l-ilbiis 'amma ishtahara mina l-aMdithi
sen«
334 sadl and the ishtimal al-samma',43 were strongly disapproved of. Tradition says that the Prophet was admonished not to follow other unpleasant features of Jewish prayers: members of a Jewish congregation would lower their voices and, then raise them, following the lead of one of them, who raised his voice and shouted loudly." The believers were ordered to abstain from talking to each other during prayers, as this was the custom of Jews and Christians." The greeting may God hear your and our prayer on the Day of the Feast was marked by the Prophet as a greeting of the People of the Book and he,
'alii alsinati l-niis, Beirut 1351,no. 3003; closing of eyes was however permitted in certain circumstances: see 'Izz ai-Din 'Abd al-Salam, al-Fatiiwii, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Abd al-Fattah, Beirut 1406/1986, p. 147, no. 106. 43 AI-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrii, Hyderabad [reprint al-Riyad 1968], II, 242-243; Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kiimil, II, 730; Ibn Taymiyya, lqtidii', pp. 129-131 [see the discussion about the meaning of the word and the problem of the permissibility of prayer in this way]; Ibn al-Athir, al-Nihiiya, s.v. sdl; al-Suyihi, Jam' at+Lawiimi', II, 492: ... Iii yashtamil ahadukum ishtimiila l-yahud ... ; ai-Muttaqi l-Hindi, K anz, VIII, 13, no. 78: ... Iii yashtamil ahadukum [i l-saliui shtimiila l-yahud 129, nos. 917-918; al-Tiisl, al-Nihiiya [i mujarr adi l-f iqhi wa-f atawa, Beirut 1390/1970, pp. 97 inf.-98 sup.; al-Majlisi, BilJiir al-anwiir LXXXIII, 203-211;al-Babrani, ai-Hadii'iq al-nadira tt alJkiim al-titraii Hiihira, ed. Muhammad Taqiyy al-Ayrawanl, Najaf 1379,VII, 122-125; and see Abii Yiisuf, Kitiib al-iithiir, ed. Abii I-Wafa, Cairo 1355, p. 39, nos. 201-202 [and see the comments of the editorl: and see ibn Khuzayma, $alJilJ, I, 378, no. 769 [ishtimiill, 379, no. 772 [sadl]; and see Zayn ai-Din b. Ibrahim b. Nujaym al-Misr i, Sharh. risiilati l-.faghii'ir wa-l-kabair, Cairo 1401/1981, p. 63. 44 Ibn Kathir, Taisir, IV, 361; al-Tabari, Taf sir, [Biiliiq 1321,repro Beirut] XV, 125; and see al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthisr, III, 156:... wa-akhraja abu l-shaykhi 'ani bni 'umara qiila: kiinat bani: isrii'ila idhii qaraat a'immatuhum jiiwabuhum [a-kariha Iliihu dhiilika li-hiidhihi l-ummati; qala: idhii quri'a l-qur'anu [a-stami'i: wa-an$itu. 45 AI-Muttaqi ai-Hindi, K anz, VIII, 112, no. 809; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthisr, III, 156.
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therefore, disapproved of it.46 One item of clothing which marked the difference between the ritual of the Muslims and that of the Jews was the shoe. Shoes were indeed a token of high social position for their owners. The Prophet was ordered to wear shoes and to set a seal (i.e, a ring with a seal) on his finger.'? Shoes were considered to be "the wear of the prophets"," The Prophet is said to have advised the believers to hold shoes in high esteem, as they were "the anklets of men"," One of the epithets of the Prophet was Sahib al-na'layni" According to one tradition, the Prophet entrusted his Companion, Abu Hurayra, with a special mission: he handed him his shoes and ordered him to assure everyone whom he met while carrying them that he would enter Paradise if only he uttered the shahada, as a token of his firm belief. Abu Hurayra was however impeded by 'Umar in his mission, for 'Umar kicked him and threw him to the ground. Abu Hurayra returned
46 Ibn Harnza al-Husayni al-Dimashqi, al-Bayisn wa-/-ta'rif [i asbab wurudi I-I)adithi l=shar'i], Beirut 1400/1980, II, 339, no. 1038. Ibn al-Qaysarani, Ma'rifat al-tadhkira, p. 157, no. 472; Ibn Hibban al-Busti, al-Majrul)in, II, 149; al-Dhahabi, Mizan al-i'tidal, II, 543, no. 4791; ai-Muttaqi l-Hindi, Kanz, IX, 133, no. 1101.[but see al-Majril)in II, 301: the Prophet approved of this greeting]; and see I. Goldziher, Usages Juijs, p. 85. 47 Niir al-Din al-Haythami, Majma' al-zawa'id, V, 138; al-Munawi, Fayd, II, 190, no. 1635; Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Maghribi, Fatl) al-mutdal fi madhi I-ni'al, Hyderabad 1334, p. 100; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Al)kam ahli I-dhimma, p. 755. 48 Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Maghribi, Fatl) al-mutdal, p. 27. 49 AI-Daylami, Firdaus, Ms. Chester Beatty 4139, fol. 35b: ... istajidi: I-ni'al [a-innahii khalakhilu I-rijal ; al-Zamakhshari, Rabi'u l-abrar wa-nu,fU,f al-akhbbr, ed. Salim al-Nu'aymi, Bagdad 140211982, IV, 28 (attributed to al-Ahnaf'); Ibn Qutayba, 'Uyun al-akhbar, Cairo 1349/1930, I, 301 (attributed to al-Ahnaf); al-Jal}i~, al-bayiin wo-l-tabyin, ed. 'Abd al-Salarn Harlin, Cairo (reprint Beirut), III, 98; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Al)kam, p. 755 (attributed to 'Umar), 50 Ahmad al-Maghribi, Fall) at-muta'Iil, p. 101; al-Zurqani, Sh arb al-mawiihib ai-laduniyya, Cairo 1326, III, 136, 1.3.
336 to the Prophet, gave him back his shoes and, crying, informed him of 'Umar's deed. 'Umar succeeded in persuading the Prophet that Abu Hurayra's mission should be stopped, as the promise of Paradise might have brought about remissness in carrying out one's religious duties," Yellow shoes were regarded with favour, and the Prophet is said to have stated that he who wears them would enjoy contentment as long as they were on his feet.52 Scholars admitted, however, that it is not incumbent on the believers to wear shoes like those of the Prophet." An utterance attributed to the Prophet says that God granted the Muslim community the distinction of performing their prayers while wearing shoes." In another utterance attributed to the Prophet it is stated that shoes are the adornment of prayer." The Prophet interpreted the phrase: "0 children of Adam! look to your adornment at every place of worship [khudhit zinatakum 'inda ku/li masiidin, Siirat al-a'raf, 31J", as denoting an injunction to wear shoes during prayers." A great many traditions state that the Prophet used to
51 Ahmad al-Maghribi, Fath al-mutabl, pp. 60-61. 52 Al-Suyiitl, al-Durr al-manthiir, I, 78; al-Tabarani, al-Mu'jam al-kabir, X, 320, no. 10612. 53 See Muhammad Ahmad aI-'Adawi, U:sul [i l-bido'i wa-l-sunan, n.p., 1401, p. 42. 54 Al-Suyiitl, al-Durr al-manthia, III, 78, inf.: '" mimmii akrama Ilahu bihi hadhihi I-ummata lubsu ni'alihim [i saliuihim ; 'Ali b. Muhammad b. 'Araq, Tanzih al=shari'ati I-marf iia 'ani t-ahiidithi l-shani'ati l-maudiia, ed. 'Abd al-Wahhiib 'Abd al-Latif and 'Abdallah Muhammad al-Siddiq, Beirut 1399/1979, II, 101, no. 74. 55 Al-Suyiiti, al-Durr, III, 78, inf; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, Majma' al-zawa'id, II, 54; Abu Ya'Iii, Musnad, I, 405, no. 532. 56 Al-Qurtubi, Taf sir, VII, 190 sup.: ... ilbasii ni'alakum [a=sallli. fiha ; Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kamil, pp. 1829, 2156, 2171;aI-Suyuti, al-Durr, III, 78 inf.: ... khudhi: zinatakum 'inda kulli masjidin, qala: sallu [i ni'alikum ; al-Shaukani, Fatb al-qadir, II, 201; and see ib. min tamiimi l-saliui al-saliuu [i l-ndlayn ; (and see this tradition: aI-Muttaqi l-Hindi, K anz, VII, 376, no. 2450; and see Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kamil, VI, 2156); Ibn 'Ariiq, Tanzik al-shari'a, II, 101 (zayn al-saliui I-hidha'u).
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pray with his shoes on.!? Some sources record lists of Companions and fiibi'un who performed their prayers while they were wearing shoes." Ibrahim al-Nakha'i took care to put on his shoes at the beginning of prayer." Very high merit was placed on prayer while wearing one's shoes: according to a tradition, an angel announces to the believer who prays while wearing shoes that all his sins have been forgiven and that he should resume
57 Al-Tahawi, Sharh' ma'ani i-athar, ed. Muhammad Sayyid Jiidd al-Haqq, Cairo n.d., I, 511-512; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, Majma' al-zawii'id, II, 54, 55; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrii, II, 431; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, I ghiuhat al-lahfim min masayidi l-shaytan; reprint Beirut, 1358/1939, I, 147; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr, III, 79 sup.; Ibn 'Adiyy, ai-Kamii, VI, 2214; Ibn Hajar aI-'AsqaIiini, Patb al-biiri, sharb sahih al-bukhari, BiiIiiq 1300 (repr, Beirut), I, 415; Ibn Daqiq al-Td, ai-Ilmam bi-ahadithi l-ahkam; ed. Muhammad Sa'id aI-MauIawi, Damascus, p. 91, no. 204; al-Maghribi, Fath al-mutaiil, pp. 49, 50; al-Yiisufi, zs« al-muslim, V, 65; al-'Ayni, 'Umd at al=qari, IV, 119; Ibn Abi Shayba, ai-Musannaf, II, 415; al-Muniiwi, Fayd, V, 222, no. 7059; 'Abd al-Razzaq, ai-Musanna], I, 384, no. 1500 (and see ib. no. 1502: the Prophet entered the mosque wearing shoes, prayed wearing shoes, and left the mosque wearing shoes); Shams al-Din Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Maqdisi, al-Muharrar [i l-hadlth, ed. al-Mar'ashli, Samiira and all-Dhahabi, Beirut 1405, I, 177, no. 208; al-Tabaranl, ai-Mu'jam al-kabir, XXII, 205, nos. 539-540; aI-Muttaqi I-Hindi, K anz, VIII, 138-139, nos. 994, 999, 1001, 1002, 1006, 1011; 'Umar b. Shabba, Ta'rikn at-mad ina ai-munawwara, ed. Fahim Muhammad ShaItiit, Mecca 1399/1979, p. 40; al-Biisiri, Misba/J ai-zuja]«, I, 349. A remarkable report says, however, that Miilik b. Anas forbade the governors to ascend the minbar of the Prophet lscil, in Medina] wearing shoes or boots [see 'Abdallah b. Abi Zayd aI-Qayrawiini, al-Jiimi', p. 140, sup.J. 58 Mal)miid Muhammad Khattab al-Subki, al+Manhal al=adhb al-maurlid, sharb sunan at-imam abi dawud, Cairo 1394, V, 41; Ibn Abi Shayba, ai-Musanna], II, 416-417; and see 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, I, 386, no. 1508, 387, nos. 1509, 1511;al-Jahiz, ai-Bayan wa-/-tabyin, III, 110. 59 'Abd al-Razziiq, al-Musannaf, I, 387, no. 1510;and see the tradition idha qumtum iia l-saliui [a-ntailii: Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kiimil, VI, 2156, inf.; Ibn 'Ariiq, Tanzih ai-shari'a al-marfica 'ani l-akhbari l-shani'ati l-maudica, II, 100; al-Dhahabi, Mizan al-i'tidiil, III, 509, no. 7351.
338 his worship anew." The reason for the injunction to pray while wearing one's shoes is given in a widely circulated utterance of the Prophet: "Act against the practice of the Jews, as they do not pray while wearing one's shoes or their boots" (khaiilu l-yahisda, t a-innahum la yusallisna ti ni'iilihim wa-ia [i khilalihim).61 Another tradition of the Prophet on this subject has a slightly different wording. It says: "Pray while wearing your shoes, and do not assimilate yourselves to the practice of Jews ($allu [i ni'iilikum wa-la tashabbahis bi-i-yahud).62 Muslim scholars explained the Jewish practice of praying barefoot by the fact that Jews considered prayer while wearing shoes as signifying lack of respect and esteem (scil, for the sanctuary); furthermore, the Jews in their conduct followed Moses, who was ordered to take off his shoes in the holy valley of Tuva, mentioned in the Qur'an (Siirat Ta-Ha, 13).63
60 AI-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz, VII, 376, no. 2449. 61 Mahrnud al-Subki, al-Manhal al-'adhb, V, 42; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr, III, 78; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sun an al=kubra, II, 432; Niir ai-Din al-Haythami, Majma' ai-sawdid, II, 54; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Lghiuhat al-lahfiin, I, 147; Ibn Hajar, Fath al-bari, I, 415; al-'Ayni, 'Umdat al-qiiri, IV, 119; al-Daylami, Firdaus, Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 75b; ai-Muttaqi I-Hindi, K anz, VII, 374, no. 2430; al-Muniiwi, Fayd, III, 431, no. 3879; al-Suyiitl, Jam' at-jawami', I, 505 penult.-506; Ibn 'Ariiq, Tanzih al-shari'o, II, 101, no. 74; Ibn Qayyim, Ahkam, p. 156; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, II, 432, sup.; Ibn Taymiyya, I qtiqa', p. 178; Niir ai-Din al-Haythami, Mawarid al-~am'an ila zawii'idi bni hibbiin, ed. Muhammad 'Abd al-Razziiq Hamza, Cairo n.d., p. 107, no. 357; and see I. Goldziher, Uber judische Siuen, p. 314. 62 See, e.g., al-Muniiwi, al-Fayd, IV, 201, no. 5021; and see al-Dhahabi, Mizan at-i'tidiu. IV, 457, no. 9835: ... salli: [i I-ni'Iil khalifu I-yahud transmitted by Shaddiid b. Aus; ai-Muttaqi l-Hindi, K anz, VII, 374, no. 2431. 63 Mahmiid al-Subki, al-Manhal al+adhb, V, 45 inC.;al-Muniiwi, Fayd, IV, 201, no. 5021. And see the comments of al-Muniiwi, ib.: the leather of Moses' shoes was from an impure beast, a donkey, and he was therefore ordered to take them off. In addition, he had to receive the blessing of the holy valley [ai-wadi al-muqaddasi by touching its ground with his
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The problem of the prayers of the believers while wearing their shoes caused a vivid discussion as to the ways of performing the ritual ablution, the wudii', The verse enjoining the wudu', [Siirat al-rna'ida, verse 6] was interpreted by some scholars as enjoining washing of the feet; others assumed that it imposed only the obligation to wipe the feet.64 As for the prayer
feet. The Prophet stated that the conclusions drawn by the Jews and their practices were not sound ['ala ghayri sihhatini, though the matter itself was true. (Cf. al-Zurqani, Shorb ai-muwatta', ed. Ibrahim 'Atwa 'Awad, Cairo 138211962, V, 281, 1.1 ... [a-qala ka'b: kiinati: min jildi himiirin mayyitin, [a-hiidhii sababu amrihi bi-khal'ihii; [a-akhadha l-yahiidu minhu anna khaia l-nalayni [i l-salati laysa bi-sahib .. .). These arguments are recorded in al-Qurtubi's Tafsir XI, 173; al-Qurtubi mentions however other reasons for the commandment to take off the shoes: Moses was ordered to do so because of awe and respect for the holy place, Tuwa; like in the haram of Mecca one had to enter the holy place of Tuwa barefoot. According to another interpretation the removal of his shoes by Moses denoted metaphorically the removal of thoughts on children and family from his heart. 64 See e.g. ai-Muttaqi l-Hindi, Kanz, IX, 328, nos. 2720-2721; Muhammad b. Ahmad b. 'Abd al-Hadi l-Maqdisi, al-Muharrar fi I-I)adith, I, 99, no. 37, 100, nos. 39, 41, 106, no. 52, 108, no. 60; al-Bii!$iri, Misbal)u l-zuiii]«, I, 183, no. 187. A significant utterance reported on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas says that people objected to everything except washing [of feet], but he Ii.e, Ibn 'Abbas] did not find in the Qur'an anything except wiping [of the feet]: inna l-nasa abau illii I-ghusl. wa-Ia ajidu [i kitabi lliihi ilia I-masha (ibidem, no. 188); and see al-Shafi'I, Ikhtilii] al-hadith, ed. 'Amir Ahmad Haydar, Beirut 1405/1985, pp. 169-171[and see esp. the utterance of al-Shafi'I, ib., p. 170; and see the references of the editorl; and see the contradictory traditions: 'Abd al-Razzaq, ai-Musannaf, I, 18-28, nos. 53-82; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir, II, 262-263 [see the significant utterance attributed to Anas b. Malik, ibid. p. 262: nazala l-qur'iinu bi-t-mashi, wa-l-sunnatu bi-l-ghuslit; al-Tabari, Tafsir led. Shakir], X, 52-64, 74-80, nos. 11447-11536[see the contradictory opinions pp. 58-59 and the harmonizing assumptions pp. 62-64; see the opinion of al-Tabari pp. 74-80); al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, I, 67-77 [see p. 68 seq.: babu l-takriiri f i ghusli l-ri jlayni, biibu l-dalili 'ala anna [arda l-riilayni l+ghuslu wa-anna mashahuma Iii yajzi ; and see p. 74 about performing the washing of the feet while wearing shoes]; see Abii
340 of the believer wearing boots, he was absolved from washing his feet at every wudii' on condition that he had washed his feet before putting on his boots," These traditions enjoining not to assimilate themselves seem to belong to a very early phase in the emergence of Islam, in which it was felt to be essential for the nascent Muslim community to establish distinctive features for its own religious rites and practices, so as to differentiate itself from all other religious communities. There was however no full consensus among Muslim scholars in a later period as to prayer in shoes. Traditions recorded in very early collections of hadith seem to indicate a certain amount of reservation. Ibn Jurayj (d. 150 A.H.) asked 'Atil whether a believer may pray while wearing shoes. 'Ata answered, "yes", and added that he had heard that the Prophet had prayed with his shoes on. "What is wrong with them (i.e. with shoes)? The Prophet also prayed while wearing boots", said 'Atil.66 Ibn Jurayj's doubts as to whether or not prayer while wearing shoes is permissible are exposed in this tradition. Another report tells of Abu Hurayra's denial of the rumour that he did not allow people to pray with their shoes on. He asserted that he had seen the Prophet pray in shoes,"? Uncertainty as to the manner of prayer is visible in a significant conversation between two of the Companions of the Prophet: Abii Miisa al-Ash'ari and 'Abdallah b. Mas'iid. Abu Musil led the prayer
Ya'Ia, Musnad, I, 449, no. 600: '" thumma akhadha bi-kaff ayhi mina l-mii'i [a+sakka bihimii 'alii qadamayhi wa-fihimi: l-na'lu thumma qalabaha thumma 'alii l-ukhrii mithla dhiilika; qultu: [i l-nalayni? qala: fi l-nalayni, thaliithan. See Ibn Khuzayma, Sahih, I, 83-87, nos. 161-168, 100-101, nos. 199-202. 65 See, e.g., al-Tabarani, ai-Mu'jam al-kabir, II, 334, nos. 2393-2394, and cf. ib.; IX, 288, no. 9238; and see al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, I, 292 ult. 66 'Abd al-Razzaq, al=Musanna], I, 384, no. 1501; cf. al-Kattani, Nazm al-mutaniuhir, p. 99, no. 81. 67 'Abd al-Razzaq, al=Musanna], I, 385, no. 1504; al-Tahawl, Sharb maani l-iuhiir, I, 511-512.
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and took off his shoes before starting the prayer. 'Abdallah asked him, "Why did you take off your shoes; are you in the holy valley of Tuva?"68 The conflicting perceptions underlying this report are elucidated in a different version of this tradition: 'Abdallah b. Mas'iid came to Abii Miisa al-Ash'ari, When the time of prayer arrived, Abii Miisa urged his guest to lead the prayer, but 'Abdallah refused since Abii Miisa was the host and the prayer was to be performed in his abode and in his masjid. Abii Miisa agreed, and before he started the prayer he took off his shoes. Then 'Abdallah b. Mas'iid asked him about the reason for his action enquiring ironically whether he thought he was in the holy valley of Tuva. The final phrase of the tradition, seems to hold the clue for the understanding of Ibn Mas'iid's question and for the desired conclusion: "We saw indeed the Prophet praying in boots and in shoes.?" Taking off the shoes is obligatory in the Ka'ba or in a Holy Place, but the usual daily prayers should be performed wearing shoes. Indeed, the Prophet prayed barefoot in the Ka'ba on the Day of the Conquest of Mecca." 'Abdallah b. Mas'iid's remark seems to have been grounded on the widely circulated tradition according to which God singled out the Prophet and the Muslim community granting them the privilege to perform their prayers in every spot on earth. "God made the earth for me a mosque and [its dust a means of] purification", says the utterance of the Prophet."
68 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, I, 386, no. 1507; al-Tabarani, ai-Mu'jam al-kabir, IX, 292, no. 9261. 69 Al-Tahawr, Shari) ma"mi i-athar, I, 511 inf.; and see al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, XI, 173 inf.; al-Tabaranl, al-Mu'jam al-kabir, IX, 293, no. 9262. 70 See Niir ai-Din al-Haythami, Mawarid al+zam'Iin; p. 252, no. 1022: ... hadartu rasida llalri (0$) yauma I-fati)i wa-salla [i l-kabati, [a-khalaa nalayhi fa-wada'aha 'an yasarihi ... 71 See, e.g., at-Baj], Sunan at-salihin, Ms. Leiden Or. 506, fol. 44b.; al-Tabari, Tahdhib ai-athar, ed. Mahmiid Muhammad Shakir, Cairo 140211982, I, 441; al-'Ayni, 'Umdat al-qari, IV, 8-10 [ ... jaala l-arda kullahii Ii wa-li-ummati tahiiran wa-masjidan [a-aynama adrakati l+rajula min ummati I-saliuu fa-'indahu mas jiduhu wa-Tndahu
342 Accordingly there was no reason to take off one's shoes at prayer. Shoes had to be cleaned, of course, before prayer, and some of the sources include passages concerning the manner of cleaning one's shoes, especially as the Prophet and his Companions used to pray while wearing the same shoes in which they walked in the streets of Medina and in which they performed their bodily needs." According to one tradition a peculiar incident brought about a fundamental change in the perception of prayer and its rules. The Prophet is said to have taken off his shoes one day during prayer, and the believers followed suit. After the prayer the Prophet explained that he had taken off his shoes because the angel Jibril had informed him that there was filth attached to his shoes." Another noteworthy tradition relates that the Prophet took off his shoes during prayer only once and never repeated this again." Another reason why the Prophet took off
r ahur uhu ; and see ib. several different versionsl; al-Kauani, N azm
al-mutaniuhir, pp, 79-80, no. 59 [see the different versions recorded by the a ut hor l, and p. 207, no. 257; al-Ourtubl, Tafsir, XIX, 20; al-Haythami, Mawarid ai-sam'iin, pp. 104-105, nos. 338-345; Ibn al-Athir, J ami' al-usiil, VI, 312, no. 3668, 319, no. 3681; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, I ghalhal ai-iahfan min masiiyidi t-sna ytiin, Cairo 1358/1939, I, 148-149; and cf. Y. Friedmann, "Finality of Prophethood in Early Islam," JSAI, VII [19861181,note 16. 72 See, e.g., Mahmiid al-Subki, ai-Manhal al-tadhb, V, 43; al-Muniiwi, FaY4, V, 222 (see the commentary of the author on tradition no. 7059). 73 Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Ighiuhat al-lahfan; I, 146 (it was the blood of a tick of a camel); al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, II, 431; Ibn Abi Shayba, at-Musannaf, II, 417; Mahmiid al-Subkl, ai-Manhai ai-'adhb, V, 40 inf.-41; al-Tahawi, Sharb mdiini l-Iuhiir, I, 511;Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kiimil, p. 2162; Ibrahim al-Shiriizl, al+Muhadhdhab [i [iqhi i-imam, I, 70 sup.; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, Majma' ai-zawiiid, II, 55; al-Maghribi, Fatb al-mutaid, pp. 54-55; Sa'di Husayn 'Ali Jabr, Fiqh at-imam abi thaur, Beirut 1403/1983, p. 200; al-Ourtubi, Tat sir, XI, 174; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqat, Beirut 1380/1960, I, 480 ( ... anna fihima qadharan au ad han ... ); a l-T'abar anl, ai-Mu'jam ai-kabir, X, 83, no. 9972. And see Ibn Khuzayma, Sal;.il;., I, 374, no. 786, II, 107, no. 1017.
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his shoes after prayer is given in a tradition in which It IS stated that the Prophet once replaced a strap on his shoe that had been torn, by a new one; after the prayer the Prophet ordered that the torn strap be returned, explaining that he had been distracted during the prayer by the new strap." Another tradition relating to this theme says that the Prophet was bored by his shoes and therefore took them off duri ng prayer, followed by the believers." The event at which the Prophet took off his shoes during prayer is linked in some traditions with the utterance of the Prophet enjoining the believers to clean their shoes at the gate of the mosque, to put them on and to wear them during the prayer." It is surprising to read in the final passage of this story, recorded by 'Abd al-Razzaq and Ibn abi Shayba, that the Prophet took off his shoes and that the congregation followed suit and imitated his action. After the prayer the Prophet stated, "He who likes to pray in his shoes may do so, and he who likes to pray barefoot may do SO.18 Another report according to which the Prophet gave permission to pray either wearing shoes or barefoot records a different reason for this utterance of the Prophet: he just gave his feet a rest, and decided that he who wants to take off his shoes may take them off, he who wants to pray while wearing them may pray with his shoes on." A tradition which confirms this last
Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, II, 416, 11.2-4; Ibn Sa'd. Tabaqiu, I, 481. 75 'Abd al-Rahlrn al-Traql and Abu Zur'a al-Traql, Tarb al-tathrib fi sharhi l-taqrlb, Halab n.d. II, 379; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiu, I, 481. 76 Nur aI-Din al-Haythaml, Majma', II. 55. 77 'Abd al-Razzaq, ai-Musannaf, I, 388, no. 1514;al-Muttaqi l-Hindi, Kanz, VII, 375. nos. 2443-2444; and cf. ib. nos. 2440, 2442; Ibn Abi Shayba, al+Musanna], I, 191; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, II, 402 inf., 403 sup.; al-Harith al-Mubasibi, Fahm al-salat, ed. Muhammad 'Uthman al-Khasht, Cairo 1403/1983, p. 72; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, Mawiirid al-;am'an, p. 107, no. 360. 78 Ibn Abi Shayba, al+Mu s a nn a], II, 415, inf.; 'Abd al-Razziiq, at-Musannaf, I, 387. no. 1513; al-Muttaqi I-Hindi, K anz, VII, 376, no. 2446. 79 Al-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz, VII. 376, no. 2447.
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point of view states indeed that the Prophet used to pray in either of the two manners, wearing shoes or barefoot." The change in the perception of the practice of prayer is evident: the believers were granted permission to pray as they wished, either barefoot or wearing shoes. Accordingly the imperative verb khiilifu had to be reinterpreted and was explicated as a word merely denoting permission," Al-Subki is right in stating that this tradition turns the obligation to pray with one's shoes on into a free choice left to the believer; being shoed while praying is put on a par with being barefoot.P The utterance became widely circulated in the period following the death of the Prophet, when the Arab tribes went on their huge conquest expeditions. The very early mosques in the conquered territories differed widely from the simple mosque of the Prophet at Medina; prayer with shoes on was not appropriate to floors covered with tiles or slabs. Besides, the Jews in some of these territories, in contrast to the Jews in the Arab peninsula, may have prayed while they were wearing shoes. Consequently, Muslim scholars were compelled to make a re-evaluation of the traditions about the manner of prayer in a mosque: prayer while wearing one's shoes was stated to be a concession ir ukh sa) reserved to the Prophet and his Companions. Shoes are admittedly an adornment of prayer, but treading on filthy ground imuliimas atu l=ar di llati t akthuru [ihi: t-naiasat)
80 Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, Majma', II, 54, 56; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrb, II, 431; Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kiimil, V, 1827; al-Maghribi, Fat/:! al-mutaiil, p. 95; al-Tahawi, Sharb ma'ani l-iuhar, I, 512; aI-Yiisufi, Zad al-muslim, V, 66; al-Suyfiti, Jam' al-jawami', II, 520; Mahmiid al-Subki, al-Manhal al=adhb al-mauriid, V, 43; 'Abd al-Razzaq, ai-Musannat, I, 385, no. 1503, 387 no. 1512;al-Muttaqi l-Hindi, Kanz, VIII, 139, no. 1000; Ahmad b. Hanbal, Musnad (ed, Shakir), X, 157, no. 6627, 188, no. 6660, 206, no. 1679; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiu, I, 480. 81 Mahmiid al-Subki, al-Manhal al=adhb, V, 43, 11.1-3: ... li+anna l-takhyira wa-l-tafwlda ilii l-mashi'ati dalilu l-ibiihati . 82 Mahrniid a l-Subki, al-Manhal al-l adhb, V, 43: wa-huwa min al=ahiuiithi l-siirii ati li-l-amri bi-I-saliui ti l-no'li fi L-ho di thi l-sabiqi min a l-wuikbi ila l-ibiiha ...
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depreciates the position of such a prayer, and the elimination of impurity and filth is of greater importance than adornment (scil, through wearing shoes) during prayer," Some doubts were even cast on the soundness of the tradition khillitu i-yahud in connection with the transmitter of the hadith.14 Only Hanbali scholars continued to stick to the idea that prayer while wearing one's shoes is a sunni practice," The practice of prayer in the mosques without shoes became a common feature in the Islamic Empire; special chapters in the collections of hadith and fiqh discuss at length the problem where to put the shoes for the duration of the prayer." The clash between the early tradition, i.e. that the Prophet prayed while he was wearing his shoes, and the common practice of praying barefoot in mosques, is reflected in an utterance of al-Hasan [evidently al-Basril, who wondered why none of the transmitters who reported that the Prophet had prayed without removing his shoes did not themselves pray while wearing shoes." People in the mosques were not aware that the Prophet had prayed in shoes; the fact that some persons
83 AI-Munliwi, Fayd, III, 431 (See the commentary on no. 3879), V, 222 (See the commentary on no. 7059); Mahmiid al-Subk'i, al=Munhal al+adhb, V, 43; al-Maghribl, Fath al-muiaiil, pp. 51, 88; Ibn Hajar, Fath al-bari, I, 415; al-Yiisufi, Zad al-muslim, V, 64-66; al-'Ayni, 'Umdat al-qiiri, IV, 119. 84 See al-Munliwi, Fayd, IV, 201 (See commentary on no. 5021); and see al-Dhahabi, Miz(ln al-i'tidiil, IV, 457, no. 9835; al-Maghribi, Fath' al-muta'iil, p. 89: ... warada [i kauni l-saliui [i l-ni'ii! mina l-zina al-ma'miiri bi-akhdhiha [i l-iiyati hadithun 4a'ilun jiddan auradahu ibn 'adiyy [i l-kamil wa-ibn mardawayb [i taisirihi min hadithi abi hurayra wa-t-luqayti min hadithi anas ... 85 Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Ighiuhat ai-iahlan, I, 147-148. 86 See e.g. 'Abd al-Razzaq, al=Musanna], I, 389, nos. 1518-1522;ai-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz, VII, 374, nos. 2434-2435. 87 Al-Jahiz, al-bayan wa-l-tabyin. III, 110:... wa-kana l-hasan yaqidu: mii a'jaba qauman yarwuna anna r asid a ll ah] is) salli: fi ndlayhi ... thumma ia tara ahadan minhum yusalli muntdilan.
346 appeared in the mosques with their shoes on brought about rows and clashes in the mosques, and these culminated sometimes in the killing of those persons," The attitude of the later Muslim scholars is reflected in a succinct response by the famous commentator of Muslim's Sahih, al-Nawawi [d. 676 Hl He was asked whether it was a sound tradition [hal saMal that the Prophet had prayed while wearing shoes, whether prayer with one's shoes on or prayer barefoot was preferable tatdal), whether it was a sound tradition that the Prophet had taken off his shoes during prayer and that his action had been imitated by his Companions, that he had asked them why they had done it and disapproved of their deed, and then why he had disapproved of it. Al-Nawawi stated that both traditions li.e, that he prayed wearing shoes and that he took off his shoes during prayer] were sound. Prayer barefoot is however preferable, says al-Nawawi, because the Prophet prayed barefoot more frequently than while wearing shoes; he merely prayed while shod in order to show that this manner of prayer is permissible. The Prophet took off his shoes when he was informed by Jibril that the shoes contained some filth iadhan), which prevented him from praying. Finally the Prophet disapproved of taking off one's shoes, because he objected ikariha) to an action being performed during prayer, which need not to be carried out during ritual service." It is noteworthy that al-Nawawi does not mention at all that there was an element of differentiation and exclusivity in the wearing of shoes during prayer; prayer with his shoes on was performed by the Prophet only in order to show that this manner of praying was permissible. In summing up, it may be assumed that the common and widely followed practice of praying barefoot in the mosques was a result of the significant changes in the social and material conditions of life in the Muslim community: the sumptuous style
88 See al-Maghribi, Fatl) al-mutaiil, p. 52; al-Yiisufi, Ziid at-muslim, V, 65. 89 AI-Nawawi, al-Manthurat wa-'uyunu l=masii'ili l-muhimmiit, ed. 'Abd al-Qiidir Ahmad 'Mii, Cairo 1402-1982, p. 39, no. 60.
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of building which characterized the congregational mosques, and the floors covered with carpets, called for the solemn prayers to be performed barefoot. In some areas of Arabia Jews may have continued to pray without shoes in their synagogues, but pious Muslim scholars did not object to a practice that was similar to that of some unbelievers in one place or another, provided that it was not contrary to the usages of Islam." A peculiar opinion as to the utterance enjoining the believers to pray wearing shoes in contradistinction to the practice of the Jews who pray barefoot is expressed in a book by Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, The reason for this injunction was, according to Ibn Qayyim, that the Prophet ordered the believers to deviate from the practices of the People of the Book and therefore enjoined them to pray with their shoes on. After the death of the Prophet 'Umar forbade the People of the Book to wear shoes of the kind worn by the Muslims," The difference between the injunction of the Prophet and the order of 'Umar'? is explained by Ibn Qayyim's scrutiny of the social and political situation at the time of the Prophet, and of the changes undergone by the Muslim community in the period of 'Umar, Shoes, says Ibn Qayyim, were not the wear of
90 Ahmad b. Ahmad al-Khaliji al-Shiifi'i l-Khalwati, al-Wasm [i l-washm, Cairo 1323, pp. 19-20: ... wa-amma sultanu [-'ulama'i al-Tzzu bnu 'abdi l-salam, rahimahu llahu, [a-innahu ashiira ilii raddihi fi f at awahu idh qiila: l-muradu bi-I-aajimi lladhl na nuhi nii 'ani l-tashabbuhi bihim alba'u l-akasirati [i dhalika l-zamiini, wa-yakhtassu l+nahyu bima yaf'aiimahu 'ala khilafi muqtada shar'inii; [a-amma ma fa'aluhu 'ala waf qi l-l jabi au al-nadbi au al-ibahati fi shar'ina fa-Ia yut r ak li=ajli t a'iuihim iyyahu, f a-inna l-shar'a la yanhi: 'ani l-tashabbuhi bi-ma adhina lliihu fihi ... 91 Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Al)kam, p. 748: .. , wa-nahahum 'umaru radiya liahu 'anhu an yalbasii ni'al ai-musiim in. 92 Ibn Qayyim, Al)kam, p. 755, 1.4: ... qiila: wa-f l kitiib 'umar: wa-lii yalbasicna l-nalayn, qala: [a-yumndu ahlu l-dhimma min lubsi [ami'i l-ajnasi mina l-ni'al; wa-l-na'lani huma min ziyyi I-'arabi min abadi l-dahri ila yaumina hadha ...
348
al-'ajam; they used to wear a kind of boot called ai-tamsak=
and they should be forced to return to this peculiar wear. Furthermore, so says Ibn Qayyim, shoes are the wear of scholars, honourable persons (ashraf) and distinguished men (akabir), and should consequently be reserved for their use alone. One has to admit, says Ibn Qayyim, that the Jews of Medina and its surroundings indeed wore shoes, and that the prophet did not forbid them this practice. He merely enjoined the believers to act contrary to the Jewish habit of praying barefoot, and ordered them to pray while wearing shoes. Neither the Prophet nor Abu Bakr, sayd Ibn Qayyim, obliged the People of the Book to wear the ghiyiu, the garments that were meant to differentiate them from the Muslim community, since the believers had still not overpowered the People of the Book, nor had they yet abased them or occupied their countries; the People of the Book were in control of the majority of these countries and the believers kept their status according to the agreements and peace pacts that had been concluded ( ... Ii-anna l=musli mi na lam yakitnit qad istaulau 'ala ahli l-kit ab wa-qaharishum wa-adhalluhum, wa-malakis biladahum; bal
k anat aktharu bil adihim lahum wa-hum tiha ahlu sulhin wa-hudnatinu" consequently, the only thing that could be done
at that time was to order the believers to act differently from the practices of these people. But when God granted the Muslim community victory and gave them the lands and possessions of the conquered peoples, and when the believers could impose upon them the law of Islam, 'Umar ordered the People of the Book to wear the ghiyiu; and all the Companions gave their consent to the injunctions of 'Umar." It is thus evident that
93 The word was evidently miscopied by the scribe and misread by the editor. The correct reading seems to be al-shamushak. Prayer while wearing arab shoes was preferred; prayer while wearing shamushak boots was forbidden. (See al-Tlisl, al-Nihiiya [i mujarradi l-fiqh; p. 98; al-Bahrani, al-Hadiiiq al-niidira, VII. 114-115). 94 Ibn Qayyim. Ahkiim. p. 755. info 95 Ibn Qayyim, Ahkiim. p. 756.
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'Umar's order concerning the shoes of the People of the Book was in accordance with the injunction of the Prophet, and consistent with the new circumstances of the Muslim strength and power. The shoes of the Prophet remained an object of veneration among the common people and especially among the pious believers. A single shoe of the Prophet was preserved for centuries and kept with great care and reverence. Finally it came into the possession of al-Malik al-Ashraf (Qait Bay), who built a special room for it at the side of the minbar in the madrasa al=ashrafi yya. The single shoe was placed under a copula covered with silk curtains; the room was sumptuously decorated and the visiting crowds kissed the heavily scented shoe. The shoe also had miraculous powers of healing. Pious ascetics and mystics composed verses in praise of the shoe. A special keeper was hired and was given a pay of eighty dirhams per month. He was enjoined to open the room for the visiting crowds every Monday and Thursday." The transformation of Muslim practice from the wearing of shoes at prayer to taking them off provides a fascinating example of the manner in which customs initially frowned upon as an imitation of unbelievers, were gradually adopted as the only correct form of behaviour.
96 AI-Maghribi, Fall) al-mutaal, pp. 355-359.
350
ADDENDA
ad note 1: A significant latwlz of Ibn Taymiyya touches upon the sensitive question of Jews and Christians who secretly believe in Islam, and of Muslims who outwardly show belief, but in reality are hypocrites hiding Jewish, Christian or apostatic beliefs. Some people claim that the angels remove from their graves the bodies of the Jews and Christians who secretly believed in Islam and place them in the graves of Muslims, and in contrast remove the bodies of the unbelieving Muslims from their graves and place them in the graves of Jews and Christians. Ibn Taymiyya had no knowledge of such a tradition. He states, however, that the Jews and Christians who secretly believed in Islam before the time of their agony did not declare their belief in Islam at their death will be gathered on the Day of Resurrection with the Muslims, while the unbelieving Muslims will be gathered with the unbelievers, their equals. [Ibn Taymiyya, al-Fatawii l-kubrii. Beirut, n. d. I, 369, no. 2241 ad note 6: See al-Tsami, Simt ai-nuiismi l-awlz'il wa-l-tawlzli, Cairo 1380, I, 411. lr'nwali [i anbii'i
ad note 7: See this tradition in al-Tabari, T'ahdhib al-iithar wa-t at silu l+thiibiti 'an r asiili lliihi l sallii lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallaml min a l-akhbiir, ed. Mahrniid Muhammad Shakir, Cairo 1982, IV, 111-112, nos. 180-183. [And cf. ib. no. 184. And see the assessment of this tradition ib. pp. 112-1131 ad note 9: According to a report recorded in a l-Muttaqi I-Hindi's K anz al=lummal, VIII, 127, no. 906 the believers avoided performing prayers in churches adorned with statues. ad note 12: And see Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Tuhiat al-maudiui bi-ahkami l=mauliui, Beirut n. d., pp. 143-145.
"Do not assimilate yourselves ... "
351 X, 319, no.
ad note 18: See al-Tabarani, 10609.
at-Mu'jam
al-kabir,
ad note 19: See Ibn Abi Shayba, al=Musannai, ed. Mukhtar Ahmad al-Nadwi, Bombay 1401/1981, VIII, 443, no. 5816: ... 'an ibni 'abbiisin, qala: man sallama 'alaykum min khalqi llahi [a-ruddis 'alayhim wa-in kana yahisdiyyan au nasraniyyan au majiisiyyan; ibid. VIII, 438-440. nos. 5799-5805. [And see the reference of the editor]; Muhammad Murtada al-Zabidi, al-'Uqudu l-muniia, II, 151,info - 152. ad note 21: See al-Fasawi, at-Marita wa-t-ta'rikh, II, 491; Ibn Abi Shayba, ai-Musannat, VIII, 442-444, nos. 5810-5819 [And see the references of the editor]; Muhammad Murada al-Zabidi, 'Uqudu l-jawahiri l-munita, II, 151. ad note 22: See al-Dhahabi, Mizlzn al-i'tidlzl, al-Zabidi, al-'Uqud al-munita, II, 151. ad note 26: See Ibn Abi Shayba, al+Musannat, 5919 [And see the note of the editor1. I, 598, no. 2262;
VIII, 468, no.
ad note 30: See Abu Ya'la, Musnad, I, 231, no. 266: ... inna rasisla llahi salta llahu 'alayhi wa-saltam kana yuhibbu an yatashabbaha bi-ahli l-kitabi [ima lam yanzil 'alayhi shay'un [a-idha unzila 'alayhi tarakahu. [And see the references of the editor]; and see Ibn Abi Shayba, ai-Musannat, VIII, 261, no. 5127: ... kana ahlu l-kitabi yasdiliina asharahum ... wa-kana rasidu llahi sal/a llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam yuhibbu muwataqata ahli l=kit abi fima lam yu'mar bihi; qala: ta-sadala rasiilu llahi lsl nasiyatan [perhaps: nasiyatahul thumma [arraqa ba'du. ad note 35: See e. g. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Hidayat al-hayara [i ajwibati i-yahiidi wa-l-nasara, Beirut, n. d., p. 79: ... fa-inna lai za l=taurati wa-I-iniili wa=l=qur'ani wa-/-zabilri yuradu bihi l-kutubu t-mu'ayyana tiiratan, wa-yuradu bihi I-jinsu taratan; ta-yuabbaru bi-latzi l-qur'ani 'ani l-zabiir wa-bi-laf,+i l-taurati 'ani I-qur'an wa-bi-Iaf,+i l-injili 'ani l=qur'hni aydan.
352 wa-li l-hadithi l=sahihi 'ani l-nabiyyi lsl khuitita 'ala da'uda l=qur'Iinu [a-kana ma bayna an tusr aja dabbatuhu ila an y arkaboha y aqra'u l=qur'iina, t a-i=muradu bihi qur'anuhu wa-huwa l-zabiau ... ad note 37: See e. g. al-Suyfiti, inf.-464 iqi'datu I-yahudl al-Hiiwi li-I-Iatawi, I, 463
ad note 41: See Yahya b. Ma'in, al-T'a'ri kh, ed. Ahmad Muhammad Niir Sayf, Makka al-mukarrama 1979, IV, 231, no. 4102: ... kana ibnu mas'iidin yart a'u yadayhi [i l-quniui ila thady ayhi; and see op. cit. III, 464, no. 2284: ... qultu li-yahyi; ma t aqiclu [i l=t akbi r ii t-Tdayn ... qala: ar a an art a'a yadayya Ii kulli takbiratin ... [and see the comments of the editor]; and see op .cit p. 467, no. 2293 the opinion of Abii 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallarn, And see Abii Shama, al-Ba'itn 'ala inkiiri I-bida'i wa-l-hawadith; ed. 'Uthman Ahmad 'Anbar, Cairo 1398/1978, p. 87: ... la-mina I-bida'i ... wa-amma rat'u aydihim 'inda I-du'a'i [a-bi d'atun qadimatun; and see ib. inf.: 'Abd al-Malik about the bid'a of raising the hands on the minbar on Friday; Ibn Hibban al-Busti, at-Mojrishin, II, 270: ... sallaytu khalt a rasiili llahi Isl wa-abi bakrin wa-iumar a t a-kanii y ar t a'Iin a aydiyahum i i awwali l= s al at i thumma la ya'uduna. And see Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kamil, VI, 2162: the tradition with a slightly different variant: ... la-lam yart a'ic aydiyahum ilia 'inda stittahi l-salati, And see al-Dhahabi, Mi zan al=i'ti diil, I, 208, no. 817: ... 'an muqatil 'ani l=asbagh b. nub at a 'an 'aliyyin: lamma nazalat 'Ia-salli li-rabbika wa-nhar' qala: ya iibril ma hadhihi l=nahi ra? qala: ya'muruka rabbuka idha t aharr amt a Ii-l-salati an tart a'a yadayka i dha kabbarta wa-idha rakata wa-idha raia'ta mina l-rukii ... ; and see the list of the sources of the tradition about raising the hands: a l+Suy ut i, Kit abu l=a zhari l=mut aniu hir a [i t+akhb ari l-mutawatira, MS Hebrew Univ., Coll, Yahudah Ar. 773, fo1. Sa. And see recently M. I. Fierro, "La Polemique a propos de rat' al+yadayn ti l-saliu dans al-Andalus", Studia Islamica, 1987, pp. 69-90.
"Do not assimilate yourselves .....
353 II, 70: ... umirtu
ad note 47: And see al- Nazwi, al-Musannai, bi-l-Tmama wa=l=nalayni wa-i-khatam.
ad note 55: And see al-Haythami, al-Maqsid ai-'aliyy fi zawaid abi ya'ia t-mausili yy, ed. Nayif b. Hashim al-Da'is, Judda 1402/1982. p. 370, no. 335. ad note 57: And see Ibn Khuzayma, Sahih, II, 105, no. 1010; al-Haytharni, al-Maqsid al+aliyy, p. 370. no. 336. ad note 61: And see al-Dhahabi, Mi zan al-i'tidal, I, 375, no. 1406: ... inna l=yahuda idha sallau khalai: ni'alahum, to-idha sallaytum ta-htadhu ni'alakum. ad note 71: On the permission to pray in every place: see Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Hidayatu l-hayara, pp. 77, 1. 2, 84, 91, penult.; al-Majlisi, Bihar al=an war, XVI, 313, 316. ad note bi-sharn inf.; and shoes on 72: See Murtada l-Zabidi, Ithat al+sadati l=muttaqin asrar ihya'i 'uliimi l-din, Beirut n. d. [reprint] III, 307 see op. cit. other traditions about praying with one's discussed in a lengthy chapter, op. cit. pp. 307-309.
Appendix by Menahem Kister In the preceding article tashabbahii "Do not assimilate yourselves ... "; (hereafter "LT"), numerous traditions are cited, according to which Muslims were forbidden to follow Jewish customs, so as to keep the two communities separate and their religions distinct. Other statements, worded in a manner relatively similar to those of the previous traditions, were apparently intended to censure certain customs practiced by adherents of the Muslim faith, by accusing these Muslims of following the undesirable practices of the Jews (e.g., regarding prayer). Despite the considerable similarity in formulation between these sets of statements, it appears that they are in fact different as far as Islam is concerned, they reflect two distinct trends. The first trend evidences a clear desire on the part of early Islam for self-definition, as well as a concern over the presence of Jewish influences and practices among its earliest believers. It should be recalled that Islam developed in the shadow of Judaism, among Arabs who maintained extremely close relations with Jews and their religion (especially the An$ar).l Particularly noteworthy in this connection is the Hadithi regarding Muhammad's habit of likening himself to ahl al-kitab, before he was commanded to act otherwise. The concept of film3 (knowledge) is also relevant in this connection:
La
1 On the influence of the Ansar regarding the introduction of Jewish customs into Islam, see: M.J. and Menahem Kister, "On the Jews of Arabia--Notes" [Hebrewl Tarbiz 48 (1979), pp. 240, 240 ff. 2 Cited by I. Goldziher, "Usages Juifs," REJ 28 (1894), p. 89. 3 This concept in the Qur'an was discussed by F. Rosenthal, Knowledge Triumphant, Leiden 1970, pp, 19-35. However, it seems that Rosenthal paid insufficient attention to the aspect discussed below. Thus, it would appear that the development of the concept 'ilm in the Jahiliyya and
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one of the principal factors which led the Arabs in the Jahiliyya to adopt some of the customs followed by their Jewish neighbours was their awareness of the Jews' (and Christians'?) observance of an obligatory and absolute religious praxis, which was deemed desirable by God," Only gradually did Mohammed and Islam come to regard their 'ilm as being superior to that of the Jews. Noteworthy is Sura 2, 144 (regarding the change of the qibla to Jerusalem): "If after all the knowlege ('ilm) you have been given you yield to their desires ('ahwii' ahum), then you will surely become an evildoer." We know that the An$ar used to pray facing Jerusalem even before Mohammed arrived in Medina,"
the relevant material in the Qur'iln still require extensive discussion by an expert. 4 Cf. the epithet 'aLim, i.e., "individual learned in the law", applied to Jewish sages in ancient Arabia. For the concept of 'ilm - suffice it to cite two traditions: "This tribe of the Ansar - idolators - was together with the tribe of the Jews - people of the book - and they saw that [the Jews] were superior to them in knowledge (fa4lan 'alayhim fi Film), and they followed many of [the Jews'] customs. The men of the book would only have normal sexual relations with women ... and the Ansar followed this practice of theirs" (al-Durr ai-Manthiir, Vol. 2, Cairo 1314 AH, p. 263, and his sources); "It happened that the Prophet reached the Qubii' mosque and said: Allah praised you because of your purity with regard to your mosque. What is this purity with which you purify yourselves? They said to him, 'Apostle of God, we do not know anything tnahnu La nalamu shayan), but 'we had Jewish neighbours, and they were accustomed to wash their posteriors from excrement, and we washed the way they did" (al-Haythami, Majma' at-Zawaid, I, Beirut 1967, p. 212). These two traditions (cited and discussed in the article mentioned in n. 1, pp. 237, 240) appear to be complementary; from them we may infer that the Ansar adopted numerous Jewish customs regarding everyday life and marital relations. 5 As opposed to the Ansar's feelings that "the Jews are superior to them in knowledge," and that "they know absolutely nothing." 6 See: Tabarl, Tafsir II, Ed. Mahmiid & Ahmad Shakir, Cairo n.d., p. 529, no. 1837 (1838); Muqatil, Tafsir, ed. 'Abdallah Mahmiid Shahata, Cairo 1969, p. 72; 'Umar b. Shabba, Ta'rikh at-Mad ina, ed. Fahim Muhammad Shaltiit, n.p., 1979, p. 51. I would like to thank my father, Prof. M.J. Kister, for providing me with these references.
356 and it is possible that the conception of the 'ilm was partially responsible for this. After Islam became an independent religion, it had to struggle in order to establish its uniqueness. The second trend manifests itself in Islam after it became an established religion, self-confident and certain of the impropriety of the Jewish customs. It was precisely this self-confidence which enabled it to censure undesirable Muslim practices as Jewish customs. For example, improper conduct in mosques, and the slightest swaying during prayer, was unquestionably not an imitation of Jewish practice, but rather a form of corruption which could be compared to the corruption of the Jews in their prayers. However, as far as the evidence of the statements cited above regarding ancient Jewish custom is concerned, both categories of statements cited in the preceding article have considerable value. I shall now comment briefly on these statements from the perspective of Jewish sources. We shall begin by discussing and surveying the development of the Jewish law thalakhah), with regard to the wearing of shoes during prayer; thereafter we shall make a number of brief comments on some of the other customs cited in the article. In the Muslim testimonia cited above, we have clear evidence of a Jewish custom (apparently followed by the Jews of Arabia) to pray barefoot in their synagogues. What is known regarding this practice from the Jewish legal sources?" According to the halakhah, the priests who served in the
7 See J. Reifmann, "Walking Barefoot" [Hebrew], Beit Talmud 1 (1871),pp. 78-80. Reifmann discusses a considerable number of the sources cited below. Likewise, a considerable number of the sources cited here have been discussed by the classical codifiers of Jewish law; however, there is still room for additional discussion of these passages as far as the approach to analyzing them is concerned. (I am indebted to Dr. David Rosenthal for drawing my attention to Reifmann's article.) On the existence of a generally positive attitude to wearing shoes, see ibid; p. 78. Cf. also Talmud Bavli, Berakhot 62b, according to MSS.: "Just as wearing shoes is respectful ... " See also R.N.N. Rabbinowicz, Diqduqe Soferim, Berakhot, Munich 1867, p. 365, note ~.
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Temple were forbidden to wear shoes. Even someone who merely entered the Temple Mount was required to remove his shoes (Mishnah Berakhot 9:5). The issue of what practices were followed in synagogues in Palestine and Babylonia is somewhat more complicated. From the Mishnah, it seems that it was customary to pray wearing shoes. Mishnah Megillah 4:8 states: "One who says: I shall not serve as a reader of the prayers [literally: "pass before the ark"] in colored clothing may not read the prayers even in white clothing; [one who says] I shall not read the prayers wearing shoes may not read the prayers even barefoot." This statement appears in the midst of a series of laws regarding heterodox prayer customs. Thus, one may infer that there were heterodox Jews who insisted on leading the congregation in prayer (and perhaps entering the synagogue in general) only while wearing white clothing and walking barefoot. It has been conjectured that these Jews sought to model the customs of the synagogue after the practices followed in the Temple," However, there is no solid evidence for this assumption. Be that as it may, according to Jewish law and custom in Palestine during the Tannaitic period, there was no obligation to remove one's shoes during prayer, and removal of shoes for prayer was in fact opposed. The same impression is conveyed by the Baraita discussing Rabban Yohanan ben Zakkai's decree that "the priests are not permitted to wear their sandals while walking up to the platform [in order to recite the priestly benediction]" (Talmud Bavli Rosh Ha-Shanah 31b = Sotah 40a). From this Bar ai t a, one of the Talmudic commentators inferred? that "it is permissable to enter a synagogue wearing sandals; wearing sandals was only prohibited to [the priests] ascending their platform,'?" These are all the
8 See Mishnah with the commentary of Ch, Albeck, Jerusalem/Tel Aviv 1952, p. 504 and elsewhere. 9 Rabbenu Hananel, cited by Tosafot on Sotah, ibid., s.v. Ny')~. 10 Reifmann (above, n. 7), attempts to weaken this proof, by claiming that this Baraita refers to recitation of the priestly benediction in a place not used on a regular basis for prayer. However, this interpretation
358 extant sources regarding the Jewish laws and customs regarding the wearing of shoes during prayers in the Tannaitic period [until the end of the second century C.E.1in Palestine. It was also customary to wear shoes during prayer in the Amoraic period in Babylonia. Regarding the Mishnah cited above ("One must not enter the Temple Mount with his staff, shoes, money-belt, or the dirt on his feet, nor may [the Temple Mount] be used as a shortcut, and a minori ad mains, spitting [is prohibited there"]) it was stated by the Amora Rava (IV century C.E.): "Spitting is permissible in a synagogue, by analogy to [the law concerning] shoes: Just as shoes are prohibited on the Temple Mount and permissible in the synagogue, so too spitting is prohibited on the Temple Mount, but permissible in the synagogue" (Talmud BavJi, Berakhot 62b). From here we see that according to Rava, it was obvious that wearing shoes in the synagogue was permissible (cf, also Rava's statement in Berakhot 63a), and it would appear that the same holds true regarding Rav Pappa and the anonymous Talmudic discussion iibid.). Indeed the Talmud reports that Rav Kahana used to put on his shoes tpuzmeqe) before praying (Talmud BavJi, Shabbat LOa), As the T osafot state, "From here it may be inferred that one should not pray barefoot,'?' To the best of our knowledge, then, in Babylonia the Jews prayed wearing shoes," Very little is known about the halakhah regarding prayer
seems rather forced. 11 Tosaf ot Shabbat lOa, s.v. ')pr.)n~ ')r.)1. The meaning of the Aramaic idiom rame puzmeqe is clear from Talmud Bavli, Yoma 78a; Ketubot 65b; Ta'anit 22a. Therefore the interpretation cited briefly by R. Abraham Maimonides (Kitab Kifayat al-'Abidin, ed. N. Dana, Ramat Gan 1989, p. 103), that the meaning of these words is 'to remove one's shoes' (qila yanzauha) is probably influenced by current customs of prayer in the east. 12 J. Kafih, Halikhot Teman (Yemenite Customs) [Hebrew], Jerusalem 1978, p. 64, n. 3, cites the Talmudic statement in Mo'ed Qatan 17a regarding "that dog which ate the shoelaces of the rabbis" in connection with removing shoes before entering the synagogues. However, there is no evidence that this passage refers to synagogues.
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with shod feet during the Amoraic period in Palestine. Only one allusion to the matter is extant, and it is found in an anecdote appearing in an obscure context in the Jerusalem Talmud:" "Yehudah the son of Rabbi Hiyya [third century C.E.l entered a synagogue; he left his shoes, and they were lost," He said, Had I not gone to the synagogue, my shoes would not have been lost" (Yerushalmi Bava M etzia 2:8, Be), Prima facie, it would appear from this passage, as a number of commentators maintain," that Jews in Palestine in the Amoraic period used to remove their shoes before entering the synagogue," (the situation was definitely different in Palestine during the Tannaitic period, as we have already noted). In light of the statements cited previously in the name of Babylonian Sages, Reifmann inferred that there was a dispute between the Babylonian and Palestinian scholars regarding the laws of prayer while wearing shoes,'? Were this conclusion certain, we could deduce that the practice of the Jews (ostensibly the Jews of Arabia) mentioned in the haditb was a Palestinian custom. This practice would then join a series of instances in which we find a connection between the observances of the Jews of Arabia and Palestinian customs," However, while the interpretation of the Yerushalmi suggested above seems very plausible, it should be recalled that the Yerushalmi here presents us with an anecdote, whose point is not fully clear, rather than an explicit legal assertion regarding the laws of prayer with regard to shoes. Hence, extreme caution
13 But see Pene Moshe's commentary, ad IDe., and S. Lieberman, Yerushalmi N ezikin, ed. E.S. Rosenthal and S. Lieberman, Jerusalem 1984, p. 138, on lines 37-38. 14 Ms. Escorial (ed, Rosenthal-Lieberman [above, n. 13], p. 50) reads here: "his shoes were lost" (not: "he left his shoes and they were lost" as in Ms. Leiden), 15 See R. Ishtori Ha-Parhi, Kaf t or Va-Ferah, ch. 7, and Rabbi J.S. Nathanson, Ziyyon Yerushalayim, ad IDe. 16 Similar customs in Greek and Roman worship. See Th. Wachter, Reinheitsvorschriften im Griechischen Kult, Giessen 1910,pp. 23-24. 17 Ibid. (above, n. 7). 18 Ibid. (above, n. 1), p. 236 ff.
360 should be employed before drawing far-reaching conclusions from such material. Moreover, it is possible that different customs obtained in different communities in Babylonia and Palestine. In any case, it is noteworthy that in Palestinan halakhic literature from the Geonic period, we read the "the skins of an unclean animal may be used to make [ ... sandlals for entering synagogues,"? Thus, this source attests, en passant, that during the Geonic period the Jews of Palestine used to wear shoes in the synagogue. The internal dynamic which one expects to find in Judaism calls for equating the laws of the synagogue with those of the Temple. Likewise, it may be expected that rites indicating respect for the synagogue should parallel the practices used to demonstrate respect towards persons of high status. (Additional support for this thesis might have been provided by Ex. 3:5 and Josh. 5:15, although early rabbinic sources do not cite these passages with regard to synagogue practice). Such arguments are expressed clearly and at length in a late Palestinian prayer book: "[And if) one had a shoe or a sandal on his feet, he should remove them olutsidel, and enltler barefoot, for servants ordinarily walk barefoot before their maslters .. .J above, as was the case with Moses and Joshua. For they were told: 'Remove your Islhoelsl' (?) ... for no one enters their presence wearing sandals. And if this is the practice before (human beings, who are created from a) putrid drop, so much the more so before the King of Kings, blessed be He. And so the Sages said: One should not enter the Temple Mount with his
19 S. Assaf, Teshuvot Ha-Ge'onim :lH'lIn (5702) (Responsa of the Ge'onim) [Hebrew], Jerusalem 1942, p. 124. (I am indebted to Professor I. Ta-Sherna for drawing to my attention this reference). In his notes, Assaf cites the parallel versions of this tradition: "Any tanned leather from an unclean animal may be used for sandals"; "any leather from an unclean animal, after being tanned may be used for sandals." It would appear, then that the leather must be tanned, in accordance with the Muslim law that only tanned leather may be used, especially for prayer (see below, n. 27). See also below.
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staff and shoes. And if, because of our slinsl, we do not have the Temple Mount (in our possession), we still have a minor sanctuary lviz., the synagogue--M.K.l, and we must treat it with sanctity and reverence, as it is written, 'You shall revere my holy place.' Therefore, the ancients ordained that lavers with fresh water (should be provided) in the courtyards of all synagogues for the ablution of the hands and feet. And if one was weak or ill, and (hence) unable to remove his shoes, and he was walking cautiously, we need not trouble him to remove his shoes" iseil. to keep his shoes clean). It is quite possible that the halakhah of this passage (whose precise dating and circle of origin are uncertain) was influenced by the Muslim practice of removing shoes and washing the hands and feet; extensive Muslim influences can be detected in this prayerbook, as already noted by Wieder." It is possible that the first indications of the argument that the synagogue should be compared to the Temple may be found in the heterodox practice cited in Mishnah M egillah (above). Comparison of the synagogue to the Temple is found, inter alia, in the writings of the Karaite Anan (eighth century)." Apparently it was for this reason that Anan required worshippers to pray without wearing shoes." Similarly, the Karaite Qirqisani (second half of the tenth century), who rejects Anan's basic conception of the nature of the synagogue, also
20 Passages from this prayer book were cited by N. Wieder in his important article: "Muslim Influences on Jewish Worship" [Hebrew], M elilah 2 (1946), pp. 42, 87-91, 105, 109. Wieder associated this material with the pietistic movement of Rabbi Abraham Maimonides (but see below, n. 29a). The entire text of this prayer book was published by M. Margaliot, Hilkhot Erez Yisrael Min Ha-Genizak (Palestinian Halakhot from the Genizah) [Hebrew] Jerusalem 1974, p. 127 ff. Margaliot, in his brief introduction, rejects Wieder's assumption. 21 Anan, Seier Ha-Mizvot, ed, A.E. Harkavy, St. Petersburg 1903, pp. 33-37. 22 So it would appear from Ya'qiib al-Qirqirsani, Kit ab ai-Anwar wal-Mariiqib, III, ed. L. Nemoy, New York 1941, p. 622. It is possible that the argument from the Tent of Congregation and the service in the sanctuary cited by Qirqisani reflects Anan's argumentation.
362 rules that people must pray barefoot. From Qirqisani it would appear that this was the prevalent practice in his day (among Karaites, and perhaps not only among Karaites)." Perhaps it may be inferred from Qirqisani's remarks that this matter was the subject of a Karaite-Rabbanite polemic (see below). Qirqisani cites, inter alia, the verses regarding Moses and Joshua, who were both ordered: "Remove your shoes from your feet" before entering a holy place (Ex. 3:5; Josh. 5:15). Qirqisani states: "It is inconceivable that the shoes worn by ... these two prophets ... happened to be made from the [skins] of an unclean animal, as the Rabbanites claim. Rather, God commanded them to guard the [sanctity of the] holy places by not wearing shoes.'?" It is particularly noteworthy that the claim cited by Qi rq isani in the name of the Rabbanites is extremely widespread already in the early Muslim commentaries on the Qur'an and in hadith literature; Muslim authors used the very same tradition, about Moses wearing shoes made from the skins of unclean animals, as an argument against the Jewish practice of praying barefoot in imitation of Moses' conduct. (see LT, n. 63)! Thus, one may wonder whether the Muslim tradition
23 Ibid.: "wa-l-dalil 'ala dhalika bayyinun ziihirun min ijma'i l-khalqi mina l-ummati 'ala tahrimi I-saliui 'ala l=tamiy y lam yukhali] [i dhalika wahidun minhum, wa-innama raat at-jamdaiu l-saliita bada l-ghusli bi=l=ghadiu ... wa-mithlu dhiilika fima i'talla bihi min amri l-nali wa-l-khuff ... " 24 I bid., p. 635: "wa-yajibu an takiina l-saliuu 'ala l-ardi min ghayri an yakima bayna l-qadami wa-bayna jismi l-ardi shay'un mina l-aisami la bisiuun wa-la ma shabihahu wa-la shay'un mina l-hidhii'! wa-la khuf f un wa-la na'lun wa-la ma kana naziran lt-dhiiiika; wa-hiidha aydan yutaallamu min maudi'ayni: ahaduhuma ma amara lliihu 'azza wa- jalla bihi musa 'alayhi l-saliimu wa+yehoshua (Hcb.) min khal'i l-hidha'i fi mawadi'i l=qudsi; wa-muhal an yakima dhalika l=hidhiiu lladhi kana 'ala dhay nik a l-waliyyayni l-khayrayni t-f adila yni l-nabiyyayn ittajaqa libasuhuma [ami'an min hayawan tamiyy 'ala ma idda'a l=rabbiiniy yiin, wa-innama amarahumii lliihu. 'azza wa+jalla bi-siyanati l-aqdiis min lubsi l-hidha' ... n
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here did draw upon an ancient Jewish tradition," or did the Jews in fact draw upon this Muslim tradition. To be sure, we have no evidence in the Jewish halakhah that it was prohibited to enter a holy place wearing shoes made from the leather of unclean animals, but in light of the fact that the Palestinian halakhic passage cited above goes out of its way to affirm that this is permitted.t" it would appear that there were Jews who forbade it (or abstained from it). In Muslim religious law, this prohibition occupies a far more central position.?? However, whatever the source of this tradition may be, it is a striking example for a link between the polemical traditions of the two religions. It seems reasonable to assume that the contentions of the "Rabbanites" cited here owe their existence not merely to study of the verses in Exodus and Joshua, but rather were part of a polemic against the Karaite practice based on these verses. However, in addition to the arguments raised by the two sides,
25 Al-Qurtubi cites a different reason for rejecting the ruling concerning the removing of shoes, namely, that the words "Remove your shoes from your feet" should be interpreted allegorically: Moses must remove from his heart all thoughts about his wife and children (min 'amri l-ahl wa-l-wuld, see LT, n. 63). A similar claim is cited in the name of "some authorities" by Theodoretus (fifth century C.E.), Quaestiones, PG 80, ad loc.; Moses was told to take off his sandals "so as to dispose of his concern about sustenance (biotikas merimnas), for the leather of the sandals is dead skin." This argument reminds us of the comments found in the Zohar, whose author flourished in Spain a generation after a l+Qur tub i (see Zohar, III, 148a Cf. also: R. Bahya 6. Asher, Commentary on the Torah, ad. Ex 3:15); there, this verse is interpreted as an injuction that Moses abstain from sexual relations (and see: L. Ginzberg, Legends of the Jews V, Philadelphia 1947, p. 420, n. 122). Thus, even this allegorical mid rash was not an Islamic innovation. 26 See above, n. 19. Cf. also Qirqisani, op. cit. (n, 22), p. 953. 27 Related to this is the discussion of whether Moses' shoes were made of tanned or untanned leather, because tanning (dabgh) relieves the leather of its impurity (see e.g., al-Jassas, Al;tkam ai-Qur'an, Constantinople 1338 H, III, 219-220; see also Ibn Abi Shaiba, Musanna], ed. 'Abd al-Khaliq Afghani, Hyderabad, 1967, II, pp. 258-59). For these sources, too, I am indebted to my father, Professor M.J. Kister.
364 it is clearly possible that the influence of the Muslim law of removing one's shoes for prayer is manifest here, as this practice was, by that time, already accepted without any objection in Islam. Perhaps the comment of Rabbenu Hananel (Qairawan, end of the eleventh century), who notes that the Talmud implies that it is not necessary to pray barefoot," should be understood in light of the tension between the different customs, which apparently obtained even among the Rabbanites. The unique formulation of Maimonides (Egypt, twelfth century) seems to indicate acceptance of the new custom among the Jews: "One should not stand in prayer wearing his money-belt, or while barefoot, or with exposed feet, if the local custom is to appear before distinguished people only while wearing shoes.'?" This statement, which bases the halakhah on local, secular custom, attests to the existence of variant customs and to Maimonides' lack of desire to reach a clear-cut decision concerning the matter. Maimonides' formulation might also reflect an attempt to compromise between the halakhah of the Babylonian Talmud and the new custom, which was gaining increasingly wide acceptance (see also below). It is noteworthy that his son, R. A braham Maimonides does not express any preference of praying barefoot," although he was very much influenced by the Muslim ritual of prayer (see below). R. Petahya of Regensburg (end of the twelfth century) testifies that the Jews of Babylon prayed barefoot in their synagogues," (It is almost certain that, at least in Babylonia, this custom was the result of Muslim influence). During the thirteenth century, R. Jacob bar Abba Mari bar Simeon Anatoli (born in Provence, lived in Naples) observed that "in those countries where narrow shoes are worn, they are cleaned before coming [to the synagogue--M.K.l .. .in
28 29 30 31
Above, n. 9. Mishneh Torah, Hilkhot Tefillah 5:5. Above, n. 11. See also op. cit; p. 110 Travels of Rabbi Petahia, ed. and tr. A. Benisch, London 1859, p. 44.
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those countries where it is customary to wear sandals and the like [= in the East--M.K.~ people remove them from their feet."32 R. Jacob associates this practice with the physical cleanliness required in a holy place and with repentence, and his interpretation is based on the verse "Remove your shoes from your feet" (see above). At the beginning of the fourteenth century, R. Ishtori Ha-Parhi, a Provencal Jew who later settled in Palestine, reports "the custom of [the inhabitants of] these countries to leave their shoes at the entrance of the synagogue, outside, unlike the custom of foreign people" [= the Europeans], and he finds support for this custom in the story found in the Yerushalmi cited above." In the fifteenth century, a most interesting piece of evidence appears regarding the development of the Jewish custom in the East, and it is especially significant with regard to the relationship between Judaism and Islam. R. Solomon ben Simeon Duran (North Africa) was asked concerning "a congregation which wished to stipulate that no one be permitted to enter a synagogue wearing shoes, because the Ishmaelites will reproach them for so doing. Furthermore, in that city itself, there is another synagogue, and the worshippers do not enter it wearing shoes. A number of individuals rose and objected,
32 Malmad Ha-Talmidim, Lyck 1866. 45a-b. R. Jacob associates this practice with repentance. and even sees fit to note in this connection: "Those nations which seek to liken themselves to us [by following] our upright laws [i.e.⢠the Christians] require penitents to avoid wearing shoes and to wear white clothing." Here we have a further example of the interrelationships between Judaism and the surrounding religions. Apparently. there were Jews in Ashkenaz who used to afflict themselves in this manner. R. Yizhak Or Zaru'a (Vienna. thirteenth century) says: "And in France I saw 'gibborim' (devoted pietists) walking barefoot on the Sabbath even (!) in the synagogue and reading the Torah barefoot. but it is not right to walk barefoot" (Or Zarila Hilkhot Sh abbat, no. 84 [12]. Zhitomir 1862. I. 20b). Perhaps it was in opposition to such practices that the Tosafot stress that one should not pray barefoot (above. n. 11). 33 Above. n. 15.
366 stating that Maimonides, of blessed memory, permitted one to enter a synagogue wearing shoes." Here, then, we have evidence of variant customs within the same city, as well as of the desire on the part of the leaders of that community to establish the Muslim custom as authoritative in the synagogue. Rabbi Duran's response is quite illuminating: "It is well known that a synagogue should be adorned and exalted ... however, respect is (defined as) whatever people consider respectful ... and in Christian countries, where it is not considered disrespectful for someone to enter even the king's presence while wearing shoes, if someone wears shoes in the synagogue, it is not considered disrespectful. But in these countries, where it is considered disrespectful to enter the presence of distinguished people, and certainly the king, in shoes, it is prohibited to enter the local synagogue wearing shoes. Even though [the synagogue] is not a true sanctuary, it is nevertheless holy ... Also ... in these countries, where people are careful to enter their own homes wearing shoes, it is prohibited to enter the synagogue in shoes. And concerning this matter, my master and father, our teacher." may he be remembered for eternal life, instituted this decree here, which is suitable for every sensible man. And the fact that such a decree was not instituted by the ancients does not prove that this is permitted ... Even if there were nothing prohibited about this, it would be proper to institute such a decree, [to prevent] the reproach to our people. And so much the more so that this is prohibited, for the reasons which I have cited/'" Rabbi Duran adopts Maimonides' basic formulation and conception and expands upon it. However, from the end of his responsum it is clear that he was not motivated solely by considerations of conventions, but principally by the desire to
34 I.e., R. Solomon ben Zernah Duran. Perhaps it is worth noting in this connection that he wrote a sharp polemic against Islam, based on verses from the Qur'an and betraying acquaintance with Arabic literature. See Magen va-Qeshet, ed. A. Berliner, Ozar Tov, Hebraische Beilage zum Magazin fur die Wissenschaft des Judentums, Berlin 1881. 35 Teshuvot Rashbash [Hebrew], Livorno 1742 section 285.
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avoid the reproach of the Muslims." Ironically enough, the circuit is thus completed: ancient Islam wished to distance itself from the Jewish custom of praying barefoot, but ultimately this practice was adopted by the Muslims, and later, in other places and periods, the Muslim practice affected Jewish custom! In fact, by now it is difficult to determine what is the result of Muslim influence and what is a continuation of ancient Jewish custom. This custom apparently continued to gain acceptance, and by the sixteenth century, Rabbi Joseph Karo (lived in Safed) remarks that "custom of all Jews in Arab lands is to pray barefoot.'?" At least in some of these countries (e.g., Yemen), this practice is followed to this very day," If the requirement that shoes be removed before prayer in the synagogue was unique to the Muslim East, the basic sensitivity to the fact that dirt might cling to a person's shoes and thereby blemish his prayer was also present in Europe. The author of the "Book of the Pious" (Seter Hasidim) notes: "When one goes to the synagogue or the house of study, he must check his feet to make sure that there is no excrement on them, for the Torah says, 'Cast off your shoes from your feet,' and similarly [the Bible states] regarding Joshua. But it does not say, 'Remove your shoes,' for what benefit is there to remove one's shoes, if they remain near him? Therefore it says, 'cast off your shoes from your feet' - i.e., from a distance of four cubits.'?"
36 The desire to prevent humiliation of the Jewish religion on the part of the Muslims (cf. S.M. Stern JThs NS 19 [1968], p. 155, n. 2) by adopting Muslim strictures is already attested during the Geonic period. See Wieder's remarks (above, n. 20), and see also S. Lieberman, Tashlum Tosefta (second ed.), Jerusalem 1970, p. 66. 37 Beit Yosef on fur, Oran Hayyim, section 91, s.v. O#:JD'i1 :In:n In the Shulhan 'Arukh, section 91, Maimonides' formulation is cited verbatim. 38 See above, n. 12. This practice is followed to this very day among the Karaites (see above on their views) and the Samaritans. 39 Seier Hasidim, ed. J. Wistinetzki and J. Freimann, Frankfurt am Main 1924, p. 127.
368 We have already seen that R. Jacob bar Abba Mari ben Simeon Anatoli associates this custom, which is motivated by a concern for cleanliness, with that followed by Eastern Jews, even though for different reasons. Later on in Germany, too, in the responsa of Maharam Mintz (15th century)," the concern about dirt is emphasized, and for this reason that scholar ruled that it is forbidden to enter the synagogue wearing boots," "for dirt clings to them . . . even before a human king it is not customary to appear wearing something dirty, and so much the more so before the King of all kings, the Holy One, blessed be He ... and for this reason there are countries in which people pray only barefoot, without shoes. Now in these areas, it is not customary or acceptable to walk barefoot, and therefore we do not remove our shoes ... " However, Maharam Mintz rules that boots, which ordinarily get extremely dirty, must be removed." Here, again, in a different society and for different reasons, we find echoes of the halakhah prevalent in the East. From our discussion of the different customs regarding the removal of shoes for prayer and the history of these customs in Judaism and Islam, we can see the complex and often contradictory relationship between these two religions in the course of their development. Several additional remarks concerning the Jewish customs mentioned in the preceding article are in order. Sitting and reclining (LT, n. 37) during Jewish prayer are well-known phenomena. It is noteworthy that Rabbi Abraham Maimonides ordained that Jews should sit during prayer the
40 Teshuvot Maharam Mintz, Saloniki 1802, 38. 41 He refers to them as "sandalim,' apparently following the (incorrect) interpretation of Rashbam, Bava Batra 58a. 42 See also R. David b. Shmuel ha-Kokhavi (Provence, 13th century), Sefer Ha-Batim, ed. M. Hershler, III, Jerusalem 1982, p. 55 and note 807, that it was prohibited to enter the synagogue with nail-studded sandals (sandal ha-mesummar), apparently for the same reason. [Compare especially: R. Abraham Maimonides above, n. 29a1
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same way the Muslims do. The comfortable, disorganized way in which the Jews sat during prayer in his days seemed unacceptable to him.43 Likewise, regarding conversation during prayer among the Jews, a corrupt practice already mentioned in the haditn (LT, n. 45), Wieder" has demonstrated that it was the Muslim view which led to the reform introduced by Maimonides in Jewish prayer. As Maimonides states: ''Thus shall be removed the profanation of God's name among the gentiles, [after they saw howl the Jews spit and expectorate (or: blow their noses) and speak during prayer.?" The Jewish practice of swaying during prayer is mentioned in medieval Jewish literature." Apparently, the
43 See N. Wieder (above, n. 20), pp. 93-103, and especially p. 101;see also ibid., pp. 117,120. 44 Ibid., pp. 55-59. 45 ..... wa-yartofi'u hillul ha-sbim (Heb.) lladhi hasala 'inda l-goyyim (He b.) bi-anna I-yahud yabsuqi: wa-yamkhutis wa-yatahaddathii fi tay yi saliuihim, Li-anna I-amra kadhii yashhadicnahu" (Teshuvot Ha-Rambam, ed. J. Blau, Jerusalem 1986, 258, p. 484; 256, p. 475: "... alladhi yazunnu bina anna l-saliita 'indana ldbun wahadhuwun".) 46 R. Abraham ben Nathan of Lunel (d. 1215),Seier Ha-M anhig, ed. Y. Raphael, Jerusalem 1978, 1, p. 85, writes: "I found in the Midrash: A person is required to sway during prayer, for it is written: 'All my bones shall proclaim Thee, 0 Lord, who is like unto you?' This is also the custom of the rabbis of France and the pious men there." The same remarks are cited by R. Zedekiah ben Abraham (Italy, thirteenth century), Shibbole ha-Leqet, ed. S.L. Mirsky, New York 1966, p. 183, from "Ma'aseh Merkavah." See also Mahzor Vitry, ed. S. Horovitz, Niirnberg 1923, section 508, p. 630, on swaying among the Jews while studying Torah (= Commentary of 'Baal Ha-Turim on the Torah ed. I.K. Reiniz, Bne-Braq 1971,p. 167 (ad Ex. 20:15), and R. Judah Ha-Levi, Kuzari, 11:79-80. On swaying during prayer see also Zohar, III, 218b (judging from the style of the last two sources, they seem to be apologetic). It is noteworthy that the explanation for swaying during the Torah reading cited in Mahzor Vitry and by 'Baal Ha-Turim' appears almost verbatim in a late Arab source cited by Goldziher, Beitrage zur Geschichte der Sprachgelehrsamkeit bei den Arabern, I, Wien 1871,p. 27. [= Gesammelte Schriften, Hildesheim 1967, p. 31]. On
370 Muslim testimony is the earliest extant source regarding this ancient practice. In the Arabic sources cited in L T, n. 39, mention is made of swaying when the Torah was opened. If this claim is accurate (and the Muslim sources are not referring to swaying while the Torah was read), perhaps the reference is to the ancient custom of bowing down as the Torah was opened: "It is obligatory upon all men and women to look at the writing [in the Torah] and bow down,"?" Perhaps this bowing appeared to the Muslims as if the Jews were swaying. The practice of closing the eyes during Jewish prayer is first mentioned in Jewish literature," to the best of my knowledge, in the Zoharr"
swaying during the qedushah prayer see: Seier ha-Manhig, p. 88 and the sources cited there; Shibbole ha-Leqet, p. 194. The explanation suggested there for swaying during recitation of the qedushah (in the name of "Rabbenu Shlomo") is based on Is. 6:4, "the foundations of the doorposts swayed." It is perhaps worthy of note that this verse is also cited as a source for swaying during prayer in order to attain mystical inspiration--in the wake of the Sufi dhikr--in Pirqe Haslaha, erroneously attributed to Maimonides, ed. D.H. Baneth and H.S. Davidowitz, Jerusalem 1939, p. 7. 47 Tractate Sof erim, ed. M. Higger, p. 261. On this custom, see the remarks of S. Lieberman, Sheki'in, Jerusalem 1970, p. 9, and add the following sources to the citation from Midrash Mishle appearing there: Tanhuma, ed. Buber, Genesis, p. 81, and n. 236; Z.M. Rabinowitz, Ginze Midrash, Tel Aviv 1977, p. 57, line 22. Cf. also the remarks of the Samaritan Marqah (fourth century): "You are the great book before which we have come to bow down" (Z. Ben-Hayyim, The Literal and Oral Tradition of Hebrew and Aramaic According to the Samaritans [Hebrew], IIII2, Jerusalem 1967, p. 247, and see also ibid., p. 256). 48 However, we do find that people covered their eyes with their hands during recitation of the Shema (according to many interpretations, so as to facilitate concentration): Berakhot 13b; see Rashi and Rosh, ibid; and Tur, Oral) Hayyim, section 61J). 49 Zohar, III, 260b: "One must cover his eyes, so as not to behold the Divine Presence ... one who opens his eyes during prayer, or who does not lower his eyes to the ground, brings the Angel of Death upon himself ... " The practice of lowering the eyes is already found in the
la taqrau.pdf La taqra'u l-qur'ana `ala l-mushafiyyin wa-la tahmilu l-`ilma `ani l-sahafiyyin ... Some Notes on the Transmission of If adith M.J. Kister
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
In memory of my brother Dr. Isaac Kister.
The question of whether it is permissible to record, in writing, the utterances of the Prophet, caused a heated debate already in the early period of Islam. The reports concerning the subject are divergent and even contradictory. A scrutiny of these reports may shed some light on the development of social perceptions, in so far as the transmission of hadith is concerned. Several traditions state that the Prophet permitted some of his Companions to write down his utterances. `Abdallah b. 'Umar says that he was in the court of the Prophet with a group of Companions; he was the youngest among them. The Prophet said: "Whoever tells lies about me, let him be placed in his abode in Hell."l
1 See, e.g., different versions of this tradition: Nur al-DIn al-HaythamI, Kashfu l-astar 'an zawa'idi l-bazzar, ed. Habibu l-Rahman al-A`zami (Beirut, 1399/1979), I, 112-17, nos. 204-17. AI-QuQa'I, Musnad al-shihiib, ed.HamdI'Abd al-MajId al-Silaff (Beirut, 1407/1986), I, 324-31, nos. 547-66, and see the references of the editor. AI-TabaranI, Musnad al-shiimiyyfn, ed. HamdI 'Abd aI-MajId al-Silan (Beirut, 1409/1989), I, 137, nos. 218, 142, no. 227; see the references of the editor. And see al-Haytham b. KuIayb al-SMshI, al-Musnad, ed. Mahfiiz al-Ra.l].manZayn (al-Madlna al-munawwara, 1410), I, 96-101, nos. 33-42; 245, no. 206; 249-50, nos. 215-16; 320-23, nos. 283-89; II, 80, no. 598; 116-18, nos. 642-47j and see ibid. the references of the editorj al-MunawI, Faylju l-qadfr, shar~u l-jami'i l-~aghfr (Beirut, 1391/ 1972), VI, 214-15, no. 8993, and see the references of the editor, ibid. AI-QaQI'IYaQ al-Yal).l;!ubI,ai-lima' ila ma'ri/ati u~Uli l-riwaya wa-taqyfdi l-sama', ed. al-Sayyid A~mad ~aqr (Cairo, 1389/1970), 11, 12; Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI, Fat~u I-ban, sharI} Ifa~fl} al-bukhiin (Cairo, 1300, repr. Beirut), I, 178-81j and see al-DhahabI, Tadhkirat al-~uJJa~ (Hyderabad, 1375/1955), I, 3-4. And see I. Goldziher, Muslim Studies, trans!. C.R. Barber and S.M. Stern, ed. S.M. Stern (London, 1971), II, 127. AI-SuyutI, Jam'u l-jawami' (Cairo, 1978), II, 53j 'All b. al-Ja'd al-JauharI, Musnad al-Ja'df, ed. '.A.mir A~mad Haydar (Beirut, 1410/1990), nos. 140, 337, 541, 560,817, 1428, 2045, 2067. And see the different versions of the ~adith: man kadhaba 'ala7lya muta'ammidan /a·I-71atabawwa' maq'adahu mina l-nar in Mu~ammad Murtac;la al-HusaynI l-ZabidI's Laqtu I-la' alf l-mutanathira If l-a~adithi l-mutawatira, ed. Mu~ammad 'Abd al-Qadir 'A~a (Beirut, 1405/1985), 261-82, no. 61. And see this utterance thoroughly analysed by M. Muranyi in his article: "Man ~ala/a 'ala minban athiman," Die Welt des Orients (1987): 92, 131. And see Abu l-Qasim Sulayman b. A~mad al-Tabarani, Turuq ~adfth man kadhaba 'alaY7la muta'ammidan, ed. 'All Hasan 'All 'Abd al-Hamld and Hisham b. Isma'ii al-Saqqa ('Amman, 1410/1990).
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Later, Ibn 'Umar asked the people how they transmitted traditions about the Prophet and how they made efforts to report the Prophet's utterances after they heard his words. They laughed and said: "0 son of our brother, everything we heard from the Prophet is already recorded with us in writing."2 A similar tradition is reported by Rafi' b. Khadijr' he asked the Prophet whether he would be permitted to write down the utterances heard from him. The Prophet gave his permission and remarked: "There is nothing bad in it," uktubuhii wa-lii lJ,araj.4 Abu Hurayra is said to have abstained from recording the utterances of the Prophet. This can be deduced from his statement that there was nobody (scil. from among the Companions of the Prophet -k) who surpassed him in the knowledge of lJ,adith except 'Abdallah b. 'Amr,5 for the latter used to write down the traditions while Abu Hurayra did not.6 It is significant that the first tradition permitted by the Prophet to be written in the !!alJ,fja!!ii.diqa of 'Abdallah b. 'Amr is said to have been an official letter addressed by the Prophet to the people of Mecca,"
2 Ibn 'AdI, al-Kamil /'f gu'afa'i I-rijal, al-muqaddima, ed. Subht l-Badrf l-Samarra'T (Baghdad, n.d.), 48; al-Ramhurmuzr, al-Mu1}addith al·fa~il, 378, no. 361. 3 On him, see Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI, ol-Isiiba /'f tamyfzi l-sohiibo, ed. 'All Muhammad al-Bijawi (Cairo, 1392/1972), II, 436-37, no. 2528 4 Ibn 'AdI, al-Kamil, al-muqaddima, 48. And see another version of the story in Ibn al-Hajj, al-Madkhal (Beirut, 1972), IV, 288; quoted from Abu Dawud's Sunan. 'Umar b. Ahmad b. 'Uthman b. Shahtn, Nasikhu 1-1}adfthi wa-mansukhuhu, ed. Samlr b. AmIn al-Zuhrr (al-Zarqa', al-Urdunn, 1408/1988), 470, no. 626; and see the references of the editor. 5 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. al-'As 6 'Abdallah b.'AdI, al-Kamii, muqaddima, 48; Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalanr, ol-Istiba /'f tamyfzi I-~al,laba, IV, 194, no. 4850; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isti'ab /'f ma'rifati l-a~1}ab, ed. 'All al-Bijawf (Cairo, 1380/1960), III, 957, no. 1618; al-Tal).awT,Sharl,l ma'anf I-iithar, IV, 318-19; al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, I, 106; al-Dhahabt, Mfzan al-i'tidal, ed. 'All Muhammad al-Bijawl (Cairo, 1382/1963), II, 567, no. 4879; Ibn Hajar al'AsqalanI,Fatl,lu I-barf, I, 184-85; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jami'bayan al·'ilm wa-faglihi (al-MadIna al-munawwara, n.d.), I, 70; and see ibid., I, 72 sup., 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. al-'A.!;l ays that two things stimulate him in his desire for life: the scroll dictated s to him by the Prophet, al-~al,lffa al-~adiqa, and the estate of Wah]. See this report: al-Ramhurmuzt, al-Mul,laddith al-falfil bayna I-rawf wa-I-wa'f, ed. Muhammad 'Ajjaj al-Khattb (Beirut, 1391/1971), 365-67, nos. 319-24; and see the references of the editor. And see Abu Bakr al-BayhaqI: al-Madkhal ila I-sunani I-kubra, ed. Muhammad Diya'u l-Rahman al-A'aamr (Kuwayt, 1405/1984), 412-13, nos. 748-51, and see the references of the editor; Shams al-Dtn Muhammad b. Ahmad al-DhahabI, Siyar a'lami I-nubala', ed. As'ad Talas (Cairo, 1962), III, 58 and vol. II, ed. Ibrahtm al-Abyart, p. 432. A peculiar statement of Ka'b (al-Ahbar) says that Abu Hurayra knew more about the Torah than any man who did not read the Torah; al-Dhahabl, Siyar, II, 432. 7Ibn AbI 'A.!i\im al-Shaybant, Kitab al·awa'il, ed. Muhammad b. N~ir al-'AjamT (al-Kuwayt, n.d.), 98, no. 140. Al Hasan b. 'Arafa mentions in his Juz", MS Chester Beatty 4433, fol. 141a, from the I!al,lffa al-I/adiqa a supplication which the Prophet advised Abu Bakr to utter in the morning and evening.
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The letters of the Prophet seem to have been especially appreciated. This is emphasized in the utterance of Muhammad b. SIrln:8 "Had I decided to write [these things) down [in) a book, I would record in writing the letters of the Prophet." The letters of the Prophet addressed to kings, rulers, governors and tribal chiefs are the earliest documents reflecting the problems of the nascent Muslim community, the policy of the Prophet towards his supporters and foes, his tactics and his military resolutions. Mujahid (d. 104 H) one day visited 'Abdallah b.'Amr and noticed a scroll under his head. 'Abdallah refused to allow him to peruse the scroll, tamanna' a 'alayya, asserting that it was the ~alJ,ffasiidiqa which the Prophet had dictated to him when they were alone." The servant of the Prophet, Anas b. Malik, is said to have been in possession of scrolls which contained the utterances dictated to him by the Prophet. lO There is a report recorded on the authority of AbU Juhayfa which mentions a ~alJ,ffa of 'All b. AbI Talib, 'All is said to have asserted that the ~alJ,fja contained only the prescriptions concerning the payment of the bloodwit, the freeing of prisoners, and the order not to kill a Muslim for (the crime of) killing an unbeliever. 11
Sa'd, al- Tabaqat al-kubra, VII, 194 Siyar a'lam al-nubala', III, 58, inf. Al-Suyntt, Jam'u l-jawami', II, 525 sup.; al-FliBI, al-'Iqd al-thamin Ii ta'n'khi 1baladi l-amin, ed. Fu'ad Sayyid (Cairo, 1385/1966), V, 225. 10 Al-Ramhurmust, al-Mul}addith al-fal/il, 367, no. 325; and see the references of the editor. And see the tradition iii BayhaqI's al-Madkhal ila l-sunani l-kubra, 415, no. 757 with the important correction of majall instead of mikhlat; and see the references of the editor. 11 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jami' bayan al-'ilm, I, 71. And see al-Tabart, Tafstr = Jiimi' al-bayan 'an ta'wil ayi l-qur'an, ed. Mahmtld and Ahmad Shakir (Cairo, 1958), XIII, 135-36, no. 15150, containing the tal}nm al-madina .... See also Abi1Ya'Ia al-Mausilr, Musnad, ed. Husayn SalIm Asad (Beirut-Damascus, 1404/1984), I, 228-29, no. 263; and see the references of the editor and his comments. Al-Suytrtr, Jam'u l-jawami', II, 56, 60, 63. It is evident that this statement is attributed to 'AlI in order to refute the belief held by some of his adherents that the I/al}ifa contained God's decree about the inheritance of the caliphate by 'All and his descendants. 'Abdallah b. al-Mubarak al-MarwazI, al-Juz' al-thalith min musnad abi 'abel al-ral}man 'abdallah b. al-mubarak ... , MS aI-~ahiriyya 18, majmi1'a, fol. 121b: ... fa-qala: ma 'ahida ilayna rasulu llahi, I/alla llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam, shay' an lam ya' hadhu ila I-nasi kaJJatan. It is not rare to find in a collection of traditions a refutation of a claim put by opponents into the mouth of the claimant; see I. Goldziher, Muslim Studies, 11,114-15. 'All is said to have allowed Abtl l-Shah to copy from this I/al}ifa the injunctions concerning the payment of bloodwit, the payment of charity, I/adaqa, and other religious obligations; see al-Dhahabt, Siyar a'lami l-nubala', III, 58; and see the discussion on this subject: Ibn Hajar aI-'AsqalanI, Fatl}u I-ban, I, 182-83. Another case of a piece of writing, a I/al}ifa, sent by 'All to 'Uthman is recorded in Ibn Haem's al-Il}kam Ii ul/uli l-al}kam, ed. Muhammad Ahmad 'Abd aI-'AzTz (Cairo, 1398/1978), I, 396. 'All stated that a certain spot to which 'Uthman sent his tax
9 Al-Dhahabt, 8 Ibn
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Another l!alJ,zfa is said to have been kept in the sheath ofthe Prophet's sword. It contained a curse on people who steal the land of their neighbours by changing the boundary markings and a curse on those who deny the favours granted them by forging their genealogy and by attaching themselves falsely to tribal factions.P Sulayman al-Yashkuri, when staying in Mecca, wrote a l!alJ,zfa dictated by the Companion of the Prophet Jabir b.'Abdallah. The l!alJ,zfa remained after his death in the house of his mother in Basra, She was asked by the people of Basra to lend it to them, but she refused. She only allowed some people to read the l!al],Zfa. Among those who came and read the l!alJ,ifa was the famous Qur'anic commentator, Qatada.13 AbU l-Nadr stated that he memorized this l!alJ,zfa of Jabir b.'Abdallah with greater concentration than the Silrat al-Baqara.J! The commentator of the Qur'an, Mujahid, is said also to have transmitted traditions from the l!alJ,zfa of the Companion of the Prophet Jabir b. 'Abdallah.P Ibn Jurayj is said to have brought a l!alJ,zfa to Hisham b. 'Urwa and asked him for permission to transmit, on his authority, the traditions heard from him and written down in the l!alJ,zfa. Hisham b.'Urwa granted him the permission.l" Abu Hurayra seems, at some stage, to have been given the permission to write down the utterances of the Prophet. One day he approached the Prophet and complained that he was forgetting the numerous utterances. The Prophet advised him: "Get help by your right hand," ista'in biyamznika, i.e., write down the utterances with your right hand.l"
collectors, su'at, is a ~adaqa of the Prophet. This statement, of course, made it necessary for 'Uthman to recall the tax collectors. 12 Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, Jami' bayan al-'ilm, I, 71, inf. Cf. the tradition recorded by Abu Ya'la al-Mausill, Musnad, VIII, 197, no. 4757: ... wajadtu Ii qa'imi sayfi rasiili llahi (i!) kitaban ... ; and see ibid. I, 424, no. 562. 13 AI-FasawI, al-Ma'rifa wa-l-ta'n""kh, II, 279. 14 AI-FiUlawI,al-Ma'rifa wa-l-ta'rfkh, II, 278, inf. 15 See al-FasawI, Kitab al-ma'rifa wa-l-ta'rfkh, ed. Akram Qiya' al-'UmarI (Beirut, 1401/1981), III, 11. 16 Al-Fasawt, Al-ma'rifa wa-l-ta'n""kh, II, 824; and see the references of the editor. 17 Ibn Shahtn, Nasikhu l-I}adfth, 469, no. 625; and see the references of the editor. 'Abdallah b.'AdI, op. cit., muqaddima, 49, and see the references of the editor; on other cases of the Prophet's permission to write his utterances, see Ibn 'Abd alBarr, Jami' bayan al-'ilm, I, 72-75. And see the report saying that Sa'Id b. alMusayyab permitted 'Abd al-Rahman b. Harmala to note I}adfth in writing because of his weak memory: YaJ:!.yab. Ma'In, Ta'n""kh, ed. Ahmad Muhammad Nnr Sayf (Makka al-mukarrama, 1399/1979), II, 346, no. 950; al-Dhahabt, Mfzan al-i'tidal, II, 556, no. 4848. And see I. Goldziher, Muslim Studies II, 183, 184. As for the injunction qayyidii l-'ilma bi-l-kitab see: al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, I, 106, reported on the authority of the Prophet and transmitted by Anas b. Malik. Ibn Shahtn, Nasikhu l-I}adfth, 466, no. 624, and see the references of the editor.
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A book of traditions transmitted by Abu Hurayra is mentioned in a report of 'Ali b. al-Madtni. The book was in the possession of yaJ:tya b. Sirin.18 It was written on old vellum, kitab /f raqqin 'cuq, and preceded by the sentence: hadha ma lJ,addathana abii. hurayra, qala abii. l-qiisim .... Every lJ,adfth ended with the sentence hiidhii lJ,adfth abf hurayra and was separated by a line which was followed by a sentence qala abu hurayra .... Every line of separation was marked by the word 'iishiratun, surrounded by dots.l" The servant of the Prophet, Anas b. Malik, used to transmit the traditions of the Prophet. When the listeners swarmed around him, he used to bring forth some scrolls and handed them over to the Iisteners.P? He said that he had heard the traditions from the Prophet, had written them down, and had read them aloud in front of the Prophet, 'orada 'alayhi, and the Prophet had given his approval to transmit them.21 Ibrahim al-Nakha'i admitted that the traditions transmitted by Salim b. Abi l-Ja'd were more accurate because he used to record them, while he (i.e., Ibrahim al-Nakha'I) merely memorised them.22 A tradition recorded by Ahmad b. Hanbal says that the Prophet permitted to write down his injunctions concerning the sacred area, the lJ,aram of Mecca, which he issued on his conquest of the city.23 The traditions about the recording of lJ,adfth at the time of the Prophet vary as to whether the Prophet permitted or prohibited to do that.24 The Companions of the Prophet were in the habit of circulating the utterances of the Prophet among themselves. Some of them used to write them down, like 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. al-'A.S.25 After the death of the Prophet, some of the Companions recorded the traditions, others did not. Ibn Rajab provides us with important in18 Because Muhammad b. STrin did not like to keep a book of lJadiths in his abode; see al-FasawI, Al-ma'rifa wa-l-ta'rfkh, II, 54, 59. 19 AI-FasawI, Al-ma'rifa wa-l-ta'n"kh, II, 54-55. 20 See above note 10 concerning the emendation by Muhammad I;>iya'u l-Rahrnan, who reads majall; this emendation should be applied to this text as well, and the word to be read thus instead of mujalis. 21 'Abdallah b.'AdI, op, cit., Muqaddima, 49. 22 'Abdallah b. 'AdI, op. cit., Muqaddima, 50. 23 Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Musnad, ed. Ahmad Muhammad Shakir (Cairo, 1373/ 1953), XII, 232-35, no. 7241, and see ibid., the abundant references and notes to this lJadfth; Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, Jami' bayan, I, 70; al-Ramhurmuzt, al-MulJaddith al-fal!il, 363, no. 314, and see the references of the editor; Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalli.nI, alIsiiba, VII, 202, no. 1090; al-BayhaqI, al·Madkhal ila l-sunani l-kubra, 411, no. 745; and see the references of the editor. 24 The different reports are mentioned in Ibn Rajab's (d. 795 H) SharlJ 'ilali 1tirmidhf, ed. Subhi l-Samarra'I (Beirut, 1405/1985), 49-50. 25 See above, note 6.
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formation about the first collections of lJadfth. In the initial period after the death of the Prophet, at the time of the Companions and the generation following the Companions, namely the tiibi'ii.n, the collections were not divided into chapters according to subject; the purpose of those collections was merely to preserve, in script, the traditions of the Prophet. In the following generation, that of the tiibi'ii. l-tiibi'fn, the collections were arranged according to subject, ~unnifat al-ta~iinff; some scholars recorded the utterances of the Prophet, others collected the sayings of the Companions.P'' Ibn 'Abd al-Barr gives an interesting exposition on the evolution of ideas concerning the writing down of the traditions and utterances of the Prophet. The natural disposition of the Arabs, he says, was revealed by the fact that they preserved the sayings of the Prophet in their memory .... They were granted this disposition and were equipped with the gift of an unusual memory; they would not forget what they heard. The men who were endowed with this rare capacity of memory were Arabs, among whom were people like al-Zuhri, al-Sha'bt and Ibn 'Abbas. Times have changed, however, and people nowadays do not possess this. faculty of memory. Had the utterances of the Prophet not been written down, many traditions would have been lost. The Prophet gave permission to write down the knowledge of the traditions, 'ilm, and a group from among the Companions did SO.27 The injunction of the Prophet concerning the recording of lJadfth was formulated in a brief sentence: "Do not write anything on my authority except the Qur'an; whoever has written anything else on my authority should erase it.,,28 'All is said to have enjoined people who were in the possession of pieces of writing to erase them. "People perished," he said, "because
26Ibn Rajab, op. cit., 50. 27Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jami' bayan al-'ilm, I, 69-70. 28See the different versions in al-Khatlb al-Baghdadt's, Taqyfd al-'ilm, ed. Yusuf al'Ishsh (Dar i~ya'i I-sunnati I-nabawiyya, 1974), 29-35. Ibn Shahin, Nasikhu I-I}adfth, 471, no. 629j and see the references of the editor and his notes. See I. Goldziher, Muslim Studies, II, 184. And see Ibn Abi Shayba, al-MulJannaJ, ed. 'Abd al-Khaliq Khan al-Afghant (Hyderabad, 1386/1966), I, 293: ... Ja-qala abu sa'fd: kunna la naktubu shay'an ilia I-qur'ana wa-I-tashahhudaj and see ibid., 294: 'an ibni mas'udin qala: mii kunna naktubu Ii 'ahdi rasuli lIahi lJalla llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam min alal}adfthi ilia I-istikharata wa-I·tashahhudaj and see the report of Tawiis ibn Abr Khaythama Zuhayr b. Harb al-Nasa't's Kitab al-'ilm, ed. Muhammad N~ir al-Dtn al-Albant (Beiriit, 1403/1983), 11, no. 27: ... 'an tawus qala: in kana I-rajulu yaktubu ila bni 'abbasin yas'aluhu 'ani I-amri, Ja-yaqUlu li-l-rajuli lIadhija'a bi-I-kitab: akhbir lJal}ibaka bi-anna I-amra kadha wa-kadha, Ja-inna la naktubu Ii 1·lJul}ufiilia I-rasa'ila wa-I-qur'anaj "rasa'il" is rendered by the editor: ya'nf lIatf kana rasulu llahi (IJ) kataba biha ila ba'4i l-ashkhalJi wa-I-qaba'ili. And see Ibn al-Jauzt, Akhbar ahli 1rusukh Ii I-fiqhi wa-I-tal}dfth bi-miqdari I·mansukh mina I-I}adfth, ed. Taha 'Abd al-Ra'uf Sa'd (Cairo, n.d.), 13-14, no. 8.
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they followed the traditions of their scholars and abandoned the Book of their God.,,29 'Alqama and al-Aswad brought a written piece to Ibn Mas'ud, asserting that it contains a "good tradition," 1}adfth hasan. But Ibn Mas'Iid ordered it be erased and said: "The hearts are vessels; keep them for the Qur'an only."3o One tradition couples the prohibition against recording the Prophet's utterances with the permission to transmit the stories of the Banil Isra'il: Abu Hurayra was sitting in the courtyard of the Prophet with some other Companions and was writing down the utterances of the Prophet when the Prophet came and, looking at their work, forbade them to do that. He gave them, however, permission to tell the traditions of the Banu Isra'i1.31 Abu Sa'Id al-KhudrI is said to have been asked to write down the traditions transmitted by him; he refused and said that 1}adfths should not be set down in ma~ii1}if; the Prophet issued his utterances and the Companions kept them in their memory. The people of 1}adfth should merely keep in memory what the transmitters tell them.32 The aversion to write down the 1}adfth went together with the aversion to the reading of the Qur'an from a written book without keeping the words in memory. A saying of the people of the 1}adfth which won wide circulation was as follows:
Iii taqra'ii l-qu.r'iina 'alii l-mu.~1}afiyyfnwa-lii ta1}milii l-iilm« 'ani 1-~a1}afiyyfn,"Do not read the Qur'an to people who rely on Qur'an codices, and do not carry further the 1}adfth
knowledge which you obtain from people who use scrolls.,,33
Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jami' ballan al-'ilm, I, 64, sup. 'Abd al-Barr, Jami' ballanal-'ilm, I, 66, inf.; and see ibid.: Abu 'Ubayd explains that Ibn Mas'nd assumed that the written piece was taken from the People of the Book, ahlu l·kitab, and did not like to see it. 31 Al-Dhahabt, Mfzan al·i'tidal, II, 265, no. 4868. And see the utterance of the Prophet forbidding writing anything on his authority except the Qur'li.n and demanding that 1}adfths already committed to writing be erased, at the same time encouraging people to transmit the traditions of the BanU IsrA'l1. The same utterance warns against transmitting deceitful traditions, which would be punished with torture in Hell. See NUr al-Dtn al-Haythamt, Kash/u l-astar 'an zawa'idi l-bazziir, I, 108-109, no. 194. And see ibid., 1,.109, no. 195, AbU Burda was requested to bring to his father written down traditions, which he had heard from him. The father ordered to erase the written traditions saying: "You have to memorize the traditions as we did when we heard them from the mouth of the Prophet." Also see the story concerning the traditions written down by AbU Burda and erased by his father: al-Dhahabt, Siyar a'lami l-nubala', II, 280, 287. 32 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jami' ballan al·'ilm, I, 64. 33 I.e., people who read the scrolls, or dictated from the scrolls, without mastering the knowledge of the traditions by heart -k. See al-Ramhurrnuzr, al-Mu1}addith alla~il, 211, no. 101; and see the references of the editor; the opinion ofYaJ:!ya (b. Adam)
29 30 Ibn
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Malik b. Anas gave an opinion concerning a trustworthy transmitter, who presented a book of traditions which he had heard, but was unable to keep them in memory. Students of l)adfth, according to Malik b. Anas, should disregard this transmitter. 34 Ibn al-JauzI reports on the authority of Ibn Qutayba a significant explanation for the change in the Prophet's prohibition to write down the l)adfth. The Prophet initially forbade to write his utterances, but when the sun an increased in number and exceeded the quantity that could be kept in memory, the Prophet allowed to write them down.35 The high honour accorded to the memorization of ~adfth goes hand in hand with the low standing of written l)adfth. AI-Auza'I formulated it in the following saying: "This knowledge, 'ilm, was an honourable thing when it came from the mouths of men who collected and carried it in memory together with others; when it got written down in books, it lost its light, dhahaba nii.ruhu, and became the possession of unworthy people." 36 Hushaym (d. 183 H) gave a succinct definition of the proper people of ~adfth: he who does not know the l)adfth by heart cannot be counted as among the people of l)adfth; such a man comes (to attend the assembly of lJ,adfth people -k) with a large book that looks like a document of manumission. 37 It is evident that "a scholar with a large book" is one who dictates lJ,adfth to students because he does not know the traditions by heart. The main argument against recording the utterances of the Prophet was the desire to avoid creating another book, a book of prophetic l)adfth, for fear that it might be considered equal to the Qur'an. One of the Companions of the Prophet, Abu Sa'Id al-Khudrl, was asked by Abu Nadra to dictate a tradition of the Prophet transmitted by him. He refused, however, arguing that he was not going to transform the dictated utterances into a QUr'an.38 As mentioned above, orthodox men avoided writing down the collected utterances of the Prophet. Abu Bakr is said to have collected five hundred utterances; after consideration he ordered
is indeed of some interest: kamj YUlJa"i/Una ma yujadu Ii l-kutub, "people treated the traditions recorded in books as weak," Ibid., 212 sup. And see Ibn 'AdI, al-Kamil, al-muqaddima,246. And see this advise in aI-FasawI's al-Ma'ri/a wa-l-ta'n1.:h, II, 412. 34AI-Kha~Ib al-Baghdadt, al-Ki/aya Ii'ilmi l-riwaya (Hyderabad, 1357), 227; and see ibid., 227-29 other stories of I}adfth scholars who transmitted from books. 35Ibn aI-JauzI, Akhbar ahli l-rusukh, 14. 36Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jami' bayan al-'ilm, I, 68 sup.; aI-BayhaqI, al-Madkhal ila l-sunani l-kubra, 410, no. 741, and see the references of the editor. 37Al-Khattb al-Baghdadt, al-Ki/aya, 228; Ibn 'AdI, al-Kamil, al-muqaddima, 154. 38'Abdallah b. al-Mubarak, al-Musnad, 142, no. 232, and see the references of the editor; Abu Bakr aI-BayhaqI, al-Madkhal ila l-sunan al-kubra, 405-406, nos. 725, 727, and see the references of the editor.
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the collection to be burned.P'' 'Umar is said to have intended to write down the traditions of the Prophet; however, he changed his mind fearing that it would bring forth a book in addition to the book of God.40 One report says that 'Umar wrote to the garrison cities (al-am~ar) enjoining them to erase the records of the traditions written down by some people.V 'Umar, who is said to have tried to restrict the number of the traditions reported on the authority of the Prophet, threatened that he would banish Abu Hurayra to the territory of Daus if the latter did not refrain from transmitting a great number of l],adzth utterances.V While transmitting prophetic traditions after 'Umar's death, Abu Hurayra admitted that 'Umar would have severed his head if he transmitted these traditions during his lifetime.43 'Umar is said to have enjoined the transmitters of l],adfth to confine themselves to traditions which have to do with the observance of ritual duties, aqillu l-riwayata 'an rasuli llahi ~alla llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam ilia fima yu'malu bihi. Here Abu Hurayra recalls the angry reaction of 'Umar against the transmission of l],adzths of the kind narrated by him after the caliph's death.v' 'Umar's inclination to limit the transmission of l],adfth was submitted to harsh criticism by Ibn Hazm. In a series of arguments based on quotations culled from early collections of l],adzth and fiqh, Ibn Hazm refutes 'Umar's utterances against the transmission of l],adzth. He also refutes similar utterances of Malik b. Anas, mentioning the fact that Malik himself collected a large number of traditions. In some of his arguments, Ibn Hazm goes as far as stating that such restrictions on the transmission of sound l],adzth are tantamount to kU/r.45 Early transmitters of l],adfth were divided as to their opinion concerning the reliability of utterances transmitted by Abu Hurayra. 'Abdallah b. 'Umar states that he did not reject any tradition transmitted by Abu Hurayra; "he was courageous, [ijtara'a]," he said, "we were faint hearted
Tadhkirat al-l}uJJa~,I, 5. See Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jami' bagan al-'ilm, I, 64; Abii Bakr al-Bayhaqt, alMadkhal ila I-sunani I-kubra, 407, no. 731, and see the references of the editor; alKhattb al-Baghdadt, Taqyfdu I-'ilm, 49-51; 'Abd al-Raasaq, al-Muljannaf, XI, 257-58, no. 20484. 41 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jami' bayan al-'ilm, I, 65. 42 AI-DhahabY, Siyar a'lami I-nubala', II, 433. Cf. Ibn Rajab al-l;IanbalY,Fa41u 'ilmi I-salaf 'ala I-khalaf (Cairo, n.d.), Maktabat al-kulliyyat al-azhariyya, 23 the opinions of al-Auza'I and Ahmad b. Hanbal: qala al-auza'f: al-'ilmu ma ja'a bihi aljl}abu mul}ammadin Ijalla llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam, fa-ma kana ghayra dhalika fa-Iaysa bi'ilmin. wa-kadha qala I-imamu al}mad, wa-qala /f l-tabi'fna anta mukhayyarun, ya'nf mukhayyaran [sic] /f kitabatihi wa-tarkihi; wa-qad kana al-zuhri yaktubu dhalika, wakhalafahu Ijalil}u bnu kaysan, thumma nadima 'ala tarkihi kalama I-tabi'fn. (On the differences between the opinions of al-Zuhrf and 1?lUi~ Kaysan see below, note 50). b. 43 Al-Dhahabt, Siyar a'lam al-nubala', II, 433. 44 'Abd al-Razaaq, al-Muljannaf, XI, 262, no. 20496. 45 Ibn Hazm, al-Il}kam /f uljuli I-al}kam, I, 311-23.
40 39 Al-Dhahabt,
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[jabunna].,,46 Another report says that people used to transmit from the traditions recorded by Abu Hurayra only utterances concerning Paradise and Hell.47 It is significant that the soundest traditions of Abu Hurayra were transmitted by al-ZuhrI.48 It was, again, 'Umar who enjoined people who went out to Iraq to reduce the number of traditions which they transmitted.t'' The scope which traditions should cover was not defined. $alil:l b. Kaysan and al-ZuhrI worked together collecting traditions on sunan; they collected the sunan of the Prophet. They were not, however, in agreement as to the sunan of the Companions. $alil:l b. Kaysan did not consider it appropriate to transmit the sunan of the Companions, as this was not a sunna in his opinion. AI-ZuhrI, however, wrote down both the sunan of the Prophet and of the Companions. "He won the day," says $aJ.il:l,"and I lost [{layya' tu]." 50 There was a need to draw a line between the Qur'an and the I}adith. Abu Sa'Id al-KhudrI warns the transmitters from turning the collected I}adiths into a "book," a kind of Qur'an; "learn by heart what we transmit as we did with the Prophet," he said.51 Stories about other peoples who collected the sayings and utterances of their prophets, sages, and saints were used as warnings for the believers. 'Umar asked the Prophet to grant him permission to write down the stories circulated by Jews and Christians, inn a nasan min a l-yahud wa-lna~ara yul}addithUna bi-al}aditha, a-Ia-la naktubu ba'{laha. The Prophet refused to give his permission and explained that Jews and Christians had become too deeply involved in writing: "I brought you a faith white and pure; were Moses alive he would have to follow me.,,52
46See al-Dhahabt, Siyar a'lam, II, 437. 47Ibid., II, 438. 48See ibid., II, 438. 49'Abdallah b. al-Mubarak, al-Musnad, 139-40; al-Dhahabl, Siyar a'lam al-nubala', 11,433. 50'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mu~annaf, XI, 258, no. 2487; and see this report: Ibn 'Asiikir, Ta'rfkh, tahdhw, VI, 281; Ibn Kathtr, al-Bidaya wa-l-nihiiya (Beirut-al-Riyad, 1966), IX, 344; Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, Bayan farf,l al-'ilm, II, 187; Ibn Khalfun al-Andalust, Asma'u shuyukhi I-imam malik b. anas, ed. Muhammad Zaynham Muhammad 'Azb (Cairo, n.d.), 154; Abu Nu'aym, Ifilyat al-auliya', III, 360 inf.-361 sup. al-Suyutt, Jam'u l-jawami', II, 813. 51Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jami' bayan al-'ilm, I, 64; and compare the report of Abu Burda about his father who erased the traditions transmitted by him, arguing that traditions should be transmitted orally and learnt by heart as he and his generation had done: al-DhahabI, Siyar a'lam al-nubala', ed. Ibrahtm al-Abyl!.ri (Cairo, 1957), II, 280, 287 ult.; Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, Jami' bayan al-'ilm, I, 65-66. 52 Nasr b. Muhammad aI-Samarqandi, Bustan al-'ari/fn (Cairo, 1348),4, ult.-5 sup. And cf. Abu Bakr b. Abi 'Af.limal-Shaybanr, Kitab al-sunna, ed. Muhammad Nasir alDin al-Albant (Beirut, 1400/1980), I, 26-27, nos. 47-50. Cf. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jiimi' bayan al-'ilm, I, 65: The Banil Isra'tl went astray because of the written scriptures which they inherited from their fathers. And cf. above, no. 29.
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Knowledge of I],adfth should be kept in memory. Al-Khalil b. Ahmad said in a verse: "Knowledge is not what is contained in a book case, knowledge is only that which is contained in the heart."53 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr explains the reasons which brought about the dislike of writing down I],adfth. A collection of I],adfth should not be like a Qur'an, for a collected volume impedes the way of oral transmission. People would then rely on the book and neglect to learn by heart the transmitted knowledge.54 A I],adfth attributed to 'AlI b. AbI Talib says that 'All was told that people engaged in I],adfth and abandoned the Qur'an. Then, the angel Jibrtl descended to the Prophet and predicted that his community would fall in temptation after his death55 and would leave the Qur'an. When asked about the way of escape, the angel answered: "The revealed Qur'an": he repeated this three times.56 A similar prediction is recorded on the authority of al-Dahhak: "Time will come," he said, "when the I],adfths will increase until the book of the Qur'an will be abandoned, covered with dust, with nobody looking at it.,,57 This warning is given in the traditions attributed to AbU Sa'Id alKhudrI and other Companions of the Prophet, recorded in al-Khatib's
Kitiib taqyfd al-'ilm.58
It was Shu'ba, a scholar with deep insight and a committed searcher of truth in this field,59who spoke out against the activities of the transmitters of I],adfth: "It is better to sit in the company of Jews and Christians than to sit with you," he said addressing these transmitters. He accused them of departing from the recollection of God, dhikru lliih, and from prayer, and called upon them to desist from their activities.P?
bayan al·'ilm, I, 68: laysa bi-'ilmin ma I}awa l-qimatru: illa ma I}awahu l-~adru. And see Abu Talib al-Makkt, Qii.t al-qulii.b (Cairo, 1351/1932), II, 17 sup.; al-Bayhaqt, al-Madkhal ila l-sunani l-kubrii, 410. 54Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jami' bayan al-'ilm, I, 68; and see ibid., the saying of a scholar of I}adfth: la taktubii. fa-tattakilii., 55Scil. by being engaged in learning I}adfth -k. 56Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rfkh dimashq, (Tahdhw), VII, 348. 57Ahmad b. Hanbal, Kitabu l-zuhd (Beirut, 1398/1978), 213. 58Taqyld, 36-40; and see Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rfkh dimashq, VI, 14: ... turfdii.na an taj'alii.hii malfal}ifa .... And see the warning of Shu'ba (d. 160 H) stating that I}adfth distracts the believers from recalling the name of Allah, dhikru llah, and the obligatory prayers. Shu'ba asks the believers to refrain from busying themselves with I}adfth: Yahya b. Ma'tn, al-Ta'rfkh, ed. Ahmad Muhammad Nnr Sayf (Makka al-mukarrama, 1399/1979), II, 255, no. 4276; al-Fasawt, al-Ma'rifa wa-I-ta'rfkh, II, 284; Abu Nu'aym al-Isfahant, lfilyatu l-auliya', VII, 156. 59See al-Shiblt, Mal}asin al-wasa'il, 330: ... awwal man takallama /f l-rijali shu'ba; ma l·'ilmu
53 Ibn
'Abd al-Barr, Jiimi'
and see ibid., the reports concerning the permissibility of examination of the validity of the traditions and the truthfulness of the transmitters, 331 60Ibn 'AdI, al-Kamil, muqaddima, 125. And see al-Khatrb al-Baghdadi, Mukhta~ar na~fl}ati ahli I-I}adfth, 31, inf.: ... malik b. anas qala li-bnay akhlhi abl bakrin wa-
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Kister
Some scholars, however, pointed out the utility of dissemination of for a better understanding of the Qur'an and of the ritual practices. 'Imran b. Husayn justifies the study and the transmission of lJ,adfth by saying that lJ,adfth may serve as a tool to explain many ritual practices not included in the Qur'an.61 The opinions of the scholars of lJ,adfth as to the importance of tradition for the understanding of the Qur'an and for establishing the prescribed ritual practices are clearly reflected in the report of Abu Nadra. It is true, said 'Imran b. Husayn, that the prescribed prayers were mentioned in the Qur'an, but the number of rak' as in every prayer was only specified in the lJ,adfth.62 It was because of the importance of lJ,adfth that the believers should be careful not to transmit traditions of dubious transmitters. The famous scholar of lJ,adfth, Shu'ba, said that one should only record well-known traditions related by well-known scholars, uktubii 1mashhiir 'ani l-mashhiir.63
The Prophet is said to have told the believers to pay attention as to the persons with whom they talked and from whom they derived their faith, un~urii man tujalisiina wa-'an man ta'khudhiina dfnakum. At the end of time, Satans will appear in the garb of people of lJ,adfth, using the formulae lJ,addathana and akhbarana; people should, therefore, be cautious and inquire about the names of those persons and their Iathers.P"
isma'ila bnay aM uwaysin: arakuma tul}ibbiini hadha l-sha'na wa-tatlubiinihi. qala: na'am. qala: in al}babtuma an tantafi'a bihi wa-yan/a'a llahu bikuma/a-aqilla minhu wa-ta/aqqaha. 61 'Abdallah b. al-Mubarak, Musnad, 143, no. 233; and see references of the editor. 62 'Abd al-Raszaq, al-Muljanna/, XI, 255, no. 20474. 63'Umar b. Ahmad b. Shahln, Ta'n1r.h asma'i l-thiqat mimman nuqila 'anhumu l-'ilm, ed. Athar al-Mubarakpnrt (Bombay, 1406/1986), 78. 64 Al-Nasilr, Ma/za' al-khala'iq, 15; Shirawayh b. Shahridar al-DaylamI, Firdausu 1akhbar, ed. Fawwaz Ahmad al-ZimirlI and Muhammad al-Mu'tasim bi-llah l-Baghdadt (Beirut, 1407/1987), I, 144, no. 358; and see the references ofthe editors. And see Ibn Sa'd, al-Tabaqiit al-kubra (Beirut, 1377/1958), VII, 194: ... Ibn SIrln: inna hadha l-'ilma dfnun /a-n~urii. 'an man ta'khuclhunahu. Cf. Ibn 'AdI, al-Kamil, Muqaddima, 227-29: "My people will perish for three vices-the 'aljabiyya, the qadariyya and the transmission of l}adfth on the authority of an unreliable transmitter," said the Prophet. And cf. al-Suyutt, Jam'u l-jawami' = al-Jami' al-kabfr (Cairo, 1978), I, 904, sup.: lii taqumu l-sa'atu l}atta yamshr iblfsu If l·turuqi wa-l-aswaqi yatashabbahu bi-l'ulama'i yaqUlu l}addathanf /ulanu bnu fulanin 'an rasuli llahi Ijalla llahu 'alayhi wasallam bi-kadha wa-kadha. And see al-Suyutt, Jam'u l-jawami', I, 1012: ... yakunu If akhiri I-zaman dajjalUna kadhdhabuna ya'tunakum mina l-al}adfthi bima lam tasma'u antum wa-la abii'ukum, /a-iyyakum wa-iyyahum la YUlJillunakum wa-la yaftinunakum.
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The prediction about forgers and Satans walking in the streets and markets, claiming false knowledge, quoting the isnads of "reliable" scholars and transmitting forged traditions, reflects, truly, the situation during the period of decline when forgers of isnads did not hesitate to appear in the market place and disseminate invented traditions. The flood of traditions circulating in the Muslim community in the early period is said to have aroused the concern of 'Umar, who tried to curb the activity of these transmitters. According to a report, 'Umar ordered to detain in Medina three Companions of the Prophet because of their efforts to disseminate the numerous IJ,adiths of the Prophet. The detained persons were Abu Darda', Ibn Mas'ud, and Abu Dharr.P'' Ibn Hazm refutes this report with great vigour.66 'Umar, as mentioned above, is said to have enjoined limiting the number of IJ,adiths transmitted by the Companlons.f" An utterance attributed to the Prophet recommends reducing the number of transmitted traditions: "It is sinful enough to transmit everything which a man has heard," said the Prophet.P'' In an interesting passage al-Dhahabi draws a line between the old times of the righteous 'Umar and his own time. In 'Umar's time, transmitters were prevented from circulating large amounts of traditions, even though they were people of truth and righteousness, and the IJ,adith itself was reliable. Now people transmit strange traditions and unknown stories, riwayat al-ghara'ib wa-l-manakir, provided with long chains of isnad, containing many groundless opinions and mistakes. Some of these people transmit forged traditions, groundless stories, abiitll, and untenable doctrines concerning the essentials and ramifications of religious law, al-mustalJ,ll Ii l-UfiUl wa-l-furii,', stories of asceticism and atrocious and bloody civil wars, malalJ,im.69 An early development, connected with the social standing of the scholars of IJ,adith and their ambitious striving to gain recognition and respect in the Muslim community, brought about the appearance of a special branch which originated on the margin of IJ,adith literature: treatises and books examining the reliability of the transmitters of IJ,adith, which contain praises for the righteous and reliable transmitters of traditions.
65 AI-DhahabI, Siyar a'lam al-nubala', II, 249; al-Dhahabt, Tadhkirat al-I}uffa~, I, 7; the list of the detained includes three names: Ibn Mas'ud, Abu Darda' and Abu Mas'nd al-Ansart, Al-Khatrb al-Baghdadr, Shara] a~l}ab al-I}adith, 87, no. 190. 66 Ibn Hazm, al-Il}kam Ii u~uli l-al}kam, I, 316 67 Al-Dhahabt, Siyar a'lami l-nubala', II, 433. 68 Al-Hakim al-Naysabart, al-Mustadrak, I, 112; 'Abdallah b. al-Mubarak, 01Musnad, 10, no. 19, and see the references of the editor; al-Munawt, Fay4u l-qadlr, IV, 551, no. 6236; and see the version in al-QayrawanI, al-Jami', 149 of a similar utterance attributed to Malik: laysa yaslamu rajulun I}addatha bi-kulli mii sami'a wa-la yakunu imaman abadan. 69 AI-DhahabI, Siyar a'lami l-nubala', II, 433.
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Compilations dealing with faults, vices and deficiences of scholars of lJ,adfth also came into being. The beginning of this branch of lJ,adfth scholarship is traced back to the very early period of Islam.?" 'All b. al-Madini (d. 234 H) interpreted the utterance of the Prophet: "there will remain a steadfast group of people who will fight for the cause of truth ... " as referring to the people of hadith; they care for the implementation of the Prophet's customs and protect the knowledge, 'ilm, i.e., the knowledge of I],adfth. Were it not for their activity, one would not be able to find any trace of the sunan of the prophets in the books of the Mu'tazila, the Jahmiyya, the Rafida, (i.e., the ShI'a -k), and the schismatic ahl al-ra'y.71 Muhammad b. al-Munkadir states that the word riiwiya was used exclusively to denote the transmitters of poetry; the transmitter of lJ,adfth was named 'iilim. 72 A significant tradition reported on the authority of the Prophet says that the Prophet named the people of lJ,adfth "Caliphs," successors of the Prophet. "They transmit my I],adfths and my sunna and teach them to the people," the Prophet said.73 Knowledge of lJ,adfth endowed the scholar a high position in society. The lJ,adfth scholar al-A'mash explained his success in society in unequivocal terms: "Were it not for the [knowledge]of Qur'an and lJ,adfth, I would have been a greengrocer in Kufa, selling onions.,,74 Reading the traditions of the Prophet was considered a kind of worship. According to one tradition the reader of lJ,adfth will be granted forgiveness of sins as if he were a reader of the Qur'an.75 A gifted and able scholar who memorised 100,000 lJ,adfths, including their isniids, gained the honorific title al-I],iifi~. 76 According to the Prophet, he who trans70See al-ShiblI, Mal}asinu I-wasa'il fi ma'riJati I-awa'il, ed. Muhammad al-Tunjf (Beirut, 1412/1992), 330-31: ... awwalu man Jattasha 'an amri l·mul}addithrn wajanaba 1-tf,u'aJa'a wa-I-matrtlkfn shu'batu bnu I-I}ajjaj .... Some scholars traced back the history of testing the reliability of the transmitters to the Prophet himself; see ibid., 330 inf. 71Ibn 'Adr, al-Kamil, muqaddima, 195. And see the different versions of this interpretation in al-Khatlb al-Baghdadt's SharaJ a~l}ab al-I}adlth, 26-27, nos. 46-51. Cf. al-Qagl 'Iyad, al-Ilma', 26. 72 Al-Ramhurmuzt, al-Mul}addith al-Ja~il, 180, no. 34. 73 Al-Ramhurrnuzt, al-Mul}addith al-Ja~il, 163, no. 2; al-Khatfb al-Baghdadt, SharaJ a~l}abi I-I}adrth, 30-32, nos. 58-59; al-Zurqant, Sharl) al-mawahib al-Iadunniyya (Cairo, 1328), V, 304; al-QagI 'Iyag al- Yahsubt, aI-lIma', 17. Nizam al Mulk, Abu 'AlI l-Hasan b. 'All, Juz' fihi majlisani min amalr l-~al}ib, ed. Abu Ishaq al-Huwaynr l-Atharf (Cairo, 1413/1993), 53, no. 22. And see ibid., 41, no. 11: '" sami'tu alshaft'r ratf,iya lliihs: 'anhu yaqiilu: "ldha ra'aytu rajulan min a~l}abi I-I}adfth [a-kaannr ra'aytu rasiila llahi §alla llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam." 74Cf. al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, SharaJ a~l}ab al-I}adfth, 135, no. 320; Ibn 'AdI, alKamil, al-muqaddima, 112. 75Al-Diyarbakrt, Ta'n"khu I-khamfs (Cairo, 1283), I, 219, inf.; it is noteworthy that some distinguished scholars got the honourable title amfru I-mu'minfna fi I-I}adfth;
see ibid. 76 Al-Zurqant,
al-Mawahib
al-Iadunniyya,
V, 304.
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mits forty traditions concerning the sunna, will stand among a chosen group of scholars and fuqahii' on the Day of the Resurrection. 77 According to some traditions, the reading of lJ,adfth is not inferior to the reading of a Qur'anic sura.78 We can even find a tradition which states, outright, that the words of the Prophet, in matters of faith, are on the same level as revelation.P Another tradition formulated the standing of the lJ,adfth, in relation to the Qur'an, as a revelation granted to the Prophet by God, being, like the Qur'an, the Word of God.8o One tradition says that the reading of a lJ,adfth has a reward superior to voluntary prayer"! and voluntary fasting.82 The transmitters of lJ,adfth should be scrupulous of their ritual purity when communicating traditions. They should act with dignity during transmission and refrain from reporting traditions while walking or standing on a road.83 Malik b. Anas and Layth b. Sa'd never touched books of lJ,adfth except after attending to their ritual purity. 84 The initiation of a young scholar in order to join the circle of lJ,adfth was a serious event. The mother of Malik b. Anas dressed him in especially nice clothes before sending him off to attend his first lJ,adfth lecture.f" The atmosphere of lJ,adfth lectures was solemn and' serious. The lecture was sometimes accompanied by marks of awe such as sweating and trembling on the part of the transmitter. Being emotionally affected, the transmitter of lJ,adfth was often unable to quote the exact words of a tradition, and could only state that the wording is similar, but not
al-QaQi 'Iyad , ol-Itmn'; 12-13. Al-Khatlb al-Baghdadt, Sharaf a~l}abi I-I}adath, 83, no. 180; al-Ramhurmuzt, alMul}addith al-fa~il, 178, no. 29. 79 See 'Alr b.Hazm, al-ll}kamfiu~uli I-al}kam, ed. Muhammad Ahmad 'Abd al-'Aziz (Cairo, 1398/1978), I, 135; and see ibid., 136: ... wa-I-dhikru ismun waqi'un 'ala kul/i ma anzala l/ahu 'ala nabiyyihi min qur'anin au min sunnatin wal}yun yubayyinu biha I-qur' ana .... 80 See Jalal al-DIn al-Suyutt, al-lfawali-I-fatawl, ed. Muhammad Muhyt l-Dtn 'Abd al-Harntd (Cairo, 1378/1959), 1,471: ... wa-amma hal yajuzu an yuqala "al-al}adlthu kalamu llahi" fa-na'am, bi-ma'na annaha min 'indi llahi ... ; and see ibid., 472, sup.: ... wa-qala I}assan b. 'atiyya: "kana jibn1 yanzilu 'ala I-nabiyyi, ~al/a llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam, bi-I-sunnati kama yanzilu bi-I-qur' ani. " 81 Al-Khatlb al-Baghdadt, Sharaf, 84-85, nos. 182-85. 82 Al-Khatlb al-Baghdadt, Sharaf, 85-86, nos. 186-88. 83 Al-Zurqanf, SharI} al mawahib, V, 304; and see al-Qa<;li'IYaQ al-Yahsubl, al-Ilmii", 50. 84 AI-QaQI 'IYaQ al- Yahsubr, Tartabu I-madarik wa-taqrfbu I-masalik li-ma'rifati a'iam madhhab malik, ed. Ahmad Bakir Mahmild (Beirut, 1387/1967), I, 161; and see ibid., I, 155: .,. kana miilik: idha jalasa li-I-I}adfth tawarjrja'a wa-jalasa 'ala ~adri firashihi wa-sarral}a lil}yatahu wa-tamakkana fi julusihi bi-waqarin wa-hayba. Thumma baddatn«, fa-qua lahu fi dhalika, [a-qiil«: ul}ibbu an u'a-Hima I}adatha rasuli l/ahi ... ; and see ibid., 179. 85 Al-Ramhurmuzt, al-Mul}addith al-fa~il, 201, no. 80.
78 77 See
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exact. 86 The inability to transmit exactly the traditions was a wellknown phenomenon. It is not surprising, then, that the Prophet is said to have given permission to transmit the meaning of the tradition, even if the transmitter added or omitted some expression. One should only be careful not to prohibit a permissible deed or allow a prohibited deed.87 The high opinion accorded to 1}adfth made it necessary to use special measures in order to eliminate unreliable transmitters, tendentious scholars and even forgers of 1}adfth. The most commonly adopted measure was the isniid, the chain of transmitters. The transmitters, or musnidun, had to be noble, sincere, just and truthful people. During the first period of Islam, before the fitna, transmitters of 1}adfth were not concerned about isniid; people were decent and truthful and did not transmit untrue traditions. In the early period of Islam, the respect for a noble and righteous transmitter was so high that a student of 1}adfth did not dare ask the master from whom he had received the tradition.f" At a later time, people started to inquire about isniids in order to ensure that those suspected of bid' a did not infiltrate into the ranks of mu1}addithUn and did not include innovations in their transmission.P'' Ibn al-Mubarak
86 See 'Abdallah b. al-Mubarak, al-Musnad, 140, nos. 227-28, and see the references of the editor. Cf. the interesting argumentation of Wathila b. al-Asqa' as to the permissibility of the transmission of the tradition bi-I-ma'na, comparing it with the transmission of the Qur'an in al-Tabaranf's Musnad al-shamiyyrn, ed. Hamdt 'Abd al-Majld al-Salafi (Beirut, 1409/1989), II, 368, no. 1510; and see the references of the editor. Al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, I, 111; al-FasawI, al-Ma'rila wa-I-ta'rfkh, I, 817; al-Tabarant, al-Mu'jam al-kabrr (n.p., 1400/1980), IX, 129-33, nos. 8612-27; al-Shasht, al-Musnad, I, 394, II, 194, no. 762; Khaythama b. Sulayman al-Atrabulst, Min I}adrth khaythama ... , ed. 'Umar 'Abd al-Salam al-Tadmurl (Beirut, 1400/1980), 167. See also the tradition related about the Companion of the Prophet, 'Abdallah b. Mas'ad, in al-QaQr 'Iy~ 's ai-lima', 177: Ibn Mas'ud sometimes refrained for a whole year from mentioning the expression qiila rasulu lliihi ~allii lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallama. When he uttered this formula he would tremble and transmit the tradition saying: so or so, or a similar wording, aw hiikadhii aw nal}wahu aw shibhahu; and see the copious references of the editor. 87 AI-NazilI, Malza' al-khalii'iq, 13, ult.: '" qiilu: yii rasula lliihi, innii nasma'u minka I-I}adrtha wa-lii naqdiru 'ala ta'diyatihi. Fa-qala: Iii ba'sa bihi in zidtum au naqostum idhii lam tul}illu I}ariiman wa-Iam tul}ammu I}aliilan wa-a~abtumu I-ma'na. And cf. al-FasawI, al-Ma'rila wa-I-ta'n'kh, II, 19: 'Amr b. DInar used to transmit the prophetic tradition 'alii I-ma'nii, while Ibrahtm b. Maysara used to transmit according to what he heard; this way.of transmission is called 'alii I-Ial:f; and see the references of the editor. 88 See, e.g., al-FasawI, al-Ma'rila wa-I-ta'n'kh, 11,18: qiila qatiida: wa-lliihi in kunnii la-nahiibuhum an nas'alahum mimman sami'ta. 89 See, e.g., al-Ramhurmust, al-Mul}addith al-Ialfil, 208 inf.-209 sup.; Ibn 'AdI, alKiimil, al-muqaddima, 194. There were, however, some reservations as to the measures taken with regard to checking the reliability of those constituting an isnlid: alShafi'l states that the evidence of people with sectarian leanings, ahl al-ahwii', may be accepted; but the evidence of people of the ShI'I khaHiibiyya should be rejected, because they approve of false evidence, al-shahadatu bi-I-zur, given by their adherents. See Ibn ~alal], al-Muqaddima, 228-29; but see ibid., the contradictory opinions
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stated that were it not for isniid, anyone could say what he wanted.P? The 1].adfth should not deal with injunctions touching upon Islamic law. God, therefore, prevented the mu1].addithii.n from finding a report based with an isniid on the authority of the Prophet or his Companions concerning such mattera.P! AI-Zuhri used severe language to reprimand the mu1].addith Ibn Abi Farwa, who reported traditions without isniids.92 The increase in the number of isniids, and in particular artificial and forged isniids which were made to show the veracity or reliability of a 1].adfth, undermined people's confidence in the voluminous collections of 1].adfth. Y~ya (b. Ma'in -k) is said to have invoked against the scholars who quoted complicated traditions with elaborate isniids: "May God punish these people who take care of the isniid traditions because they have made the people lie.,,93 The political struggles within the Muslim community, which began a short time after the death of the Prophet, the clashes between the different ideological factions like the Shi'a and the Khawari], the rise of the madhiihib, the struggle between the mawiilf, and the Arab population all these factors brought about the development of a rich 1J.adfth literature in the very early period of Islam. The events which took place during the life of the Prophet, and in the stormy period after his death, were duly recorded in the books of the sfra, the maghiizf, the ridda and the books of ta'n"kh. These books were usually arranged in the form of 1].adfth collections and the different reports were usually furnished with
of other scholars who refuse the evidence of a bad innovator, a mubtadi'. And cf. 'Abdallah b. AbI Zayd al-QayrawH.nI, Kiiiibu I-jiimi', ed. Muhammad Abii l-Ajtan and 'Uthrnan Bi~~Ikh (Beirut-Tunis, 1402/1982), 147: qiila ma'n b. 'rsii: sami'tu miilikan yaqiilu: Iii yu'khadhu I-'ilmu 'an arba'atin wa-yu'khadhu 'amman siwiihum: Iii yu'khadhu min mubtadi'in yad'u ilii bid'atihi, wa-lii 'an sajfhin mu'linin bi-Isa/ahi, wa-lii 'an man yakdhibu If al}iidrthi I-niisi wa-in kiina yafduqu If al}iidrthi I·nabiyyi fallii lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallam wa-lii 'an man Iii ya'ri/u hiidhii I-sha'n; and see another version of the utterance of Malik, provided by the editors, ibid. 90 Al-RAmhurmuzI, al-Mul}addith al-/iil/il, 209, no. 96. Ibn al-Mubarak is even more outspoken: The isniid is a part of faith, al-isniid mina I-drn; were it not for the isniid anyone could say whatever he wanted; see Ibn 'AdI, al-Kiimil, al-muqaddima, 194-95; and see Ibn al-!;;allil}.,Muqaddimatu bni I-I/aliil} wa-mal}iisinu I-il!tiliil}, ed. 'A'isha 'Abd al-Rehman, (=Bint al-Shli~i') {Cairo, 1396/1976),378. 91 Ibn 'AdI, al-Kiimil, muqaddima, 195: wa-qiila ghayruhu: (in the text: ghayr -k) abii lliihu. an yaj'ala sunnatan au shanrlrejected was the permission to pray anywhere on Earth; every place on Earth would be considered a masjid, a place of prayer and prostration.P"
See al-Tabart, Ta/sfr=Jami'u I-bayiin 'an ta'wl/i ayi I-qur'iin, XIII, 123-25, nos. 15132-33; cf. the sentence: .,. wa-kana man qablahum yaqro'una kitabahum na"aron, ~atta idha ro/a'uha lam yaMa"u shay'an wa-Iam ya'rifUhu ... ; and see ibid., 123, no. 15131: the wrath of Moses was caused by the fact that he found in the Tablets the virtues of another people, not of Bann Isra'Il. Al-Mawardt, Ta/sfr=al-Nukat wa-I.'uyun, ed. Khadir Muhammad Khadir (Kuwayt, 1402/1982), II, 62. Ibn Kathtr, Ta/sfru I-qur'ani I-'a"fm (Beirut, 1385/1966), III, 225-26. Idem, Shamii'ilu I-rosul, ed. MUI1~afa.Abd al-Wahid (Cairo, 1386/1967), ' 114-15. AI-Suyu~I, al-Durr al-manthUr (Cairo, 1314), III, 129. Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rikh dimashq, tahdhrb, ed. 'Abd al-Qli.dir Badran (Beirut, 1399/1979), V, 264-65. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Bada'i' al-/awa'id (Beirut, n.d.), repr., IV, 78. cr. Ibn Qayyirn al-Jauziyya, Hidayat al-~ayara /f ajwibati l-yahUd wa-I-na~ara (Beirut, n.d.), 127-28. AI-MajlisI, Bi~ar al-anwar, LVII, 317-18. See a fragment of the Munajat musa, recorded by Ma'mar on the authority of alZuhrI: Abil Nu'aym, lfilyat al-auliyii', III, 375--76 and see the note of Abil Nu'aym: hadha ~adrthun ghano min ~adfthi I-zuhriyyi, lam naktubhu ilia min 1}adrthi roba1}i bni ma'mar, wa-robah wa-man /auqahu 'udulun, wa-I-jababiri /f 1}adrthihi Ifnun wa·nakarotun; cf. this version on the authority of al-Zuhrf in Ibn AbI 'Al!im alShaybant, Kitabu I-sunna, ed. Muhammad N~ir al-Dtn al-Alban! (Beirut, 1400/ 1980), I, 305-306, and see the notes of the editor. And see the 1}adrth quoted from the Sunna of Ibn AbI 'A~im in al-Dhahabt's Mfzan al-i'tidal, II, 159--160, no. 3280, s.v., Sa'Id b. Musa al-Azdt. 146 Al-Husayn b. Mas'nd al-Baghawt, ai-Anwar /f shama'ili I-nabiyyi I-mukhtiir, ed. Ibrahtm al-Ya'qnbr (Beirut, 1409/1989), I, 8-9, nos. 7-9, and see the copious references of the editor. Al-Suyu~I, al-Khafa'i~ al·kubra, ed. Muhammad Khaltl Harras (Cairo, 1386/1967), III, 154, 186. Ibn Babnyah al-QummI, al-Khi~al, ed. 'All Akbar al-Ohaffarr, (Tehran, 1389), I, 201, no. 14. Ibn Khuzayma al-Naysabnrt, $a1}r1}, ed. Muhammad MUI!~afa.al-A'aamt (Beirut, 1391/1971), II, 6-7, nos. 788-91. AIMunawt, Fay~u I-qadlr (Beirut, 1391/1972), IV, 438-39, nos. 5880-83: (a) fu~~iltu 'ala I-anbiya' bi-sittin ... (b) fu~~iltu 'alii I-anbiyii' bi-khamsin ... (c) fu~~iltu biarba'in ... (d) fu~~iltu bi-arba'in bi-arba'fna. Idem, I, 566-68, no. 1174: ... u'tftu khamsan lam yu'tahunna a~adun wa-ju'ilat II al-ar~u masjidan wa-tahuron, [aayyuma rojulin min ummatf adrokathu I-faliitu /a-I-yufalli ... j and see the comments of al-Munawt: '" masjidan, ma1}alla sujudin wa-Iau bi-ghayri masjidin wuqi/a li·lfalati, /a-lii yakhtaHu bi-ma1}allin, bi-khilafi I-umami I-sabiqati, /a·inna I-falata la ta~iMu minhum iIIii /f mawii~i'a makhfu~atin, min na1}wi bay'atin au kanlsatin, /aubr1}at al-~alatu lana bi-ayyi ma1}allin kana .... Najm al-Dtn 'Umar b. Muhammad al-Nasaft, al-Qand /f dhikri 'ulama'i samarqand, ed. Muhammad al-FariyabI, alMarba' (Su'udiyya, 1412/1991), 368, no. 667: ... ju'ilat II al-ar~u masjidan ... And seeal-Suyntr, Jam'u I-jawami', I, 392, II, 522. Cf. Muwaifaq al-Dln Ibn Qudllma al-Maqdist, Dhammu I-muwaswisln, ed. Abu l-Ashbal aI-ZuhayrI Hasan b. Amtn Al Manduh (Cairo, Jlza, 1407), 33: ... wa-qala 'alayhi I-faliitu wa-I-salam: ju'ilat II al-ar~u kulluha masjidan wa-tahuron /a-~ay1}tuma adrokatka I-falatu /a-~al/i. Muhammad b. Ibrahtm b. aI-Mundhir al-Naysaburt, al-Ausat, ed. Abu Hammad Saghtr Ahmad b. Muhammad Hantf (Riya.Q., 1405/1985), II, 11-12, nos. 505-507. See no. 505:fu~~ilnii 'ala I-nasi bi-thaliithin: ju'ilati I-ar~u kulluha lana masjidan wa-ju'ilat turbatuhii lanii tahuron ... and see no. 507: ... wa-ju'ilat If kullu ar~in tayyibatin masjidan wa-tahflronj and see the note of the author: "qiila abu bakrin: wa-/f hadha I-~adrthi dall/un 'ala anna lIadhr yajuzu an yutayammama bihi mina I-ar~i al-tayyibu duna mii huwa minha najisun."
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The idea that the "whole earth is a place of prayer and prostration," a masjid, for the believer seems to have survived in the Muslim community. It remained similar to the concept of pure faith, free from dependence on sumptuous mosque buildings, erected by kings and rich donors.lf? The idea that a mosque should be a modest building, not put up for profit or for parading luxury, or in order to vie with sanctuaries of other religions, was expressed in a seminar in Cairo in 1989, following the presentation of the Aga Khan Awards for Architecture. A famous builder and architect, Abdel Wahed al-Wakil was accused of trying to transplant Western and Judaeo-Christian ideas about "sacred art" into Islam. The point made by his critic, the Moroccan Professor Mahdi al-Mandjara, as summarized by Neal Ascherson.P" was that Islamic architecture was not sacred: the mosque was just a place of praying and teaching. "Islam came to desacralise the material world and to make the immaterial sacred instead." Further, he stated that "politics and reactionary movements were behind the attempt to give the mosque a significance it should not have." The discussion in this seminar is instructive for seeing how the idea that the "whole earth is a masjid," a place of prayer and prostration for the Muslim believer, has lived on to the present day. The end of the first century of Islam was a period of profound change in the transmission of lJadfth. The Umayyad rulers did their best in order to gather around them scholars of lJadfth who would support their ideas concerning authority and government control, basing themselves on traditions attributed to the Prophet, whether authentic or forged. The rulers did not refrain from using various stratagems in order to have the lJadzths of the Companions of the Prophet recorded.P'' Those who
The I}adfth mentioned above in the version: u'tftu khamsan lam yu'tahunna al}adun qablr. .. , recorded by Ibn l,Iazm, is preceded by a note of the author, who writes: ''we are not permitted to follow a religious law, sharra, which existed before the Prophet." Ibn Hasm argues that the prophets preceding Muhammad were sent to their peoples and their prescriptions of the religious law, the ahara' i', were incumbent merely on the peoples to whom tliey were sent. See Ibn Hazm, al-Mul}alla, ed. Ahmad Muhammad Shakir (Cairo, n.d.), I, 65, no. 102. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Hidayatu 1-l}ayara If ajwibati l-yahUd wa·l-na~ara (Beirut, n.d.) 77, ll. 2-3, 84. Al-Suyutl, al-Durr al-manthur, III, 125, ll. 4-5. l47See M.J. Kister, " 'A Booth Like the Booth of Moses': A Study of an Early Hadlth," BSOAS 25(1962): 150-55; repro "Variorum," Studies in Jahiliyya and Early Islam (London, 1980), no. VIII. 148"Islamic Visions, Ancient and Modern," Observer, Sunday, 22 October 1989. 149Cf. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jami' bayan al-'ilm, I, 63: When Zayd b. Thabit visited the court of Mu'lI.wiya, he was asked about a tradition of the Prophet; Mu'awiya ordered a man of his court to write down his reply. Zayd b. Thabit reminded Mu'awiya of the Prophet's prohibition to write down his utterances and Mu'awiya ordered the tradition be erased. Al-Dhahabt, Siyar a'lami l-nubala', II, 431: Marwli.n ordered a scribe to sit behind a curtain and write down clandestinely the traditions transmitted by Abu Hurayra,
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kept company with governors were sharply condemned by pious scholars of lJ,adfth, who stated that a scholar of lJ,adfth loses part of his faith when he enters the court of a ruler. There was only one exception: the rule of the pious 'Umar b.'Abd al-'Azlz; the orthodox scholars of lJ,adfth gladly cooperated with the righteous Caliph. AI-ZuhrI says, probably with some satisfaction, that 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Azlz ordered to write down the sun an of the Prophet; he and others wrote them down, [akatabniihii, and the written documents, the daJiitir, were dispatched to the provinces, each province getting a da/tar.150 At the same time, the Abbasids developed their claims for the caliphate.P! It was natural that new elements from among the population were called to take part in the discussion concerning the rights of the different candidates for the rule and control of the Muslim Empire. There were some changes in the way the reliability of different groups of people was evaluated. Orthodox scholars warned that one should be cautious concerning the traditions of poor mulJ,addithii.n. Shu'ba was the scholar who expressed this in plain words: "Do not record the traditions reported by the poor, because they lie to you." A note attached to the utterance mentions that Shu'ba himself was at that time poorer than a dog.152 It is noteworthy that the critical attitude towards the Bedouins changed entirely. In contrast to the former assertions as to the bad character of the Bedouins, Shu'ba states that the Bedouins do not lie in questions of lJ,adfth.153 The Prophet predicted that there would be violent civil wars after his death; the best people in these wars would be the Muslims of the desert, muslimu ahli l-bawiidf, who had no blood on their hands and did not touch forbidden property. 1M It is evident that an essential change took place in the opinions of the scholars of lJ,adfth towards the Bedouins. They are the righteous people, untainted by spilled blood or wealth. They, of course,
Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rikh dimashq, tahdhib, VI, 59 inf.: Marwan ordered one of his mawalr, Slilim b. al-Zu'ayzi'a, to write down the utterances of the Prophet transmitted by Abu Hurayra, who was seated behind the throne of Marwan; Slilim carried out the order of Marwan, After a year, Marwan invited Abu Hurayra to his court and asked him about the traditions which he transmitted a year ago; he repeated them exactly. Marwan attempted to test him and sent him a hundred dInars. Later, he sent him a messenger and asked Abu Hurayra to give the hundred dInars back, claiming that he had intended to send them to another person. Abu Hurayra apologized, saying that he had already spent the money, but asked to detract the sum from his payment of 'ata'. 150 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jami' bayan, I, 76. 151 See, e.g., 'All Khan al-MadanI al-Shlrli.zI, al-Darajatu I-ra/i'a, 132-39. 152 Ibn 'AdI, al-Kamil, al-muqaddima, 247j Abu Nu'aym, Iftlyatu I·auliya', VII, 147, mentions that he was sustained by his nephew and his son in law. 153 See Ibn 'AdI, al-Kamil, al-muqaddima, 250. 154 Al-Tabaranr, Musnad al-shamiyyrn, II, 394, no. 1562: sa-yakunu ba'dr fitanun shidadun, khayru I-nasi fiha muslimu ahli I-bawadr lladhfna la yatanaddauna min dima'i I-nasi wa-amwalihim shay'an.
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need to obtain the required knowledge of l}adfth. It is not surprising that al-ZuhrI is said to have gone many times to visit the dwellings of the Bedouins to teach them ~adfth.155 The strong injunction against teaching knowledge of Muslim law to ruffians and people of the lowest classes, formulated in the saying of Makhul: "tafaqquhu l-ra'ii'i fasiidu l-dfn wa-tafaqquhu l-siflati fasiidu l-dunYii," 156 totally lost its importance. The new trend found its expression in the well known saying of alZuhrI: qad akrahanii hii'ulii'i l-umarii' .... This saying was given several contradictory interpretations.P? It may, however, be remarked that an expression resembling to some extent that of al-Zuhri, can be traced to an earlier authority. In a story reported by Shahr b. l,Iaushab158 about his journey to Syria at the time of Yazld b. Mu'awiya, he mentioned that he met Nauf (obviously al-Bikalt) and 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. al-'AS. When Nauf noticed 'Abdallah b.'Amr b. al-'AS, he cut short the transmission of a l}adfth in which he was engaged. 'Abdallah encouraged him to continue, but Nauf refused, saying 'Abdallah was a Companion of the Prophet and it was more appropriate that he should transmit traditions. 'Abdallah said that: "These umarii' prevented us from transmitting ~adfth," inna hii'ulii'i qad mana'unii 'ani l-~adfth-ya'nf l-umarii', When Nauf beseeched him, he agreed to tell those present a l}adfth about the apocalyptic events preceding the advent of the Dajjiil.159 We have here a phrase reminiscent of al-ZuhrI's expression. The difference in time between the two phrases is interesting: 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. al-'AI? died ca. 70 H. Muhammad b. Muslim al-ZuhrI died in 124 H. 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. al-'AI? was prevented from transmitting traditions, al-ZuhrI had an aversion to writing them down, but was compelled to do it. In both cases we have an interference on the part of the Umayyad umarii'. The formulation of al-Zuhrf's statement deserves notice: kunnii nakrahu kitiiba l-'ilmi ~attii akrahanii 'alayhi hii'ulii'i 1umarii'u, fa-ra'aynii an Iii namna'ahu al}adan min a I-muslimfna.16o The logical construction of the statement of al-Zuhri is incoherent: the fact
KathTr, al-Bidaya wa-l-nihiiya (Beirut-Riyad, 1966), IX, 345. 'Abd al-Barr, Jami' bayan al-'ilm, I, 160 inf.; al-Tartusht, al-Ifawadith wal-bida', 72. 157 See T. Ivanyi, On the Linguistic Methods of I. Goldziher, Jubilee Volume 0/ the Oriental Collection: 1951-1976 (Budapest, 1978), 109-110. Sezgin's attempt in GAS I, 74 and 281, to correct Goldziher's reading and translation is far fetched. I would like to thank Dr. Miklos Muranyi for drawing my attention to this article and providing me with an offprint. 158 See on him Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'n"kh·tahdMb, VI, 345-46; Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanT, TahdMbu l-tahdMb, IV, 369-72, no. 625. 159 'Abd al-Raazaq, al-Mul/anna/, XI, 377, no. 20790. Al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, (Hyderabad, reprint al-Riyaq, n.d.}, IV, 486-87. 160 Abu Bakr al-BayhaqT, al-Madkhal ila l-sunani l-kubra, 409, no. 739.
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that the umarii' compelled him to write down the 1J,adfth does not imply that he had to dictate the 1J,adfth to others.161 It would be too simple to suppose that al-Zuhri was angry at the fact that he had to gather traditions for the Caliph. He used to visit the court of the Caliph and received marks of respect and attention at the court. He was highly esteemed as a colleague and the mere mention of a scholar by him was considered a recommendation of that scholar to the Caliph.162 The large number of traditions left by al-ZuhrI after his death and found in his home and the numerous traditions of al-Zuhri found in the library of Malik b. Anas,163bear evidence to the fact that al-Zuhrl wrote down 1J,adfth, and not in negligible numbers. The great number of students that he had, and the books of 1J,adfth to which he often granted his consent, even without reading the text, imply that alZuhrI did not refrain from writing and dictating 1J,adlth. The construction of the sentence: ... akrahana 'alayhi hii'ulii'i I-umarii'u, fa-ra'aynii an Iii namna'ahu al)adan mina I-muslimln ... , "We had an aversion to the recording of knowledge, i.e., the I)adlth, until these amlrs compelled us to it, and we then considered it right not to prevent anyone of the Muslims to write down I)adlth" - is rather vague. It is not absolutely clear what the phrase "fa-ra' aynii ... " implies. A rare case of this kind is probably the following I)adlth of the Prophet: "kuntu nahaytukum 'an ziyiirati
l-qubur, fa-zuril l-qubiira, fa-innahii tuzahhidu
fi
I-dunyii wa-tudhakkiru
161 See al-Khattb al-Baghdadt, Taqyidu I-'ilm, 107; and see the copious references of the editor. And see Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jami' bayan, I, 77:... istaktabani l-mulUku fa-aktabtuhum, fa-stal}yaytu llaha idh katabahii l-mulUku alia uktibahii li-ghayrihim. And see ibid., I, 76:... kunna nakrahu kitaba I-'ilmi I}atta akrahana 'alayhi hii'ula'i I-umara'u, fa-ra'ayna an la namna'ahu al}adan mina I·muslimina. And see this version: 'Abd al-Razzliq, al-Muflannaf, XI, 258, no. 20486. A similar version is recorded in Abu Nu'aym's lfilyatu I-auliya', III, 363: kunna nakrahu I-katb I}attii akrahana 'alayhi I-sul~iin, fa-karihnii an namna'ahu I-nasa. And ibid., 363: Abu l-Mulayh: kunna Iii na~ma'u an naktuba 'inda I-zuhri I}atta akraha hishamun alzuhriyya [a-kataba li-banihi, fa-kataba I-nasu I-I}adith. Another tradition, ibid., 361, says that Hishim sent al-ZuhrI two scribes who wrote down traditions dictated by him for his son during the course of a year. 162 See Ibn KathIr, al-Bidiiya, IX, 345, inf.: AI-ZuhrI was asked at the court about Sa'Id b. al-Musayyab and gave a favourable opinion about him; when ZuhrI came to Medina and greeted Ibn Musayyab, he did not reply. When asked about his uncouth behaviour he answered: "You mentioned me to the Bann Marwin." The reaction of Ibn al-Musayyab indicates that al-ZuhrI was highly esteemed at the court of the Caliph and that the pious Ibn al-Musayyab was vexed about it, fearing that he might be invited to the court. See the comprehensive article of M. Lecker on the political and cultural activities of al-ZuhrI, in his "Biographical Notes on Ibn Shihab al-Zuhrl," Sixth International Colloquium: From Jiihiliyya to Islam (Jerusalem, 1993). 163 See Abu Nu'aym, lfilyatu I-auliya', III, 361 and al-QiQI 'IyiQ, Tartibu I·madiirik wa-taqnou I-masiilik li-ma'rifati a'liim madhhab malik, ed. Ahmad Bakrr Mahmild (Beirut, 1387/1967), I, 149. And see Ibn Sa'd, al-Tabaqatu I·kubrii, al-qismu 1mutammim, ed. Ziyad Muhammad Mansur (al-MadIna al-munawwara, 1408/1987), 170; and see the copious references of the editor.
Iii taqra'u l-qur'iina l_iikhira.164
'alii l-mu~l}afiyyfn
159
The fa in fa-zurU denotes a reversal of the prohibition to visit graves into a positive injunction to visit them. In our case, the order to write l}adfth, which the speaker deplores, is followed by the fa of fa-ra' aynii, which may be explained: "and as a result of the ruler's command and of the fact that we were compelled to write l}adfth, we came to the conclusion that we shall not prevent any Muslim from writing of the 1],adfth." The only assumption which may be put forward is that the 1],adfths which ZuhrI was bidden to write down for the sons of the Caliph were of an official character. They may have touched upon events which affected peoples' opinions, such as those connected with the role of some Qurashi enemies of the Prophet who later embraced Islam and became virtuous believers.P" Other 1],adfths which may fall into this category are those that contain unknown injunctions of the Prophet concerning the women and children of enemies put to death,166 or the Prophet's injunction against killing hypocrites who pray and utter the shahiida, 167 or the behaviour of tax collectors in cases of attempted bribery,168 or the rules of jizya levied from the Zoroastrians.P? These kinds of traditions seem to be the reason why al-Zuhrf was vexed and decided to change his manner of transmission, permitting every Muslim to write down l}adfth. A puzzling case of such a tradition is recorded in Ibn Hazm's alI1J,kiim If u~uli l-al}kiim.170 AI-ZuhrI records a document of the Prophet concerning the ~adaqa. It begins with the phrase: "hiidhihi nuskhatu kitiibi rasuli lliihi M lladhf kataba If l-sadaqa" The document was in the possession of the family of 'Umar b. al-Khattab. AI-ZuhrI provides additional details: The document was read to him by Salim b. 'Abdallah b. 'Umar and he learnt it by heart. This document was copied by 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'AzIz from the text of 'Abdallah b. 'Abdallah b. 'Umar and Salim b. 'Abdallah b. 'Umar when he was the amir of Medina; he then ordered his officials to act according to this document. The later Caliphs continued to order the implementation of the document until Hisham b. Muhammad b. HanI ordered to copy the document and to send it to all of his governors and ordered them to act according to the document.F! Ibn Hazm criticizes sharply the fact that this document was granted legal authority. The document is, in fact, a sheet, ~al}f/a, not provided with proper isniids. Besides, only eighty years after the death of the
164Al-Munawt, Fa1l4U l-qadrr (Cairo, 1391/1972), V, 55, no. 6430. 165See, e.g., the story of !;lafwll.n Umayya and his wife, the daughter of aI-Waiid b. b. al-Mughtra, and their conversion to Islam: Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Tajrfdu l-tamhrd, 152-53, nos. 482-83, and see ibid., 152, no. 478. 166See, e.g., Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Tajrfdu l-tamhrd, 147, no. 468. 1611bn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Tajrfd, 144, no. 458. 168Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Tajrfd, 138-39, no. 438. 169See, e.g., Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Tajrfdu l-tamhrd, 154, no. 487. 1101,289-90 111This is probably a mistake; read: until Hisham ordered Muhammad b. HlI.nI....
160
M.J. Kister
Prophet did people begin to act according to this ~alJ,ffa. The governors of 'Uthman followed another document. The governors of 'All, of Ibn al-Zubayr and Abu Bakr as well did not act according to this document. The Medinan family of Hazm, al hazm, was in the possession of another ~alJ,ffa. Thus, one wonders what caused the practice of the iniquitous Waltd and the caliphs who succeeded him, whose practices are not to be taken into consideration, mimman la yu'taddu bihi, (except 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'AzIz), to be regarded as preferable to the practice of Ibn al-Zubayr, of 'All, of 'Uthman and of AbU Bakr al-Siddlq, This difference of opinions must be resolved according to the injunctions of the Qur'an and the practice of the Prophet as proved by traditions with sound asanfd.172 The criticism of Ibn Hazm is an example of strict, unbiased and uncompromising evaluation of a legal practice according to the validity of recorded traditions. The transition into a new period of lJ,adfth transmission is highlighted by a statement of Malik b. Anas, the student and friend of al-Zuhrl. "If knowledge is barred from common people because of the chosen group, the kha~~a, the chosen group will not get any good from it, lam tantafi' bihi l-kha~~a," said Malik.l73 The idea that lJ,adfth should be spread and transmitted even by men who know less than those to whom the traditions are transmitted gained wide expression in books of lJ,adfth, compendia of ta~awwuf, collections of adab and books of ta'n"kh. A tradition of this kind which was in wide circulation in the second part of the second century is: naq.q.aralla;hu imra'an.174
172 Ibn Hazrn, al-Il}kam If u~uli I·al}kam, I, 289-93; see also the discussion concerning the legality of the practices of the governors in the different provinces of the Muslim Empire. And see, e.g., the information about the various documents concerning the ~adaqa in al-Haklm's al-Mustadrak, I, 390-97. 173 AI-Qii.Q.I 'IYaQ, Tartrbu I-madarik, I, 160: Ja·qala malik: inna I-'ilma idha muni'a mina I·'iimmati li-ajli I-khii~~ati lam tantafi' bihi I-khiiffatu. And see ibid., 188: ittaqu lliiha If hiidhii I·'ilmi wa-lii tanzilu bihi dara magi"atin wa-baththiihu wa-Ia taktumiihu. And see 189: ittaqii llaha wa-nshurU hadha I-'ilma wa·'allimiihu wa-/{i taktumiihu. 174 See Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasirn b. Sallam, al-Khutab wa-I-mawa'i~, ed. Ramadan 'Abd al-Tawwab (Cairo, 1406/1986), no. 140,205-207: (the first part of the combined tradition), ... Zayd b. Thabit-the Prophet: ... nar!-gara llahu imra'an sami'a minna I}adfthan Ja-I}amalahu I}atta yuballighahu ghayrahu, Ja-rubba I}amili fiqhin li-aJqaha minhu, wa-rubba I}amili fiqhin laysa bi-Jaqrhin. "... may God illuminate the man who heard from us a I}adrth and carried it until he forwarded it to another person, because it often happens that a man carries knowledge of the law to a man who is more familiar with the law than himself, and it often happens that a man who carries knowledge of the law is himself not a man of the law, laysa bi·Jaqrhin"; and see the references of the editor. Other versions of this tradition: Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jami' bayan al-'ilm, I, 38-43; II, 27. Ibn Taymiyya, al-Jawab al-I/al}rl} Ii-man baddala dina l-masi1.l, ed. 'All alSayyid Subh al-MadanI (Cairo, 1381/1962), III, 132; and see the arguments of Ibn Taymiyya concerning the understanding of the transmitter of the tradition. And see
lii taqra'ij l-qur'iina 'alii l-mu~l],afiyy'n
161
Ibn Taymiyya, al-lfasanatu wa-l-sayyi'atu, ed. Hanan bint 'AIIb. f.Iafi~(Cairo, 1408/ 1988), 65; and see the references of the editor. AI-Qaq.I'Iyad al-Yahsubl, al-Ilmii", 13, 15, li-yuballigha l-shahidu l-gha'iba [a-inna I-shahida 'asa an yuballigha man huwa aw'a lahu minhu; and see the references ofthe editor Ahmad Saqr. Al-Munawt, Faytju l-qadir, IV, 29, no. 4443: ... ml,lima llahu imm'an sami'a minna l,Iadfthan fa-wa'ahu, thumma ballaghahu man huwa auw'a minhu; see the explication of al-Munawt, Al-Khattb al-Baghdadr, al-Faqfh wa-lmutafaqqih, ed. Isma'tl al-Ansarr (Beirut, 1400/1980), II, 71. Ibn al-'Arabi, Al,lkamu I-qur'an, ed. 'All Muhammad al-Bijawt (Cairo, 1387/1967), I, 49-50; and see the discussion concerning the duty of forwarding the l,Iadfth to another person. Ibn Kathir, 1'u/.lfatu l-talib bi-ma'rifati al,ladfthi mukhta~ari bni l,Iajib, ed. 'Abd al-Ghani b. Humayd b. Mahmnd al-Kubaysi (Makka al-mukarrama, 1406), 212-13, no. 102; and see the references of the editor and his evaluation of the l,Iadlth. Al-Tabarant, al-Mu'jam al-kablr, ed. Hamdr 'Abd al-Majtd al-Silaff (n.p., n.d.), XVII, 49, no. 106. And see the version in Abii Talib al-Makki's Qutu l·qulUb, II, 16 and his notes. AlMuttaqi l-Hindl, Kanzu l-'ummal (Hyderabad, 1382/1962), X, 127-28, nos. 1082-85, 131-32, nos. 1112-20, 154, no. 1394. Al-Shafi'I, al-Risala (Cairo, n.d.), 126. AlTa~awi, Mushkilu l-athiir (Hyderabad, 1333), II, 231 inf.-233; the word jiqh rendered by fahm. Al-Qastallant, Sharl,l al-mawahib al-Iadunniyya (Cairo, 1328), V, 304 inf. Khalifa b. Khayyat, Musnad, ed. Akram Qiya' al-'Umari (al-Madina al-munawwara, 1405/1985), 47-48, no. 46; and see the references of the editor, Abii Bakr Ahmad b. al-Husayn al-Bayhaql, al-Arba'una al-~ughra, ed. Abii Ishaq al-Huwaynr al-Athari (Beirut, 1408/1988), 11-18, no. 1; and see the copious references of the editor. AlRamhurmuzt, al·Mul,laddithu l-fa~il, 164-69, nos. 3-11; and see the notes and references of the editor. AI-Kha~Ib al-Baghdadt, Shamfu I-l,Iadlth, 17-19, no. 24-26. AI-Wa.qidi, al-Maghazf, ed. MarsdenJones (Oxford, 1966), 111,1103. Ibn Babtiyah al-Qummi, al-Khi~al, ed. 'Ali Akbar al-GhafIarI (Tehran, 1389), I, 149, no. 182. Abii Yiisuf, Kitabu l-kharaj (Cairo, 1382), 9 inf.-p. 10 sup. Malik b. Anas, Risalatu I-imam malik /f l-sunan wa-I-mawa'i~ wa-I-adab, ed. 'Abdallah Ahmad Abii Zaynab (Cairo, 1403/1983), 24. AI-Haytham b. Kulayb al-Shasht, Musnad, ed. Ma~fii~ al-Rahrnan Zaynullah (al-Madtna al-munawwara, 1410), I, 314-16, nos. 275-78; al-MundhirI, alTarghlb wa-I-tarhlb, ed. Muhammad Muhyi l-DIn 'Abd al-Hamtd (Cairo, 1379/1960), 1,85-86, nos. 150-53; Abu 'Abdallah al-Surt, Jus'; MS Leiden Or. 2465, fol. 2a, sup.; al-Snrt, al-Fawa'id al-muntaqat 'ani I-shuyukhi l-kujiyyfn, ed. 'Umar 'Abd al-Salarn TadmurI (Beirut, 1407/1987), 39, no. 2, and see references; al-Hakim, al-Mustadmk (Riyad, n.d.), repr. of the Hyderabad edition, I, 77; Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'nkh dimashq al-kablr, ed. 'Abd al-Qadir Badran (Beirut, 1399/1979), III, 264; al-Nasillt, Maf~a' al-khala'iq manba' al·l,laqa'iq (Cairo, 1293), 13; al-Suyutr, Jam'u l-jawami' (Cairo, 1978), I, 853, II, 513; 'Abd al-Hakam al-Ishbili, al-Al,lkam al-kubrii, MS Br. Mus. Add. 27, 253, fol. 5b; al-HaytamI, al-Zawajir 'an iqtiraji l-kaba'ir (Cairo, 1390/1970), I, 97; al-Shafi't, al-Risala (Cairo, al-Maktaba al-tijariyya, n.d.), 106; al-Shiblt, Mal,lasin al-wasa'il ila ma'rifati I-awa'il, ed. Muhammad al-Tiinji (Beirut, 1412/1992), 37, penult.; al-Suhrawardt, 'Awarif al-ma'arif (Beirut, 1966), 19; Abii Nu'aym, lfilyatu I-auliya' (Beirut, 1387/1967), IX, 308; al-Subkr, Tabaqat al-shaji'iyya, ed. Mahmud Muhammad al-Tana~i and 'Abd al-Fattah Muhammad al-Hulw (Cairo, 1383/1964), I, 319-21, and see the discussion; al-Kultnt, al-Ka/f, ed. Najm al-Dln al-Amili and 'All Akbar al-Ghaflari (Tehran, 1386), I, 332-33, nos. 1-2; al-Haythamt, Majma' al-zawa'id (Beirut, 1967), I, 137-40; al-Bayhaqr, Ma'rifatu I-sunan wa-I-athar, ed. Ahmad Saqr (Cairo, 1969), I, 43, and see references; Muhammad b. Hibban al-Bustt, Kitab al-majrul,lfn, ed. Mahrnud Ibrahim Zayid (Beirut, n.d.), I, 5, and see note I; al-Majlisr, Bil,laru I-anwar (Tehran, 1384), XXI, 138. Shirawayhi b. Shahridar al-Daylamt, Firdausu I-akhbar, ed. Fawwas Ahmad al-Zimirli and Muhammad alMu'tasim bi-Ilahi al-Baghdadi (al-Ramla al-bayda', 1407/1987), V, 30, no. 7081; and see the references of the editors; 'Ali b. al-Hasan al-Khila't, al-Fawa'id al-muntaqat
162
M.J. Kister
It is evident that this J:&adlthwas well known in the middle of the second century. This is proven by the fact that AbU Yusuf (d. 182 H) and Malik b. Anas (d. 179 H) recorded it in their books. One of transmitters of the 1}adlth, as recorded by AbU Yusuf, is Ibn Shihab al-ZuhrI. This is not surprising. The Banu Isra'Il, as already mentioned, heedlessly and stubbornly refused to accept the grace of God to read the Torah by heart; the Torah would then be read by a man, a woman, a free-man, a slave, a boy or an old man.175 It is startling how the idea that 'ilm may be transmitted by all classes of people was embraced by Muslim scholars. The old idea that 1}adlth should be transmitted only by ashraf was discarded. The new idea extolled the transmission of 1}adlth by every person in Muslim society, young or old, rich or poor, and is very reminiscent of the grace of God, which was to be granted to Banu Isra'tl. A 1}adfth recorded on the authority of Ibn 'Umar says: "The Prophet [I?] said: Write down this knowledge from every rich and poor man, from every young or old man. He who abandons knowledge because the man of knowledge is poor or younger than he, let him take his seat in Hell."176 The traditions quoted above bear witness to the fact that the idea of 1}adlth being transmitted only by the ashraf and that its transmission should be controlled by rigorous scholars and honourable transmitters, was gradually abandoned from the beginning of the second century onwards. The transmission of J:&adfths,edifying stories, stories of prophets and saints, was widely disseminated by the new generations of scholars, among whom the mawall probably formed the majority.
al-~isan, MS Museum al-Aqllli., no. 91, fol. 35b. Muhammad b. Ja'far al-Kattant, Na~m al-mutanathir mina l-~adrth al-mutawatir (Cairo, n.d.), 33-34, no. 3. 175.,. wa-aj'alukum taqro'iina l-taurata 'an ~ahri qulUbikum, yaqro'uha l-rojulu minkum wa-l-mar'atu wa-l-~urru wa-l·'abdu wa·l-~aghfru wa-kabfru. See al-Qur~ubI, Ta/sfr, VII, 297. 176 Al-Samarqandi, Bustan al-'arifin, 6.: '" 'an nafi'in 'an ibn 'umaro rotjiya llahu 'anhum qala, qala rosiilu llahi ~alla llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam: "uktubii hadha l-'ilma min kulli ghaniyyin wa-/aqrrin wa-min kulli ~aghfrin wa-kabrrin. wa-man taroka 1'ilma min aj/i anna ~a~iba l-'ilmi /aqrrun au a~gharu minhu sinnan /a-l-yatabawwa' maq'adahu mina l-nari."
khadija.pdf TIlE SONS OF KHADIJA
M.J. Kister
I The reports about the various events in the life of the Prophet, recorded in the early sources of the sira, hadith, historical works and adab literature, are divergent and even contradictory. The discrepancies in the traditions occasionally relate to prominent incidents in the Prophet's career, which had a bearing upon the relations between the Prophet and the influential families in Mecca, and which shaped, to some extent, the destiny of the Prophet and the fate of the nascent Muslim community. One such case which deserves to be examined and elucidated concerns certain events in the matrimonial life of Khadija. These are brought to light in the reports about the two husbands who preceded the Prophet, and also the children she bore these husbands during the period of the Jahiliyya and in the first years of Islam. Some of the early reports are concise. According to a tradition on the authority of Ibn Ishaq, as transmitted by Yunus b. Bukayr,l Khadija's first husband, whom she married when she was a virgin, was 'Atiq b. 'A'idh b. 'Abdallah b. 'Umar of the Makhzum. She bore him a female child. 'Atiq died and Khadija married AbU Hala b. Zurara al-Nabbashi of the 'Amr b. Tamim She bore him one male and one female child. He died and Khadija, again a widow, married the Prophet He was her third husband, she was his first wife.
1 Ibn Ishaq, al-Siyar wa-i-fTIIlghlui, ed. Suhayl Zakkar, Damascus 1398/1978,p. 82
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Kister: Sons of Khadija
In contrast to this is the report given in Ibn Sa'd's Tabaqat? Khadija was "mentioned" to Waraqa b. Naufal, but the marriage was not concluded. Khadija's first husband was Abu HIHa Hind b. al-Nabbash b. Zurara b. Waqdan b. Habib b. Salama b. Ghuwayy b. Jurwa b. Usayyid b. 'Amr b. Tamim. Two phrases which occur in this report on the authority of Ibn al-Kalbi are of some importance: Abu Halas father was a man of high position in his (tribal - K) group,' He settled in Mecca and became an ally of the Banii 'Abd al-Dar b. QU$aYY. The explicatory phrase "and Quraysh used to give their allies their daughters in marriage?' helps us to understand the relations between the influential clans in Mecca and their allies, the newcomers whom they welcomed, aided and tried to absorb into their clans and families. Khadija indeed married Abu Hala and bore him one male child named Hind and another named Hala Her second husband was 'Atiq b. 'Abid [not: 'A'idhl b. 'Abdallah b. 'Umar b. Makhziim. She bore him a female child named Hind. The kunya of Khadija was Umm Hind. Hind grew up, married Sayfi b. Umayya al-Makhziimi, and bore him a son named Muhammad, The children of Hind and Sayfi were called Banii 1-Tahira, because of Khadija, the mother of Hind; Khadija was called al- Tahira, The progeny of Muhammad b. Sayfi, who settled in Medina, perished. Similar to this account is the tradition recorded by Muhammad b. Habib in his Muhabbari Khadija's first husband was Abu Hala, to whom she bore a male child, Hind b. Abi Hala; but no other child of Abu Hala is mentioned. She bore her second husband, 'Atiq b. 'Abid of the Makhziim, a female child named Hind. A corroborative tradition which sheds some additional light on the position of the tribal members who flocked to Mecca and entered alliances with the prominent clans there is recorded by al- Tabari: Abu Hala al-Nabbash b. Zurara b. Waqdan b. Habib b. Salama b. Ghuwayy b. Jurwa b. Usayyid b, 'Amr b. Tamim came to Mecca with his two
2
3 4
5
Beirut 13nl1958, vn, 14-15. Wa-kana abUhu Iln text erroneously: abUhii] dhil sharafin Ii qawmihi. Wa-kanat qurayshun tuzawwiju halilahum. Ed. llse Lichtenstaedter, Hyderabad 136111942,pp. 78, 452
Kister: Sons of Khadija
61
brothers, 'Auf and Unays. They were accepted as allies of the Banu 'Abd al-Dar b. Qusayy, Abu Hala married Khadija bint Khuwaylid and she bore him two male children: Hind and Hala, Hala died,6 but Hind survived beyond the advent of Islam, to which he became a convert. Al-Hasan b. 'Ali transmitted Hind's traditions about the Prophet, mentioning that Hind was his maternal uncle. Ma'mar b. al-Muthanna reported that Hind died in Basra, and that people left their businesses in order to attend his burial? The report recorded by Ibn Habib in his al=Munammaq' is slightly different: AI-NabOOsh b. Zurara of the Banii Usayyid of Tamim joined the Banii Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf as an ally; but the author notes that the reasons for the conclusion of this alliance are not clear to him. Al-Nabbash b. Zurara, whose kunya was Abu Hala, married Khadija before her marriage to the Prophet; she bore him two male children, Hind and Hala, Certain new details are given in the Shi'i compilation of al-Majlisi, Bihar al-anwar" A tradition on the authority of Qatada says that Khadija's first husband was 'Atiq b. 'A'idh al-Makhziimi, and the second Abu Hala Hind b. Zurara al-Tamimi; Khadija bore him a son, Hind, who was thus called Hind b. Hind Another tradition says that Khadija married Abu Shihab 'Amr al-Kindi; her second husband was 'Atiq b. 'A'idh, after whose death she was courted by 'Uqba b. Abi Mu'ayt and al-Salt b. Abi Yahab, both of them very rich men: each possessed four hundred slaves. Abu Jahl wanted to marry her too; she refused all these matrimonial proposals'? A report transmitted on the authority of Abu Talib, that Khadija's first husband was 'Atiq b. 'A'idh, and the second 'Umar al-Kindi, to whom she bore a child, seems to be confused. A new detail is supplied by al-Baladhuri; The first husband was Abu Hala Hind b. al-Nabbash of Tamim; Khadija bore him Hind b. Abi Hala, The second husband was 'Atiq b. 'Abid of Makhziim, to whom she bore a female child named Hind 'Atiq divorced her and
6 7 8 9 10
Before the advent of Islam - K. Al-Tabari, Dhayl aJ-mudhayyaJ, Cairo 1358/1939, p. 40. Ed. Khurshid Ahmad Fariq, Hyderabad 1384/1964, p. 399. Tehran XVI, 10. Ibid., p. 22
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Kister: Sons of Khadija
she married her third husband, the Prophet" This is in fact the first report saying that Khadija was a divorcee (not a widow) when she married Muhammad, Some divergent details deserve to be noted in Nur al-Din al-Haythami's Maimd al-zawatd wa-manbd al-Fawii'id:12 Khadija bore her first husband, 'Atiq b. 'A'id, a son named Hind; he was thus named Hind b. 'Atiq, She bore her second husband, Abu Hala Malik b. Nabbash b. Zurara, the ally of the Banii 'Abel al-Dar, Hind and Hala, Thus Hind b. 'Atiq, Hala and Hind b. Abi Hala, Khadija's children from her two first husbands, are brothers of Khadija's children from the Prophet The controversial problem of Abii Hala's name and the fate of the children of Khadija born to her first two husbands are examined in al-Zurqani's Shark al-mawahib al-laduniyyal? Al-Zubayr (scil, Ibn Bakkar - K.) and (the transmitter - K.) al-Daraqutni say that his name was Malik. Ibn Manda and al-Suhayli record his name as Zurara, Abii 'Ubayd gives his name as al-Nabbash, Al-'Askari records his name as Hind Abii Hala's son, Hind, is said to have fought on the side of the Prophet in the battle of Uhud or in the Battle of Badr. He spread the tradition on the description of the person of the Prophet; this tradition was transmitted on his authority by al-Hasan b. 'Ali Al-Zubayr b. Bakkar reported that he was killed in the Battle of the Camel, fighting on the side of 'Ali; others say that he died in the plague of Basra, The son of Khadija and Abii Hala, named Hala, was recorded as one of the companions of the Prophet According to one tradition, the Prophet arose and saw Hala in his room. He pressed him to his breast and uttered joyously: hala, hala, halal" A contradictory report states, however, that Hala, borne by Khadija to her husband Abii Hala, was in fact a female child Indeed, al-Muhibb al- Tabari in his al-Sinu
11 Al-Baladhurl, Ansab al-ahraf, ed. Muhammad Hamidullah, Cairo 1959, I, 406-407. I2 Beirut 1967, IX, 219. I3 Cairo 1325, I, 199-201 14 See e.g. Ibn I;Iajar, al-I $aba fi tamyizi /-$aI)iiba, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijiiwi, Cairo 1971,VI, 516, no. 8919.
Kister: Sons of Khadija
63
al-thamin tf manaqib ummahiu aJ-mu'minfn.15 records that Hala was the daughter of Khadija and al-Nabbash b. Zurara, who was accordingly given the kunya Abu Hala, Al-Muhibb records further traditions discussing the name of Abu Hala (Malik: b. al-Nabbash, Hind b. Zurara) and the problem of whether he was the first or the second husband of Khadija," Al-Muhibb reiterates the tradition that Hind b. Hind, the stepson of the Prophet, grew up, embraced Islam and was killed in the Battle of the Camel fighting on the side of 'Ali; another tradition says that he died in the plague of Basra, Important information about the son and grandson of Abu Hala is given in Ibn al-Kalbi's Jamharat al-nasabl' Khadija bore Abu Hala Hind b. al-Nabbash b. Zurara a son named Hind He fought in the Battle of Badr or in the Battle of Uhud, His son Hind b. Hind b. Hind was killed fighting on the side of Ibn al-Zubayr. This family perished and none of their progeny remained. It is worth noting the statement of al-Muhibb that nothing is known about the life and fate of the two female children borne by Khadija to her two husbands" Al-Diyarbakri quotes from the Sira of Mughultay some interesting reports: Khadija bore 'Atiq b. 'A'idh of Makhziim a female child named Hind and a male child named 'Abdallah or 'Abd Maruif. Al-Qurtubi, in his Tajsir (= al-Lami li-ahkam ai-qur'an),19 records a tradition saying that Khadija bore 'Atiq a male child named 'Abd Maruif. No less interesting is the tradition recorded by Diyarbakri that Khadija bore Abu Hala Hind a daughter, Zaynab, and two male children: al-Harith and Hind The tradition about a male child borne by Khadija to 'Atiq b. 'Abid is recorded in Ibn Hazm's Jawami' ai-sirai" Khadija, says the report, bore her first husband a male child named 'Abdallah, She bore
15 16 17 18 19 20
Cairo 140211983, p. 23. Pp. 6, 23. MS. Br. Mus, Add. 'l32fJ7, fol 93b. This very report is recorded in Diyabakrfs Ta'rikh ol-khamis I, 261 Cairo 1387/1967. XIV. 104. Ed. ll,Jsiin 'Abbas and Nasir al-Dln al-Asad, Cairo, rut, P. 3l
64
Kister: Sons of Khadija
her second husband Abu Hala Hind b. Zunlra two male children, Hind and al-Harith, and a female child named Zaynab. Hind b. Hind fought in the Battle of Uhud and dwelt in Basra. Al-Harith embraced Islam and was killed by an unbeliever at the Rukn al- Yamiini More details about al-Harith are provided by al-Baladhuri," Al-Harith b. Abi Hala was the first man killed at the Rukn al- Yamani, fighting for the sake of GodP One tradition says that he was under the tutelage of Khadija (ji hiin khadikua); he embraced Islam, manifested his faith openly and summoned people to convert to Islam. One day when he was with a group of Quraysh and heard a man slandering the Prophet he tried to defend the Prophet A row ensued in which al-Harith was beaten by a rude unbeliever who trampled him down and trod on his belly. He was carried away wounded and later died. Another tradition says that he was killed while performing his prayer at the Rukn al- Yamiini Ibn I:Iajar23provides us with information about the beginnings of al-Harith's missionary activity, which occurred when the Prophet was enjoined to call openly upon the people to convert to Is1am..24 Ibn I:Iazm25 records the story of al-Harith and furnishes us with an additional detail about him: $afwiin b. $afwiin b. al-Nabbash of Tamim is said to have been the first believer who killed an unbeliever after the mira; he killed the murderer of al-Harith b. Abi Hiila.26 Ibn Nasir al-Din al-Dimashqi, in Jiimi' al-athar fi maulidi l-rasidi l-mukhtar,27 records a significant report of Ibn 'Abd al-Barr stating that Khadija bore Abu Hala a male child named al- Tahir; he was the brother of Hind and Hala, The Prophet is said to have sent him as governor (ami!) to a district in al- Yemen,
21 Ansah ai-ashr1Jf, MS. foL 969b. 22 n sabili llah. 23 AI-I saba, I, 604, no. 1501 24 ... an yasdda bimii amarahu ... ; see SUrat ai hijr, 95: [a-sdd bimii tumaru wa-drid 'ani l-mushrikin: 25 Jamharas ansab ai-'arab, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hariin, Cairo l382/1962, p. 210. 26 And see about Safwiin b. Safwan: al-Tabarl, Ta'rikh; III, 268 and Ibn Hajar, ai-I saba, m. 435, no. ~. 27 MS, Cambridge Or. 9l3, foL 25Oa..
Kister: Sons of Khadija
65
Ibn 'Abd al-Barr in fact records a tradition transmitted by Sayf b. 'Umar on the authority of Abu Miisa al-Ash'ari saying that al-Tahir was among the five governors sent by the Prophet to the different districts of al-Yemen." An extended report about al-Tahir is given by Ibn I:Iajar.29According to the tradition transmitted by Sayf b. 'Umar, Tahir b. Abi Hala was sent as governor to a district of al-Yemen, as already mentioned. The important additional report says that al-Tahir succeeded in quelling the rebellion of the 'Akk (called al-akhilbith). These reports are corroborated by the information provided by al-Tabari; al-Tahir b. Abi Hala was appointed by the Prophet to be in charge of the 'Akk in Mecca. He was later sent as governor to a district of al-Yemen, or according to another version, was appointed over the tribes of 'Akk and the Ash'ariyyin, He faced the forces of al-Aswad al-Ansi and succeeded in crushing the rebellion of the 'Akk and the Ash'ariyyin after the death of the Prophet Later he was sent by Abu Bakr to San'a in order to help the Abna' in their fight against the unbelievers." Not much is known about al-Zubayr b. Abi Hala, Sayf b. 'Umar used to transmit his traditions. Ibn Manda reported his tradition saying that the Prophet killed a detained Qurashite and stated: ''Nevermore should a detained (or imprisoned - K) man from Quraysh be killed,'?' It is obvious that the traditions concerning the two husbands of Khadija to whom she was married prior to her marriage to the Prophet are obscure, confused and very often contradictory. The reports about the children borne by Khadija to these two husbands are
28 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, aI-lsti'ab. II, 775,no. 1297. 29 Al-I$aba,m, 515,no. 3258. 30 Al-Tabari, Ta'rikh al-rusui wa-l-muIUk, ed. Muhammad Abii l-Fadl Ibrahim, Cairo 1969,III, 228, 230, 318,320-321,328. 31 Ibn l:Iajar, al-Isaba; II, 558, no. im; and see Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-ghiiba tt mariiaii l-sahiiba; n.p., 1280 (repr, Tehran), II, 199inf~ and see this tradition with a significant phrase added: "Nevermore should a detained man from Quraysh be killed except the murderer of 'Uthman, you ought to kill him; but if they do not do it, then tell them that they will be slaughtered as a ewe is slaughtered," in Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kiimil [i 4u'ala'i i-rijaI, Beirut 1405/1985,VI, 2361
66
Kister: Sons of Khadija
blurred; there is hardly any agreement among the genealogists and the transmitters of haditb as to the details of the stories. Only a few of the persons mentioned in the reports lived until the advent of Islam, and we are told that even those few died or were killed and that their progeny ceased to exist It is noteworthy, however, that the settings of the stories about the two husbands possibly reflect the situation in Mecca. It is plausible that Khadija married a man from the aristocratic clan of Makhziim, in accordance with her position and wealth; but it is equally plausible that she married a Bedouin immigrant to Mecca., as this was a common custom in Meccan society. In this way the Meccan clans tried to strengthen their ties with the Bedouin tribes and to secure the commercial activities of the Meccan families.
n
The traditions concerning the Prophet's age when he married Khadija are divergent and confused. Many traditions report that he married her at the age of twenty-five, and that Khadija was then forty years 0ld32 Some sources record the tradition transmitted on the authority of Hakim b. Hizam, which confirms the data mentioned above: Khadija was born fifteen years before the Year of the Elephant; Hakim was born thirteen years before the Year of the Elephant; she was thus two years older than Hakim, and he could easily have established her age as forty. The Prophet, born in the Year of the Elephant, was thus twenty-five years old at the time of their marriage. 33
32 Al-Dimyati, al-Mukhiasar Ii sirati l-nabiyyi Cs), MS. Chester Beatty 3332,foL lOb; al-Mutahhar h Tahir, Kitah al-bad' wo-l-tdrikh; ed. ct. Huart, Paris 1916, V, 10; al-Majlisi, Bil)iJr al-anwiir, XVI, 19; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya wa-l-nihaya; V, 193!oo the authority of Hakim h l;Iizam); Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiu VIII, 15 (on the authority of Haklrn h l;Iizam);. al-Baladhurf, Ansah al-ashrii], ed. Mohammad Hamidullah, Cairo 1959,I, 98 (with the remark: "this is the accepted opinion of the scholars"). 33 See Ibn Nasir aI-Din, Jami' al-iJJhlJr, fol. 250a (quoted on the authority of Miisii b. 'Uqba and traced back to Haklm b, Hizam); aI-Majlisi, BiI)lu al-anwiir, XVI, 12; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiu, VIII, 17; and see H. Lammens, "L'Age de Mahomet et Ia Chronologie de la Sira," Journal Asiatique, XVII (1911)2()<}-150; and see the
Kister: Sons of Khadija
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Ibn Qutayba'" only records the age of Muhammad when he married Khadija: He was twenty-five years 0ld3s An additional detail in connection with the date of his marriage is given by Ibn Qutayba" in a tradition saying that the Prophet went to Syria with the merchandise of Khadija when he was twenty-five years old; he married Khadi ja two months after his return. A corresponding tradition is recorded in the Sira aJ-halabiyya;37 He was twenty-five years old; some say twenty-five, two months and ten days; others say: and fifteen , days. Mughultay, in his aJ-Zahr ai-basim Ii sirat abi l-qasim,38 is even more precise in a tradition recorded on the authority of Abu 'Umar (i.e. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr); The Prophet married Khadija two months and fifteen days after his return from Syria, at the end of Safar in the year twenty-six, which corresponds to twenty-five years, two months and ten days after the Day of the Elephant The tradition of Ibn 'Abd al-Barr is recorded in Ibn Nasir aI-Din's Jam;' aJ-iithilr.39 Mughultay mentions a tradition from Ibn 'Asakir saying that the Prophet returned with Maysara from Syria on the fourteenth night from the end of Dhii l-Hijja in the year twenty-five counting from the Day of the Elephant 40 Niir al-Din al-Haythami records a tradition saying that the Prophet married Khadija at the age of twenty-five, and supplies
34 35 36 37 38 39 40
detailed study by Lawrence I. Conrad, "Abraha and Muhammad: some observations apropos of chronology and literary topoi in the early Arabic historical tradition," BSOAS L (1987),225-240. AJ-Ma'arif, ed. Tharwat 'Ukasha, Cairo 1969,p. 131 And so: al-Majlisi, Biblu, XVI, 10 on the authority of 'Amr b. 'Ala; Ibn Hazm, Jawarnl ol-sira; p. 31 P.15O. I, 154. MS. Leiden, Or. 370, foL 93a. MS. Cambridge, Or. 913, fol. 250a. And see Ibn 'Abd al-Barr's tradition: al-Zurqani, Sharh al-mawahib ol-laduniyya; I, 199. See this tradition: al-Maqrizi, Imt(/ al-asmd bimlJ li-l-rasidi miTUJl-anba' wa-l-amwill wa-l-haiadou wa-l-mata', ed. Mahmiid Muhammad Shakir, Cairo 1941,I, 9.
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Kister: Sons of Khadija
another detail: Quraysh were then building the Ka'ba 41A contradictory tradition says that the Ka'ba was being built by Quraysh when the Prophet was thirty-five years old 42 However, al-Majlisi records yet another tradition in which the building of the Ka'ba by Quraysh is coupled with the date of Fatima's birth and the date of the Revelation granted to the Prophet 43 Some traditions about the age of the Prophet when he married Khadija are diverse: According to a report traced back to al-Zuhri, the Prophet was twenty-one years old when he married her.44 Another tradition says that he was twenty-three years old at the time," A tradition recorded on the authority of Ibn Jurayj says that he married her when he was thirty-seven years old 46 Other traditions give the age of the Prophet at his marriage as thirty'? or twenty-nine," The traditions recording the age of Khadija when she married the Prophet are likewise contradictory and blurred. The tradition based on the report that Khadija was born fifteen years before the Year of
41 Majma' al-zawii'id, IX, 219; the same tradition is quoted in Ibn Kathir's al-Bidiiya wa-l-nihaya; V, 293; al-Mutawwa'I, Man sabara zafira; MS. Cambridge, Or. 1473 (10),foL 38a. 42 A1-Majlisi, Bihiu aI-anwar, XVI, 7. 43 A1-Majlisi, Bi/JiJr,XVI, n. 44 Al-Zurqani, Sharh. al-mawahib, I, 199, III, 220 (and see the refutation of this report: al-Zurqani, ibid III, 227); 'Abd ai-Malik b. Husayn al-Tsaml, Simi aI-nujUin aI-'awiiJi, Cairo 1380, I, 365; al-Maqrizi, 1m/a', 1,9; al-Suhayli, ol-Raud al-unui, II, 246; al-Haythami, Majmd aI-zawa'id, IX, 219; al-Muhibb al-Tabarl, aI-Simt al-thamin; p. 14; Ibn Kathir, ol-Bidiiya wa-l-nihiiya, V, 293. 45 Muhammad b. Habib, ai-Muhabbar. p. 78; al-Baladhuri, Ansah aI-ashral, I, 98; al-Maqrizi, 1m/a', I, 9. 46 Al-Zurqanl, Sham al-mawahib, I, 199; al-Maqrizi, Imtis", I, 9; Mughultay, al-Zahr al-biisim; fol. 93a; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidiiya; V, 293; Ibn Nasir ai-Din, Jaml aI-1JJhiu,foL 25Oa. 47 Al-Muhibb al-Tabari, al-Sim; al-thamin; p. 14; Ibn N~ al-Din, Jaml aI-1JJhiu, fol. 25Oa; al-Zurqani, Shark al-mawahib, II, 199, III, 220, 227; al-S3liI:li,Subulu l-huda wa-l-rashad fi siraii khayri l-'ibad, ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-WaI.tid.Cairo 139411974, n. 225; al-Suhayli, al-Raud n 246. 48 Mughultay, al-Zahr al-basim; fol. 93a (nearing thirty}, aI-Maqrizi, Imtd, I, 9 (nearing thirty); al-Zurqani, Sharb aI-mawiihib, 1,199; al-S3liI:li,Subul al-huda; Il, 225 (nearing thirty).
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69
the Elephant, that the Prophet was born in the Year of the Elephant and that he married her when he was twenty-five years. old and she forty is, of course, consistent in itself, and adapted to the widely circulated data about the birth and death of the Prophet Divergent traditions say that Khadija was forty-five years old when she married him.49 Other reports relate that she was thirty years oldsO A tradition, traced back in some sources to Ibn (Abbas, states that she married the Prophet when she was twenty-eight years old," There are isolated traditions saying that she was thirty-five or twenty-five years old when she married the Prophet," All these traditions should be taken into consideration in evaluating the reports about the children Khadija bore the Prophet Scholars of haditb and sira are unanimous as to the number of female children borne by Khadija to the Prophet She bore him four daughters, all of whom were still young at the advent of Islam and embraced the new faith. All of them married, but only three bore children. Their progeny died, except for that of Fatima; they are the descendants of al-Hasan and al-Husayn, the sons of Fatima Scholars, however, are at odds as to the number of male children borne to the
49 Ibn Kathir, ai-Bidiiya; V, 293 (on the authority of al-Wiiqidi); Mughultay, al-Zahr al-biisim; fol 93a; Ibn N~ir al-Din, Jam'" al-iUhiir, fol 250a; Ibn 'Asiikir, Ta'rikh Dimashq (tahdhib), ed. 'Abd al-Qadir Badriin, Beirut 1399/1970, I, 302-303 (on the authority of al-Wiiqidi: forty-four years old); al-Zurqiini, Sharh al-mawllhib, I, 199 (on the authority of Ibn Sa'd), III, 220; al-Halabi, Sira; 1,156. 50 Al-Zurqani, Sharh al-mawilhib, I, 200, III, 220; Ibn N3$ir al-Din, Jami' al-llthllr, fol 250a; Ibn 'Asiikir, Ta'rikh (tahdhib) I, 302; al-$iilibi, Subul al-hudll, II, 225; al-l;Ialabi, Sira; I, 156. 51 Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya; V, 293; al-Zurqiini, Sharb al-mawahib, I, 200, III, 220; Mughultay, al-Zahr ai-basim; fol 93a; Ibn N3$ir al-Din, Jam'" al-llthiir, fol 250a (on the authority of Ibn Sa'd~ al-$iilibi, Subul, II, 225; Ibn 'Asiikir, Ta'rikh (tahdhib), I, 302 (on the authority of Ibn al-Kalbi); al-l:lalabi, Sira; I, 156; al-l:liikim, al-Mustadrak; Hyderabad (repr, Riyiid), III, 182; Muhammad b. Habib, al-Mul)obbar, P. 78; al-MajJ.isi,Bihlu al-anwlu, XVI, 12 52 Al-l;Ialabi, Sira; I, 156.
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Prophet by Khadija," The various traditions about the male children of Khadija are examined in the following lines. A significant report formulated concisely and recorded in an early source says that the Prophet began to practice tahannutb after some of his female children were born, Khadija bore him al-Qasim; some scholars claim that she also bore him another male child called al- Tahir, but other scholars say that she bore only one son, al-Qasim/" Al-Zurqani quotes the tradition saying that Khadija bore the Prophet only one son, al-Qasim, but provides us with a comprehensive review of other traditions which record various numbers for the male children whom Khadija bore the Prophet According to some of these traditions, Khadija bore the Prophet thirteen children," According to a tradition recorded by Ibn Ishaq, the male children of the Prophet were born before the Call; they were al-Qasim, al-Tahir and al-Tayyib, The Prophet's agnomen tkunya) was Abu l-Qasim, All the male children of the Prophet died before the advent of Islam (i.e. before the Call). Some traditions stress that they died while suckling,"
53 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, V, 321, no. 9718 ( ... wa-la-qad zdama bddu I-'ulamll annahii waladat lahu ghuliiman akhara yusamma al-tahir; wa-qda ba'4uhum: mij ndlamuha waladat lahu ilia l-qasim ... ). 54 See the tradition quoted from Ibn IsQaq'sal-Mubtadd stating that Khadija bore the Prophet only one son, named al-Qasim: Mughultay, al-Zahr al-basim; foL 94b: ... wa-it l-mubtada'i 'ani bni ishaqa: za'ama ba'4u I-'ulamlli anna khadijata (r) lam talid li-l-nabiyy! (s) mina l-dlwkUri ilia l-qasima; wa-hM.hil la shay'a. 55 Al-Zurqiini, Sharb al-mawahib, III, 193-194; see the tradition of the one child, al-Qasim, pp. 193, L 2 and 194, L 11:wa-tahsulu min jami'i l-aqwaJi thamaniyaiu dhukiain: ithnllni muuafaqun 'alayhima, al-qasimu wa-ibrahlmu wa-sittaiun mukhialatun fihim ... 56 Ibn Ishaq, al-Siyar wa-l-maghazl, pp. 82, 245; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidiiya wa-l-nihaya; V, 293; SulaymfuJb. Miisii al-Kalii'i, al-Iktifa' fi maghazi rasidi llllhi wa-l-thaliuhaii l-kJuJafa', ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wal).id, Cairo 138711968, I, 199 (on the authority of Ibn IsQaq}, l-Isaml, Simi aJ-fUljUm, , 406; Ibn 'Asakir, a I Ta'rikh Dimashq (tahdhlb), ed. 'Abd al-Qiidir Badran, Beirut 139911979, I, 302, ult.; Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, 'Uyu.n al-athar, II, 288 and ibid. this tradition recorded on the authority of Ibn Isbiiq; and see 'Abdallah b. Abi Zayd al-Qayrawanl, Kitiib aJ-jaml, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Ajfiin and 'Uthman Binikh. Beirut-Tunis
Kister: Sons of Khadija
71
According to the tradition of al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Khadija bore the Prophet only two male children: al-Qasim and 'Abdallah; 'Abdallah was also called al-'Tayyib and al-'Tahir. 'Abdallah was born after the Call and died as a small child. The first child of the Prophet who died was al-Qasim; the second was 'Abdallah," Some scholars identified al- Tahir with another child, named al-Mutahhar, alleged to have been the son of Khadija and the Prophet. They argued that al-Tahir was the name given to a child whom Khadija bore to a previous husband. However, this argument is rejected on the grounds that Khadija could not have given the same name to a child of a previous husband and a child of the Prophet" According to a tradition traced back to al-Zuhri she bore the Prophet only two children: al-Qasim and 'Abdallah," Other traditions say that the two male children borne by Khadija were named
1402/1982, pp. 128 ult-129, l 1; and see al-Zurqiini, Sharh al-mawiihib, III, 194, I. 7: ... wa-qala bnu isbaqa fi l-siraii 'inda dhikri tazawwu]i l-mustafi: khadi jata: kulluhum ghayra ibrahima wuIida qabla l-islluni. wa-m1Jtal-banUna
qabla l-islluni wa-hum yarta4tfm ... 57 Ibn Kathir. al-Bidiiya; V, 307; Ibn l:Iajar al-iAsqalani, al-Isaba; IlL 549 (al-Zubayr b. Bakklir on the authority of Musab, and see ibid another tradition transmitted on the authority of al-Zuhri); Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiu, VIII, 16; al-Kazariinl, al-Sira al-nabawiyya; MS. Br. Mus., Add. 18499, fol. 83a-b; al-Kala'I, al-Iktita', L 199 penult, (on the authority of al-Zubayr b. Bakkar); al-Zurqiini, Sharb al-mawiihib, IlL 193;Ibn 'Aslikir, Ta'rikh Dimashq (tahdhib). L 293; Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, 'UyiUI al-aihar, IL 288 (two traditions); Muhammad b. l:Iabib, al-Muha/Jbar,p. 78; Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamharat al-nasab, MS. Br. Mus.,Add. 23297, fol. 9a; al-Dimyati, al-Mukhiasar [i sirati I-nabiyyi ($), MS. Chester Beatty 3332, fol. 14a (a tradition of al-Kalbi traced back to Ibn 'Abbas as in al-Nuwayri, Nihaya: al-arab [i luniln al-adab, Cairo 1964, XVIII, 208 on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas: the first child born before the Call was al-Qlisim, who was followed by the four daughters. In the end Khadija bore the Prophet a male child named 'Abdallah who was also called al-Tayyib and al-Tahir, but some scholars assume that 'Abdallah is not to be identified with al-Tayyib and al-Tahir, and that they are two additional children). 58 Ibn Hajar, al-I$1Jba, I, 262; al-Zurqiini, Sharh al-mawiihib,III, 193info V 59 Ibn Hajar, al-lsaba; IlL 549; cf. al-Dimyati, al-Mukhta$ar, fol 14a; Ibn N~ al-Din, Jami' al-iUhiJr fol, 250b (on the authority of Hishlim b. 'Urwa and another tradition on the authority of Ibn 'Ahhii")
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al-Qasim and al- Tahir.60 A peculiar tradition is recorded on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas: Khadija bore the Prophet a child named 'Abdallah. Then there was a period during which Khadija ceased bearing children, One day during that period the Prophet met al-'& b. Wa'il, who mockingly called him al-abtar, and then the sura: al-kauthar was revealed. Later Khadija bore the Prophet Zaynab, Ruqayya, al-Qasim, al-Tahir, al-Mutahhar, al- Tayyib, al-Mutayyab, Umm Kulthiim and Fatima," The number of male children borne to Muhammad by Khadija according to this list was six; the number of female children was, as mentioned, four. Thus Khadija bore the Prophet ten children, A tradition transmitted by Ibn Lahi'a records four male children: al-Qasim, al- Tahir, al- Tayyib and 'Abdallah'" Noteworthy is a report which shortens the period in which Khadija bore children: al-Tayyib and al-Mutayyab were twins; al- Tahir and al-Mutahhar were also twins.63 A curious tradition is recorded in Ibn Nasir al-Din's Jami' ai-athar.64 Khadija, says the tradition, bore the Prophet four male children: al-Qasim, al- Tahir, Ibrahim and al- Tayyib, This tradition was nevertheless rejected by the scholars and considered erroneous, as Ibrahim was borne by the slave girl Mariya, not by Khadija. It is noteworthy that a very late compiler of a maulid commentary records an early tradition, according to which Khadija bore the Prophet only one male child, al-Qasim, while the scholars are
60 Abu I-Husayn Ahmad b. Faris, Aujazu l-siyar li-khayri l-bashar, Cairo 1359/1940,p. 9; Ya'qiib b. Sufyan al-Fasawi, aJ-Ma'rila wo-l-tarikh; ed. A.kram I;>iya'al-Umarl, Beirut 140111981, 'lfj9 inf.-270. II, 61 Ibn Kathir, ol-Bidiiya, V, m; Ibn 'Asiikir, Ta'rikh Dimashq;I, 294. 62 Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya; V, 307; Ibn Nasir aI-Din, Jamr al-iuhar, fol. 251a; al-Zurqanl, SharlJ,aJ-mawahib,III, 191 63 Mughultay, al-Zahr al-basim; fol. 94b; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya; V, 308; Ibn 'Asiikir, Ta'rikh, I, 294; Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, 'Uyful al-athar, II, 288; Ibn Hajar, al-Lsaba; VI, 262; al-Zurqani, Sharb al-mawahib, III, 193; al-'I$iimi, Simi al-nujiim; I, 406; 'Ali b. Burhan al-Din al-Halabl, Insim al-'uyful Ii sirati l-amini I-ma'miin (= ai-Sira aJ-/Jalabiyya),Cairo 1382/1962,III, 345; Ibn Niisir al-Din, Jarnl aJ-lIthiu,foL 25la 64 FoL 25la
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at variance as to whether she bore him another child. 'Abdallah," ill A remarkable tradition concerning Khadija's male children born to the Prophet reports that Khadija bore the Prophet two children: 'Abd al-'Uzza and 'Abd Manaf. This tradition was transmitted by al-Haytham b. 'Adiyy (d. 206 A.H.) on the authority of Hisham b. 'Urwa (d, 146 All) and traced back to his father 'Urwa,66 Ibn Nasir al-Din mentions another tradition quoted from a book by Abii 'Ubayda Ma'mar b. al-Muthanna (d 209 All, evidently from his Azwaju i-nabiyyi ts); mentioned fol. 251b), stating that in the period of the Jahiliyya Khadija bore the Prophet four children: al-Qasim, 'Abd Manaf, al-Tayyib (= 'Abdallah) and al-Tahir, This brings the number of children borne to the Prophet by Khadija to eight: four male and four female children. Abii 'Ubayda argues that 'Abd Manaf was born during the period of the Jahiliyya; had he been born during the period of Islam he would not have been called 'Abd Manaf, says Abii 'Ubayda, as stated in the summary of Ibn Nasir al-Din.67 It is indeed fortunate that Abii 'Ubayda's T asmiyatu azwaji i-nabiyyi ts) wa-auladihi is extant, and was edited by Nihad Miisii..68 Abii 'Ubayda's report in this treatise differs in an essential detail from
65 Muhammad Nawawi b. 'Umar al-Jawl, Tar ghib al-mushtiiqin li-bayiini manziimati l-sayyidi l-barzanji zayni l-'abidin, Cairo, n.d.,p. 24: ... wa- jumlatu auladihi $alla llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam sab'atun: thaliithatu dhukilrin wa-arbdu iniuhin; lakin wabidun mukhtalaiun [ihi; [a-l-dhukkr» l-qasimu wa-ibriihimu; wa-hadhan! muuajaqun 'alayhima, wa-'abdu llahi wa-hluiha mukhtalafun fi hi; wa-yuqalu lahu ai-tay yibu wa-I-rahiru; wa-l+qaulu t-athbatu wuiiiduhu; wa-summiya 'abdu llahi bi-I-rayyibi wa-l-tahiri li-annahu wulida bdda l-nubuwwati ... 66 Al-Zurqanl, Sham al-mawahib, III, 193 inf.-194 sup.; Ibn Nasir al-Din, Jami' al-iuhar, foL 252a; al-Tsaml, Simt al-nujism al-'awali, I, 408; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya; V, '!JJ7,308; Ibn I:Iajar al-'AsqaIani, Lisan al-mizlin, Hyderabad 1331, VI, 210,no. 740. 67 And see an anonymous tradition recorded in al-Halabfs Sira; III, 345 ult., saying that a child born to the Prophet before the Call was named 'Abd ManM. 68 Majallat mdhad al-makh{iUiital-'arabiyya, XIII (1967),244-279.
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the summary provided by Ibn Nasir al-Din; al-Qasim, says the report, was born during the period of Islam. The four daughters were born during the period of the Jahiliyya, The three male children of the Prophet borne by Khadija, 'Abd Manaf, al-Tayyib (= 'Abdallah) and al- Tahir, were also born in the period of the Jahiliyya,69 The arguments Abu 'Ubayda uses to support his chronology of the births of Khadija's children are instructive, and help us to understand the ideological basis of his treatise. The Prophet, says Abu 'Ubayda, gave his daughter Zaynab in marriage to Abu l-'As b. al-Rabi', When she converted to Islam, the Prophet prohibited her from staying with Abu l-'As, who remained an unbeliever, but when Abu l-'As later embraced Islam, the Prophet authorized their bond on the basis of the previously concluded Jahili marriage. The same applies to the marriages concluded between Ruqayya and Urnm Kulthiim with Abu Lahab's sons 'Utba and 'Utayba respectively, with the approval and blessing of the Prophet As for 'Abd Maniif, he was born during the period of the Jahiliyya; had he been born during the period of Islam the Prophet would not have given him this name. Further evidence that the male children of the Prophet borne by Khadija lived and died during the period of the Jahiliyya is adduced by Abu 'Ubayda, who cites the tradition about Khadija's conversation with the Prophet as to the fate of their deceased infants. The Prophet assured her that their infants were in Paradise, but added that the children borne by her to her former husbands, the unbelievers, were placed in He1l70 This had/til, argues Abu 'Ubayda, indicates that the male children of the Prophet, except al-Qasim, were born and died during the period of the Jahiliyya; had they died during the period of Islam, Khadija would not have enquired about their fate," It is evident that the problem touched upon in Khadija's conversation with the Prophet is the fate in the hereafter of children of believers, in contradistinction to the fate of children of unbelievers. The story about Khadija's grief at the death of al- Tahir also belongs
69 Tasmiya; pp, 248, ll, 1-2, 12-14, 249, ll, 1-12 70 See this tradition: Ibn Nasir al-Din, Ja,nl ai-iuhar, fol 25lb.
71 P.249.
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here. The Prophet consoled her, promising that after her death al- Tahir would welcome her at the gates of Pamdise.72 The essential question at issue, however, is whether the Prophet was granted infallibility before the Revelation, whether he was cleansed from the impurity of idol worship and of close contacts with unbelievers (kuffiir or mushrikun), and whether, prior to the Call. he refrained from committing deeds which might have been considered adherence to the customs or practices of the unbelievers. It is thus remarkable that the story of the Prophet's daughters who were married to unbelievers with the approval of the Prophet (a story adduced by Abu 'Ubayda as evidence for the validity of the tradition about the Prophet's child being named 'Abel Manat) is quoted and explicated by Ibn Qutayba (d. 276 A.H.) in his T awil mukhtaJif al-hadith'? as proof that the Prophet believed in God and yielded to His injunctions and commands. The Prophet gave his daughters in marriage to unbelievers because this had not been forbidden at that time according to God's injunctions, shard i'l" It was Ibn Qutayba's aim to prove that the Prophet acted in accordance with God's commands as revealed to former prophets, and to explain that the tradition about the Prophet's adherence to the tenets and beliefs of his people, kana 'alii dini qaumihi; means in fact that the Prophet followed his people, Quraysh, who adhered to certain beliefs, tenets and injunctions of the "Faith of Ishmael," din ismdil. Several of these practices were closely observed by the people of the Prophet, Quraysh,"
Bihar al-anwar, XVI, 16; and see ibid .⢠p. 15, a similar tradition on the consolation of Khadija after the death of al-Qssim; the Prophet promised her that al-Qasim would welcome her after her death at the gates of Paradise. 73 Cairo 1326, 134-139. 74 See p. 139. 75 See e.g. al-Suyutl, al-Rasaila His', Beirut, 1405/1985 (Masalik al-hunafi: [i walidayi l-mustafa salla llahu 'alayhi wa-iilihi wa-sallama); p. 49: ... [a-hasala mimma auradnahu anna ab1J'al-nabiyyi salla lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallama min 'ahdi ibriihima ila kabi bni lu'ayyin kanu kulluhum 'ala din: ibriihima 'alayhi l-saliimu, wa-waladuhu murratu bnu kdbin al-"fiihiruannahu kana ka-dhldika Li-anna abahu ausiihu bi-l-imani, wa-baqiya baynahu wa-bayna 'abdi l-muttalib arbdaiu aba' ... ; and see ibid .⢠p. 47: ... wa-qad akhraja ibnu
72 Al-Majlisi,
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This subject was discussed comprehensively by Muslim scholars. Ibn Hazm, for example, concludes his lengthy analysis by stating that the prophets could not have committed any sin or perpetrated any transgression before they were granted prophethood: ... ta-bt-yaqinin nadri anna llaha ta'aJa 'asamahum qabla l-nubuwwati min kulli mil yudhauna bihi bdda l-nubuwwaii ... 76 The problem of the Prophet's infallibility is discussed at length in al-Khafaji's commentary Nasim ai-riyad sharb shifa'i l-qQ.4i 'iyQ.4:77 The Prophet, like other prophets, was protected from any sin whatsoever both before and after being granted prophethood. The tradition saying that the Prophet adhered to the tenets of his people for forty years, kana 'ala amri qaumihi arbdina sanatan, does not indicate that he had no knowledge of belief in God; he merely lacked knowledge of God's ordinances and precepts, the taraid. which were granted him after the Revelation. The opinion of al-Kalbi and al-Suddi, who interpreted the words wa-wajadaka dalton; "and He found you erring" literally as denoting unbelief, kutr, "and God found you as an unbeliever" (scil, amongst the unbelieving people - K.) conflicts with the consensus of the community; it is inconceivable that such an accusation of shirk could be levelled against the Prophet 78 The same opinion appears in al-Mawardi's A'lam aJ-nubUWWa.79 The Prophet did not worship idols, and he distinguished himself by his noble character, his belief in the unity of God and his high moral qualities and ethical principles. Scholars disagreed as to which faith. religious law of God, shari'a the Prophet followed before he was granted the Revelation: the shari'a of Abraham, of Moses or of Jesus,"
76 77 78
79
80
habiba [i ta'rikhihi 'ani bni 'abbiisin qiila: kana 'adniinu wa-mo'addun wa-rabi'atu wa-mudaru wa-khuzaymatu wa-asluhu (?) 'ala millati ibrahima 'alayhi l-saliimu la-Ia tadhkuriihum. ilia bi-khayrin ... Ibn Hazm, ai-Fisal [i l-milal wa-I-ahwa'i wa-l-nihai, Cairo, n.d.,IV, 55. Cairo 1327,repr. aI-Madina, IV, 48 seq. Ibid., p. SO. Beirut, n.d.,pp.221-221 And see about his purification from idolatry, ibid., p. 224, inf.; and see the discussion as to the nature of the shari'a followed by the Prophet before the Revelation: Mughultay, al-Zahr al-basim fol. llOa-llOb; and see the lengthy discussionof this subject al-Zurqani, Sharn al-mawahib; VII, 239-242
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Muslim scholars have tried to justify the attendance of the Prophet at certain ritual celebrations of the unbelievers in their places of worship. A tradition transmitted by 'Othman b. Am Shayba (d, 235 A.H.), and traced back to the Companion Jabir b. 'Abdallah, records such an event: the Prophet, says the report, used to visit the places of celebration of the unbelievers, kana rasidu llahi is) yashhadu mda l-mushrikina mashahidahum: Once he heard an angel behind him saying to another angel: "Let us go and stand behind the Prophet" The second angel answered: ''How can we stand behind him, when it was his desire to attend the stroking of the idols?' tkayt« naqiunu khaltahu wa-innama 'ahduhu bi-sttlam: l-asnami qablu). The Prophet indeed never again attended the ritual practices of the unbelievers," It is the usual method of the Muslim scholars to reject controversial traditions of this kind by censuring some of the transmitters as "weak," "unreliable" or "neglected," and by appropriate explication and interpretation of the tradition itself. In the case of the tradition mentioned above, the editor quotes the opinions of the orthodox scholars denouncing the transmitter 'Uthman b. Abi Shayba. As for the content, the scholars explain that the Prophet aimed by his attendance at the ritual practices of the unbelievers to reproach them for these practices. Such was also the approach of the authors of the compendia of haditn and the authors of the sira in their assessment of the tradition of al-Haytham b. 'Adiyy. The isnad given in Ibn Nasir al-Din's Jami' aI-athilr ending with 'Urwa is extended in Ibn Kathir's al-Bidaya V, 307 to the first transmitter, Sa'id b. al-Musayyib (d. 94 A.H.), who transmitted traditions and utterances of the Prophet and of the companions of the Prophet and reported about their lives and their political activities," Al-Haytham's tradition about the sons of the Prophet allegedly named 'Abd al-Tlzza and 'Abd Manaf is completely rejected by the orthodox scholars of Islam. He is described as a liar, and the traditions
81 Abu Ya'la, Musnad, ed. Husayn Salim Asad, Beirut, 1404/1984, n, 398, no. 1877; and see this tradition: Niir al-Dln al-Haythaml, Majmd al-zawllid, vm, 226. 82 See e.g. Ibn Hajar al-'AsqaIani, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, Hyderabad 1325, IV, 84, no. 145.
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transmitted by him are described as reprehensible," It is impossible, says a comment on the tradition of the pagan names of the two children, that a deed of this kind could have been done by the Prophet," Al-Zurqani records the opinions of the scholars of haditb stating that none of the reliable transmitters (thiqiu) related the tradition of al-Haytham on the authority of Hisham b. 'Urwa," The opinion of Qutb aI-Din al-Halabi as recorded in his al=Maurid al-iadhb is that nobody is permitted to say that the Prophet called his children by these two names. There is, however, a certain reservation in the words of Qutb al-Din; If this in fact happened (ie, if the two children were really named 'Abd al-Uzza and 'Abd Mana! - K), it might have been done by one of Khadija's relatives; the Prophet might then have changed them (i.e, into Muslim names - K.). Further, Qutb al-Din conjectures that if this happened, it was because the Prophet was assiduously engaged in the worship of God so that the information about the names did not reach him; in addition, the life span of the two children thus named was very short Finally, he surmises that some of the Satans invented it in order to instill confusion in the hearts of the people of feeble faith..86 It was indeed a harmonizing solution to affirm the report that the two sons of the Prophet were named 'Abd al-'Uzza and 'Abd Manaf, and that these names were changed by the Prophet into al- Tahir and al- Tayyib," The full version of Haytham b. 'Adiyy's tradition contains an additional passage which reveals the essential differences of opinion and attitude between two centres of hadith: the Iraqi and the Medinan. The full version is recorded in Ibn Nasir al-Din's Jami' ai-athiu, in Ibn Kathir's al=Bidaya, in Zurqani's Sharb al-mawahib and in Ibn
83 See e.g. al-Dhahabi, Miziin al-itidiil, N, 324, no. 9311 84 Ibn Hajar, Lisan al-mizan; VI, 210 sup.; and see Ibn Nasir aI-Din, Jiimi' a/.-athiir, foL 252a 85 Sharb al-mawahib, III, 193penult 86 Al-Zurqani, Sharb al-mawahib, III, 194, sup; al-'I$iimi, Simi a/.-nujilm a/.-'awiili, 1, 408. 87 Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya; V, ?JJ7.
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Hajar's Lisan al-mizan: But the tradition with full isnads is recorded in Abu l-Jahm al-'Ala b. Miisa's (d. 228 Ali) Juz'.ss Itis noteworthy that another MS. of this JUZ'89 was identified and perused by Suliman Bashear, who quoted this very tradition in his rook, Muqaddima ti l-tarikh aI-Qkhar.90 The passage contains a conversation between al-Haytham b. .Adiyy and Hisham b. 'Urwa concerning the tradition that Khadija bore the Prophet 'Abd al-Tlzza, 'Abd Manaf and al-Qasim, Al-Haytham questioned Hisham about the sons of the Prophet, al-Tayyib and ul-Tahir, and Hisham b. 'Urwa answered: "That is a lie which you, the people of Iraq, have invented; but our elders, ashyakhunll, said: 'Abd Ill-'Uzza, 'Abd Manaf and al-Qasim?" 'Urwa's answer clearly reflects the rift between the Medinan and Iraqi hadith scholars. The Medinan lind Syrian scholars accused the Iraqis of forging hadiths of sectarian inclinations, of spreading reports encouraging rebellions and inflating utterances and traditions." IV According to tradition, the children of Khadija died while she was still alive. She was consoled by the utterance of the Prophet that they were granted residence in Paradise. As to al-Qasim, who did not live to complete his suckling, the Prophet promised Khadija that he would be given a wet nurse in Paradise to complete his suckling,"
xx MS.Hebrew Univ~Ar. 8" 273, pp. 59-60. !l9 MS.Z8hiriyya, Majmil 83, fols. 2115. 90 Jerusalem 1984, p. 168, n. 60. 91 Abu 1-Jahm, J uz', P. 60. iya' l-'Umari, al-Najaf 1386/1967, p. 9-10: a p in the Year of the Elephant, forty years after, thirty years after or fifteen years before; and see the different dates recorded in Muhammad b. Siilim al-Himawi, Ta'rikh al-siilihi, MS. Br. Mus., Or. 6657, fol 13Oa; and see the various traditions: Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya; II, 262: ten years after the Year of the Elephant, twenty-three years after, thiny years after, forty years after and fifteen years before the Day of the Elephant (this tradition is marked as gharib, munkar and (ja'it); and see the various dates recorded in al-Bayjiiri's
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Scholars of haditb and sira stress that the aim of the story of the miraculous salvation of Mecca was to herald the advent of the Prophet, and to emphasize the elevated position his people gained after humiliation during Abraha's expedition'?' Another crucial event mentioned in connection with the Prophet's birth was the Battle of Iabala. This battle was waged seventeen years before the birth of the Prophet; Islam began fifty-seven years after Iabala. Thus when 'Amir b. Tufayl, who was born on the Day of Jabala, came to visit the Prophet in the year of the Prophet's death he was eighty years old; the Prophet was then
Hiuhiyatun 'ala mauiidi abi l-baraka: sayyidi ahmadi l-dardlr, Cairo 1294, pp, 44-45; aI-Sinjari, Manllil)u l-karam bi-akhbari maldeota wa-l-haram; MS.
Leiden, Or. 7018, fol. 58a: born in the Year of the Elephant, or fifty days after the attack of the troops of the Elephant, or thirty years after the Year of the Elephant, or forty years after the Year of the Elephant Many traditions are recorded in Ibn N~ al-Din's Jami' al-iithiu, fols. 179b-180b:the Prophet was born in the Year of the Elephant, he received the Revelation forty years after the Elephant (The fight at - K.) 'Ukaz took place fifteen years after the Elephant and the Ka'ba was built twenty-five years after the Elephant; the Prophet was born thirty days after the Elephant, or fifty days, or fifty-five days, or two months and six days, or ten years; some say twenty years, some say twenty-three years, some say thirty years, some say that God sent the Prophet with his mission fifteen years after the Ka'ba was built, and thus there were seventy years between the Elephant and the mission (mab'aJh) of the Prophet; some say that he was born fifteen years before the Elephant, some say forty days or fifty days, some say thirty years before the Elephant, and finally, some say that there were ten years between the expedition of the Elephant and the mission, wa-bayna an buitha: See al-Bayhaqi, Dala'i/, I, 65: the Prophet was on the Day of 'Ukaz twenty years old; p. 67: the Ka'ba was built fifteen years after the Year of the Elephant and the Prophet received his revelation forty years after the Elephant According to another tradition, the Prophet received his mission fifteen years after the building of the Ka'ba, the mission of the Prophet, al-mab'ath; was seventy years after the Year of the Elephant; p. 68: the Prophet was born ten years after the Year of the Elephant 101 Al-Zurqanl, Sharb al-mawahib, I, 89: ... wa-qad kiinat h1uJhihi l-qissatu
dallatan 'ala sharafi sayyidinii muhammadin wa-irhasan iahii ... wa-fzazan li-qaumihi ... ts) wa-tdsisan li-nubuwwaiihi
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sixty-three years 01d102 The link between the date of the Prophet's birth and the Expedition of the Elephant is, however, denied by the Mu'tazila: God caused the miraculous event of Abraha's defeat for another prophet before Muhammad, such as Khalid h Sinful or Quss h sa'ida103 It is evident that the divergent and contradictory traditions give no clue as to the exact date of the Prophet's birth or of his marriage to Khadija, or the number of male children Khadija bore and their fate. Traditions about the death of Khadija link the time of the event with the time of the hijra of the Prophet to Medina She is said to have died three years before the hijra.104 Some sources record
102 Jarlr and Farazdaq, Naqlli4, ed. Bevan, pp. 230, 676, 790; and see Abu l-Baqa' Hibatullah, al-Manilqib al-mazyadiyya Ii akhbari i-mulUki l-asadiyya; MS. Br. Mus., Add 23296, foL 54b = ai-Manjjqib, ed. Siilil,1Miisii Dariidika and Muhammad 'Abd al-Qadir Khuraysat, 'Amman 1984, I, 191 ult.-I92, 1. 1: ... wa-qila inna yauma jabala kana qabia i-isiami bi-thiJIOlhina'iiman; wa-qila bi-arbdina ... ; and cf. al-Baladhuri, Ansah al-ashral, MS. Ashir Ef1 fol. 960a: ... wa-kanat [abalatu qabla maulidi i-nabiyy bi-sab'a 'ashrata sanatan; and see the detailed analysis of the Jabala tradition: Mughultay, al-Zahr al-basim, MS. Leiden, Or. 370, foL 130h 103 Al-Tabarsi, Majma' al-bayan [i tafsiri i-qur'an, XXx, 239: ... wa-kana hadha min a'?ami l-mujiziui i-qahirat wa-i-ayati i-bahirat [i dhiilika l-zamiin azharahu liahu ta'ala li-yadulla 'ala wujUbi mdrifauhi wa-lihi irhasun li-nubuwwaii nabiyyinii $alia llllhu 'alayhi wa-saliam li-annahu wulida [i dhalika i-'am; wa-qala qaumun mina i-mu'taziIaJiannahu klJna mu'jizatan li-nabiyyin mina i-anbiya'i [i dhalika i-zamiini wa-rubbama qalu huwa khiUidu bnu sinllnin . .. and see the cautiously formulated comment of 'AM al-Jabbar in his Mutashilbih al-qur'iin, ed. 'Adniin MuI,1ammad Zarziir, Cairo 1969, IL 700:.... [a-amma qauluhu ta'ala tarmihim bi-l)ijaratin min sijjil [a-innahu 'indanii ia budda min an yakiina dhalika mu'jizan li-ba'di i-anbiya'i [i dhiUika l-waqti li-anna [ihi 1UUJ.da 'adatin wa-dhalika ia yaiiau ilia Ii azmiini i-anbiya'i. 104 See e.g. al-Qayrawiini, Kitah al-jlunl, p. 131;Ibn Hazm, Jawlunl al-sira; p.31; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, Majma' al-zawa'id, IX, 219, ult, And see ibid an additional detail: she died in the seventh year of the Prophet's mission;and see al-'Isami, Simi al-nujiim; I, 367: she died three years before the hijra. Additional details: she lived with the Prophet for twenty-four years, five months and eight days, fifteen years of which preceded the Revelation; al-Mutahhar b. Tahir al-Maqdisi, Kitah al-bad' wo-i-tarikh; V, 11:she died
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divergent and conflicting data about the death of Khadija. The traditions that she died three years before the hijra are contradicted by a tradition that she died two years before the hijra and by another that she died five years before the hijra.IOS Ibn Qutayba'P" provides us with two different details: she died three days after the death of Abu Talib, and the Prophet went out to al- Ta'if accompanied by Zayd b. Haritha three months after her death. Al-Zurqani records different traditions about the date of Khadija's death:"? she died three, four, five or six years before the hijra. She died in the same year in which Abu Talib died. Further, Zurqani stresses that some of the details concerning Khadija's age at her death are not congruent with the data about the age of the Prophet when he married her.IOS Al-Hakim, who records the tradition saying that she died three years before the hijra; mentions nevertheless another tradition which holds that she died one year before the hijra. Noteworthy is the comment of al-Hakim concerning the tradition that she died at the age of sixty-five: according to him, this is an odd tradition; in his opinion she did not reach the age of sixty.109 The two comments as to the incompatibility of the contradictory, divergent and equivocal traditions indicate that these
105
106 107 I~ 109
three years before the hijra: Two additional details are provided: she died after the Banii Hashim left the shib, three days after the death of Abii Talib, AI-SaI.il:Ii, ubuJ ol-hudii; II, 571 Additional details are given: she died on the S tenth of Ramadan, The date coincides with the tenth year of the mission of the Prophet, after the Banii Hashim left the shi'b; Ibn 'Asakir, T'a'rikh Dimashq (tahdhlb) I, 303 has a similar report He records, however, an additional detail: her death occurred two years after the Banii Hashim had left the shi'b; al-Maqrizi, [mtTl al-asmd, I, 29 records that she died three years before the hijra; and mentions that her death occurred eight months and twenty-one days after the Banii Hashim had left the shib. Ai-Ma'1JTif, p. 151 Shml;z ai-mawahib, III, 2Zfr-227. Shark ol-mawahib. III, 227: ... amma 'ala anna sinnahu il;zda wa-tishrkna au thaJ.lIJhUna fa-Ia yatr/atta in qllla inna mautahiJ sanaia 'ashrin mina l-bdthaii: Al-Hakim, ai-Mustadrak, III, 182:... 'an hishami bni 'urwata qala: tuwuifiya: khadi jatu bint u khuwaylidin wa-hiya bnatu khamsin wa-sittina sanatan; hlzdhlz qaulun shadhdhun, [a-inna lladhi 'indi annahii lam tablugh
siuina sanoian:
Kister: Sons of Khadija
85
stories have to be reassessed against the background of the possible activities of the Prophet and his position during the initial period of his marriage in Mecca. It is plausible that during the first years of his marriage the Prophet devoted himself to his commercial business and the management of his household. Tradition explicitly says that he started to practice tahannuih after the birth of some of his daughters, and that all his daughters were born before the Call and the Revelation. It was only during the second period of his stay in Mecca that Muhammad was granted prophethood and became conscious of his mission. During that period, when he was faced with opposition and stubborn resistance, Khadija became his devoted adherent and intrepid supporter. It is possible that the Prophet married her when he was twenty-five years old, loving her passionately.'" In all probability, Khadija was not forty years old, and could still have borne him four daughters and one or two sons. The tradition that she was twenty-eight years old when she married the Prophet seems to be the sound one. If this is the case, and if we further accept as sound the tradition that she lived with him for twenty-four years, then she must have died at the age of fifty-two; the Prophet was then forty-nine years old. The early tradition that Khadija bore the Prophet only one male child, al-Qasim, seems to be trustworthy; the infant died after a short time. It is possible that Khadija bore him another male child, 'Abdallah, but it is not likely that she bore him other male children, as reported in later equivocal and dubious traditions/"
v
The death of one or two sons of the Prophet is reflected in several traditions, and is echoed in the commentaries of the Qur'an, According to tradition, the first of the children of the Prophet who died was al-Qasim; afterwards 'Abdallah died. Then al-'A~
no
ill
(0$1. al-hamdu li-lliihi lladhi at'amani l-khamir wa-zawwajani khadijaia wa-kuniu lahiJ 'iishiqan:
See e.g. al-I;Iakim, ai-Mustadrak., III, 182, inf; ... 'ani l-zuhri: qala rasUlu llllhi wa-albasani l-harir See the examination of the traditions about the children of the Prophet: A Sprenger. Das Leben und die Lehre des Mohammad. Berlin 1869, I, 188-206; W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad oJ Mecca, Oxford 1953, pp. 58-59.
86
Kister: Sons of Khadija
b. Wa'il called the Prophet al-abtar. God responded in the siirat a/-kauthar, the "Sura of Abundance," in which he revealed the verse: inna shimi'aka huwa t-amar, "surely he who hates thee is the one cut off.'~12The widely diffused tradition saying that al-'~ b. Wa'il called the Prophet al-abtar after the death of 'Abdallah, or al-Qasim or 'Abdallah and al-Qasim is contradicted by a version of the tradition traced back to Ibn 'Abbas, which holds that after the birth of 'Abdallah, there was a period during which Khadija ceased bearing children. AI-'~ b. Wa'il then called the Prophet al-abtar, because people used to call a man whose wife ceased bearing children a/-abtar. Khadija afterwards bore him al-Qasim and his other childreu'" In all
112 Ibn al-Jauzi, al-Wafa bi-aqwaJi i-n-wstafa..p. 655. And see: Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, VII, 389; al-Suyiitl, al-Durr al-mamhia, VI, 404; al-Shaukanl, FaJn al-qadir, Cairo, repro Beirut, n.d., V, 503; 'AIxI al-Razzaq, Tafsir, MS. Dar al-kutub, Tafsir 242, fol. 301a; Yabya b. Salam al-Taymi, Tafsir, Mukhtasar Ibn Zamanin MS. Fas, Qar. 34, p. 399121; al-Kazariini, al-Sira; MS. Br. Mus.,Add 18499,fol. 83a; al-Tabari, Jaml al-bayan fi tafsiri l-qur'an (= Tafsir), Biilaq 1329,XXx, 212;Ibn IsI)aq,al-Siyar wa-l-maghazi, pp. 245, 271; al-'As b. wsu called him al=abt ar after the death of al-Qasim, and then the siira: al-kauthar was revealed; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiu, I, 133; al-Nuwayri, Nlhaya: at-arab. XVIII, ~ Abii Hayyan al-Jayyani, Tafsir al-bahr al-rrwJ;it,Cairo 1328, VIII, 520; Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rikk Dimashq (tahdhib), I, 293; Ibn Nasir al-Din, Jiimi' al-athiir, fol. 251a: the man who named the Prophet al-abtar after the death of al-Qasim was 'Amr b. al-'As, but other reports say that the man who insulted the Prophet was al-'As b. Wa'il; Muqatil, Taf sir, MS. Ahmet III, 74-2, foL 254a; Al-Wiibidi, Asbab al-nuziU, Cairo 1388/1968, pp, 306 inf.-307; al-Khazin, Lubab al-tawil [i ma'iini i-tanzii (= Tafsir); 1381, VII, 253; al-Baghawi, Ma'aJim al-tanzil (= Tafsir), on margin of al-Khazin, Tafsir, VII, 253; al-Fakhr al-Razi, al-Tafsir al-kabir, XXXII, 132:After the death of 'Abdallah, the son of the Prophet, al-'As b. Wa'il offended the Prophet, calling him al-abtar. the man who had become cut off, devoid of male progeny; and see al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, XX, 222; and see al-Katakanl, al-Burhan [i tafsiri l-qur'iin; ed. Mahmiid b. Ja'far al-Zarandi, Qumm 1394, IV, 515: at-shant' refers to 'Amr b. al-'As. And see about the slirat al-katuhar Harris Birkeland, The Lord Guideth; Studies on Primitive Islam; Oslo 1956,pp. 56-99. ll3 Al-Mu'afa b. Zakariyya al-Nahrawani l-Jarirl, al-Jallsu i-SaJi/J al-kafi wa-l-anisu i-nlI.$ihui-shafi, MS. Topkapi Saray, ill Ahmet, No. 2321.foL 217a; Ibn 'Aslikir, Tdrikk Dimashq; I, 294; al-Suyutl, al-Durr al-manthUr,VI, 404.
Kister: Sons of Khadija
87
these traditions the enemy of the Prophet who is said to have insulted him was al-'~ h Wa'il There are, however, other traditions in which the word ai-shimi' is attributed to other persons. According to a report recorded by al-Fakhr al-Razi, the person who insulted the Prophet out of hatred after the death of the Prophet's son was Abu Jahl114 Other traditions say that the person who insulted the Prophet after the death of his son was Abu Lahah'" A conciliatory explanation is given by al-Halabi in his Sirct16 al-'~ and Abu Lahab were both named aJ-abtar because their sons had embraced Islam and they had become cut off from them; they are not considered to be "the children of Abu Lahab and al-'As," and are not permitted to receive the inheritance of their fathers. Several traditions do not link the verses of the sura with the death of the children of the Prophet,"? There are some other traditions saying that the verse inna shani'aka huwa l-abtar refers to the unbelievers who insulted the Prophet by calling him ai-abtar, thus referring to their assumption that he would not find adherents and helpers and would be cut off. This was denied by the sura, which assured him that God and Jibril would give him succour and help.118 According to a tradition recorded in Ibn
114 Al-Fakhr al-Razi, al-Tajsir al-kabir, XXXII, 133, 1ll-3; Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, VII. 390; and see al-Shaukani, Fatl) ai-qadir, V, 501 115 Ibn Kathir, Taisir, VII, 390. ll; and see al-Fakhr al-Razi, al-Tafsir aI-kabir. XXXII, 133 sup; Abii Lahab called the Prophet ol-abtar after the prediction about Abii Lahab's doom and perdition was declared in Siira CXI: tabbat yadii abi lahabin wa-tobba; and see the article by Uri Rubin, "Abu Lahab and siira ocr; BSOAS XLII (1979).13-28. 116 Al-Sira aI-l)alabiyya, m. 346. 117 See e.g. al-Fakhr al-Razi, ai-Tafsir aI-kabir. XXXII, 132 inf; Quraysh invited Ka'b b. al-Ashraf as arbiter and recounted the virtues by which they surpassed Muhammad; Ka'b confirmed their superiority in relation to Muhammad, a. al-Shaukanl, Fatl) al-qadlr, V. 504; al-Tabari, Tafsir, Xxx, 213; al-Khiizin, Tatsir, VII, 253; al-Baghawi, Tatsir, VII, 251 And see al-Fakhr al-Razi, ibid, for another tradition recorded on the authority of 'Ikrima and Shahr b. Haushab; the Prophet summoned Quraysh to embrace Islam; they refused, arguing that he had disobeyed his people and had become cut off from them 118 Al-Fakhr al-Razi, aI-Tatsir al-kobir, xxxn. 131
88
Kister: Sons of Khadija
Kathir.'" al-Fakhr al-Razi,120 al-Tabaril" al-Jawr22 and al-Suyiiti,123 the word shimi' refers to 'Uqba b, Abi Mu'ayt, An odd tradition links the verse inna shani'aka huwa /-abtar with the person of Abu Jahl, but does not connect it with the death of the children of the Prophet Abu Jahl hated the Prophet and spoke about him with scorn. One day he asked his guests to accompany him to Muhammad's abode. When they reached the house of the Prophet, Abu Jahl summoned him to a wrestling contest which he hoped would expose the weakness of the Prophet The Prophet, however, succeeded in flinging Abu Jahl down and putting his leg on Abu JahI's chest.124 The story of the Prophet's wrestling with an adversary and defeating him is not unique; in the case of Rukana, the Prophet wrestled with him and flung him down to the ground, and Rukana became convinced of the prophethood of Muhammad and embraced 1slam12S It is evident that all these traditions refer to the Meccan period in the life of the Prophet, and it is thus plausible that the siirat ai-kauihar was regarded as Meccan There are, however, traditions which speak of this siira being revealed under quite different circumstances. A report recorded by al- Tabarani on the authority of Abu Ayyiib says that after the death of Ibrahim, the son of the Prophet, the unbelievers told each other joyously that the Prophet had become an abtar. The sisrat al-kauthar constituted a denial of this false claim.126 A tradition traced back to al-Suddi reports that when al-Qasim and 'Abdallah died in Mecca and Ibrahim in Medina, the unbelievers
Ai-Tafsir aJ-kabir, xxxn m Tafsir, xxx, zn Marah labid, Cairo, n.d., II, 468. Ai-Durr aJ-manlhUr, VI, 404. AI-Fakhr a1-Razi, Tafsir, XXXII, 133; a1-Jiiwi,MarlJh labid, II, 468. A1-Fakhr remarks that the connection of the word shani' with Abu Jahl and the wrestling event is based on stories circulated by the qrL$oYll$. 125 See e.g. Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba; II, 497, no. 2691; and see the story of Rukfula in a1-Fiikihi, Tdrikk makka; MS. Leiden, Or. 463, fo1474b. 126 A1-Silaukiini,Fath aJ-qadir, Y, 504; a1-Suyiiti,aJ-Durr aJ-manlhUr, VI 403 info 120 121 122 123 124
119 Tafsir, VII, 389.
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in Mecca said that the Prophet had become an abtar, a man bereft of progeny. The siaa: al-kauthar was a denial of this claim; in fact, the progeny of the unbelievers were cut off, while the progeny of the Prophet increased and grew abundantly,"? The "pseudo-historical background" of the tradition seems to indicate that after the death of Ibrahim in Medina (in the year 10 All.) there were quite strong groups of Qurashi opponents who expected the power of the nascent Islamic community in Medina to be shattered. But some traditions linking the revelation of siir at al-kauthar with the death of one or more sons of the Prophet are clearly anachronistic. To this group belongs the tradition reported on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas saying that when Ibrahim, the son of the Prophet, died, Abii Jahl joyously told his companions that Muhammad had been cut off from his progeny, butira muhammadun: Then God revealed the sisrat al-kautharli" The legendary character of this tradition is evident Abii Jahl was killed in the Battle of Badr in 2 AH., while Ibrahim died in the year 10 AR It is no wonder that the scholars of the Qur'an held different views as to whether the siira was revealed in Mecca or in Medina..129 A peculiar tradition, obviously Shi'i, on the authority of al-Hasan b. 'Ali, gives a significant background for the shani' verse of the siinu al-kauihar: the Prophet saw in a dream the Banii Umayya successively ascending his minbar; he was grieved by this vision, and then God revealed the siaa: al-kauthar. The word shimi' thus refers to the Banii Umayya. Al-Fakhr al-Razi remarks that the rule (mulk) of the Banii Umayya had indeed vanished and they had become cut off.l30
127 AI-Fakhr al-Razi, Taisir, XXXII, 133; cf. al-Qurtubl, Tajsir, xx, 222-223; and see the comments in al-Fadl b. al-Hasan al-Tabarsi's Jawami< aI-jarni' ti taisiri l-qur'ani I-majid, Tabriz 1379, pp. 553-554. 128 Abu H3yy8n. aI-Bahr aI-mu/.lit,VIII, 520; al-Shaukani, Fath d-qadir, V, 503; al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, xx. 222 129 See e.g. Abu Hayyan, al-Bahr al-muhit; VIII, 519: hadhihi I-suratu makkiyyatun [i l-mashhuri; wa-qaulu I-jumhuri madaniyyatun [i qauli l-hasani wa-Tkrtmata wa-qasadata; and see T. Noldeke-F. Schwally, GeschichJedes Qorlms, Hildesheim 1961. I, 92. 130 Al-Fakhr al-Razi, Tofsir, XXXII, 134 sup.
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Kister: Sons of Khadija
The conflicting views of the Muslim scholars as to whether the sura: ai-kaiahar is Meccan or Medinan are revealed in a remarkable discussion of a tradition about a nap the Prophet took, reported on the authority of Anas b. Malik. The Prophet is said to have taken a nap. Then he lifted his head and smiled. When asked about the reason for his smile he told the attending people that he had earlier (1m.ifan)been granted a sura; he then recited the siira: at-kauiharl" The pivotal issue in the discussion is whether the vision the Prophet had during his nap in Medina was merely a recollection of the Meccan sura, or a new revelation. or a vision of a sura, which would be endorsed by a revelation. The serious topic which had to be considered was whether a revelation of a sura could be granted during a nap. Some scholars were of the opinion that prophets could be granted revelation in dreams, while others denied it It was probably a conciliatory opinion put forward by some scholars who maintained that the verse inna shani'aka huwa I-abtar had been revealed in Mecca. while the two other verses had been revealed in Medina. This presumption was, however, contradicted by reports in which the sisrtu aJ-kauthar was included among those suras which came down as complete, undivided units revealed at once (dar atan wahidatan). To these sil.ros belong the fiuiha; the sUrat a/-ikhlas and the siaa: al-kaiahar." The sura: al-kauthar probably reflects the Prophet's grief after the death of his child and the mocking of his enemies in Mecca who called him al-abtar, but the reports of the transmitters referring to some historical events cannot be considered reliable and trustworthy. It is noteworthy that there was some aversion to recording chronological data relating to age. Malik b. Anas is said to have been reluctant to reveal a person's age: laysa min muruwwati I-rajuli an yukhbira bi-sinnihi.133 Al-Zurqani explains that the dates of the Prophet's children's deaths and their ages at the time are unknown due to the lack of
Falh al-qadir, Y, 503; Ibn Kathir, Taf sir, YIL 384; aI-Suyii~i,aJ-Durr aJ-manthUr, VI, 401 132 Al-l;IaIabi, al-Sira aJ-haIabiyya, III, 346. 133 Ibn al-'Arabi, Ahkiim al-qur'iin; ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijiwt, Cairo 1388/1968, N, 1968.
131 See e.g. al-Shaukani,
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historical interest in that period: ... lam tulam muddatu hayatlhi li-qillati l-ttindt bi-l-ta'rikhi idhdhilka.134 The male children of the Prophet borne by Khadija died as infants; some traditions say that they died as sucklings. Ibrahim, the son of the Prophet borne him by the slave girl Mariya, died as a small child of sixteen or eighteen months. The Prophet, afflicted by this distress, gave vent to his feelings, weeping and bewailing the beloved son. A significant utterance of the Prophet emphasized the high status of the deceased child: "Had he survived he would have been a siddiq and a prophet'[" It was indeed a fatal calamity which the Prophet had to acceptl36 However, by God's grace the Prophet was compensated for his suffering and distress at the loss of his male progeny. He is said to have asked God to grant him children of the highest quality, and God responded and granted him female children. The Prophet further proudly stated in his utterance that anyone wanting to see the ''Father of Daughters" should see the Prophet, as he is the Father of Daughters. Miisa, Shu'ayb and Lut were also ''Fathers of Daughters'P? Another tradition of this kind is reported on the authority of Abu Hurayra and 'Uqba b. 'Amir: ... la takrahis l-banaii fa-inni aha I-banati wa-innahunna I-ghizlibiltu I-mu'nisiltu I-mujhiriltupa
134 Al-Zurqiini, Shorb,ol-mawahib, III, 193,112 135 See e.g. al-Suyiiti, al-Hiiwi li-I-falawi, ed. Muhammad Mubyi l-Din 'Abd al-Hamid, Cairo 1378/1959, II, 187-190;and see the detailed study of the different versions of this tradition in Y. Friedmann's "Finality of Prophethood in Sunni IsIam,"JSAl 7 (1986),187-191 136 Ibn Hajar, ai-I saba, I, 175:... inna l-'ayna tadmau wo-l-qalba yahzanu wa-llI naqUluilia rna yurdi rabbaniJ... 137 Al-Daylami, Firdaus ol-akhbar, MS. Chester Beatty, no. '!JJJ7, fol 89b: Ibn Mas'iid: ... sa'oltu rabbi khayra l-waladi fa-alani rabbi khayra l-woladi [a-razaqani l-baniiti; fa-man kana yuridu an yara aba l-baniiti fa-anii abu l-baniiti wa-milrii abu l-baniiti wa-slulayb abUl-baniiti wa-liil abU l-baniiti. 138 AI-Daylami, Firdaus, MS. Chester Beatty, no. '!JJJ7, fol187a; and see a similar tradition in which, however, the expression abu l-baniit is not mentioned: Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kiimil [i du'af1ii l-rijaIi. Beirut 1405/1985, I, 2281 and Niir aI-Din V aI-Haythami, Majmd ol-zaw1iid. VIII, 156.
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Daughters were indeed never joyously welcomed in Muslim society; they were unwanted in accordance with a longstanding tradition of the Jahiliyya period. These two haditbs attributed to the Prophet allayed the feelings of bitterness, grief and disappointment of the families "afflicted" with a great number of female children and granted the fathers comfort, relief and perhaps even a bit of pride.
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al-Jawi, Muhammad Nawawi
Kister: Sons of Khadija
Targhibu l-mushJaqin li-bayfmJ manzumasi l-sayyid: l-barzanfi zayni l-'iibidin, Cairo, n.d. al-Jayyani, Abii Hayyan, Tafsiru l-bahri l-muhit, Cairo 1328. al-Kala'I, aJ-lktilll [i maghlui rasUJillahi wa-l-thalathati l-kJuJalll, ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wii1:rid, Cairo 138711968. al-Katakanl, aJ-BurhlJn [i tafsiri l-qur'iin, ed. Mal,uniid Ia'far al-Zarandi, Qumm 1394. al-Sira al-nabawiyya; MS. Br. Mus., Add 18499. al-Khafaji, Nasimu l-riy1J4 sharI) shillli l-q1J4i 'iy1J4, Cairo 1327. Khalifa b. Khayyat, Tdrikh; ed. Akram ])iya' al-'Umari, Najaf 1386. al-Khlizin Lubiibu Hdwil [i ma'ani l-tanzll, Cairo 1381 Lammens, R "L'Age de Mahomet et Ia Chronologie de Ia Sira," Journal Asiatique, XVII [19111 al-Majlisi. Bil;iu al-anwar, Tehran 1392 al-Maqdisi, al-Mutahhar b. Tahir. Kitiib aJ-bad'i wa-l-tarikh; ed. a Huart, Paris 1916. al-Maqrizl, lmlfl ol-asmd bi-rna li-l-rasidi mina l-anblIi wa-l-amwali wa-l-hafadati wa-l-matii.', ed. Mal,uniid Muhammad Shakir, Cairo 194L al-Marziiqi. oi-Azmina wa-l-amkina; Hyderabad 1332 al-Mawardi, A'lfJmu l-nubuwwa; Beirut, n.d. Mughultay, Talkhisu l-sira; MS. Shehid 'Ali, 1878. Mughultay, al-Zahru l-basim Ii sirat abi l-qasim; MS, Leiden, Or. 370. Muhammad b. Habib, al-Muhabbar, ed. lIse Lichtenstaedter, Hyderabad 136111942 Muhammad b. Habib, al-Munammaq, ed. Khurshid Ahmad Fliriq, Hyderabad 138411964. Muqatil b. Sulaymlin Talsir, MS. Ahmet III, 74-2 al-Nahrawani, Mu'lifa b. Zakariyya, aJ-JaJisu l-saii/:w l-kafi, MS. Topkapi Saray, Ahmet III, no. 232L T. Noeldeke-F. Schwally. Geschidue des Qorans, Hildesheim 196L al-Nuwayri, Nihaya: al-arab [i lunii.ni l-adab, Cairo 1964. al-Qayrawani 'Abdallah b. Abi Zayd Kitabu l-jarnl, ed. Muhammad Abii I-Ajflin wa-'Uthman Bittikh, Beirut-Tunis 1402/1982 al-Qurtubl, Tafsir = al-Iiuni Ii-ahkiimi l-quriin; Cairo 138711967. al-Razi, Fakhr al-Din, ai-Taisir al-kabir, Cairo 135711938. Rubin, U. "Abii Lahab and siira CXI," BSOAS XLll [19791 al-SIDil:Ji.Subulu l-hudii. wa-l-rashiJd fi sirati khayri l-'ibii.d, ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-WliI:lid, Cairo 139411974.
al-Kazariini
Kister: Sons of Khadija al-ShaukanL Fat/pll-qadir, aJ-jlunl bayna tQI//IIJyiI-riwaya wa-I-dirlJya min 'ilmi l-taisir, Cairo, n.d., repr. Beirut al-SinjarL ManitiJ)JlI-lcaram bi-akhblui moJcIuua wa+l)aram. MS. Leiden, Or. 7018Sprenger, A Vas Leben und die Lehre des Mohammad, Berlin 1869. al-Suhayli. ol-Raud aJ-unut, ed. 'Abd al-RaI:unin al-Wakil, Cairo 1387/1967. al-SuyiitL aJ-Durru l-manlhiIT [i l-tafsir bi-l-ma'lhilT, Cairo 1314. al-SuyiitL aJ-lIllwi Ii-l-tatllwi, ed. Mubammad MuI;Iyi I-Din 'Abd al-l:Iamid, Cairo 1378Il959. al-Suyiiti. aJ-RaslJ'Uu I-li%, Beirut 1405/1985. al- Tabari, Mul)ibbu l-Dln, aJ-Si/nfu I-thamin fi maniJqib ummahOti I-mu'minin. Cairo 1402/1983. al-Tabarl, Mul;lamrnad b. Jarlr, Dhaylu l-mJldhayyaJ, Cairo l358/l939. al-Tabarl, Muhammad b. Jarir, ol-Tafsir = Jaml aJ-baylm fi tafsiri I-quran., BWaq 1329. al-Tabari, Mul;lamrnad b. Jarir, Tdrilchu I-rusu/ wa-I-mulUk, ed. Mubammad AbU I-Fa41 Ibrahim, Cairo 1969. al-Tabarsi, al-Fadl b. al-Hasan, Majma' aJ-baylm fi taisiri I-quran., Beirut 138O/196L al-Tabarsi, al-Fadl b. al-Hasan, Jawaml aJ-jlunl fi taisiri l-qurluJi l-maiid, Tabriz 1379. al-Taymi, Yal,Iyii b. SaIiim. Tafsir, mukhiasar Ibn Zamanin. MS. Fas, Qar. 34. Watt, W.M MuJ;ammad at Mecca, Oxford 1951 al-Zurqiini. aJ-Mawahib aJ-laduniyya, Cairo l325.
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crowns.pdf "THE CROWNS OF THIS COMMUNITy" ... SOME NOTES oN THE TURBAN IN THE MUSLIM TRADITION M.J. Kister
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
I The tradition recorded in Nabia Abbot's Studies in Arabic Papyri III was only conjecturally read by the author: balaghana anna rasula llahi salla llahu `alayhi wa-sallama qala: tijanu hadhihi l-ummati l-`amalu [] yaquluha fi l-`idayni wa-yauma I-jum`ati. Professor Abbot described the papyrus as a document written in the late second century of the hijra; she assumed that the author- of the· papyrus was Qutayba b. Sa`ld al-Balkhi (d. 240/854).2 This partly deciphered statement, attributed to the Prophet and transmitted in various versions in the compendia of hadith, is often coupled with two or three additional statements ascribed to the Prophet. The first phrase of the combined statement, often quoted separately, and provided with explanations and comments, was transmitted in a concise form: al-`ama'imu tijanu I-`arabi, "The turbans are the crowns of the Arabs."3 This seems to be with all probability the correct reading of
1 Qur'anic Commentary and Tradition, The University of Chicago, Oriental Institute Publications, vol. 76, 11, 1967, Document 3, verso, 11.15-16. 2 Ibid., pp. 143-145. 3See e.g., Ibn Hajar al-`AsqalanI, Fada'ilu l-qur'ani l-karim, al-Sayyid al-Jamili, ed. (Beirut, 1986), p. 144: wa-huwa ka-qawihim: al-'ama'imu tfjanu l-'arabi li-kauniha taqllmu maqama l·tfjani; and see `Abd ai-Malik b. Mul]ammad alTha`aIibI, Thimaru l-quillb /f l-mudaJ wa-l-manfllb, MUl}ammadAbu I-Fa4I IbrahIm, ed. (Cairo, 1384/1965), p. 159 (see the references of the editor). MUQammad DarwIsh ai-Hut, Ama I-matalib /f a/}aduha mukhtaliJati I-maratib, Khalil ai-Mays, ed. (Beirut, 1403/1983), p; 208, no. 942 stresses the weak character of the tradition: turuquhu kulluha da`fjatun, Wa-!lunua min kalami l-zuhri kama dhakarahu l-ba!lhaqi. Mul]ammad b. Al]mad b. Jiira11iihal-~afadr I-YamanI, al-Nawajilu I-`atira /f l-a/}oduhi I-mu.htahira, Mul]ammad `Abd al-Qadir `A~ii,ed. (Beirut, 1412/1992), 207, no. 1130 (see also the references of the editor); Mul}ammad b. `Abd al-Ralpnan al-SakhiiwI, al·Maqofidu l./}a.ana ji-ba!lani kathfrin min al·a/}aduhi l·mu.htahira `ala l-al,ina, `Abdallah MUl}ammad al-~q and 'Abd al-Wahhiib `Abd al-La~if, eds. (Beirut, 1399/1979),291, no. 717; (see the various versions and the references). Abu Sa'd 'Abd ai-Malik b. Mul]ammad al-Wii`i~ al-KhargiishI, al-Bi,hara wa-l-nidhara /f ta`biri l-ru'!la wa-l-muraqaba, MS. Br. Mus., Or. 6262, fo!' 127a: wa-aula l-ki.wati bi-taqdfmi I-dhikri al·'amo'imu Ja-innaha tfjanu I-'arabi ... ; al-Raghib al-¥ahanI, Mu/}adaratu I·udabii' (Beirut, 1961), vo!' 4, p. 371; Abu Bakr Al]mad b. `Abdallah al-
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the short phrase of the tradition, as given in the papyrus: tZjiinu hiidhihi l-ummati l-camii'imu, "The crowns of this people are the turbans." This statement is attributed in several early sources to 'Umar b. alKhattab." It is recorded in Mughultay's al-Zahr al-biisim and is attributed to cAll b. AbI Talib, though Mughultay mentions that it was attributed to the Prophet as well.5 This notion of equating turbans with crowns was rooted in the society of the Arab peninsula in the period of the Jahiliyya. Wearing a turban implied strength and honour, symbolized the authority of a clan or tribal group and reflected high military position and leadership. MuCammam or muiassab, "dressed in a turban," referred to a man appointed as chief of his people. It corresponds to the expressions tuwwija, "he was crowned," or suwwida, "he was granted the control of a tribal group," which are used regarding the non-Arabs." The expression almu' ammam also entailed the responsibility ofthe appointed chief: every offense committed by a member of the tribe was figuratively fastened to his turban; he was responsible for the evil deeds of the members of his clan or tribe." Before the advent ofIslam, only the Arabs (i.e., the tribal society of the Arab peninsula-k) wore turbans, the crowns of the Arabs.8 The Bedouin provenance of the above statement - "The Crowns of the Arabs" is clearly reflected in CAlIb. Ahmad al-cAzlzI's explanation of the tradition: "The turbans are like the crowns for the kings of the Arabs, because the majority of the Arabs (i.e., the Bedouins-k] are bareheaded and turbans are scarce among them."?
Kindt al-Samdf al-NazwI, al-Mufannaf, 'Abd al-Mun'im 'Amir and Jadallah Ahmad, eds.(Cairo, 1979), 12, p. 70; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, A~kam ahli I-dhimma, Subhl l-Salih, ed. (Damascus, 1381/1961), vol. 2, p. 739. 4 AI-Ja\:li~, al-Bayan wa-l-ta~yfn, 'Abd al-Salam Muhammad Harlin, ed., n.p., n.d. (probably Beirut, fourth edition), vol. 3, p. 100 and vol. 2, p. 88; al-Raghib al-Isfahanr, Mu~at/arilt al-udaba', vo\. 3-4, p. 371. 5 Mughultay, al-Zahr al-basim, MS. Leiden, Or. 370, fo\' 219b. And see Ibn alDayba', Taysfr al-wuful ila jami' I-Uful min ~adfthi l-rasiil (Cairo, 1390/1970), vo\. 4, p. 186. 6 See L'A, s.v. 'mm: ('ammama) wa-'ummima l-rajul, suwwida, Ii-anna tfjana l-'arabi l-'ama'imu, [a-kullamii qua if l-'ajami tuwwija, tpia if l-'arabi 'ummima. And see Hamza al-~fahanI, al-Durra al-fakhira if l-amthiili l-sa'ira, 'Abd al-Majjd Qa~amish, ed. (Cairo, 1971), vo\. 1, p. 123, no. 115: fa-ka-anna 'ummima bi-iza'i ma yuqalu if l-'ajami tuwwija. 7l;Iamza al-Isfahanf', al-Durra al-fakhira, vo\. 1, p. 123; and see al-Raghib al-Isfahant, Mu~at/arat al-udaba', vo\. 3-4, p. 371: wa-qau/uhum "sayyidun mu'ammamun, mu'aHabun" ifhi ta'Wfiani a~aduhuma huuia l-muta'aHabu bijara'iri qaumihi uia-l-iikh aru bi-ma'na I-sharafi. 8 Ibn N~ir al-Dm, Jami' al-iiihiir , MS., Cambridge Or. 913, fo\' 204a: amma fa~ibu l-taj, [a-qiila abu I-fat/I 'iyat/ [a-l-muriid bihi l-'imama, lam takun ~fna'idhin ilia li-l-i arabi ; and see al-MajJisI, Bi~aru 1-IJnwar, vo\. 16, p. 131, Jawad al-'AlawI and Muhammad al-AkhundI, eds.(Tehran, 1379): wa-amma I-taju [a-l-murnd bihi l-'imamatu, wa-lam yakun ~fna'idhin ilia li-I-'arabi. 9 'Alf b. Ahmad al-'AzIzI, al-Siraj al-munfr, shar~ 'ala I-jami' I-lJaghfr if a~adfthi
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According to tradition, several' eminent persons in Mecca, such as the leaders of tribal clans, attained a conspicuous privilege: when the leader wore a turban of a certain colour, no one else in Mecca had the right to wear one of the same colour. For instance, in the late period of the Jjihiliyya, SacId b. al_c.A~ Umayya who received the sobriquet dhii b. l-cimiima was granted such a privilege.l? According to a verse recorded in Hamsa al-Isfahani's ol-Durra al fiikhira, a poet praised Sa'Id b. al-c.A~, saying: "When Abii-cUl].ayl].a,(i.e., Sa'Id b. al-'.A~-k), puts the turban on his head (in his characteristic way -k}, any man who imitates him will be beaten, even if he is a man of wealth and [has a] large number" (scil. of relatives and allies). 11 A tradition recorded by al-.AbI12provides a vivid description of the rivalry between Sa'Id b. al-c.A~and the renowned warrior who distinguished himself in the battle of al-Fijar, al-Zubayr b. cAbd al-Muttalib. AI-Zubayr was the leader of the Hashimi branch of Quraysh in the war of Fijar. He initiated the confederation of the ~ilf al-fu¢.iil, and was appointed by his father as his heir and trustee and became a mediator in the complicated problems of conflicts and peace making. He was the uncle of the Prophet and was highly respected in Mecca.P According
I-bashir l-nadlur li-Jaliili i.ot« I-Suy11tf (Cairo, 1377/1957), vol. 2, p. 474: al'amii'imu tfjiinu I·' arabi, ay hiya lahum bi-manzilati I.tfjiini li-l-mulUki, li-annahu aktharu mii yakununa bi-I-bawiidf, ru'usuhum makshuJatun, wa-I-'amii'imu fihim qalilatun; cr. al-Kinanf', al-Di'iima li-ma'riJati a/]kiimi sunnati I-'imiima (Damascus, 1342), p. 6, ll. 1-3. 10 See Abu 'Ubayda Ma'mar b. al-Muthanna, Kitiib al-dibiij, 'Abdallah b. Sulayrnan al-Jarbu' and 'Abd al-Rahman b. Sulayman al-'Uthaymin, eds. (Cairo, 1411/1991), p.130. ll.l:lamza al-Isfahant, al-Durra al-Jiikhira, vol. 1, p, 122: Abu U/]ay/]ata man ya'tammu 'immatahu ywjrab, wa-in kiina dhii miilin wa-dhii 'adadi. See also the reference of the editor. For more on Sa'Id b. al-'A~, nicknamed dhu I-'imiimati, see Muhammad b. Hablb, al-Mu/]abbar, lise Lichtenstaedter, ed. (Hyderabad, 1361/1942), p. 165; and see Muhammad b. 'Abdallah al-Shiblt, Ma/]iisin al-wasii'il :If ma'riJati I-awii'il, Muhammad al-TunjI, ed. (Beirut, 1412/1992), 241; al-Jahis, al-Bayiin wa-I-tabyfn, 'Abd al-Salam Mul}ammad Harun, ed., vol. 3, p. 97; al-Jahis, al- Tiij:lf akhliiqi I-muluki, Al}madZakI Pasha, ed. (Cairo, 1732/1914), pp. 47, p. 196. Ibn Hajar al~'AsqalanI, al-Ifiiba :If tamyfzi I-fa/]iiba, 'All Muhammad al-Bijawr, ed. (Cairo, 1970), vol. 3, p. 289 inf., no. 3768; al-BaladhurI, Ansiib al-ashriiJ vol. 1, Muhammad Hamtdullah, ed. (Cairo, 1959), index; Abu Dawud al-Sijistani, alMariisil, 'Abd al-'AzIz 'Izzu l-Drn al-Sayrawan, ed. (Beirut, 1406/1986), 241, no. 98, 3; Abu Bakr passed by the grave of Sa'td b. al-'A, and cursed him because he opposed God (kiina mU/]iiddan li-lliihi) and His apostle. A son of Sa'Id b. al-'A~ replied by cursing Abu Bakr's father. The Prophet then prohibited the cursing of individual unbelievers, as this may enrage the living (descendants or relatives -k). However, he permitted the cursing of unbelievers as a group. See also Ahmad b. 'All al-QashanI b. Babah, Ra'su miili I-nadfmi :If tawiin'khi a'yiini ahli I-isliim, Suhayl Zakkar, ed., Beirut, 1418/1997, p. 111. 12 Mansur b. al-Husayn al-AbI, Nathr al-durr, Muhammad 'All Qarna and 'All Muhammad al-Bijawl, eds.(Cairo, 1380), vol. 1, p. 395-6. 13 For more on him, see: Abu Hilal al-Hasan b. 'Abdallah al-'AskarI, al-Awii'il
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to the story recorded by al-AbI, al-Zubayr b. cAbd al-Muttalib returned from a journey in Syria and went to. his dwelling. When he lay down, putting his head on the bosom of his maid-servant who combed his hair, he was surprised by her question: "Are you not frightened by the story?" She told him that Sa'Id b. al-cAI!!orbade any distinguished QurashI (alf abta~i -k) to wear a turban (similar to his own -k) on the same day that he wore it. AI-Zubayr, shocked by the news, seized the lock of his hair from the hand of the servant, ordered her to bring him his turban ("the long one"), jumped hastily on the saddled horse and hurriedly traversed the wadI in order to apprehend Sa'Id b. al_cA~. When Sa'Id received the news concerning al-Zubayr b. "Abd al-Muttalib, he fled in haste to al-Ta'if. Since the imiima was a symbol of strength and power, apostles, saints and prophets are said to have been granted the privilege of wearing the Cimiima among their insignia. "I was ordered to wear the cimiima, the sandals, and the seal," said the Prophet.l" According to a tradition recorded by al-Zurqani, one of the titles of the Prophet mentioned in the Gospel (inju) was ~ii~ibu l-tiij, which is glossed by the author ~iihibu
C
l_cimiima.15
In the traditions concerning the imiima, there is an evident tendency to praise the value of Bedouin dress, customs and weapons. The story of the appointment of CAllas the head of the expedition against some Arab tribes, reported by Abu 'Ubayda al-Hima, contains a peculiar passage concerning the Prophet's attitude towards the Bedouins. The Prophet dtessed CAllb. Abi TaIib in a black Cimiimaj he put the (fringes -k) of the cimiima on his back (or on his shoulder -k) and said: "You should use the Arab spears [i.e., the Bedouin ones -k) and Arab bows (al-qisiyy al-Cambiyya). By the means of these (weapons -k) God will grant victory to your faith (yan~uru lliihu di7U.Ikum) and will aid you in conquering the lands (wa-yafta~u lakumu l-biliida) .16
(Beirut, 1"407/1987), 37-38: .â¢. wa-qala l-zubayru, wa-kana fa~iba hadha 1-~iljL .. ; Ibn Sa'd, al- Tabaqat al-kubra (Beirut, 1380/1960), vol. 1, p. 85 inC.: ... wa-qala 'Abdu I-Muttalibi jf dhalika: sa-u§f Zubayran in tawaJat maniyyatf: bi-imsaki ma baynl wa·bayna banI 'amri wa·an ya~Jafi 1-~iIJa lladhf sanna shaykhuhu: wa-lti yu/~idan jfhi bi-fu/min wa·la ghadri qiila: Ja·au~ii 'Abdu I-Muttalibi ilii 'bnihi I·Zubayri bni 'Abdi I·Muffa/ibi, wa-au§a I-Zubayru ilii Abf Talibin, wa-aufii Abu rsuu« ilii 1·'Abbasi bni l-Muttalibi. 14 AI-NazwI, al-Mu~annaJ, h, 70. Cf. Al}mad b. Mul}ammad al-MaghribI, Fat~ almuta'iil jf mad~i I-ni'iil (Hyderabad, 1334), p. 101: wa-fihi annahu fii~ibu I-mi¢ra'ati wa-I-'imiimati wa-hiya I-tiiju, wa-I-hariiwati, wa-hiya I-qa¢lbu. And see the statement of Malik (b. Anas) in al-'AynI's' Umdat al-qiirf, shar~ fa~i1}i I·Bukhtirf (Beirut, 1348), vol. 21, p. 307:' al-'immatu wa-I-i~tibii'u wa·l-inti'iil min 'amali I-'arabi. 15 AI-Zurqaru, Shar~ 'alii I-mawiihibi I-Iaduniyya li-I-Qastalliinf (Cairo, 1326), vol. 3, p. 135, I. 4. 16 Ibn ~ajar al-'Asqalaru, al-Ifoba jf tamyfzi I-fa~iiba, 'All Muhammad al-BijawI,
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Tradition
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The debate over the quality of Arab weapons is repeated some seven centuries after the death of the Prophet. According to this report, the people of Khurasan claimed that it is useless to fight with the Arab bow; the most useful and efficientweapon being the Persian bow. People in.the border areas of the Muslim empire found the Persian bow incomparable to any other weapon because of its fine quality. A I],adfth of the Prophet was quoted in order to refute the erroneous opinion as to the preference of the Persian bow; it is, in fact, the I],adfth quoted in the preceding story with some minor changes.!" The importance of caring for the Bedouins' welfare is emphasized in the will of 'Umar, who named the Bedouins "the root of the Arabs and their mainstay." 18 In another letter of 'Umar, which he sent to the Muslim warriors in Adharbayjan, he summoned them to follow the ways of their ancestor Isma'Il, to wear the iziir, the ridii' and the sandals,
ed. (Cairo, 1971), vol. 4, p. 25; and see another version, ibid.: The Prophet dressed 'AlI in an 'imama on the day of GhadIr Khumm. See also al-Maqrfzr, Imta'u 1aama' bi-ma li-l-raauli mina l-anba'i wa-l-amwali wa-l-I}afadati wa-l-mata', Mahmud Muhammad Shakir, ed. (Cairo, 1941), vol. 1, p. 502: The Prophet sent 'All at the head of a troop to Yemen; he took a turban ('imama), rolled it two or four times, placed it on a spear and handed it over to 'All as a flag. He then dressed 'All in a .black turban, and wound it three times around his head, letting (the fringe of the imama -k) hang one .cubit in front of him and a certain distance (shibr) from behind him. The Prophet then said: "This is the proper way of winding the 'imama" (hakadha l-'imamatu). And see the version recorded in Dhahabr's Mfzan al-i'tidal, 'All Muhammad al-Bijawl, ed. (Cairo, 1382/1963), vol. 2, pp. 396-7. The Prophet stated that the angels sent by God to aid him on the day of Hunayn and on the day of Badr were clad in turbans wound in this fashion. He further remarked that the turbans distinguish between the Muslims and the unbelievers, Glancing at the attending people, the Prophet noticed a man with an Arab bow, and another with a Persian bow. The Prophet recommended the Arab bow and the Arab spears; by these God will aid the believers on Earth. See another version of the story of 'All who was sent by the Prophet on the day of Bi'r Khumm (the correct name of the place is evidently "Ghadlr Khumm" -k) with a group of warriors. The Prophet noticed a man with a Persian bow and another with an Arab bow among the warriors. The Prophet addressed the man with the Persian bow saying: "Throwaway this bow, as it is a cursed bow and cursed is the man who carries it. You have to carry the Arab bow." The Prophet enjoined the use of Arab bows and Arab spears; by these weapons God will strengthen the faith (of Islam -k) and make your grip on the land firm (wa-biha yumakkinu llahu jf l-bilad), in Abu Dawnd Sulayman b. al-Ash'ath alSijistani, al-Marasil, 'Abd al-'Azlz 'Izzu l-Din al-Sayrawan, ed. (Beirut, 1406/1986), p. 182, no. 28; and see Ibn Abll;!atim, 'Ilal al-I}adfth (Cairo, 1343), vol. 1, p. 486, no. 1457. l7lbn Taymiyya, Iqtitja'u l-firati l-mustaqfm mukhalafatu afl}abi l-jal}fm, Muhammad I;!a:mid al-Fiqt, ed. (Cairo, 1369/1950), p. 140. Note the expression, rimal} ol-qan« in this version; and see the interesting remark of the editor concerning the need to improve the weapons of the Muslims. Cf. the tradition in al-Bayhaqr's al-Sunan al-kubrii (Hyderabad, 1355), vol. 10, p, 14-15. 18 See 'Umar b. Shabba, Ta'n"kh al-madfna al-munawwara, Fahrm Muhammad Shalttlt, ed. (Makka al-mukarrama, 1399/1979), vol. 3, p, 937: ... wa-u§ikum bi-l-
a'rabi, facinnahum
aflukum wa-maddatukum
....
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to throwaway the trousers (al-sariiwiliit) and the boots (al-khifiif), to enjoy (the warmth of) the sun as that of a bath, and to stay away from alien fashions (ziyy al-Cajam) and luxuries (tanaCum). He advised them to live frugally, to gallop on horses and to engage in target practice with arrows. 19 The pious among the Umayyad governors demanded justice for the Bedouins. The famous ascetic, cA~a.)b. Abi Rabal}., a black slave in Mecca, was one of the great scholars widely respected for his knowledge of lJaduh and fiqh as well as his integrity. According to a report recorded in the Tadhkira of Ibn Hamdiin, cA~a.)entered the court of Sulayman b. cAbd al-Malik; when asked about his wishes, he bade the ruler to act according to the will of the Prophet. He asked to give the sons of the Muhii.jirun and the sons of the Anlllar their pay, and to care for the welfare of the desert dwellers (al-biidiya), since they are the mainstay (miiddatun) of the Arabs. He also requested that Sulayman alleviate the khariij tax levied on the dhimmis, since they help defend the ruler from the Muslim community's enemies as well as their own. In addition, he asked to extend help to the people of the frontiers (ahl al-thughiir), because they serve by defending the community (fa-innahu yudfaCu bihini
an hiidhihi l-umma).2o
The Prophet is said to have predicted that after his death there will ensue vehement civil wars (fitan) in which the dwellers of the deserts (ahlu l-bawiidi) will not be wet by the blood of the people nor by the seizing of their possessions. 21 _ The "imiima remained a symbol of strength, power, dignity, and honour. ''The turban denotes the dignity of the believer and the strength of the Arabs; if they remove their turbans, they will lose their strength." 22
19 Al-BayhaqI, al-Sunan al·kubra, vol.. 10, p. 14inf.j and see the explanation of some of the expressions in the letter of 'Umar: aI-Sar-arInI, Ghidha'u l-albab li-8har~i man~umati l-adab (Cairo, 1325), vol, 2, pp. 280-82; and see another version of this letter in Ibn al-JauzI, Manaqib amiri l-mu'minina 'umara bni l-khattabi, Zaynab Ibrahtm aI-Qiiriit, ed. (Beirut, 1402/1982), 127 inf.-128 sup. 20 Muhammad b. aI-ijasan (Ibn Hamdan), al· Tadhkira al·~amduniyya, Il;tsan 'Abbas, ed. (Beirut-Tripoli [Tunis], 1984), vol. 2, p. 92j cf. aI-FasI, al-'/qd althamin fi ta'n'khi l-baladi I-amin (Cairo, 1386/1966), vol. 6, p. 92; and see Abii Yiisuf, Wafiyyat Abi YU8UJ/i-Hanin al·Ra,hid, Mul;tammad b. ibrahIm al-Banna, ed. (Cairo, 1971), p. 25, no. 31. 21 Sulaymiin b. Al;tmad aI-TabaranI, Mu.nad al-.hamiyyin, ijamdr 'Abd aI·MajId aI-Silall, ed. (Beirut, 1409/1989), vol. 2, p. 394, no. 1562. 22 See aI-Mawardi, al-Amthal wa-l-~ikam, Fu'iid 'Abd aI-Mun'im Al;tmad, ed. (aIDauhe, 1403/1983), p, 133, no. 554 (191): i'tammu tazdadu ~ilman. And see Anonymous, Mal]allin al-ma,a'ifi manaqib al-Auza'i p. 54. (The saying is attributed to aIAuza'I). Cf. al-Raghib aI-~ahiinI; Mu~a4arat al-udaba', vol. 3-4, p, 371 (attributed to the Prophet); al-NazwI, al-MufannaJ, /2, p. 10 (attributed to the Prophet; another version, 'ilman is also recorded). This tradition was considered as "a weak one" by al-Bukharr, but was considered sound by aI-ijakim; see the discussion in ZurqiinI's Shar~ al-mawahib, vol. 5, p. 14 11.8-9. The tradition which claims that believers who
The Turban in the Muslim
Tradition
223
The Bedouin customs were considered worthy of imitation. The Prophet himself is said to have approved of them. Al-Sharif al-Hadi quotes the prophetic statements concerning the crowns of the Arabs, coupled with the saying about the fashion of sitting peculiar to the Arabs (scil. the Bedouins -k): al-i/.ltiba' /.latan al-carab. In this style of sitting, the Bedouin places the palms of his hands, or a part of his garment which is fastened to his shoulders, under his thighs while sitting on his heels. This manner of sitting, called i/.ltiba', corresponds to the way the sedentary people sit, leaning their backs against a wall.23 A tradition recorded in al-Tirmidhi's Au~af al-nabi says that the Prophet used to sit in the mosque in the i/.ltibii' manner. 24 A widely circulated saying describes the carab in the following way: "God distinguished the Bedouins by four (favourable -k) features: the turbans are their crowns, their customary way of sitting (i/.ltibii') does not require walls, their swords are their clothing (sijanuha), and poetry is their dawan.,,25 The meaning ofthe statement al-suyiifu sajanuha can be gauged from a response given by one of the Shri imams: if a man has no garment (thaub), but is in the possessionof a sword, he is permitted to gird himself with the sword and pray.26 The same meaning is indicated in a statement of CAll . Abi Talib: "The sword has the status of a cloth; b the prayer of the believer is permitted if he is (merely -k) girded with a sword, except if he finds blood on it.,,27 The word "imiima implies the idea of nobility and dignity, corresponding to the idea of crowns (tijan) of the non-Arab kings. The Arabs therefore say: "Never did an cimama-wearing man lose his mind" (ma
remove their turbans will lose their strength is recorded in al-Daylami, Firdaus, MS. Chester Beatty 4139, fol. 36b: i'tammu tazdadu Qilman wa-waqaran, fa-idha tarakat ummatf l-a'immata tarakat 'izzaha wa-waqaraha; al-Munawt, Faytju l-qadir vol. 4, p. 392: al-'ama'imu tfjanu I-'arabi, fa-idha watja'u I-'ama'ima watja'u 'izzahum; alTha'alibt, Thimiiru I-qulub, Muhammed Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim, ed. (Cairo, 1384/1965), p. 159, no. 222; ja'a jf I-khabar: inna I-'ama'ima tfjanu I-'arabi fa-idha watja'uha
al-Majazat al-nabawiyya, Mahmud Mu~~aIa, ed. (Cairo, 1356/1937), pp. 152-3, no. 156; and see Ibn Qutayba, 'Uyunu l-akhbiir (Cairo, 1964), vol. 1, p. 300; and see the detailed explanation of this manner of sitting in Lane's Dictionary, s.v. Qbw. 24 Al- Tirmidhl, Au~af ai-nab! (I?), Samih 'Abbas, ed. (Beirut-Cairo, 1405/1985), p. 128, no. 122; and see the description of the iQtiba' manner of sitting supplied by the editor. 25 Al-Zamakhsharr, Rabi'u l-abriir , MS. Br. Mus. 6511, fol. 106b; on sfjan see Abu 'Umar Yusuf al-Qurtubi, Bahjat al-majalis wa-unsu l-rnujiilis , Muhammad Mursi al-Khulf and 'Abd al-Qadir al-Qi~~, ed. (Cairo, 1969), vol. 2, pp. 59-60; and see a slightly different version: "People used to say: the Arabs were singled out from among the other peoples by four features: the turbans are their crowns, the coats of mail (ai-duro') are their walls, the swords are their clothing (al-suyufu sfjanuha) and the poetry is their dfwan," in al- Tha'alibi, Tbimiir ol-quliib, p. 159, no. 222. 26 AI-MajlisI, BiQaru I-anwar, vol. 83, p. 191. 27 AI-MajlisI, BiQaru I-anwar, vol. 83, p. 189.
wada'a lliihu 'izzahum. 23 AI-Sharif al-Radi,
224
safiha mu'tamim
M.J. Kister
qattu). In accordance with this perception, al-Sharif al-Radl explains the versElof al-Farasdaq: idhii miilikun alqii l-ciiniimata /(j-~dharfj: bawiidira kaffay miilikin ~fna yaghf!,abu
"When Malik discards the 'imiima, beware of the fits of passion of his hands when he becomes angry." AI-Sharifal-Ra4i explains convincingly that when the man is dressed in a turban his behaviour is quiet, without any fits of violence. In the same way he explains the famous verse:
anii bnu jalii wa-talliicu l-thaniiya: mata af!,aci l-cimamata tacri/iinf.
The verse implies a threat of violence when the man removes the
cimiima.28
II
A substantial change in the significance of the "imiima took place with the advent ofIslam. When the Prophet brought the clothes ofthe sadoqo and divided them among the Companions, he ordered them to wear the camii'im, in order to distinguish themselves from the people who preceded them.29 This prophetic injunction clearly implies that the "imiima is the headgear of the believers: the unbelievers of old did not wear
camii'im.
Another tradition with an obvious Muslim tendency contains the dictum about the camii'im as crowns of the Arabs and the statement about the il}tibii'; the third phrase of the tradition says: the sitting of the believer in the mosque is his ribat (i.e., his military station in which he expects to receive the order to fight the unbelievers _k).3o This segment of the tradition is indeed innovative and surprising. The ancient
28 AI-Shari1'al-RaQ1, al·Majazat al-nabawiyya, pp. 152-153, no. 156; see the editor's critical remark claiming that in this verse "mata alja'i l-imama" means: "when I put on the 'imama," and not "when I remove the 'imama." In the preceding verse I read "yaghljabu," following the edition of the Diwan of al-Farazdaq by 'Abdallah Isma'Il al-$&wI (Cairo, 1354/1936), p. 31, penult. instead of tU'fabu, as read by aI-Sharif al·RaQi. On Ibn Jala, see L'A, vol. 14, pp. 152-3, s.v. jala. 29, All b. Mul}.ammad b. 'Ariiq al-KinanI, TanzIh al-.han ...⢠al-marfii' a 'ani l-akMan a I-.hani'ati I·maulju'a, 'Abd al-Wahhab 'Abd al-La~if and 'Abdallah Mul}.ammad al-Slddrq, ed. (Beirut, 1399/1979), vol. 2, p. 272: ... i'tammu khalifii l·umama qablakum .... sOShIrawayh b. Shahridar, Firdaull al-akhbar, Fawwiiz al-Zimirli and Muhammad al-Mu't~im bi-llah (Beirut, 1407/1987), ed., vol. 3, p. 117, no. 4110; al-MunawI, Faylju I.qadir, vol. 4, p, 392, no. 5723; el-Shauksnr, al-Fawa'idu l-majmu'a fi 1al}adfthi l-maulju'a, 'Abd al-RaI].miin b. YaI}.ya1- Mu'allamII-YamanI, ed. (Beirut, 1393), p. 187, no. 538; al-'AjlUnI al-JarraJ:ir, Kashf al·khafa', vol. 2, p. 72, no. 1783: ... wa·l-iljtija'u fi 1- ma,iijidi ribiitu l-mu'min. 'All al-QarI, Ri.ala I}awiya li-masa'ila mu.htamilatin 'ala l·'imama wa-l· 'adhaba kammiyyatan wa·kayfiyyatan, MS. Hebrew University, Yahuda Ar., 990, 8, fol. 20 b, II. 3-4.
The Turban in the Muslim
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customs of Bedouin society are mentioned in this tradition jointly with a Muslim virtue. A tradition recorded by al- Tirmidhi states that the 'imiima forms a sign which separates the Muslims from the unbelievers; Muslims wear turbans, unbelievers do not.31 A more detailed tradition says that what marks the difference between the believers and the unbelievers are the turbans placed on the caps of the believers.V Since turbans are exclusively worn by believers, the privilege of wearing them should not be granted to the unbelievers. This is exemplified by the treatment meted out by 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Azlz to the delegation of the Christian Banii Taghlib. They entered the court of 'Umar wearing turbans like those of the (Muslim -k) Arabs. They asked the Caliph to attach them to the heads of the Arabs (al~iqnii bi-l- 'ambi). The Caliph asked: "So who are you?" They answered: "Weare the Banii Taghlib." Then 'Umar inquired: "Are you not from among the noble Arabs?" (a-wa-Iastum min awiisiti l-'ambi?) They replied suecintly: "We are Christians." Then 'Umar ordered to bring him shears (al-jalam); he cut a part of their forelocks, removed their turbans and cut a part (shibr) of their dress (ridii'). He enjoined them to refrain from riding on saddles (al"suriij), and ordered them to put both their legs on one side of the riding beast.33
31 Al-Kinani, al-Di'Bma, 6 inf.: ... al- 'imama I}ajizatun bayna l-kufri wa-I-fmani, bayna I-muslimfna uia-l-mushrikin . Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI, al-Matiilibu I-'iiliya bizawii'idi I-masiinfdi I-thamiiniya, Yusuf 'Abdal-Hahman al-Mar'ashi, ed. (Beirut, 1407/1987), vol. 2, p. 257, nos. 2158-59; Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI,Fatl}u t-ss«, sharI} ~al}fl}i l-Bukhiiri, Bulaq, 1301 (repr. Beirut) vol. 10, p. 232; al-'AynI, 'Umdatu I-qiirf, sh arb. ~al}fI}iI-Bukhiirf, vol. 21, p. 308 ... anna rasiila lliihi da'ii 'Alf b.Abf '!'iilib (r) yauma Ghadtri KhummJa-'ammamahu wa-arkhii 'adhabata l-'imiimati min khalfihi, thumma qiila: hiikadha la-i'tammu, [a-inna I-'ama'ima sfma'u I-islami wa-hiya 1I}ajizu bayna I-muslimfna uia-l-mushrikina, 32 Al-Kinanr, al-Di'Bma, 6-7; Ibn al-Dayba', Taysfru al-wu~iil ila jami'i l-usiil min I}adfthi l-rasiil (Cairo, 1390), vol. 4, p. 186; Ibn Qayyim a1-Jauziyya, Al}kiimahli I-dhimma, vol. 2, .p, 739 (and see the references of the editor); al-Munawl, FaytJu 1qadtr (Beirut, 1391/1972), vol. 4, p. 392, no. 5725 (and see the comments of Munawi;
al-Munawt, Sharl}u I-shama'ili li-I-tirmidhf ('alii .hamishi jam'i I-wasii'il If sharl}i 1shama'il li·l-tirmidhf li-'alf I-qarf) Cairo, 1318 (repr. Beirut), p. 165; al-Tabarani, al-Mu'jam al-kobir , Harndf 'Abd al-Majld al-Silafi, ed. (n.p., 1405/1984), vol. 5, p.
71, no. 4614. 33 Ibn Taymiyya,
and see ibid. 429, no. 5849, and see the important explication of al-Munawt, ibid.); al-Dhahabi, Mfziin al-i'tidal, 'AlI Muhammad al-Bijawf, ed. (Cairo, 1382/1963), vol. 3, p. 546, no. 7522; al-Suyu~I, al-fliiwf li-I-Iatiiwf, Muhammad MUQyI I-Din 'Abd al-Hamrd, ed. (Cairo, 1378/1959), vol, 1, p. 111; 'All b. Burhan al-Din al-Halabr, al-Sira al-I}alabiyya (Insan al-'uyUn jf sfrati I-amfnil-ma'mun) (Cairo, 1382/1962), vol. 3, p. 379; Ibn Hajar aJ-'AsqalanI, al-Iljaba jf tamyfzi I-Ijal}aba, 'All Muhammad al-Bijawl, ed .. (Cairo, 1971), vol. 6, p. 336; CC. al-Daylamr, Musnad al-firdaus, MS. Chester Beatty no. 3037, fol. 190 b: lii tazalu ummatf 'ala I-fitrati mii labisu I-'ama'ima 'ala l-qaliinisi; Ibn 'Araq, Tanzilui I-shari'a, vol. 2, p. 272; 'Abd al-Ra'ijf
lqtitja'u
I-lJiriiti I-mustaqfm,
Muhammad
l;Iamid al-FaqqI,
ed.
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M.J. Kister
The change in the significance of the turban and its practical benefits, usually related in the books of adab,34 is evident in a tradition transmitted by Malik b. Anas. Malik recommends that the believers wear the turban and the striped garment (like that worn by the Prophet -k) on the two feasts (Ii l-efdayn) and on Friday, because the Prophet used to wear such clothes on these days. Malik quotes the saying of the Prophet: "God strengthened Islam by the turbans and the flags.,,35 He himself urged the people to wear turbans; he began to wear the eimama when he was very young and he did not have even one hair on his face. He reported on the authority of cAbd al-eAzlzb. al-Mu~~alib36 that he had been severely admonished by his father when he entered the mosque without an eimama.37 Malik relates that in the court of Rabi'a b. eAbd al-RaIpna.n38 he saw more than thirty people wearing t.urbans.39 In the mosque of the Prophet (in Medina -k), he met seventy men wearing turbans fastened under their chins (sabefna mu~annakan). All were righteous people: if one of them were to be put in charge of the treasury, he would be trustworthy (amfn). Malik did not begin to issue /atwas before he was granted the permission (ijaza) of forty men wearing turbans fastened under their chins.4o He reiterated his support for the fastening of the turban under the chin when he was asked about a believer who failed to fasten his turban in this manner. He disapproved of this act, stating that this is the fashion of the Nabatheans
(Cairo, 1369), p. 123; and see Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, A~kiim ahli I-dhimma, Subl}I l-~alil}, ed. (Damascus 1381/1961), vol. 2, pp. 742-44. 34 See e.g., Ibn Qutayba, 'Uyiinu l·akhbiir (Cairo, 1383/1963), I, 300: A Bedouin was asked why he frequently (tukthiru) wears the turban; he answered: a bone containing (the organs of-k) hearing and seeing indeed deserveti to be guarded from heat and cold. When the turban was mentioned in Abu I-Aswad al-Du'alI's presence, he stated: "The turban is a form of protection in war. It insulates both in cases of heat and cold, it raises one's stature (ziyiidatun ji.l-qiima) and is indeed a habit of the Arabs (' iidatun min 'iidiiti 1-'arab). 35 Malik b. Anas, Ri,ala j11·,unan wa-l-mawii'if wa-l.iidab, 'Abdallah Al}mad Abu ZIna, ed. (Cairo, 1983). inf: in i,ta~a'ta allii ta4a'a l·'imiimata wa-l-burda j11-'fdayni wa-l.jumu'atiJa-f'al; balaghanf 'ani I-nabiyyi (~alla llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam) annahu kiina yalba,u l·'imiimata wa-l-burda j11-'fdayni wa-l-jumu'ati wa-qiila: inna llaha ta'ala a'azza l-i.liima bi-l-'amii'imi wa-l-alwiyati. 36See on him: Ibn l;Iajar al-'AsqaliinI, Tahdhibu l·tahdhib (Hyderabad, 1326), vol. 6, p. 357, no. 682; and see Ibn Sa'd, al-Tabaqiit al-kubrii, al·qi,mu I-mutammim li-tiibi'f ahli I-madfna, Ziyad Mui}ammad M~ur, ed. (al-MadIna al-munawwara, 1408/1987),460, no. 392 (and see the references of the editor). 37Waki', Akhbiiru l-qu4iit, 'Abd al-'AzIz Mu,~ al-Maragru, ed. (Cairo, 1366/1947), vol. 1, p. 202. 3S See on him Ibn Sa'd, al- Taooqiit al-kubra, al-qillm al-mutammim, p. 320 (and see the abundant references of the editor). 39Waki', Akhbiiru l-qu4at vol. 1, p. 202; and see Ibn Sa'd, al- Tabaqiit, al-qiam al·mutammim, p, 321. 40 AI-ShaukanI, Naylu I-aufar, .har~ muntaqii I·akhbarmin a~iidfthi l-akhyar (Cairo, 1372/1953), vol. 2, pp. 121-22.
The Turban in the Muslim
Tradition
227
and not the fashion of the people (i.e., the believers -k). Only when the turban is a small one, and its fringes do. not reach the chin, or in the case of illness, is the believer permitted to refrain from fastening them under his chin and to remain at home. When Malik was asked about letting down the fringes of the "imiima behind the back of the believer, he stated that he knew only one man from among his contemporaries (mimman adraktuhu), who wore the turban in this way, namely cAmir b. "Abdallah b. al-Zubayr.t! "This fashion of wearing the turban is not forbidden (laysa dhiilika bi-I}ariim), but (it is preferable -k) to let the fringes down on the front (bayna yadayhi).42 Shici tradition asserts that a prayer recited by a believer wearing a turban not fastened under his chin is disliked.P The Shl'I imiims urged their followers to observe the custom of fastening the turban under their chin. The Prophet is said to have stated: "The distinction between the Muslims and the unbelievers is the fastening of the turbans under their chin.,,44 Another tradition attributed to the Prophet says that he enjoined the fastening of the turban under the chin and prohibited the wearing of the turban otherwise (wa-qad nuqila anhu (~aICam) annahu amara bi-l-talal}l}i wa-nahii cani l-iqtiCiit) .45 A very early statement transmitted by "Abd al-Hazzaq on the authority of Ma'mar-Layth- Tawus says that a believer who does not fasten the turban under his chin wears it in a satanic fashion (hiidhihi "immatu l-shaytiin).46 There is indeed a description of Satan fitting the description given in the utterance of Tawiis: when Iblis Was sent down from Heaven, he wore a turban not fastened under his chin, he was one eyed (aCwar), and wore a sandal (na I) on one of his legs.47 A turban worn by a believer who did not fasten it under his chin is called al-i imiima al-muqaCCata (or muqtaCita). This manner of wearing the turban is said to have been common among the people of Liit and
C C
41 See on him: Al-Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah b. al-Mus'ab, al-ZubayrI, Nasab quraysh, E. Levi Provencal, ed. (Cairo, 1953), p. 243, 1. 12; and see Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI, Toh dhibu I-tahdhib, vol. 5, p. 74, no. 117. 42 Al-'AynI, 'Umdat al-qan, vol. 21, p. 307; and see Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI, Fatly ai-barf, sharI} ~al}il}i l-Bukhiiri; vol. 10, p. 232,1. 10. 43 Muhammad b. al-Hasan b. 'All al-TusI, al-Nihaya if mujarradi I-fiqhi wa-IJatiiwa, Beirut, p. 98: wa-yukrahu li-I-insani an yu~alliya Jf'imamatin Iii lyunuko lahii. 44 Al-Majlisf, Bil}aru l-anwar, vol. 83, p. 194: ... wa-qala I-nabiyyu sollii llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam: al-Jarqu bayna I-muslimina uia-i-mushrikina al-talal}l}f bi-I'ama'imi. 45 Al-Majlist, Bil}aru I-anwiir, vol. 83, p. 194; al-Jauharf identifies the verbal noun al-talal}l}f with al-tal}annuk. 46 'Abd al-Razzaq b. Hammam al-San'anr, al-Mul/annaJ, Habrbu l-Rahman alA'!?amI, ed. (Beirut, 1392/1972), vol. 11, p. 80, no. 19978; and see Ibn Qutayba, Ta'wil mukhtalifi I-I}adfthi, p. 422. 47 Al-Tha'Iabi, 'Ara'is al-majalis, (Qillal! al-anbiya'), n.p., n.d., p. 50 ult.
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M.J. Kister
was forbidden by the Prophet.48 A Shi"I statement, recorded on the authority of the imam al-Sadiq says: "He who wore the "imiittu: and did not fasten it under his chin, let him not blame anyone except himself if he is inflicted with a pain for which there is no remedy."49 The opinions of the scholars who urged the fastening of the "imiima under the chin are contradicted by ShaficI scholars who did not consider the fastening of the Cimama under the chin as sunna.50 Some reservations concerning the fastening of the cimama's fringe under the chin can be discerned in the formulation of the ~adfth attributed to the Prophet, which states that the fastening of the fringe of the cimama under the chin marks the difference between the believers and the unbelievers. 51 The peculiar additional phrase in this ~adfth indicates the possibility of change in the future: "This ~adfth was uttered at the beginning of Islam and in its first period."52 It is this phrase which becomes problematic for the scholars of ~adfth, since they are confronted by traditions urging believers to wear the cimiima with the ends hanging loose on their backs or on their chests. 53 The ta~annuk is "nowadays" practiced only by the descendants of al-Husayn in Bahrayn; it is a practice inherited from their ancestors. 54 The superiority of Islam over other religious communities, and the injunctions which claim that the Muslims differ in their lifestyle from others, was the main reason for the restrictions imposed on the ahl aldhimma in their dress, including the wearing of the 'imiima. The utterance according to which "contempt and humiliation became the lot of those who disobey my order" is said to refer to ahl al-dhimmaj they surpass other people in their disobedience of God's orders and in their insubordination. Therefore they ought to be singled out by a humiliating sign in their dress (al-ghiyar). On the other hand, God singled out the believers by dress which emphasizes their obedience to God and to His messenger. In accordance with the statement of the Prophet: "He who
48 AI-TurtushI, Kitiib al·~awiidith wa-I-bida', Mul}ammad aI-TiilibI, ed., Tunis, 1959, pp. 65-66. 49 Yusu{ aI-Bal,triinI, al.lfadii'iqu l-niitJira, Muhammad T~ aI-AyrawiinI, ed. (NajaC, 1379), vol. 7, p, 126; aI-MajlIsI, Bi~iir al-anwiir, vol. 83, p. 194. 50 AI-Sayyid al-Bakrf, ['iinat al·tiilibin 'alii ~alli al/ii:;/at~i l-mu'in, n.d., vol. 2, p. 82 inC: ... 1Oa-liiYU6annu ta~niku l·'imiimati 'inda 1-6hiiJi'iyyati .... 51 See above, note 47. 52 AI-Bal;IrinI, al-Ifadii'iqu l-niitJira, vol. 7, p, 126, I. 15: .â¢. lOa-dhiilika fi alO1Oali I·ialiimi wa-btidii'ihi. 53See e.g., al-Bal,triinI, al·lfadii'iqu l-niitJira, vol. 7, p. 127: ... aqulu: wa-'indi;lf mii dhakariihu hunii min i8ti~biibi l.ta~annuk dii'iman i,hkiilun Ii-anna dhiilika lOa-in kiina huwa :;iihiru l·akhbiiri l-mutaqaddimati illii anna hunii jumlatan mina l-akhbiiri Â¥iihirati l-munii/iiti li-dhiilika, ~aythu anna Â¥iihirahii anna l-mu.ta~abb li-I-mu'tammi dii'iman innamii huwa l-i.diilu duna l-ta~annuki. And see the discussion on this topic in al-Sayyid al-Bakrr'e ['iinat al-tiilibin, vol. 2, p. 83 seq. 54 AI-Bal;IriinI, al-I]adii'iq al·niitJira, vol. 7, p. 129, II. 6-7.
The Turban in the Muslim
Tradition
229
assimilates himself to a people becomes one of them" (man tashabbaha biqaumin fa-huwa minhum) ;55believers ought to dress like believers, and the disobedient ahl al-dhimma must also dress in a distinctive fashion.56 According to some traditions, the Prophet stated: "Disagree with the Jews and do not wear turbans that are not fastened under the chin, or with their fringes not let down (on their backs -k), as this fashion of wearing the turban (ta~mim) is the fashion of the Jews."57 Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya forbade the ahl al-dhimma to wear the turbans in the fashion of the Prophet and the Companions. His prohibition is based on historical facts: the turbans were the crowns of the Arabs and their glory (Cizzuha). By wearing them they surpassed other peoples. The Prophet and the Companions wore this headdress; the turbans were thus the dress of the Arabs in the "old time" (qadiman) and became the headdress of the Muslims. Turbans were not worn by Banu Isra'Il, they Werethe headdress of the Arabs. Ibn Qayyim quotes the opinion of Abu l-Qasim al-Tabarani, who stated that a dhimmf is not allowed to wear the turban because he has no honour (La cizza Lahtt) in the abode of Islam, and this headdress is not (a part -k) of his dress.58 Ibn Qayyim further traces the opinions of later scholars who were prepared to allow the ahl al-dhimma to wear turbans on the condition that they be marked by special pieces of cloth, clearly indicating that they are not Muslims.P? If ahl al-dhimma are allowed to wear the turban, they are forbidden to fasten it under their chin (al-tala~~i), or to let its fringes hang loosely behind their backs (La yursiliina atrafa l-'imamati khalfa ~uhiirihim).60 A particular version offashion restrictions imposed on ahl al-dhimma
55 See e.g., al-Munawt, Fayt/u l-qadfr, vol. 6, p. 104, no. 8593 and the thorough explanation of the statement by Munawf; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, A~kam ahli 1dhimma vol. 2, p. 736; M. J. Kister, "Do Not Assimilate Yourselves ... " JSAI 12 (1989): 321-353. 56 See e.g., Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, A~kam ahli l-dhimma, Subhr al-Salih, ed. (Damascus, 1381/1961), vol. 2, pp. 737-739. 57 Al-Safarrnr, Ghidha'u l-nlbiib li-sharryi man~iimati l-adab (Cairo, 1325), vol. 2, p. 207, penult.: khaliJii l-yahiid wa-Ia tu~ammimii [a-inno ta~mfma !-'amii'imi min ziyyi ahli I-kitiib; and another tradition: a'iidhu bi-lliihi min 'imiimatin §ammii'; 'All al-Qarr, al-A sriir ol-rnarjii" a If 1-akhbari l-maut/ii' a, Muhammad al-Sabbagh, ed. (Beirut, 1391/1971), p. 190, no. 184: a'iidhu bi-llahi min 'imiimatin §ammii', ibid. p. 100, no. 47 (and see the explanation of the word §amma', glossed on page 190, note 4: al-'imama al-§ammii' hiya al- 'imiima lIatf la 'adhabata laha). 58 Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, A~kiim ahli-I-dhimma, 739-40. 59 Ibn Qayyim, A{ikiim ahli I-dhimma, 740-45. 60 Ibn Qayyim, A~kam ahli I-dhimma, 745-46. And see the thorough discussion on the subject of fastening the fringes of the 'imama under the chin, or letting them down on the believer's back. It is noteworthy that there is another way of combining the fastening of the fringes of the 'imama under the chin, while letting the other end hang down on the back, which was a perfectly acceptable way of wearing the 'imama. However, this manner of wearing the 'imama became obsolete and is disapproved of by the religious scholars. Ibn al-Hajj, al-Madkhal (Beirut, 1972), vol, 1, pp. 134-37.
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is concerned with the cap (al-qalansuwa). They took upon themselves to refrain from wearing caps similar to those worn by the Prophet and his Companions. In later times the cap was worn by distinguished scholars, judges, lawyers (Juqahii'), nobles (al-ashriif) and preachers. This fashion of wearing the cap was continued until the end of Salah al-Din's dynasty.P! The difference between the appearance of the believers and the unbelievers is the shape of the turbans worn over their caps.62 It was thus essential to order the ahl al-dhimma to change the fashion or the colour of their caps. 63 The first person who wore the turbanwas Adam after he was expelled from Paradise and descended to dwell on Earth. Jibril descended from Heaven and dressed him in an cimiima.64 Likewise Dhii l-Qarnayn wore an "imiima; he was compelled to wear it in an attempt to conceal the horns on his head.65 According to a traditionofthe Prophet, transmitted by cA'isha, the majority of the angels whom the Prophet saw in Paradise also wore turbans.P'' The traditions concerning the colour of the turbans worn by the angels sent by God to support the Muslim forces on the day of Badr are not unanimous. Some of the early scholars reported that the angels wore white turbans; the fringe of their turbans hung down on their backs (qad arsaliihii fi ~uhiirihim); others reported that on the day of Hunayn the angels wore red turbans.67 The tradition of the white turbans conforms to the widely circulated statement of the Prophet, in which he recommended the living wear white clothes and to bury the dead in white.68 A peculiar tradition says that Jibril descended on the day of Badr wearing a yellow turban; this headdress was in the style of
61 Ibn Qayyim, A~kam ahli I-dhimma, pp. 737-8. 62 See al-Shaukani, al-Fauui'Ldu I-majmii' a fi-I-a~adfthi I-maul/ii' a, 'Abd alRahman b. Ya~ya l-Mu'allimt l-Yamanf, ed. (Judda, 1380), p. 188, no. 540; and see the references of the editor. Cf. Ibn Qayyim, A~kiim, pp. 738-39. 63 See e.g., Ibrahim b. 'Arr b. Yusuf al-FayriizabadI al-Shafi'I, al-Muhadhdhab jf fiqhi l-Imiimi l-Shafi'f, Beirut, 1379/1959 (repr.) vol. 2, p. 355 sup., where some special features of dress which should be imposed on ahl al-dhimma are suggested. 64 Al-Kinanr, al-Di'amajf al}kami sunnati I-'imama, 5 sup.; in Paradise Adam wore a crown on his head. 65 Al-Kinani, op. cit., p. 5. 66 Al-Suytiti, Jam'u I-jawami' (Cairo, 1978), vol. 1, p. 531. 67 Al-Suyutr, al-Durr al-manthiir jf l-tajsfri bi-I-ma'thiir, Cairo, 1314, [repr. Tehran), vol. 2, p. 70 sup.: wa-akhraja ibn Isl}aq wa-l- Tabarani 'ani bni 'Abbiisin qiila: kiinat sfma I-mala'ikati yauma badrin 'ama'ima btl/an, qad arsaliihij. jf fuhiirihim, wa-yauma ~unaynin 'ama'ima l}umran ... ; and see the early Tajsfr of Muqatil b. Sulayrnan, 'Abdallah Mahmud Shahatah, ed. (Cairo, 1979), I, 299: '" musawwimiina: ya'nf mu'allamiima bi-l-~iifi l-abyal/i jf nawa~f l-khayli wa-adhnabiha, 'alayha I-bayal/u, mu'tammiina bi-I-bayal/i wa-qad arkhau atriija 1'ama'imi bayna aktiifihim. ... ; and see Ibn Kathir, Tajstra l-qur'ani l-'affm (Beirut, 1385/1966), vol. 2, p. 108. 68 Al- Tabarani, Musnad al-shamiyyfn, Hamdi 'Abd al-Majid al-Silafi, ed. (Beirut, 1409/1989), vol. 2, p. 332, no. 1439: ... Ii-yalbasi I-bayal/a al}yii'ukum wa-yukaffinii
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al-Zubayr b. al-'Awwam, who wore a yellow turban on this day.69 According to another tradition, all the angels who were ordered to attend the battle of Badr wore yellow turbans following the fashion of al-Zubayr b. al-'Awwam. It is not surprising that the tradition was transmitted by 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr."? A harmonizing tradition, traced back to 'Abbad b. 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr, claims that the angels attending the battle of Badr descended as white birds, wearing yellow turbans, like that of Abu 'Abdallah. The Prophet affirmed the tradition. On the day of Badr he himself wore a yellow turban."! Yellow seems to have implied beauty and emphasized the high position of the person who wore it.72 In some cases it symbolized the believer's hope that his prayers would be fulfilled. This notion is implied in the tradition attributed to Ibn 'Abbas: "He who wears a yellow sandal (na'l), his prayer will be granted and his needs will be fulfilled." The author of the tafsir hesitates as to the validJfhii mautiihum; Muhammad N~ir al-Din al-Albani, Mukhta~ar al-shamii'il almul]ammadiyya li-t-imnm aba 'fsii mul]ammadi bni saurata I-tirmidhf ('Amman-alRiyad, 1406), p. 50, nos. 54, 55: ... 'alaykum bi-l-bayii4i mina I-thiyiibi, li-yalbas-hii al]yii'ukum wa-kaffinu ./Ihii mautiikum, Ja-innahii min khayri thiyiibikum and: ilbasu l-bayii4a, Ja-innahii atharu wa-atyabu wa-kaffinu ./Ihii mautiikum; cf., Ibn KathIr, Tajsir al-qur'iin al-'a:ffm (Beirut, 1385/1966), vol. 3, p. 161 sup.; al-Dimyati, Kitab mukht as ar Jf strati I-nabiyyi ~allii lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallam, MS. Chester Beatty no. 3332, fol. 55a, inf. 556; BIbI bint 'Abd al-Samad al-Harawiyya al-Harthamiyya, Juz', 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Abd al-Jabbar al-Fartwa'I, ed. (Kuwayt, 1406/1986), p. 51, no. 47: 'All b. Balaban al-Farisf, al-Il]siin bi-tartfbi ~al]fl]i bni I]ibbiin, Kamal Yusuf al-I;Iut, ed. (Beirut, 1407/1987), vol. 7, p. 393, no. 5399; al-MundhirI, al- Targhfb wal-Larhib mina I-I]adfthi l-sharfJ, Muhammad Muhyt I-DIn 'Abd al-Harnrd, ed. (Cairo, 1380/1961), vol. 4, p. 157, nos. 2947-8; Ibn al-Jauzt, Kitiib al-I]adii'iq ./I 'ilmi 1I]adfthi wa-I-zuhdiyyiit, Mu~tafa l-Sabkr, ed. (Beirut, 1408/1988), vol. 3, p. 24; al-Shaukani, Naylu I-autiir bi sharl]i muntaqii l-akhbiir min al]iidfthi I-akhyiir (Cairo, 1372/1953), vol. 2, pp. 110-111; Ibn Sa'd, al-Tobaqiit al-kubrii (Beirut, 1380/1960), vol. 1, pp. 449-50; al-DhahabI, Mfziin al-i'tidiil, vol. 4, p. 346, no. 9400; Nur al-Dtn al-Haytharni, Mawiirid al-:fam'iin ilii zawii'idi bni I]ibbiin, Muhammad 'Abd al-Razzaq Hamza, ed. (Cairo, n.d.), p. 348, no. 1339; Ibn I;Iajaral-HaytamI, alFatiiwa al-I]adfthiyya (Cairo, 1390/1970), p. 172; al-Katakant, al-Burhiin ./I taJsfri I-qur'iin, Mahmud b. Ja'far al-Musawi al-Zarandl, ed. (Tehran, 1375), vol. 1, p. 312. Muhammad b. 'Abdallah b. Ibrahim al-Shafi'r, Kitiib al-Jawii'id, al-shahir bil-ghuiiniyyiit, Hilmf Karnil As'ad 'Abd al-Hadt, ed. (al-Riyad, 1417/1997), vol. 1, p. 133, no. 89: ... Mul]ammad b. Hiliil: ra'aytu 'Air b. al-IJusayn (r) ya'tammu bi'jmiima bay4ii'a yurkhf'imiimatahu min warii'i :fahrihi; and see on white dress and white turbans: al-Tabarani, al-Mu'jam ol-kabir , vol. 7, nos. 6759-62 and nos. 697577; al-Munawi, Fay4u l-qadir , vol. 2, pp. 155-56, no. 1583, vol. 4, p. 337, no. 5517; al-Suyuti, al-Hawi, vol. 2, p. 116 imp., 117 sup. 69 Al-Tabarant, al-Mu'jam ol-kabir , vol. 1, p. 120, no. 230. 70 Al-Suyutl, al-Durr al-manthur, vol. 2, p. 70; cf. al-Hasan b. Muhammad b. alHusayn al-QummI al-Naysaburi, Gharii'ibu I-qur'iin wa-raghii'ibu l-furqiin; Ibrahrm 'Atwa 'Awad, ed. (Cairo, 1381/1962), vol. 4, p. 60; al- Tabarf, Tafsir (Jiimi' al-bayiin 'an ta'wui iiyi I"qur'iin), Mahmnd and Ahmad Shakir, ed. (Cairo, Dar al-Ma'arif, n.d.) vol. 2, pp, 188-9, nos. 7786-90. 71 Al-Suyutr, al-Durrol-mantbur, vol. 2, p. 70; al-Zamakhshari, Rabi'u I-abriir, Salim al-Nu'aymI, ed. (Baghdad, 1982), vol. 4, p. 38. 72 See e.g., the article "zbrq" in L,'A.
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ity of this statement, but mentions the opinion of some commentators, who claim that God satisfied the needs of the Banii Isra'Il because of the commandment of the yellow cow ala baqaratin ~afra'). The angels clad in yellow turbans let their fringes hang down between their shoulders. 73 Waqidi records an anonymous tradition claiming that on the day of Badr, the fighters' turbans were green, yellow (~ufr) and red.?" A single tradition, transmitted on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas, says that on the day of Uhud the angels wore red turbans; on the day of Badr they wore black turbans.f" Wearing black garments carried pejorative connotations. AI-SafarInI records the opinion of Ahmad b. Hanbal, who states that black was the colour of the people of the sultan and of the wrong-doers (~alama). Some scholars. were of the opinion that the black clothes of the deceased had to be burnt after the burial. Black clothes were worn fOTthe first time in the period of the Abbasids; the first person who wore them was 'Abdallah b. 'All b. 'Abdallah b. 'Abbas. Black was worn as a sign of mourning, as a symbol of grief and disaster. The Abbasids began to wear black after the murder of the Abbasid imam Ibrahlm.76 It may be mentioned that on the day of 'Uthmau's murder the Companions delivered their eulogies wearing black turbans."? Although 'All b. AbI Talib wore black on that day, he generally advised to refrain from wearing black clothes, because they are the dress of Fir'aun.18 But Jibril, who participated in the drowning of Fir'aun, was also dad in a black 'imama on that day. 79 A rare tradition concerning the fate of the Abbasid dynasty was transmitted by a rather unreliable muf:iaddith, Shah b. ShIT Mamiyan.80 Jibril came to the Prophet clad in a black gown with full sleeves (alqaba')' and informed him about the descendants of 'Abbas: they will be leaders of the people and will be followed by the people of Khurasan. They will rule the world (yamlik~ unildu l-'abbasi al-wabar wa-l-madar
r
73 Abu Bakr Muhammad b. 'Abdallah, known as Ibn al-'ArabI A~kiimu I-qur'iin, 'All Muhammad al-Bijawr, ed. (Cairo, 1387/1967), vol. 1, p. 297. 74 AI-WaqidI, Kitiib al-maghiizf, Marsden Johns, ed. (Oxford, 1966), vol. 1, p. 75. 75 Al-Suyu~I, al-Durr al-manthur, vol. 7, p. 70, 1. 1; Ibn Kathrr, Tajsfr, vol. 2,
p.108.
Al-SafarInI, Ghidhii'u l-albiib, vol. 2, pp. 146-7. Al-Munawt, Shar~ 'alii jam'j I-wasii'il if shar~i l-shamii'il (Cairo, 1318), vol. 1, p. 165; al-Suytitr, al-Jfawf li-I-jatiiwf, Muhyr I-DIn 'Abd al-Hamld, ed. (Cairo, 1378/1959), vol. 1, p. 119: on the day of 'Utbman's murder 'All wore a black 'imiima. 78 Al-Bahranr, al-Jfiidii'iqu l-nodira, vol. 7, p. 116: Iii talbosa l-sawiida ja-innahu libiisu fir' auna. ' 79 Al-Suyutf, al-Jfawf, vol. 1, p. 121; Roberto Tottoli, "11 Faraone nella traditioni Islamiche: Akuna note in margine alla questione della sua conversione," Quaderni di Studi Arabi 14 (1996): p. 21; Burhan al-Dtn al-Halabr, Insiin al-'uyun jf siraii I-amfni l-ma'mun (al-Sfra al-~alabiyya) (Cairo, 1391/1971), vol. 3, p. 379. 80 See on him al-Dhahabr, Mfziin al-i'tidiil if naqdi l-rijii]; 'All Muhammad alBijawr, ed. (Cairo, 1382/1963), vol. 2, p. 260, no. 3650 (Shah b. Shir Bamiyan),
76 77
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233
wa-l-sanr wa-l.minbar) until the day of resurrection/" A version of this tradition recorded by (All al-QarI contains a passage which emphasizes its pro-Abbasid tendency. When the Prophet asked Jibril about his unusual dress, JibrIl answered that it is the dress of the descendants of cAbbas, the kings.82 The Prophet inquired whether they would be righteous and JibrIl affirmed that they would. The Prophet then asked to forgive them theirsins.83 According to reports of some Abbasid caliphs (the sons of al-Mu'tasim] the Prophet granted al-cAbbas an (imama and this is indeed the (imama with which the chosen caliphs were crowned. This "imiima is currently in possession of the caliphs' descendants in Egypt.S4 The tradition of the black cimama, which the Prophet put on the head of CAlIwhen he sent him with the mission of conquering Khaybar,85 and other reports on the black 'imama of (All, caused a new series of stories concerning Shns wearing black turbans. Shn scholars also permitted praying in black turbans and in black boots.86 A noteworthy tradition concerning the details of the turban is recorded.on the authority of the Companion of the Prophet, Abu Umama: The Prophet did not appoint a governor (kana ta yuwaUiwiiliyan) without dressing him in an cimama, letting down its fringes, the "adhaba, on the back of the appointed governor on his right side in the direction.of his (right) ear (wa-yurkM laha cadhabatan min al-janibi l-ayman nalJ.wal_udhun).81 The tradition implies that the Prophet invested the appointed governor (or the military leader) with authority by dressing him in the turban, letting down its fringe (or fringes), the "odhaba. The custom of dressing an appointed governor in a turban, practiced by the Prophet, is in fact a continuation of the customs of the Persian rulers, who invested their provincial governors with authority in this way in the Arab peninsula. The (imama was a headdress of the aristocratic leaders
81 Ibn I:Iajar aI-'AsqaIiini, Li,iin al-mfziin, Hyderabad, 1330, (second edition Beirut, 1390/1971), veil. 3, p. 136, no. 472. 82 See this prediction in Abil Nu'aym al-Isfahanf, Ifilyat al-auliyii' (Beirut, 1387/1967), vol. 1, p. 316 sup. 83 'AlI al-QarI, Jam'u I-wasii'il/f sharl}i I-shamii'il, Cairo, 1318, (repr. Beirut) vol. 1, p. 167. 84 'All al-QiirI, Jam'u l-wasii'il, vol. 1, p. 166. 85 Al-Suyutr, al.lfiiwr, vol. 1, p. 118 inC.; al-Shaukanf, Naylu l-autar bi-sharl}i muntaqii l-akhbiir min al}iidrthi sayyidi l-akhYiir (Cairo, 1312/1953), vol. 2, p. 121 (the end of the 'imiima hung down behind his back, or on his left shoulder); and see ibid.: a maula of 'AlI reporting that he saw 'AlI wearing a black 'imiima, and he let the ends hang down in front of him (i.e., on his chest -k] and on his back. 86 Abu Ja'far Muhammad b. aI-I;iasan aI-TilsI, al-Nihiiya jr mujarradi l-jiqhi waI-fatiiwii, Agha Buzurg al-Tahrant, ed. (Beirut, 1390/1970), 97; Ibn BabuyahalQummI, Kitiibu l·khifiil, 'AlI Akbar aI-Ghaflan, ed. (Tehran, 1389), 148, no. 179; aI-Ba.I:}riinI, al·lfadii'iqu l-niieJira,vol. 7, p. 116; al-Sar--anru,Ghidhii'u I·albiib, vol. 2, p. 146; al-MajlisI; Bil}iiru l-anwiir, vol. 83, p.249. 87 AI-SafiirInI, Ghidhii'u l-albiib', vol. 2, p. 205; aI-'AynI, 'Umdat al-qiirf, vol. 21, pp. 307-8; Nilr al-Dtn aI-HaythamI, Majma' al-zawa'id, vol. 5, p. 120, penult.
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of the Meccan community, and later of the commanders of the troops sent by the Prophet to raid the forces of the rebellious tribes and to conquer enemy territory. During the following generations, the cimama became the dress of the pious successors (tabictln), the distinguished scholars of the Muslim community, the judges, scribes and clerks in the offices of the rulers and governors. The scholars and judges wore fringes of the Cimama let down between the shoulders on their backs, or on their chests (bayna yadayhi wa-min khalfihi).88 The letting down of the cadhaba was included in the injunction of the Prophet concerning the wearing of the "imiima: "You shall wear the turbans, as they are the characteristic features (sIma) of the angels, and let down their ends on your backs."89 The Prophet is said to have referred to the graces granted to him by Allah, and mentioned among them the cadhaba of the cimama.9o The letting down of the cadhaba became a part of the prophetic sunna.91 AI-Suyii~i marks the cadhaba as one of the exclusive features (kha§a'z§) granted the Prophet (and his community -k): this is in fact one of the features (of the dress -k) of the angels.92 According to a tradition recorded by Ibn Taymiyya, the Prophet saw God in his dream. God asked him: "0 Muhammad, what is the subject debated by the angels in Heaven?" (if ma yakhta§imu l-mala'» l-aCla?). When the Prophet responded that he does not know the answer, Allah put His hand between the shoulders of the Prophet and apprised him of everything between heaven and earth. On that day the Prophet adopted the dress of the cadhaba (in the text: the shu'aba -k) hanging down between his
88 Al-Suyu~, al-Jfii.wf, vol. 1, pp. 117-19; al-SaIannf, Ghidhii.'u l-albii.b, vol. 2, pp.204·5. 89 Al-Salarinf, Ghidhii.'u l-albii.b, vol. 2, pp. ·204-5sup.: "'alaykun bi-l-'amii.'imi, Jainnahii. ,amii.'u l-malii.'ikati, fa-arkhuhii. khalfa tfuhurikum; Nnr ai-Din al-l;Ia.ythami, Majma' al·zawii.'id wa-manba' al-Jawii.'id (Beirut, 1967), vol. 5, p. 120; and see the story of al-I;lajjiij who wore the 'imii.ma letting down the 'adhaba behind his back, and entered the mosque in this fashion: al-FasawI, al-Ma'riJa wa·l-ta'n1ch, Akram Qiya' al-'Umari, ed. (Baghdad, 1401/1981), vol. 2, p. 481 sup.: Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'n1ch, vol. 4, p. 55; al-Shibli, Ma~ii.,in al-wasii.'il, p. 203; Ibn Sa'd, al- Tabaqii.t al-kubrii., vol. 6, pp. 282-83: ra'aytu ibrii.hfma (al-Nakha'a-k) ya'tammu wa yurkhf dhanabahii. (perhaps: dhu'ii.batahii.? -k) khalfahu. 90 'Ali b. Burhiin al-DIn al-l;lalabI, Insii.nu I-'uyun jf ,arati l-aman al-ma'mun (alSara al.i}alabiyya), (Cairo, 1382/1962), vol. 3, p. 343: ... wa-u'tftu I-cadhabata jf l-cimii.ma ... , 91 See the description in 'Ali al-Qiiri Jam'u I-wasii.'il jf shari}i I-shamii.'il, Cairo, 1318, (repr. Beirutvn.d.}, vol. 1, p, 167, on margin (the notes of al-Munawt]: ... wakii.na bnu' Umara yaralu dhii.lika, ya'na annahu sunnatun mu'akkadatun mai}fii.lFatun lam yartja l·~ulai}ii.'u tarkahii. .... 92 Al-Suyu~i, al-I(hafii.'ifu l-kubrii. =KiJii.yatu I·tillibi 1·labib jf khafii.'ifi I-i}abib, Muhammad Khalil Haras, ed.,(Cairo, 1386/1967), vol. 3, p. 199, I. 1: ... bii.bu ikhtifii.fihi ,alcam bi- 1- 'adhabati jf I-'imii.ma; and see ibid.: 'alaykum bi-l·camii.'imi wa-arkhiihii. khalfa 'fuhiirikum, Ja-innahii. samii.'u l-malii.'ikati.
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shoulders.P'' The prophetic injunction on letting down the fringes of the 'imiima seems to have been considered by some scholars only as a recommendation: it was up to the believer to observe this practice or to refrain from it. Neither was considered a bid' a. (wa-laysa tarku l-'adhabati bid'atan, ballahu fi'luhu wa-tarkuhu).94 A case of investing a military leader with authority by granting him a turban can be seen in the story of 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Auf. He was a faithful Companion and was ordered to march against Dumat al-Janda1. According to the plan of the raid, 'Abd al-Rahman was instructed to leave Medina at night with a force of some 700 warriors. He put a black "imiima made of cotton on his head (wa-qad i'tiimma bi-'imiimatin min kariibis) and intended to set out in the direction of Dumat al-Jandal. When he came to see the Prophet the next morning, he explained that he had ordered his force to set out and wait for him in al-Juruf.95 He came to say farewell to the Prophet dressed in military attire. The Prophet removed the turban from his head and dressed him in a black (or, according to another version, in a white -k) turban, the fringes of which he let hang down between his shoulders. "That is the way to wear the 'imiima," remarked the Prophet.P" The investiture of 'Abd al93 Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Zad al-ma'ad jf hadyi khayri I·'ibad (Beirut, repr., n.d.], vol. 1, pp. 34-35; this dream was transmitted by al- TirmidhI; see also the story in 'All al-QarI, Jam'u I-wasa'il jf sharM I-shama'il, vol. 1, pp. 167-68 (and see al-Munawt's notes on the story on the margin. Some scholars denounced the story as forged because of its anthropomorphic implications); see also the same story in al-Zurqanr's Shari}u I-mawahibi I-Iaduniyya li-I-Qastallanf (Cairo, 1326), vol. 5, p. 11 inf.-12. 94 AI-NawawI, al-Manthurat, ed. 'Abd al-Qadir Ahmad 'A~a, ed., p. 44, no. 70. 95 See on Juruf: al-Bakrt, Mu'jam ma 'ista'jama min asma'i I-biladi wa-I-mawatji', MU!1~afal-Saqqa, ed. (Cairo, 1364/1945), vol. 2, p. 377; and see the important note:
wa-hunaka kana I-muslimuna
96
yu'askiriina
idha aradu I-ghazwa.
Muhammad b. 'Umar al- WaqidI, K itab al-maghazf, Marsden Johns, ed. (Oxford, 1966), vol. 2, pp. 560-62; cf. al-ZamakhsharI, Rabi'u I-abrar, vol. 4, p. 39; al-WazIr al-Maghribl, al-Sira al-nabawiyya li-bni Hishiim, shari}uha, Suhayl Zakkar, ed. (Beirut, 1412/1992), vol. 2, pp. 1047-48; and see al- Taberant, Musnad alshamiyyfn, Muhammad 'Abd ai-Majid al-Silaff, ed. (Beirut, 1409/1989), vol. 2, p, 391, no. 1558; cf. al-Suyfi~I, al-IJawf li-I-fatawf, vol. 1, p. 469-70; Ibrahlm b. .Muhammad b. Harnsa al-Husaynf, al-Bayan wa-I-ta'nf jf asbabi wuriidi l-hadith; l-shcri] (Beirut, 1400/1980), vol. 2, p. 304-6, no. 982; Ibn AbI Hatirn, 'llal al-Eadith; vol. 1, p. 487, no. 1458; Nur al-Dtn al-HaythamI, Majma' al-zawa'id, vol. 5, p. 120; 'All al-QarI, Risala i}awiya li-masa'il mujtami'a 'ala I-'imama wa-I-'adhaba, MS. Yahuda Ar. 990, fol. 23a inf.-23b sup. (quotes the tradition from al- Tabaranr's alAusat and comments on the expression: fa-innahu a'rab wa-a~san: wa-jfhi ish'arun
bi-anna I-'imamata ma'a I-'adhabati ai}sanu, fa-yadullu 'ala i}usni I-'imamati biduni I-'adhabati; fa·yakunu jfhi raddun 'ala man qala bi-l-karahati ... ); Muhammad b. 'Abdallah al-Shibll, Mai}asin al-wasa'il jf-ma' rifati I-awa'il, Muhammad al- Ttinjr, ed. (Beirut, 1412/1992), 189-91 sup.; Ibn al-Dayba', Taysfru I-wu~ul ila jami'i 1u~ul min i}adfthi l-rasiil (~), vol. 4, p. 186: .. , 'Abdu I-Rai}man b. 'Auf: 'ammamanf rasulu llah bi-'imamatin fa-sadalaha bayna yadayya wa-min khaljf a~abi' a ... ; 'Amru bnu lfuraythin: ra'aytu rasula llahi (~) wa-'alayhi 'imamatun sauda'u qad arkha tarafayha bayna mankibayhi. See on 'Amr b. Hurayth: Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI, al-
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Rahman b. (Auf was an impressive ceremony: the Prophet performed the prayer standing behind (Abd al-Rahman b. (Auf and solemnly said: "A Prophet never died without praying behind a righteous believer." 97 This statement clearly indicates the high position granted to (Abd al-Hahman b. (Auf by the Prophet. 'Abd al-Hahman was urged by the Prophet to fight the unbelievers for the cause of Islam, while observing the rules enunciated by Islam. The Prophet also told him to marry the daughter of the ruler of Diimat alJandal; the Prophet meant al-Asbagh b. 'Amr al-Kalbi, (Abd al-Rahman indeed succeeded to convince the Christian chief of Dumat al-Jandal, alAsbagh b. 'Amrel-Kelbi, to embrace Islam; and al-Aebagh consented to give him his daughter, Turnadir bint al-Asbagh in marriage.98 She bore (Abd al-Rehman b. cAuf several of his children;99 It was Tumadir who advised 'Uthman to marry one of her relatives, Na'ila bint al-Furafisa. It was a happy marriage. Na'ila remained faithful to the memory of 'Uthman; following his death, she refused to marry Mu'awiya.1oo The black turban became a popular headdress as early as the first Islamic century. The I)adfth describes some Companions of the Prophet as wearing black turbans.lO! The Prophet himself is said to stand on the
Ifiiba if tamyfzi I-fa~iiba, vol. 4, p. 619, no. 5812; al-BaghawI, al-Anwiir if shamii'ili l-nabiyyi l-mukhiiir , IbriihIm el-Ya'qnbt, ed. (Beirut, 1409/1989), vol. 2, p. 534, no. 730; and see the references of the editor. 'Abdallah b. Muhammed al-Isfahanf, known as Abu I-Shaykh, Akhliiqu I-nabiyyi wa-iidiibuhu, I~amu I-Din Sayyid alSabiibItI, ed, (Cairo, 1411/1991), 122, no. 303. 97 Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiit, vol. 3, p. 129: '" mii qubi~a nabiyyun ~attii YUfalliya khalfa rajulin fiili~in min ummatihi. 98 AI-Wiiqidr, op: cit., vol. 2, pp. 511-12; Ibn al-Athtr, Usd al-ghiiba if ma'rifati l-fa~iiba, al-Matba'a al-wahbiyya, 1286, (repr. Tehran), vol. 3, pp. 313-14; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isti'iib if ma'rifati l-af~iib, 'All Muhammad al-BijawI, ed. (Cairo), vol. 2, p. 844, no. 1447; al-Balsdhurt, Ansiib al-ashriif , Muhammad I:Iamidu\lah, ed. (Cairo, 1959), vol. I, p. 378; al-Tibrizi, Mi8hkiit al-mafiibl~, p.374, penult.; Nnr al-Dtn alHaythami, Majma' al-zawii'id, vol. 5, p. 120. 99 See e.g., Khalifa b. Khayya~, Kitiib al-tabaqiit, Akram I/iya' al-'Umari, ed. (Baghdad, 1387/1967),242; and cf. M.J. Kister, "The Wife of the Goldsmith from Fadak and her Progeny," Le Museon 92 (1979): 321-30(repr. Variorum Series, Society and Religion from Jiihiliyya to Islam, no. V); and see Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Salliim, Kitiib al-nasab, Mariam Mul}ammad Khayru I-Dir', ed. (Beirut, 1411/1989), p. 363; Ibn Sa'd, al-Tabaqiit al-kubrii, vol. 3, pp. 127-38, vol. 8, pp. 298-300; Muhammad b. 'Ali b. Al}mad b. I:Iadida al-An~ri, al-Mifbii~ al-mu~" if kuttiib al-nabiyyi warU8ulihi ilii muliiki l-ar4i min 'arabiyyin wa-'ajamiyyfn, Muhammad 'A~imu l-Dln, ed. (Beirut, 1405/1985), vol. 2, pp. 224-5: ... wa-hiya ukhtu l-Nu'miini bni 1Mundhiri li-ummihi. 100 Al}mad b. Muhammadb. 'Abd Rabbihi, al-'Iqd al-fand, Al}mad Amin, Ibrahim al-Abyari 'Abd al-Saliim Harlin, ed. (Cairo, 1368/1949), vol. 6, p. 91. 101 See al-Taberanr, al-Mu'jam al-kabfr vol. I, p. 240 no. 665 (ra'aytu Anasa bna Miilik ... wa-'imiimatuhu saudii'u lahii dhu'iibatun min khalfihi ... ); Ibn Sa'd, alTabaqiit al-kubrii, vol. 7, p. 208 Abu Nadra wore a black 'imiima; vol. 6, p. 210 (worn by Abu 'Ubayda b. 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud), vol. 7, p. 179 (worn by al-Hasan b. Abi l-Hasan]: vol. 7, p. 23; Anas b. Miilik wore an 'imiima of silk; it was a black
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IRinbar clad in a black cimiima, with its two fringes hanging down between his shoulders.l02 Jibril descended to the Prophet wearing a black cimiima.103 The most instructive report concerning the black "imiima is recorded in Abu Ytisuf''s Kitiib al-iithiir: it is transmitted by Abu Hanifa on the authority of one of his Companions and states that Jibril, dressed in a black cimiima, came to the Prophet. He dressed the Prophet in a black "imiima and let its fringes hang down behind his back.l04 The date of Abu Yiisuf''s death (182 A. H.), indicates that the l}adith is a very early one. It also implies that Jibril accomplished his mission to dress the Prophet in a black "imiima, The black "itniima was thus a symbol of prophetic authority granted to Muhammad by God. The Caliphs followed the path of the Prophet and used to dress their governors and officials in black turbans. Some pious believers seem to have been used to wearing black turbans. The black 'imama indicated piety and sincerity of belief. This can be deduced from the harsh words with which 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'AzIz rebuked 'Adl b. Ar~at: you deceived me by your black 'imiima, Jour keeping company with the qurrii', your letting down the fringe of the 'imiima on your back .... " 105 Some $ufi believers disliked wearing black turbans. lOG In some ShI'I leading circles black clothing was considered the dress of the Shl'a's enemies.l''? As the black turbans beCC â¢â¢â¢
"imama; p. 24: he let down the end of the 'imama on his back ( ... arkhaha min ~alfihi); Abu Nu'aym 81- I~ahanI, /filyat al-auliya', vol. 9, p. 134: [Mu'awiya on his death bed, clad in a black 'imama); al-FasawI, al-Ma'riJa wa-I-ta'rIkh, vol. 2, p. 110 and p. 226 [al-Hasan al-Basrt wore a black 'imiima); Ibn AbI l;Iatim, 'Ilal al-!}adith (Cairo, 1343),' vol. 1, p. 482, no. 1444: Sa'Id b. al-Musayyab wore a black "imama, letting the end hang on his back. 102 See e.g., al-Suytitl, al-/fawi, vol. 1, p. 118: ... 'an Jabir qiila: kiina li-I-nabiyyi (f) 'imamatun sauda'u yalbasuha fr I-'idayin wa-yurkhiha khalJahu: Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Zadu I-ma'ad fr hadyi khayri I-'ibiid (Beirut, n.d.), vol. 1, p.34 inf.: â¢.. 'Amr b. /furayth qala: ra'aytu rasula llahi (f) 'ala I-minbar wa-'alayhi 'imamatun aaudii'u qad arkha faraJayha bayna katiJayhi; al-Shaukani, Nayl al-awtiir, vol. 2, p. 120: ... wa-'alayhi 'imamatun saudii'u qad arkhii taraJahii bayna katiJayhi, the verb sadala is glossed by arkha in some of the quoted !}adIths. 103 Nur al-Dtn al-Haythami, Majma' al-zawii'id, vol. 5, p. 120; al-Shaukani, Nayl al-autiir, vol. 2, p. 121; al-Suyutr, al-/fiiw., vol. 1, p. 118.
104 Abu Yusuf Ya'qub b. Ibrahim al-Ansarr, Kitab al-iithiir , Abu I-Wala, ed. (Cairo, 1355), p. 128, no. 588. 105 'Abd al-Raszaq, al-MufannaJ, Habibu l-Rahman aI-A'~mI, ed. (Johannesburg, 1390/1970.) 106 See, 'Ala'u I-DIn 'AlI b. Balaban, al-I!}8an bi-tartibi fa!}i!}i'bni /fibbiin, Kamal Yiisuf al-Hut , ed. (Beirut, 1407/1986), vol. 7, p. 393: '.' dhikru ibii!}ati lubsi l-mar'j
l-
Tighten Thy Grip on Mudar.pdf and Journalof the Economic SocialHistoryof the Orient,Vol. XXIV, Part III
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR...
Somesocio-economic religious and aspects an early of .hadith*
BY
M.J.KISTER
To Professor D. Goitein S. a humble tribute.
The widely current utterances attributed to the Prophet concerning his eponymous ancestor Mudar and his progeny are usually couched in very favourable terms. Tradition stresses that the angel Jibril himself told the Prophet of his descendance from Mudar 1); the Prophet, recording his pedigree, thus stated explicitly that he was of Mudar 2). Mudar is obviously counted in Muslim tradition among the highly praised ancestors of the Prophet, chosen by God from amongst the whole of mankind and singled out by Him from among the Arabs 3). The very early traditions emphasized that Quraysh preserved and kept the monotheistic tradition of Ismd'il and Ibrahim and that the guardians and champions of this belief were the eponymous ancestors of the Prophet; widely current is the utterance attributed to the Prophet according to which Mudar was a Muslim and it is not lawful to curse him 4). The ancestors of the Prophet are said to have stuck to their
* A summary of this paper was read in a meeting of the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities in Jerusalem on December 2, 1975. i) Al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal, Hyderabad 1385/1965, XIII, 51, no. 297; cf. Muhammad Anwar al-Kashmiri al-Diwabandi Fayd al-bari cald 1-bukhbri, Cairo I357/1938, IV, izi21 inf.:... innama kina banz7tamimin min qaumi sah.hib 1-nabiyyili-anna 1-nabiyyakana min mudarawa-ha'ula'i aydan mudariyyfn... z) Al-Wdqidi, Maghdzg, ed. M. Jones, London 1966, p. ioii; al-Shdfici, al-Umm, Cairo (Bfilq) 1321 (reprint), VI, 215. 3) See e.g. al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, 36-38, nos. 225, 233-234. 4) Al-Balddhuri, Ansib al-ashrdf, ed. Muhammad Hamidullah, Cairo I959, I, 3 I; al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, 51, no. 294; and see ib. the version that both Rabica and Mudar embraced Isldm; and see this version: al-Shibli, Maha-sinal-wasa'il ft
0 GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
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Arab faith, without converting to Judaism, Zoroastrianismor Christianity5). In line with this notion the Prophet is said to have enjoined
to follow (the descendants of-K) Mudar whenever there was a dissension among the believers, as Mudar would always be on the right path and act justly 6). Mudar were indeed granted prophethood and caliphate, Islam gained power and strength through Mudar and great conquests were made after Mudar embraced Islam, says Ibn Sa'id in his Nasbwat al-tarab7). The favourable traditions about Mudar are confronted by a few unpropitious utterances also attributed to the Prophet; these unfavourable sayings refer, however, either to the coarse Bedouin traits of character of Mudar or are cast in the form of prophecies concerning the wicked role of Mudar as an oppressive element in the government of the Muslim Empire which persecutes and harms the believers 8). Of some importance seems to be a peculiar tradition according to which the Prophet invoked God asking Him to afflict Mudar with years of drought like those at the time of Joseph. "O God, tighten Thy grip on Mudar", the Prophet invoked, "Turn barren years upon
ma'rifatil-awd'il, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 1530, fol. 54a; and see another version of this tradition: al-Naysdbiri, Ghard'ibal-qur'dn ed. al-furqdn, Ibrahim cAtwa wa-raghd'ib 'Iwad, Cairo 1386/1967, XVIII, 31; and see I. Goldziher, MuslimStudies,ed. S. M. Stern, London 1967, I, 83-84, note 5. cald ed. Thaldthu 5) Cf. rasd'il(al-radd 1-nasdrd), J. Finkel. Cairo1344, P. 15: kdnatal-nasrdniyyatu fdshiyatanwa-'alayhd ...wa-ukhrd wa-hiya fthd ghdal-J.hiz, anna -'caraba wa-lamtafshu libatan,illa mudara, wa-ldmdjdsiyyatun, yahdidyyatun fa-lam taghlib'alayhd thumma wa-lamtacrif mudaru dina1-'arabi, 1-islima. illa fiha1-nasrdninyyatu... 6) Ibn Abi 1-Dunyi, al- Ishrifft mandzilal-ashrdf,Ms. Chester Beatty 4427, fol. 69b; al-Muttaqi1-Hindi,op.cit., XIII, 51, no. 295-296; Goldziher,op.cit., I, 84, note 5. ntaha1-sharafu wa-17) Ms. Tiibingen I, fol. 94: ... ilayba (i.e. al-mudariyya--K) awwalan wa-dkhiran 'iddatu wa-l-khildfati wa-khassaha wa-bihdCazza lldhubi-l-nubuwwati i-isldmu .. lammadakhalatfihiafwdjan. wa-cazumatfutzihuhu Ta'rikhWdsit, 8) See al-Hdkim,al-Mustadrak, Hyderabad 1342, IV, 470; Balhshal, ed. Gurguis 'Awwad, Baghdad 1386/1967, p. 262; al-Tah1wi, Mushkil al-dthdr, min Hyderabad 1333, I, 435-436; Yisuf b. Mnasial-Hanafi,al-Muctasar al-mukhtasar min mushkilal-dthdr, Hyderabad 1362, II, 385; al-Muttaqi1-Hindi, op cit., XIII, 51, no. 298; and see ib., p. 42, no. 259: wa-mudaru cindausfzliadhndbi 1-ibilihaythuyatla'u rabi'ata wa; qarnu 1-shaytan... and see ib., no. 263:... wa-l-jafd'u fihddhayni l-hayyayni ed. Cairos.v. m d r: ... ; Ibn al-Athir,al-Nihdyafigharhb al-hadith, al-Tandhi, mudara... mudaru, fa-qdia: tuqdtilu ... wa-dhakara macaha maddaraha fl1-ndri. khurutja c'aishata lldhu
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them like the famine years of Joseph" 9). There are divergent and even contradictory opinions of hadith scholars, Qur'an commentators and biographers of the Prophet about the circumstances in which the Prophet uttered this invocation. The period during which the Prophet pronounced the invocation is disputed and so are also the prayers in the course of which the invocation was performed, the curses and blessings linked with the invocation, whether the invocation was continuous, whether it was abrogated and consequently whether it is, or is not permissible to use invocations during prayers. A closer examination of these diverse traditions about the Mudar invocation and a scrutiny of some traditions referring to other events of that period may grant us a clue for a better understanding of the Prophet's attitude towards the different tribal groups and towards the various factions in Mecca, to elucidate some of the economic and political decisions which he took during his struggle with the hostile tribal divisions and during negotiations with his enemies. The analysis of these traditions may help us to get a more adequate assessment of the changes which took place in the perception of invocations and supplications during the prayers and to form a better evaluation of the political situation in Mecca and Medina in the decisive period preceding the conquest of Mecca.
9) Ibn Sacid, op.cit.,fol. 94r., inf.; cf. Ibn Farak, Mushkil al-hadith,Hyderabad Hyderabad1332, II, 33; al-Mubarrad, 1362,p. 97; al-Marzfiqi, al-AZmina wa-l-amkina, Beirut al-Kdmil,ed. Muhammad Abia 1-FadlIbrdhim, Cairo; Ibn Sacd, al-Tabaqdt, Sunan,ed. cAbdallahHdshim Yamini, al-Madina 1376/1957, II, 53; al-Diraqutni, al-munawwara,1386/i966, II, 38, no. 7; Mahmid MuhammadKhattSb, al-Manhal al-maurfid abi al-cadhb sharhsunanal-imdmi ddwfd,Cairo 1394, VIII, 80; Aba 1-Layth Cairo 1347, P. 197 inf.; Ibn Majah,Sunan Tanbih al-ghdfilin, al-Samarqandi, Cairo 1349, I, 375; al-Bayhaqi,al-Sunan al-mus.tafd, al-kubrd,Hyderabad 1346, II, 197-198, zoo, 21o; Ibn Shahrdshib,Mandqib dlabitalib,Najaf 376/1956,I, 72 (the Prophetinvoked against Mudar according to the request of Khabbdbb. al-Aratt), I89; Shahriddrb. Shirawayh al-Daylami, Musnad al-firdaus,Ms. Chester Beatty 4139, fol. I36b; al-Thacilibi, Thimdr al-qulzb,ed. MuhammadAbfi 1-FadlIbrdhim, Cairo 1384/1956, p. 49, no. 57. Ibn IHajaral-'Asqalni, al-Arba'una l-mutabcyinatu 1-asinidiwaMs. 1-mutfin, Hebrew Univ. Yahuda Ar. zo, I, fol. i7a-b (the persons against whom the Prophet invoked were: Aba Jahl, cUtba b. Rabia, Shayba b. Rabl'a, alWalid b. 'Utba, cUqbab. abi Mucayt,Umayyab. Khalaf and a manwhose nameis not disclosed).
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
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I
According to a traditionrecordedby 'Abd al-Razziqon the authority of his teacherMa'marb. Rashid(d. 15o H), the Prophet respondedto a requestby a man of Mudarto pray for them for rain, afterthe man had describedto the Prophet the grave situation of his tribe as a result of a
drought;afterthe prayerof the Propheta greatdeal of rainpoured
down 10). Two other traditions indicate that the drought had been caused by a previous invocation of the Prophet11). The reason for the Prophet's invocation against Mudar was, according to a tradition, their stubborn refusalto embraceIslam, their disobedience,arrogance and unbelief12). Some Muslim scholarsexplainedthat the Prophet'sinvocation was merely addressedagainst the evil-doers of Mudar, not against the whole of this tribal confederation 13), others however out that the curse afflictednot only the evil-doers of Mudar, pointed since the Prophet and his Companionswere also hit by the famine14). records15) the name of the man of Mudar who asked the Al-HIJakim Prophet to prayfor rain: Ka'b b. Murraal-Bahzi(scil. from the Mudari
tribeof Sulaym-K) 16).
The extent of the drought by which the Mudar tribes were affected
ed. io) 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, Habibu 1-Rahmdnal-Aczami, Beirut 1390/ 1971, III, 90, no. 4908. ii) 'Abd al-Razzdq,op. cit., III, nos. 4907, 4909. 12) See e.g. Ibn Sacid,op. cit., fol. 94 r., inf.: ...wa-qad kdnarasilu llhi (s)yashkf shdud... ild rabbihimin 'isyanihim wa-culuwwihim qla llthumma hatta~ 13) See e.g. Yasuf b. Mvis~ al-Hanafi, op. cit., II, 320: ... wa-shdud wat'ataka 'ali mudara, ay: Cali man lamyu'min minhum...; ib., p. 385: ... wa-minhu qauluhu ... min min wa-shdud wa-huwa wa-kathbrun al-sahiba wa-sallamfiqunfitihi: salla ll/thualayhi mankana minhum khil/fi 1-tariqati mudara, ; wa-l-murtdu: 1-mustaqima... and see Cala al-Tahdwi,Mushkilal-dthjr,I, 436. 14) Ibn Qutayba, Ta'wil mukhtalif al-hadith,Cairo 1326, p. 318: ... wa-qaddact rasil/u lithi (s) alda shdud Cal/ mudara, fa-qjla: Ilkihumma wa.tpataka mudara...fa-njia dhilika 1-jadbu rasila llihi wa-asihbahu wa-bi-ducj)ihiCuqib*b shadda1-muslimina hatta Cald butinihim min al-hijarata alfj'Ci. 15) op. cit., I,328. See on him ed. 16) Al-H.kim Ibn Hajar, al-Isa;ba, 'Ali Muhammadal-Bijdwi, Cairo 1392/ 1972, V, 6iz, no. 1439 (Ka'b b. Murramerely saw the man who asked the Prophet to invoke for rain).
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can be gauged from a report recordedby al-Jdhiz17) and quoted by alBayhaqis18);as a result of the curse rain stopped, trees died, flocks and cattle perished, pastures diminished and people were compelled to eat 'ilhib, a mixfure of blood and hair and hides. Then HJjib b. Zurdra set out to Kisrd, complaining of the hard19) and asking the king to grant his tribe permission to graze their ship flocks in the region of Sawid al-'Iraq;he left his bow as a pledge that his people would not harassthe subjectsof the Persianruler.When the sufferingof Mudar reached its point of culmination,and divine proof the reached its predestined conclusion (balaghat mablaghahd) al-.hqija and rain poured Prophet made a new invocation intercedingfor them down. The reason for the Prophet's invocation against Mudar, as given in this report, was the allegationraisedby Qurayshand the Arab tribes that the Prophet was a liar, causing him harm and the fact that they decided to expend their wealth in order to fight him 20). The two Mudar tribes mentioned in this report are Quraysh and Tamim21). It is evident from the reports that when the Prophet cursed Mudar he cursed the Mudar tribes; when he prayed for rain he asked for rain and fertility for these Mudar tribes (Tamim and Sulaym) on which their flocks were dependentand on which the supplyof their vital needs of grain depended.It is obvious that the supply of grain and meatby the allied tribes for the Meccan Qurashiteswas vital for the very existence of Mecca. The link between the curse of the Prophet and Qurayshis apparentin the comment by al-Batalyisi22) on the nickname sakhina
17) Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3138 (Mukhtarat al-Jthiz) fol. i zb. fuisl ed. Ibrdhim b. Muhammad al-Bayhaqi,al-Mahasinwa-l-masawi, Muhammad I8) Cairo I380/I96I, I, 24-25; and see cAbd al-Jabbdr, Tathbit Abid 1-Fadl ed. Ibr.him, dala'il al-nubuwwa, cAbd al-Karim 'Uthmdn, Beirut 1386/1966, I, 80 inf.-8i sup. 19) See on him: EI2 s.v. HIdjib b. Zurdra. 1-musta20) Ibrdhimb. Muhammadal-Bayhaqi,op. cit., I, 24: ... thumma duc'auhu wa-1anna1-nabiyya lammdlaqya min qurayshin lladhW ta'khira fhi, wa-dhalika la (s) jabu lahuwa-takdhibihim adhihum minshiddati calayhi bi-l-amwdli wa-stic'natihim iyyahu 'arabi bildduhum... dacaan tajdiba al-farid,ed. Ahmad 21) See a slightly differentversion: Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, al-cIqd Amin, Ahmad al-Zayn, al-Abydri,Cairo 1375/ 1956, II, 20-21. Ibr.him ft 22) Ibn al-Sid al-BatalyTsi,al-Iqtiiddb sharh adab al-kuttdb,Beirut 1973 (re-
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
247
applied to Quraysh: when Qurayshrefused to embraceIslam, though summoned by the Prophet, the Prophet invoked God against them: alldhumma shdud sininaka-siniyifsufa. wat'atakawa-j'alhd'alayhim They sufferedfrom droughtfor seven yearsduringwhich time they nourished on 'ilhiz and on a thin gruel of coarse flour calledsakhina In some 23). the people of Mecca)are mentioned24). cases, indeed, only Quraysh(or The course of events connectedwith the Prophet's curse is the usual one: Quraysh refused to embrace Islam; the Prophet invoked God against them and they were afflicted by hardship and famine; they repentedand were relieved, but lapsed into unbelief and were punished on the Day of Badr. This sequenceof events is indicated in the verse: ..."upon the day when We shall assault most mightily, then we shall take Our vengeance"25). Another version seems to point to the direct and indirectobjectsof the curse:the cursewas directedagainstQuraysh, but the invocation of the Prophet to lift the curse and his prayerfor rain were performed on the request of men from Mudar and for the benefit of their tribes26). Numerous traditionsindicate clearlythat the stubborn refusal of Quraysh to follow the Prophet, the curse of the Prophet, the drought and hunger, the Prophet's prayer for them, God's help and the reversionof Qurayshto unbelief-all these happened before the hbira;Quraysh were punished by God and they suffered defeat on the Day of Badr (AH 2). Some versions of this tradition state that it was Abi Sufy.n who
print), p. 46; al-Baghdddi,KhiZinatal-adab,ed. cAbd al-Salm Hdrin, Cairo 1397/ 1977, VI, 527-528 (from al-Iqtidab). 23) Cf. L CA, s.v. s kh n. 24) Cf. Ibn Ndqiydal-Juminft tashbihat al-qur')n, ed. Ahmad al-Matlfb, Khadija Baghddd 1387/1968, p. 347; and see al-Nayssbflri, op. cit., XXX, 188. al-IHadithi, 25) Cf. Muqitil, Tafsir, Ms. Ahmet III, no. 74/2, fol. 84b-85a;al-Bayhaqi,Dala'il ed. al-nubuwwa, 'Abd al-Rahmin Muhammad cUthmdn, Cairo 1389/1969, II, 87 inf.--88 sup.; al-Suyati, al-Khasa'is al-kubrd,ed. MuhammadKhalil Harris, Cairo 1386/1967, I, 369 inf.-370 sup.; al-Qurtubi, Tafsir (= al-Jdmic li-ahkim al-qur'tn) Cairo 1387/1967, XII, I35, XVI, i31; al-Khazin, Tafsir (= Lubib al-ta'wil), Cairo 1381/repr.)V, 33; al-Baghawi, Tafsir(=Macdlim al-tanzil,on margin of al-Khdzin's Cairo I328. VIII. 34. Tafsir), V, 33; Hayydn, Tafsfrul-bahri1-muhit,, Cairo 1314, VI, 28; Ibn Kathir,Tafsir, 26) See e.g. al-Suyati, al-Durr al-manthzfr, Aba. Beirut 1385/1966, VI, 246.
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came to the Prophet and recountedthe plight of Quraysh(scil. asking him to pray for them-K) 27). In some versions of this tradition it is mentioned that certain Qurashites joined Abi Sufyan when he was on his way to the Prophet. Muqdtilrecords the names of the members of the Qurashitedelegation to the Prophet led by Abii Sufydn: 'Utba b. Rabi'a, al-'As b. Wd'il, Mut'im b. 'Adi, Suhaylb. 'Amr and Shayba b. Rabi'a 28). The members of the delegation were indeed the leaders of the Meccan opposition against the Prophet; they were capturedor killed in the battle of Badr. Some traditions explicitly say that the delegation headed by Abii Sufydn came to the Prophet when he was still in Mecca, before he left on his hbjra Medina29). These traditions, to possessing as they do fine narrative structure,belong to the type of miracle-traditions which encompassesa well-known cycle of edifying stories: the Prophet calls to a group of people to embrace the true religion, his call is harshly rejected, God punished them in answer to the Prophet's request, then the Prophet's invocation rescues the unvelievers who, after a short period of repentance, soon revert to unbelief and are severely punished. But though they are vague and imprecise, these traditions seem to contain some historical details which may be elucidatedfrom other versions of this event. It is the Muslim scholars themselves, aware of the incongruity of these traditions, who transmitted diverse reports about the circumstances of the curse of Mudar, some of them more tallying with the historicalevents and more reliable.
al-kubra,I, 370; idem, II, 27) Al-HIkim, al-Mustadrak, 394; al-Khasa'is al-Durr al-manthfzr, z8; al-Khdzin, op.cit., V, 34; al-Baghawi, op.cit., V. 34; alVI, al-Suy.ti, II, Bayhaqi Dalj'il al-nubuwwa, 89, 90 inf.; Abi Nu'aym al-Isfahdni, Dala'il alHyderabad 1369/1950, pp. 382-383; al-'Ayni, 'Umdatal-qdir,Cairo 1348, nubuwwa, VII, 27-28, 45-46; and see Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, V, 31 inf.-3z sup.; Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 5912, I, fol. 192b; al-Naysdbfri, op. cit., XXV, 66. 28) Muqitil, op. cit., Ms. 74/II, fol. 146a-b. h~dhacaldanna1-qi?ata 29) Al-cAyni, op. cit., VII, 28, 1.9: ... wa-dalla k/nat qabla Cairon.d., IV, 103, 1.2 (and see ib., p. Ioz) ... al-iljhbyya, 1-hijrati ; al-Jamal,al-Futihadt and see the comments of al-'Ayni, op. cit., VII, 45 : .. . wa-kana qabla1-hijrati majPuhu 1-madinata anna ... wa-lamJyunqal abasufydna qablabadrin(commenting on the qadima refers to the Muslim victory at Badr). interpretationthat al-batsha 1-kubra
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
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II
Al-Bayhaqi refers to a tradition according to which Aba Sufydn came to the Prophet in Medina asking him to pray for the Qurashites afflicted by famine as a result of the Prophet's curse and remarks with some reservation that he came to him twice: once when the Prophet stayed in Mecca and the other time in Medina30). Al-Jamal. commenting on the interpretations of al-Jaldlaynon S-ra XXIII, states that this verse and the two following ones were revealed to the Prophet in Medinaand that Qurayshwere afflictedby the Prophet's curse when he emigratedto Medina; hence Abi Sufyan came to the Prophet to Medina. Al-Jamal records a version of the talk of Aba Sufydn with the Prophet as reported by al-Bay~dwi: Aba Sufyan reproachesthe Prophet by reminding him of his claim to have been sent as a mercy for the people of the world, while he has killed the fathers (scil. from among Quraysh-K) by the sword and the children by famine31). The tradition affirms the assumption of al-Jamal and indicates clearly that Abi Sufydn set out to Medina to intercede on behalf of his people after a military encounter between the forces of the Prophet and those of Qurayshbrought about the defeat of the Qurashitesand caused a numberof them to be killed; at the same time children in Mecca were dying of hunger caused by some actions of the Prophet which are however not specifiedin the tradition. The clash between the forces of the Prophet and those of Mecca, the results of the militaryand economic actions of the Prophet against Mecca and her tribal allies are fairly reflectedin a commentaryof Sara XVI, 11 2: Ibn 'Abbds, Mujdhidand Qatddaare quoted as stating that the verse refersto the seven years of famineto which the Meccanswere exposed; they also were in fear of the Prophet and his Companions who were attacking their caravans;these events took place when the Prophet uttered his invocation: "O God, tighten Thy grip on Mu30) Al-Bayhaqi,Dala'il, II, 91, 1i. 1-z. 31) Al-Jamal, op. cit., III, 198 inf.-199.
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dar..." 32), More detailed and concrete is the version recorded by al-Tha'labi in his Tafsir: the Qurashites suffered hunger for seven years and the Arab tribes cut off their food-supplies according to the order of the Prophet (... ibtaldhd bi-l-ji'i sab'asininawa-qata'a l-'arabu The Meccan delegation, including bi-amril-nabiyyi). 'anhumu 1-mirata Aba Sufyan, describedthe sufferingsof the people and the unjustified pain of the children; they asked the Prophet to invoke God for them, which the Prophet indeed did. Then the Prophet permitted to carry food to them (i.e. to Mecca), while they (i.e. the people of Mecca-K) were still unbelievers (... fa-da'd lahumrasi~lu Ildhiwa-adhina li-l-ndsi This report is quite wa-hum bi-hamli 33). ilayhim ba'dumushrikin) 1-ta'dmi about the situation in Mecca: a tribal group obedient to the explicit Prophet cut off the food supply of Mecca on the order of the Prophet and the population of Mecca were afflictedby hunger. The Prophet's permission to resume food supplies to Mecca for the unbelievers of Quraysh is forcefully formulated in this account. Similar reports are recorded in the commentaries of al-Rizi 34). al-Baghawi35) and alJdwi 36). Tabari records in his commentary (Sira XVI, 113-115) a slightly divergent tradition referringto the story of the curse and the hunger; he records however an additional comment on the phrase: Ildhu..., according to which the phrase l ...fa-kulf mimmd razaqakumu refers to the provisions which the Prophet sent, out of mercy, for the unbelievers of Mecca when they were afflicted by drought and hunger37). The detail about the dispatching of food to Mecca by the Prophet out of mercy is indicated in the report recorded in the Tafsir of al-Jiyvni:the Prophet sent to them alms for the poor and goods a3). wa-mdlin) The very early comilayhimbi-sadaqatin (... fa-badatha of al-Farrd'(d. 207 AH) describes the hunger suffered by mentary
Beirut Al-Tabarsi, Majmacal-bayan, 138o/1961, XIV, 132. 33) Al-Tha'1abi,Ms. Vatican, Ar. 1394, fol. 8a. Cairo I357/1938, XX, 128-130. 34) Al-Rizi, Mafdtibal-ghayb, cit., IV, 98-99; al-Khdzin,op. cit., IV, 98-99. 35) Al-Baghawi, op. Marablabid,Cairo n.d., I, 467. 36) Al-Tabari, (Bulq) XIV, z25-i 37) Al-J.wi, TafsTr 26. 38) Abfi Hayyln, op. cit., VIII, 34.
32)
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
251I
Quraysh,their fear of the raids of the Prophet'stroops and states that
the Prophet sent to them food out of mercy, while they remained unbelievers 39). Another account mentions the messenger who carried the Prophet's gifts to Mecca; it was 'Amr b. Umayya al-Damri 40), a wellknown Companion of the Prophet, whom the Prophet happened to entrust with some special missions 41). Al-Qurtubi records explicitly the invocation against Mudar and quotes fragments of the different versions mentioning the plight of Quraysh, their fear as a result of the raids of the forces of the Prophet, the talk of the Meccan delegation with the Prophet, Abi Sufydn's pledge and the order of the Prophet to
carryfood to Meccain order to divide it among them 42). The date of the boycott against Mecca is indicatedin the commentaries of the Qur'ln, Sira XXIII, 76: "We alreadyseized them with the chastisement...": the boycott of food supplies was carried out by Thumamab. Uthi~43) who stopped it after some time by an order of theProphet44). Ibn Kathir gives a very concise summaryof the relations between the Prophet and Quraysh:when they refused to convert to Islam and
ed. 39) Macdn7 l-qur'dn, Muhammad'Ali al-Najjdr,Cairo 1972, II, 114: ... thumma inna1-nabiyya raqqalahum mushrikfina. (1) fa-hamalailayhimal-ta'amawa-hum 40) Al-Balddhuri, Ansib, Ms. fol. 896a: ... wa-ba'atha rasztluldhi 'amranild mushriki bi-silatinwa-qadaqhatfi hattd akalzf1-rimmata wa-jahad7 qurayshin wa-l-'ilhiza. 41) See e.g. Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba,IV, 602-603, no. 5769; al-Dhahabi, Siyar a'lim al-nubala',ed. Ascad Talas, Cairo i962, III, 40, 1.12; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-ghiba, Cairo 1280, IV, 86.
42)
Al-Qurtubi,
43) Al-Tabari, Tafsir (Billq) XVIII, 34-35; al-Qurtubi, op. cit., XII, 143; cf. Cairo I388/1968, p. 211; al-Suyfiti, al-Durr al-manthz7r, al-Wihidi, Asbab al-nulz7l, and see Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., V. 550: ...fa-adayyaqa qurayshin fa-lamyada' V, 13; 'ald Ibn IHajar, habbatan mina l-yamamati; ta't~him al-Isaba,I, 411: ... wa-man'uhu 'an al-mirata... ; and see ib., on the Yamdma: ... wa-kanat ahli makkata. qurayshin r7fa and see F. McGraw Donner, Mecca's Food Supplies and Muhammad'sBoycott, JESHO, XX, 249-266. ed. 'Ali al-Bij wi, Cairo 138o/ 44) Ibn cAbd al-Barr, al-Istzlib fi ma'rifati ... wa-kinat miratuqurayshin I-a.shib, thumma min 196o, I, 215: wa-manfic'uhhum al-yaammati, ... ; according mi kinaya'tihimminmiratihim kharaja fa-habasa'anhum wa-mantif'ihim to this narrative the Qurashites sent a letter to the Prophet asking him to order Thumdmato lift the boycott; the Prophet responded to their request; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-ghaba, 247. I,
op. cit., X. 194-195.
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J.
KISTER
recognize the mission of the Prophet they were afflictedby drought and hunger, according to the Prophet's curse; after the hyirathey sufferedfrom the attacks of the Muslim troops; after their conversion to Islam the situation changed: they became leaders and rulers of the
people 45).
III The Prophet's invocation against Mudar is in some traditions linked with the qunfzt-invocation during the prayer. The one uttered by the Prophet is said to have contained either blessings (scil. for the oppressed believers-K) or curses (against the unbelieving enemies of the Prophet-K) or blessings and curses coming both together46). These qunfzt-invocations which refer to some historical
events may be useful for establishing the date when boycott was imposed and of the time when it was lifted, following the appeasement. 'Abd al-Razzaq records three names of the persecuted believers
in Mecca: 'Ayyash b. Abi Rabi'a 47), Salama b. Hisham 48), and al-Walid b. al-Walid b. al-Mughira 49), quoting the formula of the Prophet's
45) Ibn Kathir, Tafsir,IV, 230-231. 46) Al-Mundwi, Fayd al-qadir,sharhal-jjmic al-saghir,Cairo, 1391/1972, V, 96, no. 6554. (On the efficacyof such an invocation see 'Abd al-Razzdq,op. cit., II, 446, no. 4030: A dog passed a group of people praying behind the Prophet; one of the people made an invocation againstthe dog and it immediatelyfell dead on the ground. The Prophet remarked that had this person made an invocation against a whole people, God would have responded to his invocation (and the people would have perished-K). al-Isdba,IV, 750, no. 6127; al-Zurqini, Sharh cald 47) See on him: Ibn IHajar, Cairo I328, VII, 344. al-laduniyya, 1-mawdhib 48) See on him Ibn Sacd, op. cit., IV, 130-131; Ibn cAbd al-Barr,op. cit., p. 643, no. Io32; al-ZurqIni, op. cit., VII, 344; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba,III, I55-156, no. 3405; ed. al-cIqdad-thamin akhbaral-baladal-amzn, Fu'Id Sayyid, Cairo 1384/1965, IV, ft 599-600o,no. 1325; al-Dhahabi, Ta'rikhal-Islim, Cairo i367, I, 379. 49) See on him: Ibn Hajar,al-Isiba,VI, 619, no. 9157; al-Zurqdni,op.cit., VII, 344; al-Wdqidi,Maghazi p. 46 records another account: the Prophet made an invocation b. on behalf of Salamab. Hisham, CAyydsh Rabicaand other unprotectedand oppressed (literally:"weak") believers (scil. in Mecca-K); this happenedwhen the Prophet was on his way to Badr. Al-Wdqidi stresses that another invocation, namely for al-Walid b. al-Walid was uttered by the Prophet later, as al-Walidb. al-Walid was
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
25 3
invocation for them, which is linked with the invocation against
Mudar 50). The date of the escape of these three believers from Mecca
and their arrival in Medina is given either "after Uhud" 51) or after the Battle of the Ditch 52). Accordingly the date of the Prophet's invocation may be establishedeitherafterthe year 3H (Uhud) or afterthe year five (the Battle of the Ditch). Some traditions link the story of the Prophet's invocation with the revelation of Sura III, I28:..."no part of the matter is thine, whether He turns towards them again or chastisesthem, for they are evildoers". As the Prophet made an invocation for the believers and uttered a curse against Mudar, God revealed the verse mentioned above:..."no part of the matter is thine..." 53). Other traditions commenton the verse differently: Prophetused to curse certainperthe sons of the mundafiqin duringthe morningprayer;then the versementioned above was revealedand the Prophet was implicitly bidden to cease to curse these persons54). One of the traditions mentions that four persons,whose names are not specified,were cursed by the Prophet55). A tradition traced to Ibn 'Umar gives a list of the three unbelievers b. Hishdm against whom the Prophet invoked: Abif Sufyan, al-.Hirith and Safwanb. Umayya;the verse..."no part of the matteris thine"...
captured by the forces of the Prophet at Badr; he was released, embraced Islam and returned to Mecca. There he was put in shackles and imprisoned; cf. al-Dhahabi, no. io. Siyar acljm, I, 228, cAbd al-Razz5q, op. cit., II, 446-447, nos. 4028, 4031-4032; 50) Nor al-Din alHaythami, Majmac al-Zawr'id wa-manbac al-faw'aid, Beirut 1967 (reprint), II, 137 inf.-i-38.; al-Suyiati, al-Durr al-manthzfr,II, 71; Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, ed. 'Abd al-Khdliq Afghini, Hyderabad 1387/1967, II, 316-317; al-Nahhds, al-Ndsikh wa-l-mansikh, Cairo 1357/1938, P. 91; Ibn cAsdkir, Tahdbibta'rikh dimashq,Damascus 1349, VI, 234-235. 5 i) See al-Balddhuri, Ansab, I, 208 penult. 52) See al-Balddhuri, Ansib, I, 20o8, i1. 4-5; and cf., ib., pp. 209-211; al-Dhahabi, Siyar acldm, I, 228, no. io. 53) Al-Tabari, Tafsir, ed. Shdkir, VII, 201, no. 7820 (and see ib., the references of the Editors). 54) Al-Nahhis, op. cit., p. 91 sup.; al-Wdhidi, op. cit., pp. 8o-81; cAbdallah b. al-Mubdrak, Kit. al-jibhd, ed. Nazih Hammdd, Beirut 1391/1971, p. 58, no. 58; Ibn cAsdkir, op. cit., VI, 429. 55) Al-Tabari, Tafsir, ed. Shdkir, VII, 199, no. 7818.
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was revealed in connection with this invocation (and the Prophet ceased to curse them-K) 56). In the list given by 'Abdallah b. althe names of the three persons are different: Safwdn b. Mub.rak Suhayl b. Umayya, 'Amr and al-Hdrithb. Hisham; the name of Abii Sufydnis missing57).Al-Suydti mentions Safwln b. Umayya,al-HTrith b. Hisham, Abii Sufydnand the fourth man against whom the Prophet invoked (at the Day of Uhud) Suhayl b. 'Amr 58). Noteworthy is the additional phrase in al-Suyatti'stradition: God accepted their repentance (fa-tiba 'alayhim kullihim),and, as one may deduce, He forgave them their sins 59). These persons were indeed the leaders of Quraysh; they remainedamong the leading personalitiesof the community after they had embracedIslam and they participatedim some of the decisive events in Islam. The utterance of the Prophet about their repentance being accepted made their conversion easier and enabledthem to keep their high positions in society, their former enmity to the Prophet being forgotten. The traditionsin which the curse of Mudaris linked to the Battle of Uhud are contradicted by a report according to which the Prophet wounded in the battle and stained with blood made an invocation only against those who attacked and wounded him. God, however, did not respond to his invocation and forbade to curse the wicked people60). Peculiar is a tradition which states that the Prophet intended to curse the people who fled from the battle-field at Uhud. He was preventedfrom doing it by the revelationof the verse: ..."no part of the matteris thine"61). The tendencyof this traditionis evident
56) Al-Tabari, Tafsir, ed. Shdkir,VII, no. 7819 (and see the referencesgiven by the Editors); Ibn op. cit., VI, 429; cf. Shahridaral-Daylami, op. cit., Ms 'As.kir, Chester Beatty 4139, fol. 136b, Ii 1-2. IV, al-thamin, 57) cAbdallahb. al-Mubdrak,op. cit., p. 58, no. 57; al-'lIqd al-F.si, 35-36; Ibn 'Asdkir, op. cit., VI, 429. no. 3575. See on him Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba,III, 213 sup., 58) II, 59) Al-Suyati, al-Durr al-manthfdr, 71. nos.
281.
7805-7817; al-Zurqini, 6o) See e.g. al-Tabari, Tafsfr, ed. Shdkir, VII, 194-199, op. cit., VII, 343 ult.--344, 11. 1-3; Ibn IHajar,Fath al-bdri, Cairo 1301 (reprint) VII,
6 1) Al-'Ayni, op. cit., XVII, I55, 1. 14.
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
255
from the phrase which it contains, according to which one of the people who forsook the Prophet in this battle was 'Uthmanb. 'Aff~n. The majority of scholars are said to have been of the opinion that the verse "no part of the matteris thine" was revealedafter the battle of Uhud 62).
IV
The invocation against Mudar can hardly be related either to the Meccan period, or to the battle of Uhud. In the Meccan period the Prophet and his Companions suffered from the persecutions of the Qurashitesand only in some rarecases were the Qurashitescompelled to act in agreement with their tribal allies63); in the battle of Uhkud the Qurashiteswere those who fought the Muslimforces and wounded the Prophet, while the Mudar alliance is not mentioned as an active factor in the preparations that battle. The invocation of the Prophet for could only be uttered in the period when the tribes of the Mudar federation, the allies of Mecca, acted in cooperation with Quraysh against the Muslim community harasshing,attacking, damaging and killing. Such was the case with the expedition of Bi'r Ma'tina.In some traditions the curse of Mudaris actually reportedto have taken place after the massacreof the Companionsby the tribal groups of Sulaym and 'Amir b. Sa'sa'awhich were allied with Mecca and acted in close cooperationwith the Qurashiteenemies of the Prophet. According to these traditions the curse was linked with the invocation for the three Companions oppressed in Mecca by the unbelievers64). In some of
annahanazalat bi-sababi 6z) Al-Zurqini, op. cit., VII, 344, i i. 9-10: ... wa-1-sawab qiSati ubud ... wa-qala "l-lubabi";ttafaqa aktharu 1-culama'i cald nuzflihaft s.hibu qissati hbud. 63) See e.g. Ibn Hazm, Hajjat al-wadai, ed. Mahmfid Haqqi, Beirut 1966, p. 148; Muhibb al-Din al-Tabari, al-Qira li-qdsidi ummi 1-qurd, ed. Mustafi 1-Saqd, Cairo Cairo 1382/1962, III, 198, 1390/1970, P. 547; cAli b. Burhdn al-Din, al-Siraal--halabiyya, 3 from bottom; and see JESHO, I972, p. 64, note 3. I. ed. 64) See e.g. al-Tahdwi, Sharh macidn 1-adthar, Muhammad Zuhri l-Najjdr, Cairo 1388/1966, I, 241-244; al-ZurqIni, op. cit., VII, 344-345; al-W op. cit., p. 81; Ibn Abi Shayba, op. cit., II, 316 inf.-3 7 sup.; al-Daraqutni, Sunan, II, 38, no. 7; .hidi, al-Tabari, Tafsir, VII, zoz, no. 7821 (and see the references of the Editors); cf. Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., II, 53; cf. al-Shafiri, Musnad, Arah I306/i889, p. io8.
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the Prophet's invocations the curse is directed against the wicked tribal groups without any mention of Mudar at all 65). The account of Muqatil links the verse Sara III, I28:.. ."no part of the matter is thine"... with SairaXCIV (a-lam nashra.h). According to this comment both the passages refer to the massacre of Bi'r Ma'una. The story recorded by Muqatil differs in many details from the current reports: there were four hundred Companions known as ahl al-suffawho lived on the alms given to them; they gave the surplus of these alms to other poor persons. They had no relatives in Medina. They went out as a and fought the Banii Sulaym (who were military force (mujayyashin) unbelievers-K). Seventy warriors of this group (i.e. the ahl al-szffa) were killed. The Prophet made an invocation against the evildoers (scil. of Sulaym) praying to God to punish them. But God revealed to him the verse: . . . "no part of the matter is thine" and, since it was obviously predestined that they would embrace Islam, the text of Saira XCIV, i seq. was revealed 66). In some cases the invocation against the wicked tribal groups goes together with a blessing bestowed on Ghifhr and Aslam 67), the two tribal groups which supported the Prophet at a
65) See e.g. 'Abd al-Razzdq,op. cit., II, 446, no 4029; al-Zurqdni,op. cit., II, 78; Burhdn al-Din, op. cit., III, 196-197; Nor al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VI, i25; Cairo I372/1953, II, 390, no. 8; al-Suyiti, al-Durr alal-Shaukdni,Nayl al-au.tAr, manthfr,II, 71; Ibn Sayyid al-Nds, 'Uyfn al-athar,Cairo 1356, II, 47, I. 24; Ibn Abi Shayba,op.cit., II, 31o; Aba Nu'aym al-Isfahdni, Hilyat al-aullya',Cairo 1387/1967, III, 113 inf.; (and see the peculiar invocation against cUsayya: ... sami'tu rasgila bi-ban Cusdayyata, lljhiyaq/lu ft qunf7tihi: ummamildamcalayki fa-innahum yl 'asauIddha al-Khatib al-Baghdddi,Mfidih wa-rasilahu, Hyderabad 1379/ al-jam'wa-l-tafriq, auham i96o, II, 2); cf. al-Majlisi,Bihdral-anwar,Tehran 1386, LX, 232 (the curse here is uttered inter alia against Ricl, Dhakw~n, cAdl, Lihydn, those from among Asad and GhatafSninflicted by elephantiasis,Abei Sufydnb. Harb, Suhayl ["the man with the teeth"; in the text "Shahbal" instead of "Suhayl"], the two sons of Mulayka b. Jizyam, Marwdn[evidently: b. al-IHakam,-K], Haudha andHauna. The traditionis quoted from al-Kafi]). 66) Muqdtil,op. cit., 74/II, fol. 243a-b;and see al-'Ayni, op.cit., XVII, I 5, I. I5; wamin bani sulaymincusayyata wa-qlla inna ashiba 1-suffatikharaj ild qabllatayni arba'ina .... sabdhan fa-qutil2fa-da'c 'calayhim dhakwana I, 67) Al-Tahawi, Sharhma'ini 1-dthdr, 243 sup., 267 sup; Nir al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., II, 138; al-Daylami, Firdaus,Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. io8a; Ibn Abi Shayba, op. cit., II, 317 inf.; al-Wdqidi,op. cit., pp. 349 inf.-3 50.
Ibn IHajar,Fath al-birz, VII,
282
sup.; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, II, 199, 206; cAli b.
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
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very early period 68). Al-Tahlwi analyses the divergent traditions, emphasizes the contradictory interpretations concerning the period in which the Prophet's utterance was given and surveys its circumstances, but does not reach a decisive conclusion 69). The statement that the invocation against the evildoers who had committed the massacre at Bi'r Ma'dna was the first time that the Prophet uttered a qunft-invocation during prayer 70) is of some importance for establishing the circumstances of this invocation and its date. It is in character with the custom of hadith scholars that they tried to bridge between the various versions of the tradition about the curse of Mudar. Some of them were of the opinion that the period of drought and hunger did not last seven years, but only a year or
even less. Thus, for instance, the formula: ... .' alhd 'alayhim sinina was interpretedas referring either to the harshness of ka-sini yrsufa the chastisementor to the period of drought: days, weeks, months or years71). The most reliablereportabout the Prophet'scurse of Mudarappears to be the one stating that the Prophet uttered if after the massacreof Bi'r Ma'ina. The close relations between Quraysh and their Mudar allies can be gauged from a significant passage of the report about this expedition: when the Muslim warrior 'Amr b. Umayya alwas capturedby 'Amir b. al-Tufayl,the man who planned and carried .Damri out the massacreof Bi'r Ma'ina, he was asked about his pedigree. When he stated that he was from Mudar, 'Amir b. al-Tufayl freed him and let him go, saying that he would not like to harm a man from Mudar72). 'Amir's decision was, of course, in line with the ideas
Misr, ed. C. Torrey, Leiden-New Haven, 1920-22, 68) Ibn cAbdal-Hakam,Futfrh p. 303 sup.; Ibn Hajar,Fath al-brZ, II, 410, 11. 16-23. I, 69) Al-Tahawi, Mushkilal-dthdr, 236-23870) A1-Zurqani,op. cit., II, 78, I. 17; al-HIkim, op. cit., I, 226 sup. 71) A1-Zurqini, op. cit., VII, 344, II. 2I-22: wat'ataka... Cala [kuffir qurayshin, au ... au al-sin7na al-qyyjm... ; Ibn Hajar, aulddi] jcalhd ay muadara allihumma al-wa.tata min l-mashriqi yauma'idhin mudara Fath al-bari,II, 410, iI. I2-I4: ... wa-ahlu mukhaliffinalahu... Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23297, fol. 46a, al-nasab, 72) See e.g. Ibn al-Kalbi,Jamharat i: ... fa-lamyuflit ahadun bnu camiru 1-tufayli hina qdla lahu ghayruhu khallasabilahu I.
17
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M. J. KISTER
of tribal loyalty according to which he was expected to refrainfrom killing a memberof the Mudarfederationeven though the latter might participatein an expedition of a hostile troop. On the other hand, the individualsand groups who joined the Muslim communitycut their bonds with their tribes, keeping their loyalty and solidarityexclusively for their religious leaders and the community of the faithful. V Abfi SufyIn was one of the prominent leaders of Quraysh, a stubborn opponent of the Prophet during his stay at Mecca and the head of the active struggle against him after he moved to Medina. Abai Sufyanplayed a considerablerole in three decisive encountersbetween Quraysh and the Muslim forces: in the Battle of Badr (anno 2 H), in the Battle of Uhud (anno 3H) and in the Battle of the Ditch (anno 5H). Traditiondoes not mention any meeting during the Prophet'sMedinan period between the Prophetand Abi Sufydnfor negotaitionsexcept the latter's visit to the Prophet as a single delegate of Quraysh a short time before the Prophet set out on his expedition to conquer Mecca (anno 8H). There are, however, a few reports which indicate contacts between the Prophet and Abai Sufydn during a relatively long period before the conquest of Mecca by the Prophet. According to a tradition recorded by Muqatil, the leading hypocrites of Medina, 'Abdallah b. Ubayy 73), 'Abdallah b. Sa'd b. Abi a Sarh74) and Tu'ma b. Ubayriq75) cunninglyarranged meetingbetween the Prophet and the leaders of the unbelievers of Mecca: Abi Sufyan, 'Ikrimab. Abi Jahl and Abii l-A'war al-Sulami76). The Prophetrefused
inni min mudar; about the position of the chiefs of the Mudari tribes see Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, V, 488: ... fa-dakhala cuyqynatubnu hisnin al-faztriyyu ald 1-nabiyyi(s) wacindahu'a'ishatufa-dakhala bi-ghqyriidhnin,fa-qila lahu raszilul/lthi: fa-ayna 1-isti'dhdn? fa-q7la: yd rasila lldhi ma sta'dhantu cald rajulin min mudaramundhuadraktu. .. 73) See on him EI2, s.v. cAbd Alldh b. Ubayy b. Salkl (W. Montgomery Watt). 74) See on him EI2, s.v. cAbd Allah b. Sacd (C. H. Becker). 75) See on him Ibn Hajar, al-Isiba, III, 518, no. 4249; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-ghaba, III, 52-53. IV, 641, no. 5855 (cAmr b. Sufydn); Ibn 76) See on him Ibn IHajar, no. 2849; CAbd al-Barr, op. cit., p. 6oo, al-Is.dba, Khalifa b. Tabaqdt, ed. Akram Khayy.t,
O GOD, TIGHTEN
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to accept the requests of the mixed Hypocrite-Qurashi delegation that should acknowledge the power of the idols to grant intercession he (sharf'a,scil. with God for the unbelievers-K). He pacifiedthe enraged 'Umar who was about to kill the membersof the arrogantdelegation and granted them a letter of safe-conduct, enabling them to return
safely to their homes
77).
This event is said to have been hinted at
in Stira XXXIII, 1-3: "O Prophet, fear God and obey not the unbelievers and the hypocrites. God is All-knowing, All-wise. And of follow what is revealedto thee from thy Lord"... (Translation A. J.
Arberry).
al-Minqari, Waq-at Diyv' al-Din, Baghdid 1387/1967, p. 5I; Nasr b. Muz.him SiffPn,ed. 'Abd al-Saldm Hirfin, Cairo 1382/1962, index (Sufyin b. 'Amr al-Sulami). bint Abai 1-Acwar was a halif of Abf Sufydn. Abfi -A'war's grandmother was Arw. b. cAbdshams. And see on him El2, s.v. Abi 1-Acwar (H. Lammens). Umayya 77) Muqitil, op. cit., Ahmet III, 74/II, fols. 85b-86a; and see a shorter version: al-Wihidi, op. cit., p. 236 with an explicit statement that the event took place after the battle of Uhud; and see al-Baghawi, op. cit., V, 189; al-Khizin, op. cit., V, 18919o; al-Nasafi, Tafsir, Cairo n.d., III, 292. The earliest version recorded by alFarr.', Ma'dni l-Qur'ln II, 334 states that the Prophet forbade to kill the Meccan members of the delegation, as there was a peace-treaty (muwtda'a) between them. Al-Samarqandi gives the report of Muqdtil, but also records the account of Ibn alKalbi, according to which the Meccan delegates alighted in the courts of 'Abdallah b. Ubayy, Mucattib b. Qushayr (see on him Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, VI, 175, no. 8125) and Jadd b. Qays (see on him Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, I, 468, no. i 12). According to this version it was the Prophet himself who intended to (order to-K) kill the arrogant Meccan delegates; but God forbade him to violate the pact (...wa-'aradz7 calayhi ashydaafa-karihaha minhum,fa-hamma bihim rasz7u lluhi (s) an yaqtulzhum (!) ild 1-muddatiwa-la tutic al-kafirina min ahli makkata). Another account says that the Muslims intended to kill the Meccan delegates, but the verses of Sara XXXIII, revealed at that time, prevented them from carrying out of their plan (al-Samarqandi, Tafsir, Ms. Chester Beatty 3668, vol. II, i29a). There is a curious tradition recorded by al-Suy~iti, Lubdb al-nuqzlfi asbabi l-nuZil, Cairo 1374/1954, P. 174: it makes no mention of the delegation, but speaks of the stipulations made by the Prophet's the Jews and the Hypocrites in enemies (also mentioned in other sources-K): Medina threaten to kill the Prophet if he does not abandon his ideas, while the Meccans promise to grant the Prophet half of their property if he retracts. The tradition, traced back to al-Dahhbik, mentions among the persons who summoned the Prophet to relinquish his call al-Walid b. al-Mughira and Shayba b. Rabi'a. The latter was killed in the battle of Badr; consequently the event has to go back, according to this tradition, to the period of the first two years after the hijra. And see this tradition: V, al-Suylti, al-Durr al-manthbir, i8o, II. 25-27.
lladhibaynaka wa-baynahum ttaqi 1-'ahda 1-nabiyyu Ilha wa-latanqudi fa-nazala:yj ayyuha
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M. J. KISTER
The reports do not specify the date of the arrival of the Meccan delegation in Medina; the only indication as to its time is the remark that it took place after Uhud. The style of the narrative and the circumstances of the visit, viz. the stratagem by which the Medinan hypocrites got the Prophet's consent to meet the delegation, the demand of the delegation and 'Umar's sharp reaction, all this seems to indicate that the delegation came to Medina after the Battle of the Ditch. The
battle itself was a defeatfor the Qurashitesand some of them probably realized that the Meccans would not be able to destroy the Muslim community in Medina and that they should set up a relationshipwith Medina based on the new balance of power. Some of the Qurashite leaders perceived that they were unable to resume their commercial activities without securing their trade routes from the attacks of the Muslim forces, and that it was necessaryto gain a recognition by the Prophetof the pagan deities of the Ka'ba in orderto preservethe authority of Qurayshas keepersof the House and to securean uninterrupted flow of pagan pilgrims to Mecca. The Qurashiteswere exhausted by the heavy war-expendituresand weakened by the lack of loyalty of some allied tribal groups who joined Muhammad. The boycott of Thumdmab. Uthdl, who at the Prophet's order cut off food-supplies from the Yamdmawas causing the population of Mecca serious hardship 78). The situationwas aggravatedby a severe drought in the same year, anno 6H 79). It is precisely the drought often mentioned in the sources. Lack of economic stability seems to have prevailed until anno 8H, when people complained of high prices (of food-K) and asked the Prophet to fix the prices and control them, a requestwhich the Prophet refusedso).In this situationthe Qurashiteswere compelled
78) See e.g. al-Baldhuri, Ans7b, I, 367; al-Zurq5ni, op. cit., II, 144-146; alCairo I283, II, 2-3; cAll b. Burhdnal-Din, op. cit., III, Diyvrbakri,Ta'rikhal-khamis, 197-199. 79) 'Abd al-Malik b. Habib, Ta'rikh, Ms. Bodley, Marsh 288, p. 88: ... wa-f? 1-sanati(i.e. anno 6th H.) ajdaba1-ndsu hddhihi fa-stasqdlahumrasfzlu jadban shadidan bnu Ildhi(s) ft ramaddna...; al-cAyni,op. cit., VII, 34, I. i : ... wa-dhakara hibbdna: sanatasittinminal-hijrati. ft li-l-istisqd' shahriramaaddna (s) kdnakhurtjuhu ild 1-musalla 1-sanati anno 8th(i.e. 80) cAbdal-Malikb. Habib, op. cit., p. 90: ... wa-fthcidhihi
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
26I
to cometo the Prophet askfor somerecognition the idols,their and of aimbeingto tryandsavetheirpositionandauthority amongthe tribes. The Prophet couldnot accept theirrequest. callto his Companions His was to believein the one God and any concession madeto Quraysh wouldmeanthathe waswillingto associate idolswiththeone God.His was decision intransigent, he givenout of a positionof strength; refused to discussthe requests the delegation. couldwiselyforeseethat of He and a moderate moreflexible factionwouldarisein Mecca, whichmight strivefor a peacewiththe Muslim in and community Medina its leader, the Prophet.As a result,Meccamightbe torn by discussionand the would be weakend.It is clearthat the Prophet position of Quraysh triedto win over the leaders this moderate of groupin orderto assert his influencein Mecca and preparefor the conquestof the town. The tradition aboutthe exchange gifts betweenthe Prophetand of is recorded Abai'Ubaydon the authority 'Ikrima: of by Abfi Sufydn The Prophet to Abi Sufydn Mecca'ajwa-dates askedhimto sent in and send in returnas gift hides.Abi' carried the request. out Abli Sufy.n that the exchangeof gifts 'Ubaydanalysesthe traditionconcluding at betweenthe Prophetand the happened the time of the armistice people of Mecca,beforeMeccawas conquered the Prophet A 81). by dateis attached the eventrecorded Abi 'Ubayd:afterthe to precise by The were at thatperiodunbelievers, pact of al-Hudaybiyya. Meccans but this did not preventthe Prophetfrom exchanging gifts with his formerenemy,Abi Sufydn. Abi 'Ubaydis rightin deducing fromthis the incident general thattheProphet law accepted fromunbelievers gifts when they werenot in warwith the Muslims. Anotherversionof this story,also tracedback to 'Ikrima, gives a construction the events, recordssome additional to slightlydifferent
Cf. IK) ghald1-sicrujiddan. al-cAyni, op. cit., VII, 36, i. Io from bottom: wa-qdla sanata cashrin qadimawafdusaladmna fa-qila fa-shakauilayhi1-jadba wdqidi:wa-lammd rasz7lu/ (s) bi-yadayhi... ldhi 81) Abfa cUbayd, al-Amwdl, ed. Muhammad al-Fiqi, Cairo 1353, PPBurdur 257-258, no. 631; Ibn Zanjawayh,al-Amwdl,Ms. .H-Imid 183, fol. 96a; Ibn HIajar, al-Isaba, III, 413, no. 4050 (the messenger was 'Amr b. Umayya al-DIamri);on see Berlin 1897 (reprint), p. 229. Beduinenleben, cajwa-dates G. Jacob, Altarabisches
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M. J. KISTER
details and sheds some light on the split within Quraysh as a result of the policy of the Prophet. The Prophet, says the tradition, sent to some goods (ba'athabi-shay'in) Abii Sufyan, and to some of the unbelievers in Mecca. Some of them accepted, some of them Qurashi returned (the things sent by the Prophet-K). Abi Sufydn said: "I shall accept it and shall not send it back". Then he sent to the Prophet weapons and other things which the Prophet accepted. Then the Prophet sent him 'ajwa-datesand Abui Sufyan sent him in return
hides82).
It is evident that this traditionabout the exchangeof goods between from that of Abai'Ubayd: the Prophetand Abi SufyIn is quite different it was not dates which were sent in exchange for hides for private usage; the weapons sent to the Prophet were obviously intendedfor the use of the Muslim forces and Medinan dates were quite as obviously sent for the unbelieving Qurashites.This conspicous exchange of weapons for food could only have happened when Abfi Sufyan hadlost his hope of Mecca'svictory over the Medinancommunityand it was most probablyprecededby negotiations between the Prophet and Abai Sufydn.A report related on the authority of Abai Hurayraadds more details about the first steps of the appeasementand how the relations between the Prophet and Abfi Sufyan were resumed. The Prophet sent to Quraysh a man with money to be distributedamong them; they were at that time unbelievers,adds the report.AbuiSufydn, with a group of Quraysh,asked the messengerto hand them over the money which Qurayshrefusedto accept.The messengerreturnedto the Prophet asking for instructions.The Prophet's reply was clear: "Why didn't you hand over (the money-K) to those of them who agreed to accept it" 83)? Another tradition, this one too recorded by al-Fakihi, mentions the name of the messengerwho carriedthe money: 'Amr b. al-Faghwi' al-Khuzi'i. The Prophet warned the messengerof 'Amr b. Umayyaal-Damriwho tried, as foretold by the Prophet, to attack'Amr b. al-Faghwd'and rob him of the money. The messenger escaped and
82) Ibn 'Asjkir, Tahdhib Ta'rikh,VI, 395.
83) Al-Fdkihi, op. cit., fol. 397a.
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
263
succeeded to reach Mecca and to hand over the money to Abfi Sufy n 84).
A tradition traced back to 'Abdallah, the son of 'Alqama b. alFaghwd' (the brother of 'Amr b. al-Faghwd') states that it was his father (not his uncle-K) who was dispatched by the Prophet with money to be distributedto the poor among the unbelieversof Quraysh in order to gain their sympathy (scil. for the Prophet and Islam, yata'allafuhum-K). As in the former tradition, 'Amr b. Umayya alDamri joins the messenger and tries to rob him of his money, but 'Alqamasucceedsin escaping. Abfi Sufydn remarks(scil. after receiving of the money-K): "I have not seen anyone more pious (abarr) and more generous towards the kindred (ausal)than this man (i.e. the Prophet). We fight him and try to shed his blood, while he beneficently sends us gifts" 85). AbLi Sufyan's remark about the Prophet reflects in a true manner the attitude of the unbelievers towards the generosity displayedby the Prophet with regardto his opponents. Some utterancesof the nonbeliever Qurashites, expressing admiration for the clemency of the Prophet and his generosity are recorded in the reports about the conquest of Mecca; they are indeed similar to the utterance of Abi Sufydn mentioned above. The report names the social group which refused to accept the money sent by the Prophet and thus objected to collaboration, or even contact, with him: they were the ashraf,the notables, whose attitude of deep devotion to the ancestralrites, and their firm adherenceto the acceptedmould of relationsbetween tribes, based as it was on the loyalty and allegianceto the Ka'ba and its pagan rites, are reflectedin their staunch opposition to any peaceful contact
84) Al-Fdkihi. op. cit., fol. 397a (reported on the authority of the son of the messenger, cAbdallah b. cAmr b. al-Faghwa); but see the version saying that the Prophet sent the gifts after the conquest of Mecca: Ibn Sacd, op. cit., IV, 296; Ibn al-Athir,
Jdmic al-uswl, ed. Muhammad
al-Kharqa'shi,
Sharafal-mus.tafd, III, 0zo; 85) See Ibn Hajar,al-Isaba,IV, 559, no. 5680; al-Dhahabi, Siyaracldim, al-tahdhib, Tahdhib al-Muttaqi1-Hindi, op. cit., IX, 104, no. 943; and cf. Ibn V, 340. no. 58o. .Hajar,
XII, IHImid al-Fiqi, Cairo 1374/1955, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3014, fol. 7za.
361, no. 9435;
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M. J. KISTER
with the Muslim body politic headed by the Prophet. They were confronted by a group of Qurayshunder the leadershipof Abi Sufyan who made a shrewd assessment of the situation of Qurayshafter the defeat of the Battle of the Ditch and the exterminationof the Banfi Qurayza. As already pointed out above, he knew that establishing relations and creating economic contacts with Muhammad and his community was unavoidable. He believed that Mecca could no more face the Prophet in war and thereforedid not hesitateto send weapons to the Prophet. As a result, there is a dramaticchange in the attitude of the Prophet towards Abii Sufyan, and it is admirably reflected in the narrativereviewed above: after the bloody events of al-Raji' and Bi'r Ma':inathe Prophet sent 'Amr b. Umayyaal-IDamri ordering him to kill Abi Sufydn86) in retaliationfor Abiu Sufydn'sattempt to kill the Prophet by an assassin. Now, after the Battle of the Ditch, the Prophet strived to gain the co-operation of the leader of Quraysh, Abii Sufydn. The man who accompaniedthe Prophet's messenger to Abui Sufydnwas the very man whom the Prophet had sent two years before to kill him: 'Amr b. Umayya al-.Damri. Other reports about the actions of Abii Sufydn seem to confirm the reports about the contacts between the Prophet and Abi Sufyan during that period. The Prophet married Umm Habiba (Ramla), the daughterof Abfi Sufyin anno 6H, the year of the peace of Hudaybiyya; Abti Sufyan is said, according to some reports, to have given his approval. Other accounts say that the permission to marry her was granted the Prophet by Khalid b. Sa'id b. al-'As or by 'Uthman b. 'Affan87). A tradition recordedby Muslim states that Abai Sufyan put
86) See e.g. al-Diyvrbakri,op. cit., I, 459; al-Zurqdni, op. cit., II, 177-179; al1-FadlIbrdhim, Cairo 1969, II, 542-545. Tabari, Ta'rzkh,ed. AbeT 87) See e.g. the various reports about the marriage:al-Hakim, op. cit., IV, 20-23; Mus'ab al-Zubayri, Nasab Quraysh,ed. Levi-Provengal, Cairo 1953, p. I22; alMaqrizi, Imta⢠al-asmic, ed. Mahmfd Mahammad Shdkir, Cairo I941, I, 325, 358 al-Bal1dhuri, Ansib, I, inf.-359 sup.; al-Tabari, Ta'rikh, II, 653-654, III, G65; ed. hid, 438-439;Ibn Kathir,al-Siraal-nabawiyya, MustafdcAbdal-W~ Cairo 1385/1966, IV, 273, 275 ult.-276; Ibn Sayyid 'Uy7n al-athar,II, 3o6-3o7;o;YVsinb. al-nisd',ed. Raji' Mahmad alal-rauda al-N.s, tawdrikh Khayrallah,Muhadhdhab al-fayhaft Baghdid 1386/1966, pp. 117-120zo. S.marrP'i,
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
26J
forth three requests in his talk with the Prophet: to let him marry his to appoint his son Mu'awiya daughter, Umm Habiba bint Abi Sufy.n, as a scribe of the Prophet, and that the Prophet should appoint him to fight the unbelievers with the same zeal as he had when fighting the Muslims 88). Orthodox scholars discussed at length the tradition according to which it was Abai Sufyan who gave his daughter in marriage to the Prophet. It is evident that they found it hard to accept the tradition as sound, although it was recorded by Muslim, since according to Muslim law an unbeliever has no authority over the legal acts of any of his family who has converted to Islam. Consequently the unbeliever Abui Sufyan could not either permit or prohibit the marriage of his believing daughter. The scholars had therefore recourse to harmonizing interpretations, attaching to the marriage request a quite different meaning: Aba Sufyan's intention was not to grant permission to the Prophet's marriage with his daughter, but rather, as the setting of the tradition was placed at the conquest of Mecca, when Aba Sufy.n had converted to Islam, the tradition was interpreted as meaning that Aba Sufydn gave confirmation and legitimacy to the marriage 89). One is inclied to assume that during the negotiations between the Prophet and AbT Sufyan, which preceded the exchange of goods between them, some decisions about the position of Aba Sufydn and of his family had been reached, including an agreement concerning the Prophet's marriage with Umm IHabiba.The Prophet indeed appointed Muc'wiya as his scribe and Aba formerly the violent opponent of Islam, Sufy.n, was entrusted with responsible tasks, and put in charge of the collection of taxes in certain districts 90). The co-operation between the Prophet and Abu SufyIn in the period of the Hudaybiyya agreement can be gauged from some traditions saying that Mu'~wiya went out from Mecca in the company of 'Abd al-Rahman b. Abi Bakr and other
88) Ibn Sayyid al-Nds, op. cir., II, 307.; cf. Ibn 'As1kir, op. cit., VI, 399, 404 inf. 89) See e.g. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, JalE'u 1-afham -saldti wa-l-salam cali khayri ft 1-andmed. Tdhd Ytisuf Yasin, Kuwayt-Beirut 1977, pp. 128-135. 90) See e.g. al-Balddhuri, Ansdb al-ashraf, ed. M. Schloessinger, IVA, p. 6 (and see the references supplied by the Editor); Ibn 'Asakir, op. cit., VI, 404 inf.-405 sup.
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Qurashi youths before the conquest of Mecca in order to meet the Prophet and convert to Islam91).There is no mention of Abai Sufydn's nor after activity during the negotiationsover the pactof al-.Hudaybiyya, the pact was signed. The changein his attitudetowardsthe Prophetwas, however, fully reflectedin his censureof the aggressive action of some the allies of the Prophet92). It is Qurashi leaders against Khuz.'a, plausible that no else than Aba Sufyin was the person sent to the Prophet in Medinain order to prevent the Prophet'sexpeditionagainst in the Meccaand to reaffirm pact of al-JHudaybiyya spite of the violation of one of its paragraphsthrough the attack against Khuzd'a. Abfi SufySn could not prevent the expedition against Mecca and its conquest by the Muslims, but he contributed much to the peaceful surrender of the city. He was in reward given a great privilege by the Prophet: to anyone being in his court when the Muslim troops occupy Mecca was to be granted safety. The feelings of anger and contempt at his role in the Muslim conquest of Mecca were clearlyexpressedby his wife Hind bint 'Utba: "Kill this fat greasy bladder of lard!"--she cried when Abi Sufydn announced on behalf of the Prophet safety for those who would enter his court. "What a rotten protector of the people" 93)! The kindness of the Prophet towards Aba Sufyin, the favours granted him, the appointmentof Mu'iwiya as secretaryof the Prophet, and the appointment of Yazid as tax collector94) were important factors in creating a favourableMuslim attitude towards Aba Sufydnand his family.The caliphswho succeededthe Prophetcontinued to employ members of Abu Sufyin's family in high posts. To this crucial period in the relations between Abu Sufyin and the Prophet seems to refer the utterance attributed to the Prophet: "The faith (scil. Islam-K) has been continually aided by Aba Sufyan
91) Al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr, Jamharat nasab quraysh, Ms. Bodley Marsh. 384, fol. i iIa, penult.; al-Fisi, al-'lqd al-thamin, V, 371; Ibn Hajar, al-lsdba, IV, 326, ii. 1-4. 92) See e.g. al-Waqidi, op. cit., pp. 785-788. 93) A. Guillaume, The Life of Muhammad, Oxford 1955 (reprint), p. 548; al-Fisi, Cairo 1956, II, z 6. Shifd'al-gharjm, See e.g. Ibn IHajar,al-Isdba, VI, 658 inf., no. 9271. 94)
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
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both before and after his conversion to Islam"95). The affectionand
sympathy of the Prophet is exposed in a prediction attributed to the
Prophet about the events of the Day of Judgment: Abd Sufyin will
expect the Prophet when he will return from the Presence of Allah and
friend 96).
serve him with a drink from a glass of red sapphiresaying: Drink, my VI The qunz7t-invocation during prayer was the subject of heated discussions among the orthodox scholars. Some of them considered the
abrogated the verseof Sira III, 128: ... "no part qunz7t-invocation by
of the matter is thine"...; the Prophet used to curse some persons during the morning prayerand this practiceis said to have been abrogated by this verse. Other scholarsarguedthat the verse did not abroit gate the qunz7t-invocation; merely stressed God's exclusive authority to decree on the fate of man97). A divergent tradition says that the Prophet merely intended to curse some wicked personsfrom among the unbelievers; after the revelation of the verse; . .. "no part..." the Prophet invoked God in the style of (the invocations of) one of the prophets (i.e. Jesus-K): "God, forgive my people, because they do not know" (what they do-K) 98). Some scholars tried to detach invocation from prayerby arguing that anything not grounded in the Qur'~n cannot be considered as part of the prayer99); it is not surprising to find some scholars who used to read certain chapters of the Qur' n coupling the reading with supplications(... kdnayaqnutu bi-arba'idydtin... or: kdnayaqnutubi-hdtayni ..) 1-sifratayni. 100). The transition from the quniftas practised by the Prophet after the massacreof the Muslim troop at Bi'r Ma'iina to one which was supplicatoryin its form and content is vividly depicted in a tradition
95) Ibn 'Asdkir,op. cit., VI, 405 ult. 96) Ibn cAsdkir,op. cit., VI, 406 sup. 97) op. cit., p. 91 sup.; al-Qurtubi, op. cit., IV, 2oo. Al-Qurtubi, 98) Al-Nahh.s, op. cit., IV, 199-zoo. 99) Al-Nahhds, op. cit., p. 91. Ioo) See e.g. cAbd al-Razzdq,op. cit., III, 114, no. 4978 and 116, no. 4983.
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M. J. KISTER
traced back to Khilid b. abi 'Imrin 101).While the Prophet was making
on the report a clearline betweendu'dand qunfit, commenting Al-Tah.wi that used to practisequniftduringthe morningprayer.He Aba Hurayra
argues that this account indicates that Abai Hurayra considered as abrogated the invocation (du'd) against persons whom the Prophet
an invocation against Mudar, the angel Jibril descended, bidding him be silent, ordered him to cease to curse Mudar.The angel then taught him another qunift, which contains elements of prayer, praise of God, supplication and expressions of submission to God 102). It is in connection with this change in the meaning of qunift that al-Suyati found himself unable to answer the question whether the Prophet's invocation againstsome people during thirty days followed or preceded the (new-K) qunift formula:all/humma draws hdind... 103).
cursed (innamdkdnahzuwa 1-du'd'a 'ald man da'd 'alayhi raslu ladhi sdalld but considered as valid and obliging the quniit lldhu 'alayhi wa-sallam), is linked with it 104); qunuzt thus conceived here as supplicationand this
supplication,indeed, remainedvalid. Some scholars stated by analogy with the qunztthat the invocation for a sneezing person during prayer is permissible; the blessing of a sneezer belongs to the type of blessing or curse practised by the
Prophet during prayer and is therefore permissible 105)'
Certain reports seem to consider qunfitas an invocation against
enemies, which the Prophet practised only for a number of days 106),for
Tahdhib al-tahdhib,III, i1o, no. 20s. Ioi) See on him Ibn JHajar, 102) Al-Qurtubi, op. cit., IV, 201; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan,II, zio inf.; ... baynd rasfilu Ildhi (s) yadc cal/amudara ja'ahu jibrilu fa-auma'ailayhian uskutfa-sakata, idh bacathaka wa-il lacanan inna fa-qdla muhammadu lldhalam ya yabCathka wa-innama sabbaban ... thumma laka minal-amri wa-lam shay'un laysa rahmatan 'allamahu yab'athka'adhdban, bika wawa-nastaghfiruka wa-nu'minu hadhda-qunflta: allihumma inna nastazcnuka man wa-natruku yakfuruka, alldhumma laka wa-nakhlacu wanakhdar'u iyydkana'budu laka nusalli... 1-Din cAbd ed. 10o3)Al-Suyati, al- HawZ li-l-fataw7, MuhammadMuhyl Cairo 1959, I, 532 sup. al-.Hamid, 1-dthdr, 248. I, 104) A1-Tahdwi,Sharhma'anz ed. G. Vitestam, 105) Aba cAsim al-cAbbddi. Tabaqdtal-fuqahd'al-shdficiyya, Leiden 1964, P. 43. o06) 'Abd al-Razzaq,op. cit., III, 105, no. 4945.
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
269
twenty days107), directedagainst the rebelling tribes and which he later ceased to practise.108) Consequentlytraditions of this kind emphasize that the Caliphs who succeeded the Prophet did not utter the qunit in their prayers109). But certaintraditionsin conflict with the former until he died 110); ones said that the Prophetcontinuedto practisequnift accounts should be interpretedas using qunfitin the sense of these supplications, and not as invocations directed agaisnt specific people or as blessings addressedto specific individuals.A peculiarreason for the prohibition of qunftas practisedby the Prophet in the first period, when it was used to curse or bless individuals or groups is indicated in certain reports: it was considered odious to specify persons or as groups in qunift done initially by the Prophet"'). Another reason mentionedwhy the invocation in favour of the oppressedbelieverswas discontinued was the fact that the oppressed believers manage to escape and reach Medina. During fifteen days (i.e. from the I 5th of Ramaddnuntil the Yaum al-Fitr) the Prophet made invocations for them 112); after their arrivalin Medinathere was no more reasonto do which this 113). Another interpretationsays that the qunz7t-invocation
I, 107) Al-Tahiwi, Sharbmacani, 244, 1.18, 247, 1.3 from bottom. io8) Al-Tahdwi, Sharh macini, I, 244-245, 248; and see al-Dhahabi, MiZdnalictiddl,ed. 'Ali Muhammadal-Bijawi,Cairo 1382/1963,II, 653, no. 5196 (the tradition is cald rasfzlu (s) thaldthina yadc'z l-nasisammdhum markedas a laylatan qanata Ilahi innamd mandkir tradition). o09) See e.g. cAbd al-Razziq, op. cit., III, Ioy-Io6, nos. 4946-4952; al-Tah1wi Sharhmacini,I, 246. I, Siio)See e.g. al-Tahdwi, SharhmacdnZ, 243, 11. 15-17; al-Qurtubi, op. cit., IV, zo2, II. 14-15. op. I I I) See e.g. cAbdal--Razzdq, cit., II, 447 no. 4032, 454, no. 4058; al-Shaukini, op.cit., VIII, 82, II. 20-22; Ibn Abi Nayl II, 389, 1.9; MahmiidMuhammad (Aba ft 1-rajuli 1-duad Khatt.b, Shayba, op. cit., II, 317, 1.7; and see ib., 441-442: ft tasmiyati l-Dardi' performed invocations for seventy of his brethren while prostrating in prayer; cAli used to name the persons for whom he invoked after the prayer; alSha'bi and al-Hasanwere of the opinion that the invocation is left to the discretionof the believer in his prayer). See Ibn Abi Shayba, op.cit., II, 30s-306; wa-l-bidac, al-Hawadith I12) ed. M. Talbi, Tunis 1959, p. 56, i1. 4-6. al-Turt.ashi, See Sharbal-macani, 242, 1.3; MahmMd Muhammad I, II3) cit., VIII, 82, 11. 14-15; cf. cAbd al-Razzdq,op. cit., III, 121, no. 4996; and see op. Khatt.b al-Tah.wi,
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M. J. KISTER
contained both curses and blessings became redundantwhen the oppressed believers managed to come to Medina while the unbelievers
repented and embraced Islam 14). The opinion that qziniftwas abro-
gated in all the prayers of the day though retained in the morning prayer led to an unrestrainedattack on al-Shdfi'i, who championed
it 11n). Some scholars considered quniftin the morning prayer a bid'a 116)
and we have lively discussions of the problem whether qunfit to be was
practised after performing the prescribed rak'as or before 11'), and whether the invocation was practised before and after the rak'as 18).
Accordingto some traditionsthe believersused to practisequnfit during
the night-prayer of the 15th of RamadIn 119). Some scholars recommend the quniit during the whole year 120).
Orthodox scholarstried to bridge between the two conflicting sets of traditions, the one reporting that the Prophet was followed by until the day of their the Guided Caliphs,who used to practise qzunft death, and the other, denying this practise to both the Prophet and the Guided Caliphs. The harmonizing interpretation said that the Prophet and the Guided Caliphs continued to practise the kind of qunatwhich was a personal prayer in which they asked God for guidance and grace "2). Several invocations traced back to the Prophet, Ubayy b. Ka'b, 'Umar and al-IHasan are moulded in this style 122). The early formulae of quniftwere revived again during the bloody in op. al-Turtashi, cit.,p. 56, i1. 7-10 andp.57, I1. 8-15 (aboutthe qunz7t the second halfof Ramaddn). Nayl, II, 387: 114) See e.g. al-Zurqini,op.cit., VII, 345, II.g -20; al-Shaukdni, man min wa-khalusz7 al-asriwa-aslama lamma tarakahu ... thumma qadima da'c lahum man wa-ja:lc dacacalayhim ti'ibina... op. 115) Al-'Ayni, op. cit., VII, zz; cf. al-Turtashi, cit., p. 57, I1.2-3; and see op. al-ShIfi'i, cit.,VII, 235, 285. I I6) Al-cAyni, cit., VII, 22, 1.3.frombottom,23 ult.; cf. Abza op. Yasuf,Ikhtildf Cairo1357, P. I1I ult. Abi wa-Bni Layld,ed. Aba l-Waf ' 1-Afghani, AbI HIanifa macan,I, 248; Abfi Nucaym,op. cit., IX, 19, 21. i17) Al-Tahawi, Sharh op. i18) See e.g. Aba Nucaym, cit.,IX, 33. op. S19)See al-Turtiishi, cit.,p. 56 ult. op. cit., p. 57. op. 120) See cAbdal-Razzdq, cit., III, I21, II. 2-3; al-Turtashi,
II. I-2.
op. z121) Seee.g. al-Shaukani, cit.,II,
387, 11. 15-20.
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
271
struggle between 'All and Mu'dwiya.The two early scholars, 'Alqama and al-Aswad123) stated that the Prophet used to practise qunft only when he fought, and then he did so in all his prayers; Aba Bakr, 'Umar and 'Uthmdn did not practise quniftuntil their death; 'Ali started to practise invocation only when he fought Mu'iwiya and then he did so in all the prayers.The samething was done by Mu'iwiya and they cursed each other (scil. in every prayer-K) 124). Ali's adherents probably disapproved of his invocation against Mu'cwiya, considering it perhaps as bid'a; 'Ali, trying to justify it, explains his qunift as being merely an invocation for God's help against the as enemy 125). cAli, says a report,did not practisequnift long as he stayed in the Arab peninsula; he started to practise it when he moved to 'Irdq 126). 'Ali is said to have invokedagainstMu'dwiyacursing him of for forty days; he did it in imitation of the qunut the Prophet127).
of Anotheraccount,recordedon the authority AbgiMikhnaf, speci-
fies the names of the persons against whom 'Ali invoked: Mu'dwiya, b. Maslama,'Abd 'Amr (b. al-'As), Aba l-A'war al-Sulami, b. 'Uqba; Mu'dwiya b. .Habib al-Rahmdn Khdlid(b. al-Walid) and al-Walid retaliated cursing in his qunft 'Ali, JHasan, HIusayn,Ibn 'Abbds and al-Ashtar 28). The question whether it is permissible to curse the
122) See e.g. cAbd al-Razzdq,op. cit., III, io8, no. 4957, 110, no. 4968-4969, 114, no. 4978, 1i6, nos. 4982-4983. Tahdhib al-tahdhib, VII, 276, no. 484, I, 342, no. 625I. 123) See on them Ibn IHajar, 124) cAbd al-Razziq, op. cit., III, o107,n . 4953; Muhmad Muhammad Khatt.b, 4-8; Abd Yisuf, Kitab al-dthar,ed. Abi 1l-Wafi,Cairo 1355, op. cit., VIII, 85, â¢1. p. 71, no. 352; idem, Ikhtilif, pp. iii inf-ii2, I.i. Ibn Abi Shayba,op. cit., II, 310, i1, 6-8. IzS) 126) Al-Shaukdni,op. cit., II, 385; Ibn Abi Shayba, op. cit., II, 311. I27) Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rlkh,Ms. ZShiriyya,IX, fol. I28a (for the invocation during fourty days cf. Ab-aYrisuf, Ikhtilif, p. ii 2, note i, 1.7). annacallyyan abz7 Ibn S128) Junghul, op. cit., II, fol. 185b: ... wa-dhakara mikhnafin camrun kanayalcanu qunfitihi waft wa-camran ma lammabalaghahu facala muc'wiyata bna khalidinwa-1bna maslamata acwara1-sulamiyya wa-~abda wa-habiba aba I-rahmani dhblikamucdwiyata walidabna cuqbata, yalcanu ft qunztihi fa-lammabalagha kanaaycan and see another Shici quntit:alwa-bna'abbisin wa-l-ashtara; wa-husaynan caliyyan Majlisi, op. cit., XXII, I28, no. ioi; and see e.g. the formula of Muc'wiya's invocation against cAli: Muhammad b. cAqil al-cAlawi 1-Husayni, al-Nasda'i al-kdfiya li-manyatawalla mucawiya, Najaf 1386/1966, pp. 86 inf.-87, 95-97.
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M. J. KISTER
Companions of the Prophet became subject of extensive discussions in
Shi'i compilations129).
In the second half of the second century there were still heated discussions as to whether the qunfzt-invocation is permitted during prayer, in which part of the prayer it may be uttered and during which of the prayers the invocation may be performed 130). In some circles the qunzit was even considered as a kind of a voluntary private invocation and a scholar could remark that he disliked quniftas an established formula of invocation 131). The legitimacy of the qunint a private invoas cation during the formal prayer is seen in a tradition reported on the authority of 'A'isha. The Prophet, making an invocation in the morning prayer before performing of the rak'a, said: "I merely invoke in front of you in order that you invoke (your) God and ask Him to grant you your needs" 132). The quniftin fact changed during the following centuries to become a supplication during calamities and disasters and a private invocation of the believer in which he implored God to fulfil his wishes and to give success to himself and his kindred. The scrutiny of the traditions about the invocation against Mudar has helped us to lineate the changes which the perception of this invocation underwent in the Muslim community against the background of the Prophet's struggle with the unbelievers of Quraysh and of the later discussions between the factions of the nascent Muslim Empire at the time of 'Ali and Mu'awiya. In later centuries it turned into a private supplication for guidance and success. The scrutiny of this material gives us a clue for a better assessment
I29) Cf. e.g. Sadr al-Din cAli Khan -al-Shirdzi, al-Darajat al-rafica ft tabaqit al-shica, Najaf 1381/1962, pp. ii-o20. 130) See e.g. cAbd al-Razzdq, op. cit., II, 448-449, nos. 4033-4035, 4039-4041 131) Aba Yasuf, al-Athdr, p. 70, no. 348: akrahu an ajcala fi l-qunz7tidu'a'an ma climan. hishami bni curwata,Ms. Zihiriyya, 13z) Hish~m b. 'Urwa,Juf' fihi min majmf'a 61, fol. 188a: ... innamd aqnutu bikum li-tadcz' rabbakum wa-tas'alhzuihacaw.lihadithi wa'ijakum.
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
273
of the economic pressure carried out on the Prophet's order against the unbelievers of Mecca by cutting off their food supplies from the Ydmamaandby the raidson the Mudartribalgroups allied with Mecca. Under this pressure Aba Sufydn, convinced that Mecca could not stand against the growing forces of the Prophet, decided to enterinto peaceful co-operationwith the Prophet and to initiate a commercial exchange of goods. Abui Sufyan's change of attitude towards the Prophet explainswhy he acceptedthe money sent by the Prophet, why he refrainedfrom aiding the Qurashiattackagainst Khuzd'a(the allies of the Prophet),why he consentedto the marriageof his daughterto the Prophet and why he went out to Medinato intercedewith the Prophet on behalf of Quraysh.Only in the light of these events does one get an insight into the privileges and concessions granted him and his family by the Prophet: safety for all who entered his court on the day of the conquestof Mecca,the missionsandofficeswith which he was entrusted by the Prophet and the appointment of Mu'dwiya as the secretary of the Prophet.It is significantthat the Muslimcommunityacceptedthe decisions of the Prophet without reservationand Abii Sufydnregained his leading position in the Muslim society. His sons were appointedby Abi Bakr, 'Umar and 'Uthman and hold high positions in the Muslim state. Mu'dwiya,the son of the leaderof the Mudaralliance,became the founder of the Umayyaddynastywhich held sway over the Muslim Empire for a very long time.
18
Three traditions in the Kitab al-Kharadj.pdf MISCELLANEA
THE SOCIAL AND POLITICAL IMPLICATIONS OF THREE TRADITIONS IN THE KITAB AL-KHARADJ OF YAHYA B. ADAM The comprehensive collections of hadith's traditions dealing with taxation and or land ownership by the Arabs, the Mawill, and the Dhimmis,are a major source not only for the pattern of economic organizationbut also for the social concepts which obtained during the first centuries of Islam. But the traditions are recondite. It is at times an apparentlysuperfluousphrase which can give a lead to the understanding of the underlying concept, and at others a new interpretationof a word can place the concept in its true perspective. In the studies which follow the interpretations which are advanced may well provide a new vantage point from which to view certain fiscal and legal issues in a broader context. TraditionI. Two traditions in the Kitdb al-Kharidj of Yahya, which are concerned with the principles underlying the levying of taxes from the Dhimmis,call for closer examination. In the translation of Ben-Shemesh tradition 233 runs as follows: "Ibrihim b. Sa'd asked Ibn 'Abbds about (dealing with) possessions of the Ahl ad-Dhimma and ibn 'Abbis replied: "(with) leniency" ('afw), which means "favour" (fadl).'Afw and fadl are also translatedby "leniency" and "favour" in the following tradition, (234): "'All b. abi Tilib appointed me to supervise Buzurja Sabiir. He said: 'In do collecting dirhanms not flog anyone nor sell his provisions, neither his winter nor his summer garments, nor the beasts he works with, and never let a man stand So (in the sun) in order to collect dirhams'. I said: 'O Commanderof the Faithful! Then I shall return to you as I left you!' And he replied: 'Even if you return as you left-beware!-we were ordered to collect from them with "leniency",which means "favour"."' According to this apparentlycorrect translation the intention of tradition 234 is merely to recommend "leniency"in collecting taxes. This impression is strengthened by a variant given in abu 'Ubayd's Kitdb al-Amwdl (No. I16). 'Ali ibn abi Tdlib sternly commands his 'Amil of 'Ukbard in the presence of the people to collect He every dirham. then invites him to a private talk in which he advises him not to sell their winter or summer garments and not to sell a cow or an ass in collecting kharadj.He commands him to be lenient towards the people (wa'rfukbihim). This variant stresses exactness in assessment but calls for leniency in collection. It omits both the principle of 'afw in the answer of 'Ali and the 'dmil'sdoubts. A third variant is to be found in the Kitdbal-kharadj Abu Yfisuf (Cairo 1346 H. of - p. I8). The admonition of 'Ali is mentioned, the private talk of 'Ali with the 'Amil is quoted as are the doubts of the 'Amil. In his instruction not to sell the garments of the people and not to flog them while collecting the kharddj, 'Ali mentions the reason for his recommendation:"we were ordered to take from them 'afw". (Translated by Fagnan: "... de ne leur prendre que l'exc'dent (p. 24)".) The tradition in the Kitab al Kharg' of Ab-i Yfisuf differs only in detail from the tradition of Yahyd; the meaning is the same. But the interpretationof 'afw by fail is missing.
MISCELLANEA
327
It is, however, unlikely that the vague implications of this interpretation of "afwandfadl convey the original intent and we must examine their usage in a fiscal context. A key to understandingof the words is given by a quite similar tradition in the Kant al CUmmil No. 2564--ed. Hyderabad1955, p. 462). The recommend(V, ation of 'Ali in the presence of the people is mentioned as is also his private talk with the 'Amil forbidding the selling of a cow or a sheep and forbidding flogging in collecting taxes. This private talk ends with the remarkof 'Ali: "We were ordered to take from them merely the 'afw. Do you know what 'afw is? It is The .tka" traditionin Kant al'Ummdlis quoted from the Kitdbal-Amwdlby ibn Zandjawayh. (The book itself is not exstant, but it is mentioned in Hadiyatal'Artfifn, I, 339. The author, IHamidibn Zandjawayhdied 248 H.). Eliminating the tradition of abu 'Ubayd's Kitdbal-Amwil, where the word 'afw does not occur, we find two interpretations of the word 'afw viz. fadl and .tda. Tiaka-"ability, capacity,potential" can by no means be glossed either by "favour" or "leniency". Further evidence that the explanationof 'afw-fadl as leniency is not accurate is to be found in a repeat of this hadith the book of abu Yisuf already in mentioned (p. I47). The isndd is identical: Sufydn-b. 'Abbds. The Tw.ws--b. differenceis in formulation. The traditionin the book of abu Yfsuf runs as follows: "'Abd Allah b. 'AbbIs said: There is nothing in the (taxationof) amwil of the Ahl al-Dhimma except 'afw". In this tradition 'afw can hardly be translatedby leniency. (Fagnan's translationhere is "il n'y a autre chose que l'indulgence" (p. I89).) We are fortunatelyfurther helped by a remarkablepassage in abu 'Ubayd's Kitdb al Amwdl (No. 253). Abu 'Ubayd, quoting a discussion of the on whether a fu1.ahd Dhimmi is obliged to pay quotes the view that Dhimmi's are freed from fada.ka, sadakaexcept in merchandise.Abu 'Ubayd remarks:"It is in my opinion an explanatory interpretation(ta'wil)of the tradition told on the authority of... ibn Sa'd, who asked ibn 'Abbis: "What about the amwalof the ahl al-Dhimmd?"and he replied This al-'afw.Abu Ubayd explains: "He wanted to say: they were freed from sadak~a. recalls the saying of the Prophet: "We freed you ('afawnd) from the sadakaof horses and slaves". (About the tradition concerning horses and slaves, compare N. P.
Aghnides: MohammedanTheories p. z57).
But the intention of the two traditions in the collection of Yahyd is neither "leniency" nor "exemption". The two traditions are closely connected with the tradition of of Ibn Zandjawayh. .tia If, then, 'afw, is to be glossed by tdika, how will the traditions now read? The explanatoryfadl is a legal technical term. The answer of 'Ali in tradition No. 234 should be translated:"Woe to We were ordered to take from them (i.e. from the Ahl al-Dhimma)the surplus, which means 'redundancy"'. thee, In this chapter, dealing with djig and kharadjthe two traditions are compleya mentary to tradition 232, where 'Umar b. al-Khattib said: "I commendto the khalifa
1. I) Compare al-Tabari: Ihtildf, ed. Schacht p. 218 sadaAa. 9. wa laysa calaahl ad dhimma siwd Ban! Taghlibfi mawdhibihim sadaka.
to men and women 1).
Here, in the tradition of Abu 'Ubayd, 'afw has to be translated "exemption". This also applies to the citation about the Ahl-al-Dhimmawhere the referenceis to the camels, cows or sheep. (Abf Yfsuf continues: "There is no Zakatin the cattle of the Ahi al-Dhimma,in the camels or cows or sheeps.") The rule applies equally
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succeeding me that he affordgood treatmentto the Ahlal-Dhimma,keep the covenant with them, fight for them and not take from them above their capacity". The applicationof the idea of td.a is shown in tradition241, where 'Umar asks his representatives in 'Irak: "How have you charged the peasants?" They replied: "We charged every man 4 dirhams month". 'Umar replied "I rather think you have per made the charge excessive. Who can cope with it(yu.tfu)?" They said: "They have surpluses and belongings (asbyj)". The word fadl, as a legal term, makes of this tradition an important ruling in fiscal theory. The word 'afw being ambiguous (for further confusing meanings of 'afw compare Lokkegaard: Islamic taxationp. 8o line 32) must be replaced by an explicit and concrete term, stating the idea of thefa&ib.The corresponding tradition in abu Yfisuf's kharadjwas rightly translatedby Fagnan: "car l'ordre qui nous a be translated: "Ibrihim b. Sa'd asked ibn 'Abb~s "What (is the principle to be And he answered: applied) in (taxationof) the possessions of the Ahl ad-Dhimma?". "'Surplus' which means 'redundancy"'."To take the surplus" (akhadha al-fadl) is an explicit legal term, often used in the kharddj literature: e.g. abu Yfisuf; Kitab al is that the Dhimmi has to pay the surplus of his income. Means of production and became closely associated capitalhad to be left intact. It was in this way that 'afw-faJdl with the idea of bearabletaxes: fdja. In this lies the majorsignificanceof the tradition of ibn Zandjawayhwhich is in essence identical with the traditions of Yalhyd. The part of the tradition under discussion should then be translatedas follows: ... "We were ordered to take from them merely the surplus. Do you know what the surplus is? (al'afw).It is collection according to their capacity (.tdf.a)". There are many explicit expressions of this kind: e.g. abu Yfisuf p. 126 ... "Allah ordered us to take from them only the surplus (al-'afw)and we are not allowed to impose on them (taxes) beyond their capacity". The two traditions in Yahyi's The 'afw-fa4l-tdf.aidea which is mentioned in Lokkegaard's Islamic taxation (p. 79) is given an incorrect connotation. It is not "according to the utmost ability, which probably means that the 'afw or fadl (surplus) that is calculated to be held by the taxpayersis estimated as high as possible". On the contrary:the 'afw-fa4l-.ttdka conception took into consideration changes in the economic situation of the taxpayer, and limited the tax gatherer's demand to what was bearable. This principle of modifying taxes in the light of changing conditions, i.e. a proportional tax-is opposed to the principle of a fixed tax which 'Umar is alleged by later jurists to have instituted. A clear illustration of the application of the two principles of taxation is to be found in the story about the people of Ruhi (Abfi Yfisuf: Kitabal-Kharddj 47). p. and The account of this incident was misinterpretedby D. C. Dennett (Conversion Poll Tax in Early Islam, Harvard 195o) and incorrectly translatedby Fagnan. The is originally connected conclusion of Lokkegaardin this case that 'ala .adri .t-tda with a forcible conquest" is without a basis in the text. (p. 80o sup.). b. Ghanm a fixed sum (arsald The besieged people of Ruha offered to pay 'Iyâ¢d i.e. 'ala sammawhbf" they sent to Iyad b. yas'aluna-s-sulh" shay'" ild 'Iydd b. Ghanm x) Compare: Nahdj al Bal~gha-IbnAb! HadidI, 1 35 aboutthe policy of taxation.
kharddj are closely bound up with the traditions of tdika (232, 235, 236) 1). Kharddj p. 16 ".... to take from them merely the surplus (al-fadl)". The 'afw-fadllidea et6 donne est de ne leur prendre que l'exc6dent" (p. 24). Thus tradition 233 should
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Ghanm asking for peace on the basis of a fixed sum which they named". (The translationof Dennett reads ... "they offeredto surrender,but only on terms which they themselves might propose" is incorrect). 'Iyid asked Abu 'Ubayd about this. Aba 'Ubayd consulted Mu'ddh b. Djabal who replied: "If you make peace with and they are unable to pay it them on a basis of a fixed sum ('ald shay'" musamm") the course of time) you could not kill them and you will necessarilyabolish the (in fixed sum, imposed according to the conditions (of the treaty). And if they prosper they would pay the sum, not being humiliated, as was ordered for them by Allah" is minhum startling. It reads (Fagnan's translation (p. 63) of the phrase 'ald saghdr~" faite des impub6res au sujet de qui il existe une prescription divine "exception speciale". Of course there was nothing in the treaty about "impuberes", It refers to verse 29 in al-Tauba in the Kurdn and compare al-Tabari:Ikhtildf, ed. Schacht Mu'ldh's recommendation,then, was that the tax to be imposed should be scaled according to what they could bear. Any change in their condition was to be reflected in the scale of assessment.In this way the conditions of the treatywould be fulfilled. The opinion of Mu'idh had been transmittedto 'Iyâ¢d who told the people of Ruh! what was in the letter. Muslim scholars held differentviews about the treaty: some said that the people signed the treaty on the basis of a tax according to the capacity of the tax-payers;others maintainedthat the people of Ruhi rejected the terms they were offered knowing that they had a surplus of money which they would have lost so they demanded a fixed sum tax. if they were taxed on the basis of .tda, the strength of their defences and having no hope to take Ruhd by force, 'Iy.d seeing agreed to grant them peace accepting what they asked for. Nothing in this story suggests that the people of Ruha "split sharply into two camps" (1) -as Dennett says. There is no mention of a "group composed of the wealthy, who possessed concealed (sic) goods and sources of income, which would be taxed. . .". It is perhapsfair to assume that the wealthy people of Ruhi entertained such fears-but the factors quoted by Dennett are not given in Abu Yisuf's Kitdb al kharddj. Dennett's remark that "the latter group prevailed" (page 44) is a logical inference from a false premise. Dennett did not understandthe Arabic passagefa'khtulifa'alayhifi hddha'l-mawdi':
fa.kald ~a'il"".: "differences of p. 231, para 143).
people of Ruha) accepted the terms of the treaty on the basis of the tika principle; others said that they disapproved of it, knowing their possessions and surpluses (of money) would be lost if the assessment were made on the basis of .tdka".The dispute is not between the people of Ruha as wrongly expounded by Dennett, but between the Muslim scholars. For the Muslim scholars exact knowledge of the terms of the treaty was essential, since this treaty served as a precedent for the system of taxation. No-where in the story is there a hint that 'Iyâ¢d "received permission on his own judgement". On the contrary: the tendency of the tradition is to show that the principle of tdaka is the right one, accepted and recommended by Mu'idh b. Djabal,the Companionof the Prophet. 'Iyi~dhad to act according to his advice and accept the principle of tax according to .td.a. is originally connected with Lakkegaard's conclusion "that 'ald .adr' is not acceptable.The opposite could a conquest by arms without a treaty" (p. 80) .t-.tdka"
kabilu s-sulh" 'ala t-tdka. This passage should be translated k.adri opinion arose (between the scholars--): some said that they (the
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be true, since people making a treaty would prefer to have a tdikatax than a 'ald tax. Other reasons why Ruha might prefer Cald shay'"musamm'" shay'"musamma" can only be putative; the uncertainty of continued Muslim rule for instance, in which case a fixed sum is preferable1). The two variant traditions about the terms of the treaty are reflected in two equally varying traditionsabout the contents of the treaty(Futfhb 18z ed. 1319 H.). p. One suggests a proportional tax, the second states that a fixed sum was levied. Lokkegaard writes with a deep insight: "Strictly speaking it should be possible to imagine a peace treaty (fulb)in which the conditions for the yield of tribute are not exactly defined, while the circumstancesof possession are left in their earlierform" mentioned. (p. 79). The form of such a treatyis provided in the case of the .td#a-treaty I have granted them security for their lives, possessions, offspring, women, "... city and mills, so long as they give what they rightly owe. They are bound to repair our bridges and guide those of us who go astray. Thereunto, Allah and his angels and the Moslems are witnesses". (Hitti's translation I, 273). The conditions are exactly those assumed by Lokkegaard.The conception was accepted by a group .tdka of leading who were opposed to the idea of fixed2)taxeswhich though Muslimfu,.ahd it went back to the time of 'Umar was, in their view, unjust. A striking evidence for the struggle of a group offukahd in favour of the idea is found in a remar.tPka about him: Tandhib kable story about the famous scholar 'Ati b. abi (see at-Tandhib, VII, 199-203) who demanded courageously from Hishfm b. 'Abd al Rabh. Malik to treat justly the Ahl al Dhimma and not to charge them beyond their capacity. He was promised by the Caliph,that taxes would be imposed on them only in the limits of their capacity(Ibn 'Arabi: Mubhdarat Abrdr, I, 265). Abit 'Ubaydbeal longed to this group as we see in his Al Amwdl (P. 40): "that is in our opinion the system of djityaandkharddj: aremerelywithin the limits of capacity".Abfl Yfisufis they in general agreement (Kitdbal kharddj pages 44 and Ioo). This opinion was fortified "according Kitdb Abfi 'Ubayd. Tdka utmost ability", which means that the surplus that is calculated to be held by the taxpayers is estimated as high as possible-as Lokkegaard interprets it; td.a is a sum imposed on the taxpayeraccording to his financialcapacity, paying due regard to his requirements to continue in business. The of course, td.a principle was, equally in the long term interest of the ruling Muslim class. It was Abfi Yfisuf, who demanded a fiscal policy of and called for gentleness in the treatment of .tdka the Dhimmis. (Aghnides: MohammedanTheories of Finance p. 407). It remains for us to examine the semantic changes of 'afw as a fiscal term. There can be little doubt that the tradition of ibn 'Abbas is closely connected with the sentence of the IKurdn:khudh' l'afw (Al-Arif 199). The meaning of the expression was fervently disputed already in early times since cafwis a homonym. It was only under influence the I) The last sentencein the story is distortedby Dennett,apparently of the translation Fagnan.Alldhu aClam" dhblika of ayyu kdnais not "God knows if these detailsare true" (Dennett).The correcttranslation "God knows what of this (story) is: or a fixed sum tax); but (it is fact),that a treaty happened (i.e. whetherthey accepted .tdka was concluded, according to which the city was taken; there are no doubts about it".
2) Comp. about fixed taxes in Yemen abolished by 'Umar b. cAbd al CAziz: I. cAbd al IHakam: Sirat CUmar b. cAbd al CAiZr p. 126.
and again by traditions like numbers 240 and 241 in the Kitab al kharddj of al Amwil of is not Ya.hyl to the by No. io6 in the
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natural that the differentideological groups interpretedthe word to suit their own ends. Ibn Kutayba p. 186/7 Cairo 1355 H. and Ta'wil Mushkilal Kurdn (al-K.ur~tayn -p. 3--Cairo 1954) looked on the phrase as an epitome of all the virtues, like forgiveness, generosity and altruistic friendship. The phrase was later accepted as literature(compare a cliche for magnanimityof character,especiallyin Zuhdand Bishr FRris:Mabdhith'Arabzyya 40 rem. 3). .S'fi p. A similar meaning was attributed to the expression by scholars discussing the Asbab an-Nu.t1l.The expression was explained as "use indulgence". Some scholars, however, restricted this command given to the Prophet by Allah to the period of his sojourn in Mecca. Though he was ordered to use indulgence towards the unbelievers in Mecca, the commandwas amendedby a laterverse in the IKurdn ordering the Prophet to start waging war against the unbelievers (at-Tauba, 123). The conflicting injunctions were to be an important topic in Nasikh-Mansiikh literature. We have a concise exposition of the differentviews of Muslim scholars in the book
Nah.hs, Apart from the view that the verse is an exhortativecommand,there is the view that khudh'l'afw" refers specifically to alms and taxes. The word 'afw is explained in three ways. First, some maintain that 'afw is identical with Zakdt. In this case the command is to be applied to believers and the verse abrogates nothing since 'afw is the payment of surplus as alms laid down by law. Second, another group was of the opinion that 'afw was an additional payment to Zakat, being a payment to be made in times of prosperity. The explanationgiven is: hufadl mdl'"'an .ahr' l'ghind. Thirdly, there is the view that 'afw referred to voluntary alms, in which case the verse was abrogated by the law of Zakdt. (Compare an-Ndsikhwa l'Mansi7kh by Abu l'K~sim Hibatallah Abu Nasr a marginal commentary on Asbdb an-Nutfil by of Abu Dja'far an Kitab ab-Ndsikhwa l'mansikh (Cairo 1357 H. p. 149-5 0).
whether the command is restricted to the believers or has to be extended to the unbelievers. But those scholarswho interpreted'afw as alms, restrictedthe reference to the faithful. These different views are of course reflected in the tafdsir on the IKurdn(e.g. Al-Tabari r IX, 97) and in the Tafsir of Bay4dwi on the verse under discussion. The interpreters stressed the exhortative idea of the sentence (as Bustin al-'Arifin p. 91 on the margin of the Tanbihal Ghafilin, as .sft Samarkandi, Sulami, Tafsir al-Hak4ik p. 8Ib--ms or. 9433-Br. Mus.). In one of the oldest fslfi commentaries the tafsir of Sahl at-Tustari (d. 283 H.) we have the surprising interpretation of khudhb l'afw: "take the surplus of their possessions" (p. 39-Cairo Concluding we may sum up: the meaning of 'afw as leniency inherent in the word gave specialcolour to the traditionsabout behaviourtoward the Dhimmis.It has sometimes been interpreted as exemption. The concrete measuring of alms of the believers was transplantedinto the social sphere of the Dhimm7s and acquired the meaning of taxationof the surplus.Hence the word was identifiedwithfadl, a current term denoting taxation by assessment of surplus. The tradition in which 'afw is identified with is a closing link in the chain, showing that the 'afw-fadl identity .taka implies the principleof just and proportionaltaxation,a principlewhich was supported by a number of muslim jurists.
1329 H.).
page 170). Scholars al-W.hidi interpretingkhudh' l'afwaas "useindulgence"were dividedin theiropinions
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Tradition 2
is Tradition number 80oin Yalhy~'sKitab al-kharadj not restricted to problems of taxation and administration,it touches on the attitude of the Muslim toward his spiritual and secular leaders. Ben Shemesh translates it as follows: "The Prophet invited the "Helpers" in order to assign them something, in writing, in Bahrayn. They said: 'No, not before you allot something similar to our brethren, the "Emigrants".' The Prophet then said: 'You will have other choices (therefore)be patient
satarawna Him. If we check the Arabic text which follows Innakum ba'di atharat"a Patti tali.awnithe error is patent. This passage means "After me (i.e. after fa'Sbirdi my death) you will see appropriation;so be patient till you meet me". Ben-Shemesh omitted the word ba'di and wrongly translated the word atharat which means "appropriation"as "choices". But even in my version the implication of the tradition is not clear. One must consult other sources in order to establish the point of the tradition. This tradition told on the authority of Anas is also found in al-BuhI~ri 45 (iz86 A. H. Cairo) in the Bab al-Ka.tdi'. II, Buhiri is explicit, he says "to yukti', i.e. "to allot a ka.ti'a",not the vague expressionyaktubui.e. write",in Yahya. Our traditionis concerned with a sensitive issue, viz.: Who was the first to assign followed? Or was landed property? Was it the Prophet in whose steps the Rdshidin it 'Uthmrn, whose allotments were violently criticized and condemned as bid'a by the Muslim radicalcircles and the shi'a opposition? The traditions are contradictory. Some ascribe allotment of land to 'Umar, others to Ab& Bakr. There are traditions which relatehow 'Umar annulled the allotment of Abi! Bakr, and even the allotment of the Prophet. It is no wonder that such a mass of traditions was invented about the allotment of land since it was one of the vital social problems. Tradition No. 80 of Yahyd bears witness to the fact that the Prophet did in fact assign land, which constituted a legal precedent. Yalbydquotes contradictory traditions stating that 'Uthmin was the first to assign land, not the Prophet, not Abfi Bakr nor 'Umar and numbers 250, 251 and compare Lokkegaard: not 'Ali (Ya.hyi: Kitib al-k.harddj Islamic Taxationpp. 18, 35). An importantmotif included in the traditionis the feeling of brotherhood between the Helpers and Emigrants. It is evidence that in the ideal community of the Prophet bonds of altruistic friendship tied differentgroups of the people together. It is an ideal picture in contrast to the tension and animosity which prevailed between the rival factions after the death of the Prophet. But how is the first part of the tradition connected with the second part, viz. the Prophet's answer about appropriation?There is a lead to the answer in the same In compendium of al-Bukhari(IV, I8i and II, 2 2, zz226). vol. IV the hadithis quoted in Bib alfitan, but is referred to a differentoccasion. The Prophet was asked by a man, why He did not appoint him as 'Amil but gave the appointment to another man; the Prophet replied: "You will see after me appropriation... ". The statement is also cited as a detached hadith.The tradition from Vol. IV is quoted in vol. II, z 2 with an importantaddition: "till you meet me on the i.e. afterresurrection1) .ha4l, generallysee: ibn MdvaII, 579-ed. Cairo 1349 H.: at-Tirmidi I) For haudtraditions
till you meetme'." is The reader inclinedto assumethat the Prophet is This translation misleading. "otherchoices"andaskedthemto be patienttill theymeet the promised "Helpers"
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An extension of the hadithis found in Buhlri IV I81. "The Prophet said: 'After me (i.e. after my death) you will see appropriationand things you will disapprove of'. They said: 'What do you command us, O Prophet?' He said: 'Perform the duties imposed on you towards them and ask God for your rights'." Almost identical traditions are found in Muslim VI, 17 (ed. Cairo-i 334 H.), and at-TirmidhiIX, 39. This, then, is the last link in the chain of exposition. The traditionis a prediction of the Prophet about unjust rulers, appropriating the property and land of the as of Nawawi p. 43, and people (compare the explanation of atharatin Riyd4d .Sdliâ¢in Nihaya of Ibn al-Athir s. v. athr). The Prophet commends the faithful to obey their rulers even if they oppress them, and to bear their unjust rule patiently. (Compare: The Muslim VI, 19: Bdb al-amrbi's-sabr'indaZulm'l'wuldtwa'sti'thdrihim). Prophet promises that he will meet them on the day of resurrectionon his haud. This often repeated tradition is variously ascribed to the Prophet as having said it in the following circumstances:i) when granting land to the "Helpers". z) when listening to the complaint of one of the "Helpers", who was not appointed as 'Amil No. 1969) 3) when accused by the Prophet (so also in Abu Dafid at-Taydlisi,Musnad of unjust division of spoils (al-Fath al-Kabir I, 451). It is a tradition of murdji'a character,included in the orthodox collections and adopted by the 'Abbisidfukahd'. It is no wonder that we find a group of such traditions in Abu Yfisuf's Kitdbal(p. io-i ).) These are hadithsof the kind thoroughly analysed by Goldziher Studien(II, 93). These traditions gave religious support to in his Muhammedanische .kharddj the attitude of passivity towards oppression by unjust rulers. From the foregoing it is clearhow two badiths were knitted together. The tradition about the Prophet's rulings in the halcyon days of Islam was attachedto the tradition about unjust rulers. Tradition3. A tradition, to the best of my knowledge, unique, is the object of the next study. It is number 437 in the book of Yahyi and is translatedby Ben Shemesh as follows: "The Prophet brought ba'i dates and dates grown by watering and began eating from the ba'l dates. It was said, that these were purer and better. But He said: 'A belly will not sufferhunger by eating it, nor will the body be afflictedby it'." This translationis misleading. Utiya n'nabiyy'bi (as correctly vocalised in A. M. Shdkir's edition) cannot be translated"The Prophet brought". Lam with the jussive is past tense and cannot be translatedby "a belly will not". Finallythe expression"by eating it" is not given in the Arabic text. The hadithshould be translatedas follows: "The Prophet was offered (utiyabi-somebody brought) ba'l dates and dates grown by watering. He began eating from the ba'l dates. People then said (to Him): (But) these are purer and better! (referringto the watered dates). The Prophet replied: 'A belly did not suffer hunger for it, nor was a body naked for it'." What is the point of the story? The tradition appearsin a chapter entitled "What should not be given as radalka". the discussion on the kinds of dates which are In not to be given as sadalka there is no indication whether ba'l dates or dates grown by watering are preferable as sadaka. IV, i8o; and comparean interesting IX, 276-ed. Cairo 1353 H.; al-Bu~ari story about the haud Ibn-'Asakir 49 ed. Damascus1349 H., see also: Ibn al-Athir:An-Nihdva in IV,
s.v. djald.
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The obscurity of this tradition gives way to analysis. The Prophet was given two kinds of dates; on the one hand cultivated which are purer and more fleshy and on the other hand dates of ba'llands, which are smallerthan dates grown on irrigated land. The Prophet began to eat some ba'l dates, and was asked by the believers with him: "Why do you eat ba'l dates-these (i.e. the dates grown on irrigated land) are purer and taste better?" The Prophet replied: "A belly did not suffer hunger for it nor was a body naked for it". His answer explains his action. In contrast to cultivated dates nobody sufferedhunger or was compelled to work naked in order to grow the ba'l dates. Why was this tradition quoted by Yahyi? How is it connected with sadaka? The answeris that there was no badith dealing with the qualities of sadakaproducts literature that based on Muhammad'sown experience. It is well attested in the Prophet never ate from the products of sadaka(compare.hadith al Barr, Al Ibn 'Abd al ruwdh 69) though of course He ate from gifts given to Him by p. Inbdh ala the believers. The dates discussed in this hadi-t were a had?yya, gift as we can infer a K.abdil from the expression utiyabi = he was given, i.e. somebody brought. It is left to the reader to deduce the fact that since the Prophet preferred ba'l dates they could be used for sadaka. Furthermore, this haditbreflects the growth of big estates'), the irrigation of land, and the tasks performed by slaves and prisoners of war often living in unspeakableconditions. These changes took place in the first two centuries of the Muslim era which S. D. Goitein has describedin his article: "The rise of the Bourgeoisie in the middle East"2). It was a period of transitionfrom triballife in the desert to an urban and agriculturalsociety. Occasional reference is made to the organisation of such estates. Abd al-Malik sent Byzantine slaves to work on his estates in Yamdma (al-Balddhuri,Ansdb al zalah. Negro slaves were employed by Abd Allh b. 'Amir b. Kurayz in his possessions in the vicinity of Kubd; when they died Abd Allah b. 'Amir abandoned this ed. 'Abdallahb. az-Zubayrin his estates (at-Tanfikhi:alMustadjdd, Kurd 'Ali p. 34). That date palms were cultivated on these estates is attested by Ibn IKutayba cit.) (op. who says that 'Abd Allah b. 'Amir dug wells and grew palm trees on his estates in the vicinity of Nibig, in 'Araf~t and in Basra. The Prophet's concern with human misery in general and hunger and nakedness in particular,is also reflected in the following tradition "If a man brings to God (after his life on earth) any one of four things which follow, he will enter Paradise: giving drink to the thirsty, feeding the hungry (kabid djdi'a), clothing a naked person (kasa djildatan 'driyat"1), freeing a slave. [al-Ya'kabi I, 75 ed. Nadjaf]. A similar turn of phrase occurs in a tradition ascribed both to Jesus and Muhammad "Make hungry your bellies (adji'Rakbddakum) make bare your bodies (a'rf
adjsddakum), so that your hearts may see God al estate (Ibn Kutayba, Kitdb al-Ma'drif 139). Negro slaves were employed as well by Ashrif p. o101 b MS.). They rebelled and were killed by the banu Kays b. Han-
tradition al-Din III, 70). Al-'Iri.ki, however could not find the K.ulub in the collections of (K.it traditions of the Prophet. Analysis of tradition 437 shows that a school of liberal minded Muslim jurists emphasizedthe Prophet's refusal to condone the harsh exploitation of prisoners and slaves as a behest to Muslims to accept their obligations of social responsibility and
to recognise human rights. M. J. KISTER
IV, 473 and Ihyd 'Ul/m
i) Comp. Solch A. El-Ali: Moslim Estates in HidjaZ in the First CenturyA.H.-J.E.S. H.O. II 13 -p. 247-54. z) Journalof WorldHistory, 1956.
Review of Kitab al-Hawadith.pdf REVIEWS detailed examination in a lengthy article 'which, it is hoped, will appear in the near future elsewhere. In the opinion of the present writer the examples of variant readings from Neofiti i given by the author do not in any way prove a pre-Masoretic origin of the text of that manuscript; but it may well be that an early dating can be claimed on other grounds. Afinalview on this very important problem cannot be reached until the whole text is made available to the scholarly world at large in the edition, so eagerly awaited, by A. D. Macho himself. The volume under review has no indexes. There are a number of misprints; for example, some of the figures in the table of contents are wrong. There are some linguistic errors in the articles by A. D. Macho, S. Segert
and I. EngnelL p. WERNBERG-MOLLER
ABU BAKR MUHAMMAD B. AL-WAIJD AL-TURTUSHI, Kitab al-Hawdditb
Downloaded from jss.oxfordjournals.org at Hebrew University of Jerusalem on September 20, 2010
va"l-Bida', ed. Muhammad al-Talibl. 19j 9. Pp. 227. (Al-Matba'a alRasmiyya li'1-Djumhuriyya al-Tunisiyya.) This scholarly edition of the work by the famous Spanish theologian al-Turtushi (d. A.H. 520/A.D. 1126) is a contribution of considerable importance for the study of bid'a "innovation", one of the most important problems of Islam. The book reflects faithfully the struggle of the Orthodox 'ulamd' against bid'a. Al-Turtushl quotes the Kur'an, brings evidence from the Hadlth for the refutation of innovations and cites for this purpose the opinions of scholars of Muslim law and jurisprudence. This collection of traditions about innovations which originated in Islam in the course of time is a valuable source for Muslim social life and the penetration of foreign influences.1 Al-Turtushi includes in his book innovations of past centuries and innovations introduced in his time as well; in this review only a few points of his comprehensive work can be discussed. In the traditions about the adornment of mosques we can trace the opinions of early orthodox scholars. A characteristic tradition is told about Ibn Mas'ud2 one of the first companions of the Prophets Ibn Mas'ud held important administrative posts in the period of TJmar, and was celebrated for his moral integrity; he fought corruption, and was a champion of the traditional way of life, conforming with the surma of the Prophet.4 Passing by the adorned mosques of Kufa Ibn Mas'ud remarked "The person who built it spent the money of Allah in His disobedience". This negative opinion about the adornment of mosques was accepted by Muslim scholars: Malik b. See the passage by the editor, Introduction, p. 10 and cf. the statements of the translators of the Vorksungen of Goldziher into Arabic about the bid'a, giving the view of contemporary Muslim scholars on this subject, p. 226. 2 al-Turtushi, p. 95. » Ibn Hadjar, Tabdbib al-Tabdtnb, vi, 27-8. ⢠See al-Baladhurl, AnsSb al-Asbrif, ff. 915 £-919*; al-Kak% al-Iktifa, 1, 376; al-Tirmidhl, xm, 213-1^, Maita&b Ibn Mas'ud; the article 'Ibn Mas'ud' in the EJ. 137
1
REVIEWS Anas (d. A.H. 179) opposed the adornment of mosques; he based his view on the fact that adornments distracted the believer from concentration in prayer.1 It is of interest to know that the pious 'Umar II (717-20) intended to remove the embellishments from the mosques of al-Madina and Damascus.2 Other statements in connexion with the adornment of mosques are of interest: the adornment of mosques heralds the decline of the people and corruption.3 Ibn 'Abbas predicted that the Muslims would in course of time adorn their mosques like the Jews and Christians.4 In a later work, the Tadbkira of al-Kurtubl,' the embellishment of mosques is mentioned as one of the symptoms of the period preceding the Day of Judgement (also1*). The practice of the Jews in adorning their synagogues is illustrated by a tradition of Wahb b. Munabbih: God revealed to Isaiah: "Tell the Ban! Isra'u, they are asking my favour through slaughter of sheep; butfleshwill not reach me, nor its eater; they are requested to seek my favour through piety and abstaining from killing the souls which I forbade to kill; they raise buildings and adorn the temples {masadjid), but what need is there to raise buildings in which I do not dwell and to adorn temples into which I do not come? I commanded only to build them in order to be remembered in them and praised."6 There were, however, different opinions in Muslim society about this subject This is evident from the chapter dealing with this problem in the Bustdn al-'Arifin of al-Samarkandl.7 A group of scholars was of the opinion that embellishment increased the honour of the mosque, and based t^^ir opinion on the Kur'an (xxiv. 36). This group mentioned the beautiful mosques built by the Caliphs and recalled the building of the Temple by Solomon. One of the champions of this view was Abu Hanifa. A remarkable tradition reports that the Prophet ordered his mosque to be built like the booth of Moses.8. This tradition seems to belong to an early layer of traditions omitted in later collections of Hadlth, and deserves special attention. The opponents of the adornment of mosques quoted a tradition of the Prophet recommending the whitewashing of mosques (bayjidu masadjid Allah).9 Of interest as well is another tradition of the Prophet forbidding embellishment of mosques with dentils.10 To the same stratum of old traditions seem to belong the traditions about 1 al-Turtushi, op. at. pp. 96, 97. * Ibid. 3 Ibid. p. 95. * Ibid. * As quoted in the Mukbtasar of al-Sha'ranl, p. 134. 6 al-Turtushi, p. 98. 7 Died A.D. 983âthis book printed on the margin of TanbJb al-Gbdfilin of the same author, p. 127. 8 al-Turtushi, p. 94. ⢠Bustdn al-'Arifin, p. 128; and cf. al-Turtushi, p. 95. 10 Button, p. 128; about two houses built with dentils see: al-Mas'udi, Mjtrudj, n, 222, 223âthe houses of Sa'd b. Abl Wakkas and al-Mikdad b. al-Aswad. An explanation of the tradition is given in al-Madja\ataJ-Nabaa^ya of al-Sharif al-Radiyy, p. 82, no. 66. 138
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REVIEWS the mibrab. Al-Dahhak b. Muzahim (see Tabdbtb al-Tabdbib, rv, 45 j) called the mibrab "the first sign of polytheism [shirk] of the people of prayer".1 Some of the pious men refrained from entering the mibrab for prayer.2 A peculiar detail which stresses the puritanical approach of Muslim scholars is their opposition to the decoration of the walls of mosques with inscriptions from the Kur'an; that was the opinion of Malik.3 It may be noted that he maintained his view in a period when the writing of sentences from the Kur'an on the walls of mosques was already one of the main features in their decoration. All these traditions about the embellishment of mosques seem to reflect faithfully the views of die early Muslim scholars. The retention of these views in a later period shows the conservatism of the orthodox 'ular%a; they persisted in their opposition to adornment at a time when splendid mosques, with mibrabs and rich ornamentation, were already built in all the centres of the Muslim Empire. Of importance are the few traditions quoted by al-Turtushl about relations between scholars and rulers. Here the early attitude of Islam is evident: relations with rulers endanger the moral integrity and independence of the scholar.4 The fierce controversy with the Shu'ubiyya is reflected in two traditions of Sufyan al-Thauri and of Malik b. Anas.5 Sufyan is reported to have said: "Knowledge was with Arabs and noble men; when knowledge passed from them to these peopleâi.e. Nabateans and men of lower classesâreligion changed." His face changed when he saw Nabateans recording religious knowledge. Malik considered it reprehensible to talk in foreign languages in the mosque. 6 Of quite different origin was the innovation of fasting during Radjab and of the introduction of various prayers for the nights of Radjab. The tradition of Radjab is a pre-Islamic one and the chapter included in the book of alTurtushl stresses the fact that the fast during this month was observed in the Djahiliyya. It is interesting to find that already in the first days of Islam Radjab created a problem: TJmar used to flog the "radjabiyyin", who fasted during this month. Abu Bakr in astonishment asks people who made preparations to fast during the month of Radjab: "Are you going to make Radjab like Ramadan?" 'Umar used to oblige people to take their meals in Radjab, stressing that Radjab was a sacred month of fasting in the Djahiliyya.7 The sanctity of Radjab in the times of the Djahiliyya is further
1 ' al-Turtushl, p. 94. Ibid. 1 Ibid. p. 97., ⢠Ibid. pp. 72, 7 j ; and cf. the article of S. D . Goitein "The attitude towards Government in Islam", Tarbi^, xrx, 157 in Hebrew. s al-Turtushl, pp. 72, 104; and see al-Djahiz, al-Bayan, 1, 284 about the explanation of the Kur'an in Persian in the mosque; and cf. 'Uyun al-Akbbdr, nr, 91; and 'Abd al-Salam Harun, Navddir al-Makhtutdt, m , the introduction of the editor. 6 Cf. Sira Halabiyya, 1, 21. A man knowing Arabic is not allowed to speak Persian; this causes mischief. 7 al-Turfushl, p. 129.
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REVIEWS stressed in the words of Ibn tJmar and explained in the commentary of the author.1 Orthodoxy was apparently unsuccessful in combating this Djahiliyya custom. It was as late as A.H. 480 that a new prayer was introduced for the Radjab festivities.2 A special treatise about the virtues of Radjab, MS. Bodley, Thurst 9, is an additional proof of this trend; it contains, of course, many traditions attributed to the Prophet about the sanctity of Radjab. It is curious to find that Radjab was in the same way respected in Fatimid circles.3 A comprehensive chapter is devoted to innovations in prayers (pp. 43-60) and to the behaviour of the believers in mosques (pp. 103-14). Various activities in the mosque are discussed: eating, drinking, teaching, sleeping, commercial activities, begging, paring of nails, etc.* In all the traditions the idea is stressed that the mosque is a place of worship and that the believer has to refrain from worldly activities there. With the social life in the mosque the problem of the fassds is closely connected. They were accused of inventing traditions about the Prophet and corrupting religion.' Al-Turtushl devotes a special chapter to the problem of thefcuss&f(pp. 99-103). Thefirstfoissis said to have been in the mosque of the Prophet; he was a mundfi^fi The opinion of orthodox circles is reflected in the saying of Abu Idris al-Khaulanl: "I prefer to see in the corner of the mosque a blaze offirethan to see there a ^ass."^ The information that thefirstiffsds appeared in thetimeof the struggle between 'All and Mu'awiya8 is of peculiar importance: it emphasizes the role of thefyusasin the political struggle of the community. It was Ka'b who acted as &pss for Mu'awiya,8 and it was TJbayd b. 'Umayr al-Lathi, thefirstfyissappointed by 'Umar,» who was reproached by the Syrian troops during the campaign of al-Husayn b. Numayr in the following manner: "Do not speak ill about the Caliph of die Prophet, because he is more respectable than the mosque in Mekka."10 The al-Turtushl, p. 130. About the sanctity of Radjab in the Djahiliyya see the article of M. Plessner in E.I. "Radjab"; Buhl, Das Leben Mubammeds, p. 88; Wellhausen, Reste, p. 93; al-Mufaddaliyydt (Lyall), p. 229; Nibdyat al-Arab, xv, 68; al-Asyiitl, al-Kan% al-Madfun, p. 74; Wellhausen, Skrf^en, 1 [Lieder der Husailiten], p. 53. * al-Turtushl, p. 122. 3 al-Madjdlis al-Mustansiriyya, ed. Muh. Kamil Husayn, p. 112. ⢠Cf. the chapter: Munkardt al-Masddjid in Ibyd 'U/um al-Dln, 11, 294.
s Cf. Goldziher, Mui. Studien, n, 161, and Mez, Die'Renaissance,Ax. transL, 11,87.
1
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al-Turtushl, p. 100; cf. about the first fyiss in Basra, al-Aswad b. Sari*, Ibn Sa'd's Tabakgt, vn, i, 28; and see Ansab al-Asbraf, MS. f. 1030*. 7 al-Turt&shl, p. 99; it may however be remarked that this Abu Idds himself, one of the leading men of tradition, whose traditions were reported by authorities like al-Zuhrl, Makhul, Shahr b. Haushab and others, was appointed by 'Abd al-Malik as judge and was a &pss of the people of Syna.(aJ-Isdba,v, 57; Tabdblb al-Tabdblb, v, 85). He died in A.H. 80. 8 al-Turtusbl, p. 100 and Djami' b. Wabb, ed. J. David-Weill, p. JIO. Io « Goldziher, Mub. Studien, n, 162. al-Baladhud, Ansab, vrb, 52. 140
6
REVIEWS anecdote about al-A'mash, who attended a lecture of a feus and was compelled to deny traditions told on his authority also recurs in our text.1 Another important problem is the use of public baths by Muslim women in the company of women of the Ahl al-Dhimma; the problem discussed is whether it is lawful for them to enter without a waist-wrapper (r^ar).2 This problem is discussed in a special treatise by Ibn a l - i m i d : Addb Dukhul alHammam* and forms a part of the general problem of relations between Muslims and the Ahl al-Dhimma.* The impact of Christian influence on the Muslim population in Spain is fairly attested: they observe the Christian New Year (i&amat Yarfr), and the Christian Easter (KhamJs Abril).* The details given by the author about the innovations introduced in his own tunes are of peculiar importance. In A.H. 448 a man from Tarabulus called Ibn Abi Hamra prayed in the mosque of al-Aksa the prayer of mid Sha'ban and was joined during his prayer by the people of the mosque. Since then this prayer spread among the masses and it was considered a prayer belonging to the smnafi The author himself attended the prayer of the Day of al-'Arafa in Jerusalem. People from Jerusalem and neighbouring villages stood in prayer facing Mekka, raising their voices in the du'd, just as if they were attending the wukytf of al-'Arafa.7 The common opinion was that the standing of four wul$fifs in Jerusalem was equivalent to the pilgnmmage to Mekka.8 The prayer, of Radjab, as already mentioned, was introduced in Jerusalem in A.H. 480. Raising of hands and loud prayer were peculiar features of this worship.? The book of al-Turtushl is comprehensive and contains a mass of information about burial, mourning, the attendance of women at prayers, the reading of the Kur'an and various items of personal and communal life. It was a useful vademecum for the believer who wanted to refrain from harmful innovation. The book is based on the tradition of Surma scholars and is well documented. The editing of al-Talibl is admirable. In his Introduction the editor discusses works on bid'a (pp. 5-6), opinions of scholars about the author, the contents of the book and its importance (pp. 7-12). A short biography of the author is supplied (pp. 3-4). The editor s criticism of scholars too eager in their 1 Cf. the stories in Mub. Studien, n, 160; al-Turtushl, p. IOZ. 3 Ibid. p. 142. MS. owned by me, f. 24. ⢠See E. Strauss, "The social isolation of Ahl al Dhimma", HirscbJer Mem. Book (1949). 5 See the important notes of the editor about the observance of this feast in Muslim communities in contemporary times, p. 140; the problem of buying cheese from Christians seems to have disquieted the author and he devoted a special treatise to the problem: Tabrim djubn aJ-RJim, see p. 4 of the Introduction of the editor. 6 al-Turtushl, p. 121. 1 About the standing in 'Arafa see v. Grunebaum, Mub. Festivals, p. 32. 8 al-Turtushl, pp. 116-17. » Cf. al-Turtushl, p. 100; and a tradition of Wahb b. Munabbih in MS. Bodley, Thurst. 9 about prayer with raising of the hands.
2
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141
REVIEWS pursuit of bid'a seems to be too severe (pp. 11-12). The different readings of the manuscripts are recorded and a very useful appendix on the tradMonists mentioned in die book is added (pp. 170-214). Dr TalibI deserves our gratitude for his excellent work. Errors are few; some of them may be mentioned: p. 71, L 12 read "fima"; p. 64,1.5 read"haddu";p. 3,1.18 read"istautana";p. 108,L 1 read"nudar".
M. J. KISTER
A. J. ARBERRY, Oriental Essays: Portraits of Seven Scholars, i960. Pp. 261.
(Allen and Unwin, London. Price: 28/.) In this attractively written and presented book, Professor Arberry gives us a series of short biographical sketches of scholars who have been eminent principally in the Islamicfield:Simon Ockley, Sir William Jones, E. W. Lane, E. H. Palmer, E. G. Browne, R. A. Nicholson and the author himself. Although nothing in the title or introduction hints at a principle of selection, it can be seen by a glance at this list that it has a heavy Cambridge bias; Jones is the only Oxford name included, and all the others (except for Lane, who owed allegiance to no university) are Cambridge alumni. An Oxonian may permit himself a tinge of regret that place in this gallery could not be found for men like Pococke, White and NicolL The professional orientalist, already familiar with these names, will yet find much to interest and fascinate him in the details given of the careers of these men, and in the copious extracts from their writings. To readers who are not orientalists, these pages give a most revealing and valuable insight into the motives and outlooks of those who have devoted their lives to this too often materially unrewarding cause. And the book closes with an eloquent plea for oriental studies which deserves to be widely and attentively read. A. F. L. BEESTON Atlas of the Arab World and the Middle East, with Introduction by C F. BECKINGHAM. i960. Pp. iv+68, incl. 40 pp. of maps, 42 photographs, index, plan, and 2 end-papers. (Macmillan, London. Price: 35/.) In this work the Middle East is divided into sub-regions, largely based on political frontiers, and in each instance there are maps to illustrate not only topography, but also climatology, natural vegetation, and industrial and rural economy. In addition, there are smaller-scale maps which deal with the ethnology and physical and historical geography of the area as a whole, and some special town plans on a much larger scale. The technical finish of the atlas is of high quality, and, except that the red trace of the railways sometimes dashes with that of the frontiers, the system of colouring is used effectively. The maps, however, are of uneven value. Sometimes, as with the end-paper map of medieval industries, they attempt too much and become confused. In other cases, the cartography fails to show what is really significant; on page 28, for instance, the overwhelming importance in Iraq of the date-groves of the Shatt-el-Arab is quite obscured, and on page 3 3 the pattern of the Arabian oases and their relation to the topography are nowhere evident dose examination of the maps, moreover, reveals so many discrepancies and mistakes that faith in the value of the book as a work of reference is seriously weakened. To take a few examples, the railway to Tatvan is absent 142
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Mecca and Tamim.pdf MECCA AND TAMIM
(ASPECTS OF THEIR RELATIONS)
BY
M. J. KISTER
Jerusalem
The history of Tamim in the times of the Jihiliyya is of special importance.Informationabout Tamimin Arabiansourcespoint clearlyto the close relationsof the leadersof Tamimwith the kings of al-Hira.But there was another centre as well, with which Tamim was closely connected: it was Mecca.It maybe venturedto say that Tamimplayeda considerablerole in the history of Mecca in the times of the Jdhiliyyaand were quite helpful in the establishmentof the dominantposition of this city in the tribal society of the Arabianpeninsula. The examinationof the contactsbetween Meccaand Tamimmay shed some light on the origin of the "tribalcommonwealth" underthe leaderof Meccaand on the ways of Meccandiplomacyin its tribalenvironship ment. A scrutinyof these data may lead to a revision of some opinions about the relationsbetweenMeccaandthe tribesand to an elucidationof some events during the period of the struggle between the Prophet and Mecca. The discussion of the relations between Mecca and Tamim may be preceded by some remarksabout the relationsbetween the Arab tribes and al-Hiraat the end of the sixth century. The second half of the 6th centurywas a period of fundamental chanin the relationsbetween the tribes of North-EastArabiaandal-Hira. ges The defeat of the forces of al-IHira, who took part in the raids against tribes and fought in the inter-tribalencounters-undermined the prestige of the rulers in the opinion of the tribes. Privileges of guarding of caravansgrantedto some chiefs causedjealousyand conflictbetween the tribes andled to clashesbetweenthem. Discontentedtribesrose in rebellion againstal-Hira.Raids on caravansof the rulersoccurredfrequently
JEsHo, VIII
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J. KISTER
and roads of commerce became unsafe; the rulers of began to al-.Hira lose control of the commercialroads and their prestige dwindled. The weaknessof the rulersof and their Persianmasterswas apparent; al-.Hira took partin some battleson the side troops of the Persiangarrisonswho of the loyal tribes were defeated. A case of this kind is recordedby alBalddhuri.
Bakru 'AmribniTamimin 'ald Wa-aghdrat bnuWd'ilin BanZ yauma ndsun al-Asdwirati, Banif wa-ma'ahum min 1-Salibi fa-hazamathum ra'sa Tar7fun '1-Asdwirati, 'Amrin,wa-qatala fa-qdla: Wa-lauld nisd'u 'ttirddi bi-1-Salibi bayna lasuwwiqat: undsin Durnd wa-Bdriqi "Andthe Bakrb. Wd'ilattacked Banii'Amr(of Tamim)at the the "Day of al-Salib". Withthemwere men from the Asdwira. The Banif'Amrdefeated themand Tarifkilledthe chief of the Asdwira said: and it Were not mydriveat al-Salib-therewouldhavebeendriven womenof men betweenDurndandBdriq" 1). to by Equipment supplied the Persians loyaltribeswastakenas booty the victorioushostiletribes2). by the of Meanwhile disintegration the Persian Empireat the end of the musthavebeenfelt at al-Hira. 6th century the Al-Nu'mdn, last rulerof with the Arabsand it is plausible seemsto have sympathised al-.Hira, havecomein touchwithsomeleaders tribes, of thathe might attempting to makecommoncausewith the strongtribes.In an apocryphal story the followingsayingis attributed al-Nu'mdn: to innamd rajulun minand wa-md malaktu bi-makdnikum yutakhawwafu wa-innamd min kum, wa-'azaztu ... anna md niahiyatikumli-ya'lama 'l-'Araba'aldghayri .annaau.haddatha of stressed factthatthe dynasty Lakhm the nafsahu...3). N6ldeke rightly
i) al-Baladhuri:Ansib, ms. f. IoI5b. z) See Naqd'id, p. 581: wa-kinatBakruntahtayadi Kisra wa-Fdrisa. Qdla:fa-kdnf7 min 'indi 'dmili 'Ayni 'I-Tamri...etc. wa-yujahhi-zfnahum. yuqawwimznahurm Fa-aqbalzr ("Bakr were under the control of Kisrd and the Perisans. They used to strengthen them and to equip them. They came from the governor (of Kisrd) of 'Ayn al-Tamr... "). 3) Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi: al-'Iqd al-faridI, I69.
MECCA AND TAMIN
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seems to have become too independentin their attitude for Kisrd 1). Rothstein quotes a passage from al-Dinawariin which Kisra is said to have arguedthat he killed al-Nu'man becauseal-Nu'min andhis family made common causewith the Arabs2). According to a tradition,recorded by Abu 'l-Baqd',Kisrdintendedafterthe death of al-Mundhirto send a Persiangovernor with i2,000 Asawirato al-Hira.He changedhis mind and decided to appoint one of the children of al-Mundhirafter a talk with 'Adiyy b. Zayd3). Poetry of the Jihiliyya fairly reflectsthe resistance of the tribesto foreign rule; poets praisetheirclans that they fought the kings 4) and killed them 5). Al-Nu'mdnn must have been aware of chaos in the Persian Empire and of the rise of the power of the Arab tribes and might have planned a new line in his policy which did not accord with Persian interests. There must be a grain of truth in the suspicions of Kisra. It seems that the dynasty of Lakhm was abolished becauseit could not be trusted. The Lakhmidsbecameunableto secure the ways of commerce.They failedto preventthe Arab tribesto raidthe territoriesof the PersianEmpire. Nidldekesuggests that the abolition of the dynasty of Lakhm facilitated the raidsof the territoryof by the Arab tribes6). Brockelmann considers the defeat of the al-.Hiraforces at Dhii Qdr as a consePersian quence of the abolition of this dynasty7). Levi della Vida assumesthat "with the fall of this bufferstate the door was opened to Arabiansfor invasion" 8). But the door was in fact opened to Arab invasion because of the decline of the PersianEmpireand of the rise of power of the Arab
T. N61ldeke:Geschichte Perseru. Araber,p. 332z, I. der n. Rothstein: Die Dynastieder pp. Lahmiden, II16-I 7. Abi 'l-Baq"': Mandqib, f. io6a. ms. See Levi della Vida: Pre-IslamicArabia (The Arab Heritage),p. 50. See al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr:NasabQuraysh z6: I, sab'atan Al-qdtilinaminal-Manddhiri ft 'l-kahfifauqa wasa'idi1-rayvhni are (said in praise of the BanaIHarmala.The al-Manddhira explained as "al-Nu'min b. al-Mundhirand his kin"). 6) T. Noldeke, op. cit., ib. 7) C. Brockelmann:Historyof theIslamicPeoples,p. 8. 8) Levi della Vida, op. cit., p. 1i. I) z) 3) 4) 5)
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M. J. KISTER
tribes. Persiangarrisonswere not able to prevent the raidsof the tribes and Persiantroops were defeated by troops of Arab tribes. The Arab tribes, disappointedby the policy of al-Hiraand Persia,and aware of the weakness of the client kingdom began to look for a body politic of theirown with a competentleadership.This was createdby the association,basedon common emergenceof a new idea of an eqalitarian interest: "The Commonwealthof Mecca". The traditionsabout this period of the establishmentof the power of Mecca, although scanty, give us a rough idea of the stages of this development. A concise account of Muhammadb. Salldm1) furnishesan introduction the problem. The Quraysh were merchants.Their trade did not, however, exceed the boundaries of Mecca. The foreign merchants and brought their merchandise the merchantsof Meccasold the waresto the inhabitantsof Mecca and the neighbouring tribes. Such was their trade till Hdshim b. 'Abd Mandf went to Syria and alighted (in the territory) of the Emperor (Qaysar). He slaughteredevery day a sheep and prepareda broth with crumbledbreadfor the neighbouringpeople. Thus he gained his nickname"Hdshim","the crumblerof the breadin the broth" 2). (His name was in fact 'Amr.) He was invited by the Emperor and used to visit him. When he realisedthat he had gained his favour, he asked him to give the merchantsof Mecca a letter of safe conduct for themselves and their merchandise. They would bring leathersand clothes from the Hijdzto Syria,which would be cheaperfor the inhabitantsof Syria.The Emperor grantedhim the requestedletter of safe conduct for the merchantsfrom Mecca,visiting Syria.On his way back he met the chiefs of the tribeshe passed,and securedfrom them the the ldaf, pact of securityin their tribal areas,yet without concluding an
i) al-Qili: Dbayl al-amdli, p. zoo; al-Kali'i: al-Iktifd' I, 207-209; Muhammad
Hamidullah: Al-/ldf ou les rapports economic-diplomatiques de la Mecque pre II, of Islamique (MilangesLouis Massignon, 293 seq.); idem: MuslimConduct State, 102; al-Qdsimi: al-Ilaf wa-l-ma'indt ghayru 'l-mashrkta, RAAD, XXXIV, pp.
243-25 2)
For another explanation of this nickname see Caetani: Annali I,
5. .Zfir
109-
1io(90).
MECCA AND TAMIN
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alliance. The merchantsof Quraysh would carry the goods to Syria, paying the Bedouinstheircapitaland theirprofit (scil. for theirgoods) 1). Hdshimhimself went out with the merchantsof Meccain order to carry out the provisions of the treatiesconcluded with the tribes. He led the Meccanmerchants Syriaand settledthem in Syriantowns. He died on to this journey at Ghazza. Al-Muttalibb. 'Abd Manif went to al-Yaman and gained a similar charter for the merchantsof Quraysh from the rulers of al-Yamanand 7/if from the chiefs. He died in Radmin. 'Abd Shamsb. 'Abd Manif went to Abyssiniaand on his way gained the 7l/f. Naufal, the youngest of the brothers, got the charterfrom the Persian Emperor (Kisrd)and 7laffrom the tribal chiefs (on the way to Persia). He then went back to 'Iriq and died in Salmdn.Quraysh afterwards developed theirtrade. Qurayshdevelopedtheirtradein the period of the Jdhiliyyaand their wealth increased. It was the Bani 'Abd Manif to whom Quraysh in Jihiliyya were mostly indebted (for their deed). Ibn Sa'd recordsthe story of Hashimwho got the 7Iifand the charters of the rulers2). The chartersof the rulersare renderedby al-Qgli 'abdor amin. Ibn Sa'd uses the term hilf. Muh. b. Habib uses (in the chapterof the dlaf) word 7iaffor the chartersand the agreementswith the chiefs the
of the tribes 3).
for Al-Balddhuri uses in his report about the 71af expression'isam the
tahmilu lahum(so in the text I) Muh. Hamidullahtranslateswa-'aldanna Qurayshan of al-Munammaq; text of al-Qali has ilayhim)baidd'i'a the fa-yakfinahumhumidnaha ru'Rsa as amwilihim ilayhim wa-yu'addfna wa-ribhabum follows: ,,ct leur remettraientla prix realisee, sans pour autant les charger des pais ou deduire des commisions. ."; he rendersthe passage into English as follows: "..promised.. to carrytheir goods as agents without commission for commercial purposes or otherwise concluded treaties of friendship.." This translationseems to be inaccurate. z) Ibn Sa'd: TabaqdtI, 75-80 (ed. Beirut); a tradition told on the authority of 'Abdallah b. Naufal b. al-Hâ¢arith(see Ibn Hajar: al-Isiba, No. 4994) states that Hdshim wrote to al-Najishi (the king of Abyssinia) asking him to grant a charter for the merchantsof Mecca. The economic base of the ildfis here recordedas follows: ... .ald an tahmila Qurayshun baada'i'ahum wa-ldkird'a 'ald ahli 1-tariqi(p. 78). This helps to understandthe passage discussed in the preceding note. 3) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, I6z seq. p.
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the chartersof the rulers. Naufal b. 'Abd Mandfis said to have got the Al-Tabariuses the words 'isdmand hablto denote the charter.Naufal and from the Chosroes (al-Akdsira) they (i.e. the merchants got the .habl of Quraysh)frequentedal-'Irdqand Persia2). took the la7f from the enemies 3). records that Al-Tha'I~libi H.shim This phrase about the zlaf taken from the enemies is recorded by al-Tha'dlibi in another report, which essentially deviates from the narratives about the ildf mentioned above 4). Quraysh--reports alTha'clibi-used to trade only with merchants who frequented the marketsof Dhii Majdzand 'Ukdz during the sacred months and came to Mecca. The reasonfor this was, that Qurayshwere devoted to their and their baytand used to serve the visitors of dinand loved their .haram Mecca to their advantage.The first, who went out to Syriaand visited kings and made far journeysand passed by enemies (i.e. hostile tribes) and took from them the zlafmentioned by Allah (in the Qur'-n) was mentions his two trips (to the 'Ab;hila in alHdshim. Al-Tha',libi in Yaman and al-Yaksiam Abyssinia in winter; to Syriaand Byzantium from the heads of in summer)and says about the la7f: he took the ladf the tribes and the chieftainsfor two reasons: becausethe people of the haramand others were not safe (of the attacks) of the "wolves of the Arabs"and the Bedouin brigandsand men of raidsand people involved
see i) al-Baladhuri:Ansab, I, 59; for the word 'umsum al-A'sha: Diiwn, p. 29. al-Tabari: Ta'rikhII, i2. p. 5 (ed. de Jong, 1867). 3) al-Tha'dlibi: Thimar p. 4) al-Tha'dlibi:La.ta'ifal-ma'drif, 89 seq. The exclusiveness of the ilif for Qural-qulbb, aysh is attested in the report by the verses of Musdwirb. Hind:
2)
'isam from the kings of al-'Irdq 1).
lahum lakumil/fi7. ilfunwa-laysa Uld'ika i~minmj7i'an wa-khaufan wa-qadja'atBanfiAsadinwa-khiff. See Hamasa(Sharhal-Marzfiqi ed. A. S. Hdrin), p. 1449, No. 6o5; comp. al-BalIdhuri: Ansib I, 89 (Nutayla about her son Dirdr b. 'Abd al-Muttalib): sannali-Fihrinsunnata 'l-ldfi and see al-Hamddnial-Iklil I/II, ms. f. 26a: Ma'addan, innafibd Fa-ld tuqsfi 'l-saminu. il/dfa 'lahi wa-l-amru
Za'amtum anna ikhwatakumQurayshun
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in long-lastingactions of revenge and becausetherewere tribesthat like the tribes of Tayy, Khath'amand Qudl'a, did not respectthe sanctityof the and the sacredmonths whilst the other tribes performedthe .haram, the Ka'ba and respectedthe House. The ladf, recordsalpilgrimageto meant a sum thatwas grantedby Hshim to the heads of the Tha'clibi, tribes as profit while he undertookthe transportof their wares together with his own and drove for them camelsalong with his camels,in order to relieve them of the hardshipsof the journey and to relieve Quraysh from the fear of the enemies. That was an advantagefor both sides; the staying (scil. the Bedouins) were profiting, the journeying(Qurashites-scil.) were safe (guarded).Conditions of Qurayshimproved. Ibn Abi 'l-lHadid records two accounts:1) the account given by recorded in his Fadl Hishim cald al-Qali and an account of al-J.hiz is explicit about the shares of 'Abd Shams This account of 2). al-J.hiz the chiefs of the tribes by Hdshim.(. .wa-sharika tjdratibi profit given ft aala lahumma'aburib.han ...) ru'asid'a'l-qabi'ili min al-'Arabi... wa-j recordsanotherversion about the 71if:Hdshimimposedtaxes onAl-J.hiz of the chiefs of the tribes. These sums collectedby Hdshim the heads enabled him to organise the defence for the people of Mecca from brigandsand tribes who did not respect the sanctity of Mecca3). The account of al-Ya'qubi4) gives the already mentioned version about the four brothers who gained the /laf. The account contains, however, a sentence, which gives a clue for the assessment of the concluded by Hdshim: After validity of these agreements of the ladf, the death of Hshim-says al-Ya'qftbi-Quraysh were afraid that the Bedouin tribes might get the upper hand. This sentence indicates that the 7laf agreementshad not been actually carriedout. Quraysh feared that some tribes might refrainfrom carryingout the terms of the pacts. It was the energetic action of the sons of 'Abd Manif and the profits grantedthe chiefs which causedthat the chiefs kept their obligations in
connection with the 7lif.
III, al-baligha 454, 458. i) Ibn Abi '1-Hadid:Sharbnabhj Rasd'il, p. 70 (ed. Sandfibi). 2) al-J.ihiz: 4) al-Ya'quibi:Ta'rikhI, 278 (ed. Najaf I, 200).
3) ib.
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Lexical explanationsof the word ildf examinedby Birkelandrender the word as "protection","a pact providing security"etc. 1) Birkeland states that the meaning of the word "protection" is not given in the of commentaries the Qur'In, exceptAlilsi. This explanationis, however, n 2). Abii Hayyin quotes the opinion of al-Naqqish, given by Abti .Hayy~ that there were 4 journeys(i.e. they sent 4 caravans:to Syria,Abyssinia, al-Yaman and Persia).Abii does not agree with the refutation .Hayyin of Ibn 'Atiyya and quotes for his argumentthe story of the 4 sons of 'Abd Manif, who got the 7ladf. Abfi Hayydnquotes the explanationof and b. al-Azhariof the word ladf, the verses of Matraid Ka'b. (translated by Birkeland)3). The explanationof al-Azhariis given as well in the to commentaryof the Ma'dbid al-tans7s the verses of Musdwirb. Hind.4):
of "akindof protection means guarding by (Shibbu 'l-dijratibi-l-khafdra)". It maybe saidthat the accountsaboutthe dlaf outlinesthe essential in a of phenomena the changes Mecca.Mecca, smallcentrefor distribution of goods for the Bedouintribesin the vicinityof the city, rose to
the position of an importantcentreof transittrade.It was the merchants
of Mecca, who carriedthe wares to Syria,Abyssinia,al-'Iraqand
al-Yaman.The family who laid the foundations for the revolutionary
was changewasthatof 'AbdManif.Thetradebasedon thepactsof 7ldf of a joint enterprise the clans of Qurayshheadedby the family of The pacts concludedwith the tribes were based on a 'Abd Mandf.
hitherto unknown principle of trade interest. It was not an alliance (hi/f) with obligationsof mutualhelp and protection.It was not an obligation of the tribes to guard the caravans of Quraysh against payment practisedby the tribes in their relationswith the caravansof The laifagreementswere set up on a base of share in profit al-JHira. for the heads of the tribes and apparentlyemployment of the men of the tribes as escort of the caravans.
i) H. Birkeland: The Lord Guideth,p. Io6-107; comp. al-Zamakhshari:al-Fd'iq I, 40 (ed. Muh. Aba 'l-Fadl Ibrdhim-Bijawi). li-ilfi Qurayshin). VIII, 5i5 (SlOrat 2) Abfi HIayyin:al-Bahral-mubhit 3) Birkeland,op. cit., p. i19; see al-Qli: Amali I, 241; al-Bakri: p. 547-50; Sirt, al-Sharifal-Murtadâ¢: Amall IV, 178-79. I, 4) al-'Abbdsi: Ma'dhidal-tans7s 95 (Cairo I316 AH).
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One may assume that the il7f must have contained a paragraph concerning the observation of the sacred months, namely the keeping of peace during these months and respecting the sanctity of Mecca (or ratherthe inviolabilityof Mecca).The ilaf meant in fact the acceptance of the "Pax Meccana"by the tribes, the acknowledgment of the position of the Meccans and the Meccan trade and the setting up of an economic co-operation based on common interest. That explains the peculiar passage in the account of al-Tha'~libiabout the pacts with the (hitherto)hostile tribes. Birkeland,discussing the historicalbackgroundof the verses i-2 of stresses the importanceof the iladf pacts and states that "their Sfira ao6, financialskill and their possession of the sacredterritory (i.e. Quraysh) had made them the economic masters of Western Arabia about a hundredyearsbefore the Prophet1)". But the statement of Birkeland may be extendedto EasternArabiaas well. The dimensionsof the trade of Quraysh were very large 2). It is conceivable, that the tribal chiefs might have preferred to collaborate with the merchantsof Mecca. In their co-operation with Quraysh their profits were more stable, they could establish closer relationswith them and actuallydid so. They were welcomed in Mecca and could enter it without fear. In al-Hira they were submissive and servile, in Mecca they could negotiate as equals. The impressionmade by the enterpriseof Meccais vividly described in a story recordedby al-Ya'qibi 3): A Kalbi tribesmanin the service of a Kalbi woman (a merchant) on the Syrian border witnessed the arrivalof a Meccancaravanin Syria.He gives details about the personality of Hdshimand his dignity, about the respect shown to him by the chiefs of Mecca, about his generosity and remarks: "By God, that is the true splendour,not the splendourof the Banai Jafna".It is a sentence which is remarkable: glory of the Qurashileader, his mannersand the
I) Birkeland,op. cit., p. 22zseq. z) See E. R. Wolf: The social organization of Mecca and the origins of Islam, Southwestern Journalof Anthropology, 5I, pp. 330-337. 19 3) al-Ya'qfibi: Ta'rikhI, 280 (2oi ed. Najaf).
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behaviourwere much more akin to the Kalbi Bedouin than the aloofness of the Jafni ruler. It is a sentence forming a prelude for the future. A peculiartradition,which seems to throw some light on the situation in Meccain the times of Hdshimdeservesto be examined.This tradition, of quoted by al-Suyiiti from the Muwaffaqiyydt al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr1) is told on the authority of 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz. According to this tradition the nobles of Quraysh u'sed to practice in the Jdhiliya the i'tifd 2). I'tifdd-records al-Suyfiti-meant that when they lost their propertythey used to leave for the deserts,where they pitched tents and patiently awaited death "one after another" (tandwabif)till they died, before people might know about their plight. So things went on till Hdshim grew up and became a man of influence among his people. He summonedQurayshand said: "O Quraysh,might goes with abundance, and you became the richest of the Arabs and the mightiest and the i'tifddruined many of you". He put forwardhis proposition which was acceptedby Quraysh,to attach to every rich Qurashia poor man. The poor would help the rich in his journeys with the caravansand "live in his shade by the redundanceof his property".That would be the means to stop the custom of i'tifdd. They agreed and Hdshim brought the people together (i.e. the rich and the poor). When the event of Elephant occurred (that was the key of the Prophecy and the commencementof the splendourof Quraysh,so that all people respect them; in this year the Prophet was born) and when later revelations were revealed to the Prophet-God revealed to the Prophet ordering him to inform his people what he did for them and how He helped them against the people of the Elephant. "Hast thou not seen how thy Lord dealt with the owners of the Elephant?"3). Then He said: "And why did I do it, O Muhammad,for your people, whilst they were at that time worshippers of idols? So He said to them: Li-ldfi Qurayshin It means: Because of their mutual feeling of mercy and 4).
VI, I) al-Suyati: al-Durr al-manthgr 397 (Sara io6). 2) in text ihtifad,which must be a mistake. CV. 3) Safra CVI. 4) Sfara
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their mutual help. They were pagans. He freed them from the fear of the Elephant. "He fed them against hunger" means the hunger of i' tcifid. The tendency of the tradition is to render the word li-zldfi Quraysh as denoting li-tardbumi But wa-tawdsulihim. the story itself, Qurayshin rather loosely connected with the interpretationof the aya, seems in fact, to reflect the situation before the ila7f. Al-Zubayr b. Bakkdrhad an outstanding knowledge of the social and economic situation of Mecca in the times of Jdhiliyya and this story may contain a good deal of truth. The tradition points to the fact, that before the action of Hdshim the caravanswere sent by individuals. Before the ilaf were concluded the sending of caravans seems to have been very risky and in case of an attackof brigandsor of a hostile tribe the tradesman, who invested all his capital, lost everything. It was the la7f which made the journeyssecure. The proposition of Hdshim to include the poor in the enterprise of the caravanswas a bold one. It meant to give the poor some shares in the profits as payment for their work or, probably, against investment of small sums by poor relatives. This trend seems to be echoed in one of the verses of Matriid b. Ka'b: ') bi-faqirihim Wa-l-khdli.tina ghaniyyahum faqirubum ka-l-kdJf .attdyakfina their rich with their "And who mix poor till their poor becomes like an able (man to bestow his favour on needy)". This idea of "mixing of the poor" (or inferior people) with rich and wealthywas an ideal of the Jdhilisociety and is attestedby verses 2).
x) See above p. I20 n. 3; and see these verses as well: Ibn al-'Arabi: Mubhadarat al-abrdr II, i ig; al-Tabarsi: Majma' al-baydn (Sara io6); al-Baladhuri: Ansdb
I, 58; al-Ya'qtibi: Ta'r7kh I, 202 (ed. Najaf); al-Diyvrbakri: Ta'rikh al-Khamis I, 156. 2) Comp. al-Qdli: Amdli II, 158; al-Bakri: p. 548; Ibn Sharaf: Rasd'il (Rasd'il al-bulaghd' 334) (Khirniq): Sim.t al-intiqdd p.
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It is a significanttraditionin which the ideal of the Jihiliyya is reflected in care for the needy of the clan, whereas the embracing of Islam is consideredas deviation from this ideal. Nu'aym b. 'Abdallah ) of the 'Uwayj (of the 'Adiyy Quraysh) embracedIslam. His father used to feed the poor of the 'Adiyy. After Nu'aym had embraced Islam he was met by al-Walid b. al-Mughira who said to him: "O son of 'Abdallah,you pulled down al-Makhzfimi what your father built and you cut what he linked (by his favours), when you followed Muhammad" 2). a about the HIilfal-Fuadflmentionsspecial The accountof al-Balddhuri
obligationto help the needy arrivingat Meccawith the surplusof the propertyof the people who enteredthe alliance(...Ta'dqada waradaMakkata bi-fu4zli ahli 'ald... wa-muwdsdti 'l-fdqatimimman 3). amwdlihim") b. An Ansdripoet, al-Nu'mdn 'Ajldnwhile boastingof the deeds of the Ansdrfor the Muhdjirfin, says: bikum marhaban hajarfi: li-qaumin Wa-qulnd
min wa-ahlan qad wa-sahlan, amintum al-faqri
nahitabum bi-nuddrihim Wa-l-khdli.ina bi-dhi'l-faqri wa-dhawi minhum 'l-gbind and see Ibn al-Shajari:al-Hamdsa,p. 56 ('Amr b. Itnaba): bi sariâ¢ihim Wa-l-khdlifina wa-l-bddbilina li-l-sa'ili .halifahum 'ata'ahbum and see al-Khilidiyydni: al-Ashbdb 20zo; I, Hassdn: Diwdn p. 308: ghaniyyabum bi-faqfrihim Wa-l-khli.tina 'ald wa-l-mun'imina 'l-faqiri1-murmili and comp. al-A'sha: Diwdn III, 35: Wa-ahdna sdlihamilihi li-faqirihd wa-sd'alahd wa-asd,wa-aslaha baynabd, and see Ibn 'Abd al-Barr:al-Isti'db,p. 300 (al-Nu'man b. Bashir): sharikaka 'l-ghind Fa-ld ta'dudi'l-mauld f sharikuka 'l-'udmi. wa-lakirnnama ft 'l-mauld al-IsabaNo. 8777 (he cared for the widows of the I) See about him: Ibn Banii 'Adiyy). .Hajar: z) al-Bilddhuri: Ansdb,ms. f. 869a. 3) Idem: op. cit., ms. f. i44a; another version is given in the Sira of Ibn Hisham I, 141.
MECCA AND TAMIN
I 25
amwdland Nuqdsimukum wa-diydrand 1) ka-qismati aysdri'l-jaz#ri'ald 1-shatri "And we said to the people who immigratedto us: Welcome and securedare you from poverty We shall share with you our propertyand abode who divide (in shares)the slaughtered like the gamblersof maysir, camel". Traditions about Hakim b. Hizam record that he used to distribute the profits of his caravansamong the poor and needy of his clan2). The traditions quoted above seem to reflect clearly the tendency of care for poor and needy in the clan. Hdshim, establishing the ldf, could successfullyexpand the trade; rich and poor participatedin the caravan.A caravanbecame a joint enterprise.Even if a merchantsent on his own risk a caravan-other merchants tried to join him and invest in his caravan3). The following remarkof al-Qummi about the social conceptions of the Meccans and their care for the poor is remarkable. Wa-kdnat Qurayshun yatafahabasna .hdlati'l-fuqard'iwa-yasuddina 'an khallata'l-mahdw~ji 4). Hdshim seems to have expandedthe tendency of care for the needy into a social principle.Al-Diyvrbakrirecordsa traditionabout Hashim on the authority of Ibn 'Abbds, reporting that the people of Mecca were in a state of needinesstill they were ralliedby Hlshim for sending of the caravans to Syria and al-Yaman. They used to divide their profits among the rich and poor, so that the poor became like the rich 5). Ibn lHabib, says reportingabout the men of the ladf that through them Allah raised the Quraysh and turned rich their poor". (Ashdbu
i) Ibn Hajar:al-Isiba, No. 8747; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr:al-Istlcdb,p. 298. I, 2) al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr:Nasab uraysh 367 (No. 644). 3) Idem: op. cit., I, 371 (No. 645, 646). 4) al Qummi: Ghard'ib al-Qur'dn margin of Tabari's Tafsir, BelIq 1229 AH) (on XXX, 169. I, 5) al-Diyvrbakri:Ta'rikhal-Khamis 156.
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'Iladhina wa-na'asha rafa'a ' ldhu bihimQurayshan 1-zldfimin ,Qurayshin abd fuqard' . .) 1). One is inclined to find some resemblancebetween the "mixing of the poor and the rich" (mukhilata)and the mu'dkhdt 2). The conclusion of the i'af agreements was accompanied by the improvement of the internal conditions in Mecca and the provision of amenities for the pilgrims. The first houses in Mecca were built by Qusayy3). It may be assumed that these houses were very modest. The cutting of the trees in Mecca formed a serious problem, because of the sanctity of Mecca. But Qusayy ordered to cut the trees and to build the houses 4). The houses seem to have been circular in order to avoid the imitation of the shape of the Ka'ba5). Mu'arrijal-Sadiisi reports that Zubayr b. al-Hirith b. Asad was the first who covered a house (with a roof). Qurayshdemolishedthe house out of reverence for the Ka'ba 6). It was JHumayd Zubayrb. al-HIrithb. Asad b. 'Abd b. al-'Uzzd who built the first square house in Mecca7). When he built his house Quraysh feared the punishment (of Allah). The rajaz poets composed verses: yubndli-HIumaydin Al-yauma baytuh wa-immd mautub. Immd .haydtuhu "Today for Humayd his house is built (This means for him) either his life or his death"8). When he was not afflictedby punishment Quraysh started to build squarehouses.
p. I) Muh. b. Habib: al-Muhabbar, I62. sal'am) yanbasitu z) Comp. al-Sulami: Addb al-subrba 50: . . wa-kdna p. (al-nabiyyu fi m/li Ab7 Bakrinkam f fthi f! milihi wa-yahkumu kama yaihkumu m/libi". yanbasi.tu ms. f. a. 85 3) See Abfi Mandqib, See Ibn Sa'd: Tabaqdt 71 (ed. Beirut); al-Balddhuri:Ansdb,I, 58; Caetani: 'l-Baq.': 4) I, Annali L o3 (78); al-Ya'qibi: Ta'rikb I, 197 (ed. Najaf); al-IHalabi:Insin I, I, al-'uy7in 14. al-Tha'dlibi: Thimar al-qulib,p. 13. 5) nasab 6) Mu'arrijal-Sadfisi:al-HIadbfmin p. Quraysb, 54. I, 7) al-Zubayrb. Bakkir: NasabQuraysb 4438) These verses are attributedto Duwayd: see al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr,op. cit., ib.
n. 2.
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If this traditionbe time of the changesin building of houses true--the6th was the second half of the century. The sister of this lHumayd was the mother of Hakim b. Hizdm. The son of JHumayd, 'Abdallah b. Humayd fought at Uhud 1). The time of the significantchangesin the building of houses may thus be fixed in the last decades of the 6th century. The nobles of Mecca vied in providing amenities for the pilgrims. Hdshim is said to have taken care to supply the pilgrims with food 2), 'Abd al-Muttalibto have been the first who provided them with sweet The water of Zamzam,although having medicinalKisr. qualities5) was not and was mixed by 'Abd al-Muttalib with raisins. He also palatable gave the pilgrims milk with honey 6). 'Abbdscontinued the tradition of 'Abd al-Muttalib and supplied drinking water for the pilgrims. The Prophet drank from his siqayaand the drinking from the siqaya of the family of 'Abbdsis consideredas sunna There are traditions 7). about digging of wells and rivalry between nobles of Mecca in providing drinks for pilgrims8). Suwayd b. Harmi is said to have been the first who gave the pilgrims milk (to drink)9). Abti Umayya b. al-Mughira al-Makhzimi (Zdd al-rakb) and Abi Wadd'a al-Sahmi
gave the pilgrims honey 10) water 3). He dug the well of Zamzam in the times of b. Qubddh 4).
The traditions about the ilaf, about the improvements in Mecca, about the provisions of food and drinksfor the pilgrims-all this points to the efforts to increase the prestige of the city and to secure the
i) See Ibn Hisham: Sira III, 135; al-Balddhuri: Ansab I, 3 I9: he made an oath
to kill the Prophet at Uhud. z) al-Balddhuri:Ansab I, 6o-6i; al-Azraqi: Akhbar p. 67 (Wiistenfeld). II, 3) al-Mas'idi: Murj" 46; 4) ib. 5) Rathjens: Die Pilgerfahrt, 42, 45. pp. (ed. Br6nnle). III, 7) See al-Suy0ti: al-Durr al-manthir 219.
Io) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, p. I77.
6) Al-Azraqi; Akhbdr p. 70 (ed. Wiistenfeld); comp. Abai Dharr: Sharb, p. 42 8) Comp. al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri: NasabQuraysh, pp. 32, 197-198.
9) ib. p. 342; al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr: Nasab Quraysh,ms. f. 53a.
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pilgrimage and trade. Special arrangementswere made for individual merchantsproceedingto Meccafor a pilgrimage1). Elaborateprovisions were made for the caravansfor which consent of the tribes was gained. In this system Tamim played a considerablerole. This can be gauged from some passages of the report about the markets of the Jahiliyya,
recorded by Muh. b. Habib 2).
states Reporting about the market of Diimat al-Jandal Ibn that "every merchantwho set out from al-Yamanand the.Habibasked Hijiz for the escort of Qurayshas long as he travelledin the abode of Mudar; for the Mudar did not harass Mudari merchants,nor were they (i.e. the merchants)troubled by an ally of Mudar. That was the accepted custom between them. So did Kalb not trouble them, because of their alliance with Tamim3). The Tayy also did not harass them because of their alliance with the Asad. Mudar used to say: "Qurayshcarried out for us the obligation of religious duties inherited to us by
Ismd'il" 4) (i.e. bequeathed to us).
This report is recorded in al-Marziiqi's Amkina with important
i) al-Marziqi: al-AmkinaII, 66; see the translationin Muh. Hamidullah:Leprophite de l'Islam II, 6o6. 2) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 264-265. pp. 3) Hamidullahin Muslimconduct state p. 54 (o01); "as they were allied (i.e. the of Kalb) to the Bani Jusham" (evidently a misprint). 4) Hamidullah translates: Les Mudarites avaient l'habitude de dire (avec fierte) "Les Quraichites ont pay6 la dette de honte que nous avions contractee au nom d'Isma=l(parles guerresfraticideset par le bellum omnium contra omnes)" - Le Prophbtede l'Islam, II, 6oo--This translationseems however to be inaccurate.In order to translate"que nous avions contract6eau nom d'Ismal"--Hamidullah must have read mdaurathnd Ismdla which is an error. The phrase has to be read: ma aurathand The sentence is of the greatest importance for the understanding of the IsmdWu. attitude of the tribes towards Quraysh.For the correct interpretationof the sentence a passage from al-Kall'i's al-Iktifd' (I, I5o) may be quoted. Al-KalV'i,discussing the qualities of Quraysh, records the following passage: . . wa-kdnfi 'ald irthin min dini Ibrdhima wa-Ismd'ila min qird 1-dayfiwa-rifdi 'l-hajji wa-ta'imi 'lfhi wa-man'ihi al-baghyi wa-l-ilhidiwa-qam'i'l-zdlimiwa-man'i'l-magzlfmi. min The passage commencing with min qird is an explanation of irthinmin din Ibrahim .harami wa-Ismadil.-The passage in Marzaqi's AmkinalI, I6z does not leave any doubt "what our father about the meaning of the sentence: ma aurathand abtind IsmaWilu, inherited us" (bequeathedto us). And comp. al-Majlisi:Bihdral(ancestor) Ismi'il
anwdr VI, 42.
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variants1). Qurayshused to set out (to Diimat al-Jandal)from Mecca. If they took the way of al-Hazn2) they did not requirethe protection of any of the tribes till they came back, and that was becauseMudar... etc. 3). And when they departed from al-Hazn or went to al-Hazn they reachedthe waters (i.e. the abode, the pasturing places) of Kalb. Kalb were allies of Tamim and therefore they did not harass them. When they went on to the lowland they passed the Asad and arrived at the Tayy..." The account of Marziqi supplements the report of Ibn Habib. The vague expressionof Ibn is fi bilddMudlar here more precise. .Habib The road leading from Mecca to al-Hazn4), which was under the control of the tribes of Mudar. The lHaznitself was the territory of
Tamim 5).
The two significant accounts, of Ibn Habib and al-Marziiqigive some idea: how the system set up by Mecca worked in the areaof Mecca-al-Hazn and its extension. Two tribal units of Mudar, closely linked with Mecca by the Mudar alliance, Tamim and Asad-made it possible, due to the alliance of Tamim with Kalb (Qu~d'a)and the alliance of Asad with Tayy (Qahtini), to Quraysh to send in full security their caravans and to control the trade on these routes. It is these two tribes-Tayy and Kalb-who were especially dangerous for Mecca, as the majority of these two tribes did not respect the sanctity of Mecca and of the sacred months. It is significant that alMarziiqi records about the Tayy: "..and (arriving in the territory of Tayy) they (i.e. the merchants)gave them some pay and they (i.e. Tayy) guided them (in the direction) wherever they wanted"6).
i) al-Marzaqi:al-Amkina,II, 16z. Hamidullah translatesfa-in akhadhat'ald 1-hazni"et s'ils prenaient le chemin montagneux" (Le Proph/te,II, 604). That seems, however, not to be accurate. 3) There is perhaps some misprint or error; perhaps one has to read "au 'alau 'l-Hazn". 4) See Thilo: Die Ortsnamen 56; and see Ydqct: Buldinand al-Bakri- MuaYam p. ma 'stabjam, s.v. See von Oppenheim-Caskel:Die Beduinen I64. ".Hazn". III, 5) 6) al-Marzuqi:al-Amkina II, I6z.
2) JESHO,VIII 9
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M. J. KISTER
The attitude of the Tayy and Kalb towards Mecca will be touched upon later. of Merchantsproceeding to the importanttrade-centre al-Mushaqqar had also to requirethe escort of Quraysh,becausethe road led through the territory of Mudar. This harbour-city frequented by merchants from Persia, an importantbase of Persianrule-had a marketgoverned by men from Tamim 1). In examination of the accounts about Diimat al-Jandal2) one may assume that the Tamim played a most important role in the control of the roads to these two markets and in securing of the caravans of Mecca. Some Tamimis frequented Mecca for trade. An iniquity committed to a Tamimi visiting Mecca caused a conflict between the leaders of Quraysh. The story is recorded by Ibn Abi 'l-Hadid on the authority of al-Wdqidi3). Abdallahb. Ja'farcontestedin glory Yazid b. Mu'cwiya in the presence of Mu'cwiya4). He asked him: "By which of your ancestors do you rival in pride? By JHarb, whom we sheltered or by Umayya..?" We are here concerned with the story of Harb sheltered by 'Abd al-Muttalib,which is given as follows: Quraysh had the privilege of priority in passing the 'Aqaba, when travelling. Anybody had to wait till they passed. Harb went out one night and when passing the 'Aqaba he met a man from the family of lHIjib b. Zurara, proceeding to Mecca for business. Harb leaned forward and announced his name and so did the Tamimi. He stated to be the "son" of b. Zurdra.The Tamimi passed the 'Aqaba .Hijib together with Harb. Harb was enraged and swore that he would never allow him to stay in Mecca as long as he lived. The Tamimi spent some time outside Mecca. But-as his business was in Mecca (wa-kdnamatjarubu bi-Makkata)-he decided to enter and enquired
p. I) Ibn Habib: al-Mubabbar, z65. of z) See the article D#mat al-Jandal L. Veccia Vaglieri in EI2. Sharhnahjal-baldgha 465; Ibn 'Asakir: Ta'rikb VII, 329. III, 3) Ibn Abi 1-HIadid: 4) See the account of this event in Dahldn's Sira I, zz (on the margin of "Insdn al-'qyfn"):the talk was between Ibn 'Abbds and Mu'dwiya; and see Ibn al-'Arabi: I, Mubhdarat al-abrdr 179.
MECCA AND TAMIN
13 I
The about the man, who could give him protection against .Harb. to Tamimi (the "son" of Zurdrd)entered Mecca at night and went the house of 'Abd al-Muttalib.He recited a poem in which the event was recorded and the protection of al Zubayr b. Abd al-Muttalib 1) was requested.He was grantedthe requestedprotection.In the morning al-Zubayr b. 'Abd al-Muttalib summoned his brother, al-Ghaydiq, and they went out girded with swords, escorting the Tamimi. Harb met them, assaultedthe Tamimi and slappedhim on his face.A quarrel ensued between the sons of 'Abd al-Muttaliband Harb managed .Harb. to escape and sought refuge in the house of Abd al-Muttalib who grantedhim protection. Hashim This narrativeprobablypoints to relationsbetween the BanOi and the Darim. Traditionmentionsthe namesof some people of Darim, who were in touch with the Banfi Hdshim. One of them was the
of hirmiyy the Prophet. The prestigeenjoyedby the Tamimin Meccawas based mainly on their strengthand their servicesfor the externaltradeof Mecca. The Tamim were strong and their leaderswere highly respected. The prestigeof the leadersof Tamim(of the branchof the Darim)is reflected in a remarkable anecdote attributedto the Prophet: A man (a Muslim)marrieda womanfrom a lower social classandwas The was by reproached his brother. Prophet told aboutit, he was told as well aboutthe virtuesof the womanwhom he married. saidin He a talk with the husband: for "You are not to be blamed not marrying a woman(so aristocratic) the daughter Hijib b. Zurdra. as of Allah broughtIslamandmadeall menequal.A Muslimis not to berebuked" 2). (for sucha marriage) Some groups of Tamimwere even includedin the body politic of Mecca.They were given a sharein the Meccandominanceand to contributed increasethe influenceof Meccain the tribal society
I) Al-Zubayrb. 'Abd al-Muttalibwas the leader of the BanafHashim at the "Day of al-Fijdr";see Muh. b. IHabib: Mubabbar, 169; Ibn Durayd: al-Ishtiqaq, 47; al p. p. al-Balddhuri: AnsdbI, 102. 2) Al-Fisi: Shifdal-gharam (Wiistenfeld, II, 141).
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M. J. KISTER
and its prestige. The organization we refer to is the organization of the Hums. Ibn Sa'd counts as Hums: Quraysh, Khuzd'a and people of the Arabs "born by Quraysh". (According to another version of Ibn Sa'd: "and the allies of Quraysh")1). Ibn Ish1q records as Hums: Quraysh, Khuzd'a and Kindna; Ibn HishZm adds (on the authority of Abfi 'Ubayda al-Nahwi)the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a2). Ibn Qutayba mentions in his Ma'drif as lHumsQuraysh and people from 3). But in his al-Ma'adnal-Kabr he counts as Hums: Kin.na descendantsand their allies their Quraysh 4). counts as Hums: Quraysh, 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a and Al-JIhiz al-.Hirith b. Ka'b 5). Al-Anbdri6) and al-Marziiqi 7) count: Quraysh, Kindna, Khuzd'aand
'Amirb. Sa'sa'a.
in his commentary of the Qur'dn has the following Abai .Hayyan list: Quraysh, Kinina, Khuza'a, Thaqif, Khath'am, Amir b. Sa'sa'a and Nasr b. Mu'cwiya8). An almostidenticallist is given by al-Qurtubi;
instead of Khath'am-he has Jusham 9).
The L. 'A. records as Hums: Quraysh and "whom Quraysh had born" (i.e. descendants of men or women from Quraysh), Kindna,
Fahm, 'Adwdn, 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a and Khuzd'a 10).
The lists of the Hums quoted above are contradictory.The examinaincluded the Quraysh, tion of these lists shows doubtless that .Hums Mecca. According to the inhabitants of Mecca, and people outside
I, i) Ibn Sa'd:Tabdqdt, 72.
Ibn Hisham: Sira I,
212; al-Kali'i: al-Iktifd' I, 272. Ibn Qutayba: al-Ma'drif, p. 269. Ibn Qutayba: al-Ma'nit 'l-Kabir, p. 989. al-Jahiz: Mukhtdrditfusil, ms. f. 2o8 b. al-Mufaddaliyydt XXXIV, 14 (Lyall). al-Marziiqi: Sharh al- Hamisa, p. 31. Ab Hayyin: al-Babr al-muhâ¢itII, 63. . 9) al-Qurtubi: al-Jdmi' li-ah~im al-Qur'dnII, 345 (Sura II, 189); and see Blachbre: CoranII, 782, n. 185. 2)
3) 4) 5) 6) 7) 8)
IO) L. 'A., s.v. "Hms".
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Arendonk: "The Hums is the name traditionallygiven to the inhabitants of Mecca at Muhamad'sappearancein so far as they were distinguishedby specialcustoms during the Ihrim from the othertribes, who were together known as al-Hilla". )--This definition has to be altered. A detailedlist of the tribes of the Hums is given by Muh. b. Habib. "Hums were-reports Ibn Habib-all Quraysh, Khuzi'a (because they had dwelled in Mecca and were neighbours of Quraysh),people being descendents of Quraysh ("born by Quraysh"), clans dwelling in Mecca. Descendants of Quraysh ("born by Quraysh") were: Kil~b, Ka'b, 'Amir and Kalb i.e. the BantiRabi'a b. 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a.Their mother was Majd bint Taym b. Gh.ilib b. Fihr. To her referredLabid saying: band Saqdqaum7 Majdinwa-asqd
min Numayran wa-l-qabd'ila Hildli2). b. and b. b. and al-HIrith 'Abd Mandt Kindna Mudlijb. Murra 'Abd And 'Amirb. 'Abd theirdwellingnearMecca. due Mandt Kindna to b. Man-t b. Kindnaand Milik and Milkdnb. Kindnaand Thaqifand and b. AndYarbil' Hanzala MIzinb. Milikb. 'Amrb. Tamim, 'Adwdn. bint Fihr b. Mdlikb. whose mother(of both of them) was Jandala are that al-Nadr Somemaintain all the 'Amir(i.e. 'Amirb. Sa'sa'a) 3). becausetheir brethren,the Rabi'ab. 'Amir becameJHums. Hums, b. Qudd'a.And b. And 'Ilcf i.e. Rabbdn Hulwdnb. 'Imrin b. al-.Hif 4), Jandbb. Hubal b. Abdallah from Kalb. His motherwas Amina
p. 2) See Ibn 'Abd al-Barr: al-Inbdh, 87; Labid: Diwdn, p. 93 (ed. I. 'Abbas); Ibn al-Kalbi:Jambara,ms. f. 120 b. (In Jambara:Majd bint Taymb. Murrab. Ghdlib is b. Fibr. The term used inJamhara of interest:wa-hiya '1latihammasat Bani 'Amirin, Humsan). ja'alathum 3) Jandala bint Fihr b. Malik b. al-Nadr b. Kindna was the wife of Hanzala b. Malik b. Zayd Mandtb. Tamim. She gave birth to Qays, Yarbi', Rabi'a and 'Amr-b. Malik b. Zayd Mandt. After the death of 1Hanzala Malik b. the sons of b. she married.Hanzala 'Amr b. Tamim and gave birth to Mazin, Ghaylan, Aslam and Milik GhassZn--the sons of Malik b. 'Amr. See: Ibn al-Kalbi:Jamhara,ms. ff. 62a, 90a; al-Balddhuri:Ansdb,ms. f. 958b.
4) See Ibn Durayd: al-Ishtiqdq, p. 540. i) EI, s.v. "Hums".
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J. KISTER
bint Rabi'a b. 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a; her mother was Majd bint Taym
al-Adram b. Ghdlib b. Fihr" 1).
The list of Ibn Habib shows a peculiarfact: the tribes allied in the organizationof the Hums are of differentorigin and belong to various tribal divisions. The 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a are Mudarites. Kalb belonged to Qu$d'a. The origin of Thaqif is disputed. (According to some traditionsthey are consideredas descendantsof Qays 'Ayldn). 'Adwdn belonged to Qays 'Aylhn, Khuzi'a were of South-Arabianorigin 2). The more important is the fact, that these tribes lived in different areas of the peninsula. The Thaqif dwelt to the South-East of Mecca, the Kinina to the South, controlling the route Mecca-al-Yaman,the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'ato the North East of Mecca, the Quda'a (Kalb) in the and North, controlling the trade-routeto Syria;YarbiY' Mizin controlled the route to al-Hiraand Persia. Of special interest is the case of Zuhayr b. Jandb al-Kalbi. The Ghatafdn decided--according to tradition-to establish a haramlike that of Mecca. Zuhayr b. Jandb raided them and destroyed their haram ). This tradition explains why the group of Janib of Kalb were included in the organizationof the Hums One may find some connection between the ilaf discussed above and the Hums. The expression of al-Tha'dlibithat Hdshim "took the /laffrom the enemies"4) meansin fact, that the 7lafwere a complementary system for the Hums. The laf were intended for tribes who did not respect the sacred months, or-although performing the pilgrimage-were in the sphere of influence of the client kingdoms. These clans and tribes-like Tayy, Khath'am, clans of Quda'a5), Ghifir from the Kindna6) were given some shares of profit and gave
p. z) See Ibn Durayd: al-Ishtiqdq, 468 seq. 3) AghdniXII, 121; XXI, 63. al-Qulib, p. 89. 4) Thimadr al-Baladhuri: Ansdb, ms. f. 9oob; al-Jabiz: Iayawdn VII, 216; see al5) Balldhuri: Ansdb, ms. 366a: the talk between Mu'dwiya and 'Adiyy b. I tim in al-. which Mu'dwiya accused Tayy of not respecting the sanctity of Mecca. Tayy and Khath'am did not perform the pilgrimage to Mecca and were called al-Afjardni. al-shahra 'II, 6) See al-Dhahabi: Siyara'ldmal-nubald 34 (wa-kdndfyubill7na /-hardma); and see Usdal-ghdba 16o. I,
i) Muh. b. Habib: al-Muzhabbar, 178-179. p.
MECCA AND TAMIN
13
security to the caravans. How much Mecca was dependent on these tribes and eager to carryout the terms of the 7lafcan be gauged from some records preserved. Al-'Abbas was present when Abii Dharr was beaten violently in Mecca after he had embraced Islam. He reproachedhis people saying: "Woe to you, you are about to kill a man from Ghifir whilst your business and your passing by is through the territory of Ghifar". They let him go 1). Thumima b. Uthil of the Hanifa could threaten Quraysh with cutting of supplies from the and even realizedhis threat2). Sa'd b. Mu'rdh could threaten YamTma the Abi Jahl, that if he prevents him to circumambulate Ka'ba-he would cut his trade with Syria3). One is even tempted to think that there is some connection between the term allafabum "he concluded
pactsof ildf with them",and the term al-mu'allafa "people qulifbuhum whose hearts were gained (for Islam) by some gifts". But .Hums denotespeople strong in their convictionof the sanctityof Mecca, position of Quraysh,enjoyinga special admittingthe distinguished in the rites of the status and readyto strugglefor their ideas. Some featuresof the .hajj can be gauged from the chaptersof .Hums dealingwith the virturesof Quraysh. Al-JIhiz recordsthat al-J.hiz a Qurashi neverdid allegehis originto anothertribe,whilsttill today "nobleArabs-like Bani Murrab. 'Auf, some of the Bani Sulaym, Khuzd'aand others-allege being of Qurashiorigin. Qurayshdid never bury their (female)babies alive. That was followed by the inhabitants al-Ti'if, because they were neighboursand related of with them by marriage and becausethey were lHums,and it was who madethemlHums.." 4). Quraysh When Islam appeared--continues al-Jbhiz-therewas no Qurashi womanwho hadbeentakencaptiveby the Arabtribes,nor was there
I) al-Dhahabi: Siyar a'ldm al-nubald'II; 37 (taqtulfnarajulanmin Ghifdrinwa'ald wa-mamarrukum Ghifdr?). matjarukum
Insdnal-'uyun 198. XII, 143; al-IHalabi: III, al-Qur'dn, al-Jimi' li-abhkdm al-abrdrII, 266; Sifat al-safwa I, 37 3) Ibn al-'Arabi: Mubhddarat (la-aq.ta'anna ild matjaraka 'l-Shdmi). ms. 4) al-Jdhiz: Mukhtdrdtfusz~l, f. zoz seq.
IrshidVI, 433; al-Qurtubi: p. al-Isti'db, 79; al-Qastallini: z) Ibn 'Abd al-Barr:
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M. J. KISTER
any captive among them whose mother was a Qurashi woman. The Qurayshdistinguishedthemselves from other tribes, that they did not give their daughters in marriageto the nobles of other tribes, unless they had got an assurance,that they would embrancethe idea of the the daughters Hums. (They themselves-stresses al-J.hiz--married them.) These of other tribes without conditions to be imposed on tribes were: 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a, Thaqif, Khuz!'a and al-HIrith b. Ka'b. and They were people of devotion (wakdnfl dayyJdnna) therefore they renouncedraiding.That was in orderto avoid pillage, injustice,robbery and rape". In another passage al-Jdhiz, discussing the qualities of Quraysh, remarksthat Quraysh remained generous although their profits were not big sincethey refrainedfrom raiding.Al-Jlhiz emphasizesthe hospitality of Quraysh,their carefor the pilgrimsand their care for kinsfolk. They allotted the men of the tribes to the differentclans of Mecca-says Ghatafdn were assigned to (the care of) al-Mughira (i.e. al-J.hiz. al-Makhziiimi),Banfi 'Amir went to someone else, the Tamim to somebody else. They (i.e. the Quraysh) compelled them to perform
the ritesand caredfor all theirneedsx).
stresses Quraysh that Al-J.hiz
ms. Gha.tafdn i) fa-taki#nu Mukhtadrdtfusil, f. 2o4a (. .fa-yaqtasimznabum, li-kadhd..). In al-Zubayr b. al-J.hiz: li-l-Mughiratiwa-Banf 'Amirin li-kadhd, wa-Tamimun Bakkar'sNasabpQuraysh, f. 128 b. an interestingreportis given about the allotment ms. of the clans of Quraysh. They (i.e. the Quraysh)used to give them clothes in which the they used to circumambulate Ka'ba; they (i.e. the Bedouins) used to throw away the clothes which they wore when they came to Mecca. The host (i.e. the clan who lodged the Bedouins frequenting Mecca) used to get (scil. a share of) the meat of the slaughteredcamels. The Bana Fazdra alighted in the house of al-Mughira b. 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. Makhziim. The first who prevented him (i.e. alMughira)to get (his share of) the slaughteredcamel was Khushaynb. La'y al-Fazari al-Shamkhi.. ; comp. Ibn Abi 'l-Hadid: Sharhnahjal-balighaIV, 296; and see Ibn not The word harim recordedin the vocabularies z282z Durayd:al-Ishtiqdqp. as "payment for Quraysh from the alighting Bedouins" is recorded in the story of (Z.uwaylim). Zuwaylim reported by al-Baladhuriin his Ansdb, ms. f. i i oia. The quoted verse is of interest: mana'nd Ouraysbin harimahd Wa-nahnu amin bi-Makkata,ayydma wa-1-nabri 'l-tahdluqi Al-Balddhurirecords also the story of 'Amr b. Jdbir b. Khushayn who used to get b. from every captive of the Ghatafan z camels. That was stopped by 'Arin (comp. the version of Ibn Durayd, ib.). .Zuwaylim
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remainedLaqdh,independent. They did not pay any tax and to them were entrustedthe functions of rifida, siqaya,etc. In a third passage repeatsonce more that all Qurayshwere al-J.hiz Hums, devoted to their din,a fact which prevented them from raiding, capture, intercoursewith captive women and from burying alive their female babies. Once more al-Jaihiz emphasizesthat the Quraysh gave not their daughtersin marriage unless on the condition that the children would become They were compelled--dwelling in a barren .Hums. valley-to find means of livelihood and they got the 1ldfand made
journeys to kings.." 1).
In a fourth passageof al-J~ihiz reportabout the lHumsis repeated. the But there are some details which deserve attention. Mentioning the reports that the merchants went to (the land of) caravans-al-J.hiz Qaysar in Byzantium,to al-Najashiin Abyssinia, and to al-Muqauqis in Egypt. It is the only case in which Egypt is mentionedas destination of the merchantsof Mecca.Al-Jahizdrawsin this passagea line between the Hums of Qurayshand the converted of the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a and al-HIrith b. Ka'b. The Quraysh, being Hums, refrained from .Hums raiding, whereas the tribes who accepted the ideas of the Hums continued to raid, to have intercoursewith capturedwomen and to take spoils. But Quraysh remained courageous 2). Ibn al-Faqih's account records that KhuzI'a, 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a, Thaqif and "men of tribes" embraced the creed of the Hums. He records the tradition about the condition imposed on the nobles of the tribes marryingthe daughters of Qurayshand gives details about the restrictionsimposed on the pilgrims, not belonging to the lHums. They had to leave their travelling provision when entering Mecca, to take off their clothes which they wore outside the area of Mecca and to wear clothes of the lHaram(buying the clothes or borrowing them or as gifts). If they did not find clothes of the they per.Haram
ms. f. I6b. seq. i) Mukhtaratfus.il, al-qulib, z) al-J.hiz: Mukbhtdrtffuil,ms. f. 20o8b.seq.; comp. al-Tha'alibi:Thimdr al-J.hiz: p. 8 seq. (Ablu 'lldb); (significant is the expression wa-sird bi-ajma'ihim tujjdran kbulata' a).
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M. J. KISTER
naked.They obliged the pilgrims to start formed the circumambulation the ifda?a from al-Muzdalifa.They were laqdh, they did not pay any tax,
nor did any king rule over them 1).
Y~qditmentions the Hums. According to him Quraysh gained for the idea of the lHums: Kindna, Jadilat Qays, Fahm and 'Adwdn, Thaqif and 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a. He records the hardship which they imposed on themselves, the restrictions imposed on the pilgrims, and emphasizesthat the people of Mecca were laqdh. Kings of Himyar, Kinda, Ghassdnand Lakhm used to perform the pilgrimage to Mecca and obeyed the lHumsof Quraysh, considering as obliging to respect
them.. 2).
Mecca is mentioned as Ddr al-Hums in the verses attributed to a Kahin of the Lihb 3) in the record of al-Halabi.Al-Halabimentionsthe conditions of marriageof the Qurayshand their renouncingof raiding, which is connected with pillaging and rape4). Sources give details about the rites of the IHumsand of the imposed hardships5). They performed the wuqzifat al-Muzdalifainstead of at to 'Arafdt6). They confined themselves during the .hajj the boundaries of the IHaram. During the hajj they did not eat meat, nor did they preparecurd, they did not stay in the shade of a house, they did not enter their houses through their doors 7), etc. It is evident that by the hardship imposed on themselves they wanted to express their connects veneration for the Ka'ba and the Haram. Al-Zamakhshari with the root hrm. They acquiredtheir distinct position the root .hms
i) Ibn al-Faqih: Kitabal-buldin,p. i8. s.v. al-bulddn, Makka. Yiqait: Muy/am 3) The Lihb were known as men of special knowledge in augury (from the flight of birds) see: Wellhausen: Reste,p. i34; Ibn Durayd: al-Ishtiqdq, 491; al-Suhayli: p. al-Raudal-unufI, I 18. I, 4) al-Halabi: Insdnal-'uy~n1 242. s.v. al-bulddn, "Makka"; p. 5) See Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, i80; Ydqat: Mutjam al-abrdr 162, 150. Ibn al-'Arabi: Alubhdarat I, pp. 6) See Wellhausen: Reste,p. 77; Rathjens:Die Pilgerfahrt, 72-73; but the Prophet did not follow the Hums in their wuqzff-see: al-Dhahabi: Ta'rikhal-IsldmI, 49. 7) But see the contradictory traditions in al-Tabari's Tafs7r(Sztra II, 189) and I, al-Suyati: al-Durr al-imanthzfr 204 seq.
2)
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of sanctitybecausethey dwelt in the Haram.They calledthemselves Ahlu 'lldh That the idea of Hums was in fact connectedwith the 1). cult of the Ka'bais plainlyattested thefact,thattheKa'bawascalled by al-Hamsi' 2). It is evidentthat this link betweenQuraysh the tribesattached and to the Humsinfluenced theirrelations. Caskelremarks the 'Amir that b. Sa'sa'a,being Hums, were on good termswith the inhabitants of Mecca An 'Amiri poet and chief, 'Auf b. al-Ahwasb. Ja'far b. 3). the Kildb,swearson the sacredmonth4) of the BandUmayya, sacred of Quraysh, sacrificed the b. Ja'far,the uncle victims5). Khilid places of 'Auf, is said to have been the first who coveredthe Ka'bawith brocade whichhe got froma caravan lootedby him6). TheKa'b (dibdj) and Kildbof the 'Amirwere calledKa'b and Quraysh KildbQuraysh 7). b. Nuwayraof the Yarbfi'(of Tamim),who belongedto the M~lik Hums, mentionsa group of horsemenwho informedQuraysh(as aboutsomebattle8). 'Ummdr) The Prophethimselfbelongedto the Hums9). He was the .irm7 of 'Iyâ¢d b. Himdral-Mujdshi'i 'l-Tamimi.The Prophetlent him his clothesand 'Iyâ¢d used to perform circumambulation the Ka'ba the of in the clothesof the Prophet 10).
2) al-Fayrizibddi: al-Qdmzs,s.v. hms. A curious explanation is given for the in al-Maghribi's Inds, ms. f. 26b: "They were called IHums, because they refrained .Hums from the service of labour.." 3) EI2, s.v. 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a. 4) i.e. Dhf 'l-hijja. XXXV, 4-5 (ed. Lyall): 5) al-Dabbi: al-Mufa4daliyydt wa-inni wa-'lladhi Qurayshun hajjat Hird'u mabdrimah' wa-mdjama'at Ban7Umayyata Wa-shabri wa-l-hadayd idbabubisat mudarrjahba 'l-dima'u 6) al-Suhayli: al-Raudal-unufI, 77; al-Alasi: Bulzghal-arabI, 234. 7) al-Dabbi: al-Mufaddaliyydt, 2z59(ed. Lyall). p. XXVI, 3 (ed. Ahlwardt); Ibn Abi 8) al-Asma'zyydt Sbarhnahj al-Baldgha IV, 292. 'l-.Hadid: 9) See al-Azraqi: Akhbar (Wiistenfeld) I, 124; al-Suyiti: al-Durr al-manthzir I,
204
al-Fa'iq,s.v. hums. I) al-Zamakhshari:
p. io) See: Muh. b. Habib: al-Muhabbar, I8i; Ibn Qutayba: al-Ma'drif, p. 147;
seq.
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M. J. KISTER
From the traditions quoted above one can gain a rough idea about the Hums. The fundamentalprinciples of the Hums were the inviolathe independence') and neutrality bility of the area of the .Haram, of Mecca. The feeling of security in Mecca is described by one of the nobles of Mecca in the following verses: lahd Fakharnd wa-l-umfiru qardrun
bi-Makkatind wa-bi-l-baladi 'l-bardmi. land Wa-annd ldyurdmu harimun wa-annd nurawwa'u'l-mandmi. fi Id land Wa-annd tusdqu ki'dbun ld 1-khiddmi. khildla 'l-naq'i bddiyatu wa-hddhd ' Ma'ddhalldhiminhddhd 2). fa-inna'Illdha lahfb laysa musdm7 A Bedouincould not accustomhimselfto the quiet life of Mecca;
Qays b. Zuhayral-'Absi said:
ma'dshiru Qurayshin min Tufdkhirun7
bi-Ka'batihim wa-bi-l-bayti 'l-hardmi
Fa-akrim fdkhariwa-ldkin bi-'lladhi 'l-kildmi. ddmiyatu maghdi'l-khayli kulla nun Wa-ta' ft '1-'ajajati yaumin
nubfzra 'l-khaylibi 'l-asali1-dawm'i. A.habbu ilayyamin'ayshin rakhiyyin
al-Muijam al-saghir, p. 3; Ibn al-Jrrid: al-Muntaqi, p. 5oo; al-Baldhuri: Ansdb, ms. f. 98Ia; Ibn HIazm:Jawdmi' al-sira,p. 25 (reporting that he was a cousin of al-Aqra' b. Hdbis); Ibn Hazm: Jambarat ansdb al-'Arab, p. zI9; Ydqfit: Mu'jam al-buldin, s.v. haram; Ibn al-Isdba, N. 6123; Abia Nu'aym: Hilya II, 16 (mentioned as one of the Ahl al-Suffa). .Hajar: Nasab Quraysh, ms. f. 76b; al Mus'ab al-Zubayri: NasabQuraysb, p. 2zo; L.'A., s.v. lqI: Abi 'l-Baq': Manidqib,ms. f. to b; al-Bal1dhuri: Ansdb IV B, i26 (and see
p. Abo 'Ubayd: Kit. al-amwdl, 256; Ibn al-Kalbi:Jamhara,ms. f. 66a; al-Tabarini:
x) The fierce reaction of the Meccans when their independence was threatened can be gauged from the story of 'Uthmn b. Huwayrith. See al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr: "Annotations").
2)
al-Baldhuri:
Ansdb, ms. f. 1094a.
MECCA AND TAMIN
14I
ma'a 'l-Qurashiyyi Harbinau Hishami. bi-'ayshin Wa-md'ayshu'kbniJud'dnin '1-baladi 1) yajurru'I-kha.zafi 'l-tibhmi The observation of some rites and customs was in fact an expression of their veneration of the sanctuaryof Mecca. This organization,including different tribal units-among them units of Tamim, who dwelled in different areas of the peninsula, had a militant character. They were ready to struggle for their ideas of the sanctity of Mecca. The zlif seem to have been built up on the base of Hums. The .Hums were the elite group distinct by their close relationswith the Meccans, by their rites and customs. Both the organizations, the Hums and had economic significance. The religious "colouring" is not surila1f prising 2). were "Hilla".The lHilla includedPeople not belonging to the IHums according to the report of Ibn JHabib-all the Tamim (except Yarbi', Mdzin, I)abba, IHumays,Z'dina, al-Ghauth b. Murr), all the Qays 'Ayldn (except Thaqif, 'Adw~n and 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a), all Rabi'a b. Nizdr, all Qudd'a (except 'IlIf and Jandb), the Ansdr, Khath'am, Bajila, Bakr b. 'Abd Mandt b. Kindna (other divisions of Kindna were Hums), Hudhayl, Asad, Tayy and Bdriq3). These JHilla-when different in their rites during the performing the .hajj--were quite and during the tawaf. A third group mentioned by Ibn Habib i.hrdm were the Tuls, including tribes from al-Yaman and Hadramaut, 'Akk, Ujayb and Iyid 4). The division into the threegroups--Hums, Tuls-is confronted I.illa,
2) Comp. Rathjens: Die Pilgerfabrt,p. 8o (.."Teilweise religi6s getarnt.."). 3) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 179. p. 4) ib.; A special group, which deserves to be mentioned, were the Basl. The word basl denotes ideas similar to the ideas inherent in the word hums:courage, bravery, intrepid fighting on one hand, and the haramthe forbidden on the other hand. The Basl were the 'Amir b. Lu'ayy (or 'Aut b. Lu'ayy, or Murra b. 'Auf b. Lu'ayy). They maintained,that the number of the sacredmonths is 8. The tribes grantedthem security during these months. See al-Kald'i:al-Iktifd', I, 78; Ibn Kathir: al-Bidajya II,
204; I) Ib.
Quraysh, because they were the people of Mecca and Mecca is haram).
L.'A., s.v. bsl; Abfi Dharr: Sharh al-sira (ed. Br6nnle) p. 233 (the Basl were
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M. J. KISTER
by another division. This scheme divides the tribes according to their
recognition of the sanctity of Mecca: (i) the muhrimfinand (2) the
The muhrimfn included the Hums and these tribes of the muhillun. did not IHillawho in fact performed the pilgrimage. The mu.hillâ¢n the sanctityof Meccanor did they respectthe sacredmonths. recognize constituted a real danger for Mecca. These mu.billzin
all Al-Jdhiz counts as mu.hilliin the Tayy and Khath'am(mimman kdina Muhillin says Idyard li-l-.haramiwa-ldli-l-shahri 'l-.hardmi.hurmatan). and as well manyclansof Yashkur, al-J.hiz--werewere enemiesbecauseQud.'a, (different) and their din al-H.rith of their b. Ka'b. They 1). pedigree (different) his uttered famour the thesemuhillfn intercalator declaration, Against of lawfulthe shedding theirblood. "I makelawfulto shedthe making Kill them, whereveryou blood of the Tayy and Khath'am. mu.hilliin, themif they harass meet you"2). mentionsas muhillifn, people who consideredas lawful Al-Ya'qfbi to commitiniquitiesin these markets. They were groupsfrom Asad, b. and 3). Tayy,Bakrb. 'Abd Mandt Kindna of 'Amirb. Sa'sa'a to It is evident,that it was necessary take some steps to guardthe free markets of Meccafrom hostile tribesand unrulyelementslike 4) and robbers. brigands
In fact al-Ya'qiibi states: And among the tribes there were people, to who condemned this and devoted themselves (nasabif anfusahum) the help of oppressed and to prevent bloodshed and committing of iniVII, I) al-Jahiz: al-IHIayawin 216 seq.; comp. al-Najirami:Aymin al-'Arab, p. 12; Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 319 inf. p. min Ansib, ms. f. 9oob (..wa-inni qad ahlaltudimd'a'l-muhillina 2) al-Bal.dhuri: fa-'qtulfihum lakum); of interest wajadtumizhum 'aradlI Tayyinwa-Khath'am idhd haythu is the following verse of al-Hutay'a. Alam akunmuhrimanfa-yakina bayni 'l-mawaddatu wa-baynakumu wa-l-ikhd'u 40, 1.7.). The commentarysays: (Diwdn (ed. T-h-) al-musalimu 'alaykawa-damuka yakramudamubu 'alayhi. 'lladhi al-muhrimu I, z22 (ed. Najaf). 3) al-Ya'qfibi: Ta'rikb 4) Comp. Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar 267 (wa-lam takunfihi (i.e. 'Ukdz) p. wa-ld ,ush/i;run kbufdratun).
MECCA AND TAMIN
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and refrain from it and haram kill. (2) people .haram, respectthe sacredmonths(yz.hrimina (3) 'I-ashhura 'l-.huruma). people set b. sharingthe principle up 3) by Sulsulb. Aus b. Mukhdshin Mu'd-
(The quities. They were called al-Dhdda al-Mu.hrimina Mu.hrimfn, "the Defenders"). They were from the 'Amr b. Tamim, the Banti b. Zayd Mandt (b. Tamim), Hudhayl, Shaybdn and Kalb .Hanzala They used to carry weapons (in the sacred months). The b. Wabara. tribes were divided into people who took off their weapons during the sacred months and (lacuna; apparently:people who carried arms during these months-K). This report of al-Ya'qiibi is of importance;it sheds some light on the role of some groups of Tamim who served in an inter-tribalmilitia, set up to defend Mecca and the marketsof Mecca. One may recall the remarkablepassage of al-Jbhizquoted above 1), in which ilif was explainedas a tax, imposed on the tribes in order to defend Mecca from the "wolves of the tribes", brigands and hostile tribes. It cannot be ruled out that the /lafmight have included some point about a pay for the militia to guard the markets and to guard Mecca. Additional details about this militia are given by al-Marziqi 2): The tribes (al-'Arab) were divided according to three different conunlawful ceptions about the sacredmonths: (i) people who perpetrated these are the who do not respect the sanctity of the deeds; stealin the mu.hillfn, who
Rasa'il runs as follows: i) See p. 119 n. 2 above; the passage in al-Jdhhiz's dhdiika. Wa-qadfassarahu qaumun hi-ghayri ja'ala 'ala ru'iAsi QdjI: innaHdshiman yu'addzfnahd ilayhili-yahmiya ahlaMakkata.Fa-innadhu'biha 'l-qabd'ii'dard'iba bina i-'Arabi wa-sa'dika 'i-abyd'i wa-ashdba kdnf Idyu'manina Cald 'i-.tawd'ili wa-ndsun al-'Arabi kdn7ldyarauna min 'l-barami;It siyydma li-1-harami wawa-ld li-l-shahri'l-hardmiqadran, wa-Khath'amin .urmatan mithluTayyin wa-Qudad'ata bni ba'diBalhdrithi Ka'bin". al-AmkinaII, i66. 2) al-Marzicqi: The translationof Hamidullah(Le Prophite,p. 605) is not accurate.He renders 3) the text as follows:.. mais les gens se partageaienten trois groupes a ce propos: ceux qui pratiquaient l'abomination...ceux qui s'en abstenaient..et enfin les fantaisistes (ahl al-ahwd'),partisans du Tamimite.." The text tells about three conceptions according to which people were divided. Wa-kandt al-'Arabuflasbhuri
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M. J. KISTER
wiya b. Shurayfof the 'Amr b. Tamim; it is he who made lawful for them the fight of the mu.hillfn. This tradition transmittedby Ibn al-Kalbi (on the authority of his father)is refuted by Ibn al-Kalbi and Abi Khirdsh.They state: "That is the claim of the Banii Tamim. Certainis in our opinion that it was the Qalammasand his ancestors. And it was he who intercalatedthe months". The refutation of Ibn al-Kalbi and Abii Khirish does not refer to the whole tradition about Sulsul. It refers only to the phrase "and he made lawful to fight the muhilahallaqitdla'l-muhillin fa-innahu
utteredby the interseemsto referto the declaration al-Kalbi lin."Ibn who utteredthis declaration. It was in fact the intercalator calator. out who But it was the group of Sulsul,the mu.hrimifn-dhdda carried
the implicationof this declaration. A peculiartradition recordedby al-Shahrastdni (al-Milal,p. 443-ed.
claimsthat the Qalammas text al-Mutalammis)Umayya b. (in Cureton) was al-Kindn7 of the dinof Tamim('alad ban! dini Tamim). seems The traditionabout the mu.hrimzin-dhdda to be trustworthy.
The Usayyid, the clan of Sulsul, were in close connections with Mecca. Some of the Bani Usayyid came to Mecca, became allies of influential
of families,and families, daughters aristocratic gainedwealth,married was citizensof Mecca.Influential the Usayyidi became family respected
of Nabbdsh.Their houses were in the vicinity of the Ka'ba1). Al-A'shd b. Zurdrab. al-NabbdshmournedNubayh and Munabbih,the two sons
b. of al-Hajjdj 'Amir,killedat Badr The motherof Baghidb. 'Amir 2).
b. Hdshim b. 'Abd Mandf b. 'Abd al-Dar was the daughter of al-
ahlu ha wan shara 'a bu .wa-minhum.. minbum.. iabwd'in: '/-hajti'aldthaldthat .wa-minhum The expression The group set up by Sulsul were not "fantaisistes". lahum Sulsul. ... is ahluhawan not peiorative; it is equal in its denotation to the expression used for the preceding groups. i) al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr: Nasab Quraysh,ms. f. 88b; al-Fdsi: Shifd' al-ghardn (Wiistenfeld, II, I40 seq.). 2) Ibn Hishdm: Sira III, 16; al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr: Nasab Quraysh,ms. f. 182 b; Aba 'l-Faraj:al-Aghint XVI, 6o.
MECCA AND TAMIN
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Nabbash b. Zurdra One of the mountains of Mecca belonged to 1). Ban& Nabbdsh2). A spurious tradition-which may, however, the contain some grain of truth-claims that Aktham b. Sayfi, the famous sage of the Usayyid, acquiredhis wisdom from Qusayy, 'Abd Manif, Hdshim and Abil 3). Another spurious tradition claims that T.lib from 'Abd al Muttalib4). To the Usayyid Aktham learned nasab belonged as well the first (or second) husband of Khadija,Abii Hila. The family of Aus b. Mukhdshinwas a noble one. The descendants of Aus b. Mukhdshinwere the guardiansof the sanctuaryof Shums, the idol worshippedby the Dabba, Tamim, 'Ukl, 'Adiyy and Thaur6). This idol was pulled down by Hind, the son of Khadijaand by Safwin b. Usayyidof the Mukhdshin This SafwdnmarriedDurra,the daugh6). ter of Aba Lahab, and she gave birth to two of his sons Auf and alQa'qd" Mukhashin b. Mu'dwiya b. Jurwa b. Usayyid was called 7). b. al-Hkrithb. Mukhdshinb. Mu'dwiya Dbh 'I-a'wVd8). Sayfi b. Riy.h b. Jurwa b. Usayyid, the father of Aktham was called Dhb or '-.hilm Dhib'l-aubdr of the copious herds he possessed)9). Rabi'a b. (because Mukhdshinand his father were respected "judges of the Mukh.shin tribes" 10). is attributedwas Sulsul to whom the setting up of the mu.hrimin-dhida in very close relations with Mecca: he was in charge of the mausim
and a judge at 'Ukz x11).
al-Zubayr b. Bakkir, op. cit., ms. f. 89b; al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri:Nasab Quraysh in Suhayli's al-Raud p. 254; and see the discussion about the writer of the saâ¢ifa al-unuf I, 2 32. z) al-Azraqi: Akhbdr (Wiistenfeld I, 490); Yqfiqt: Buldin, s.v. Sbayba. 3) al-Majlisi:Bihdral-anwdr 39. VI, 4) Abu l-BaqI': Maniqib,ms. f. 96a. Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 316. p. 5)
I)
ansib al-'Arab, p. 199, inf. .Hajar: 7) Ibn Hazm:Jambarat al-Hamddni:Iklil I/II, ms. f. 178a (Mukhdshin);Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 8) p. 134 (Rabi'a b. Mukhdshin). al-Anbdri: Mufaddalyydt (Lyall) 447 (Rabi'd); al-Ya'qabi: Ta'rikh I, 214 (ed. Najaf: Mukhlshin); al-Farazdaq:Diwdn, p. 503, n. 2; Ibn Abi 'l-Hadid: Sharbnabjal-Baldgha 427. III, 9) al-Hamdani:ib. Ibn al-Athir; al-Murassa'(ed. Seybold) p. 82 (also attributed to Aktham). Io) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 134; al-'Askari: Jamharatal-amthil,p. Io04. p.
i i) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, p. 182.
JESHO, VIII Io
6) ib; and see Ibn
al-Isdba, No. 4067, 4071.
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M. J. KISTER
The duties entrustedto Tamimin Meccaand in the marketsof Mecca are a convincing evidence of the important role played by Tamim in establishingof the economic power of Mecca. Tamim were invested in with the ifd/da Mecca itself and with the control of the market of 'Ukdz. 'Ukdz was one of the importantmarketsbecauseherethe public opinion of the tribes could express itself in its literary, political and social aspects1). It was the co-operation with Tamim in the market which helped Qurayshto avoid competition and secured for of the'Uk.z Qurayshthe influencein these markets2). The share of Tamim in the Meccan system is defined by Ibn JHabib as follows: "The leaders (A' imma) of the tribes (after 'Amir b. al-Zarib) in the mawasim and their judges at Tamim. The guardiansof their dinand the 'Ukdz were the BanLY trustees of their qiblawere the Quraysh.The authoritativeinterpreters of the din were the Band Mdlik b. Kindna 3)". Ibn Habib gives a list of chiefs of Tamim who acted both as leaders of the mausim and as (i) Sa'd b. Zayd Mandt b. Tamim, (2) Uanzala b. judges of 'Uk.z. Zayd Mandt b. Tamim, (3) Dhu'ayb b. Ka'b b. 'Amr b. Tamim, (4) Mdzin b. Mdlik b. 'Amr b. Tamim, (5) Tha'laba b. Yarbii' b. Hanzala b. Mdlik b. Zayd Mandt,(6) Mu'dwiyab. Shurayfb. Jurwa b. Usayyid b. 'Amr b. Tamim, (7) al-Adbat b. Quray' b. 'Auf b. Ka'b b. Sa'd b. Zayd Mandt,(8) Sulsul b. Aus b. Mukhdshinb. Mu'~wiyab. Shurayf b. Jurwa b. Usayyid, (9) Sufydnb. Mujdshi'; Sufyan was the last man who combined the two functions: of a judge and a leaderof the mausim. After his death these duties were performedby two differentpersons. Muhammadb. Sufydnperformedthe duties of a judge at 'Ukdz. At the appearanceof Islam the judge was al-Aqra' b. HJbis b. 'Iqdl b. Muhammadb. Sufydnb. Mujdshi'.After Sulsul the "ijdza"of the mausim was entrusted to 'AllIq b. Shihdbb. La'y of the 'Uwdfa (of the Banti
i) Comp. al-Marzu-qi:al-Amkina II, I65, 170; al-Marziiqi: Sharb al-Hamisa, pp. p. 15 14; Wellhausen: Reste,p. 84-87; Buhl: Das LebenMubammeds, 49-50, 105. p. 2) The opinion of Rathjens (Die Pilgerfahrt, 70), that there was competition between the market of Mecca and 'Ukdz seems to be without basis. 3) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 18x inf.; the Mdlik b. Kinana were the clan p. of the intercalators.
MECCA AND TAMIN
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in IbnHazmreports a chapter in omitted theeditionof LeviProvengal6), thatthe Tamimgot the duty of the judgesat 'Ukdzandthe ifdda after it had been performedby 'Adwdn. The last of the 'Adwin were the and The 'Amirb. al-Zarib AbaiSayydra. last manwho performed of ifddaat the appearance Islamwas Karibb. Safwin; the last judge was al-Aqra'b. IHbis. The Tamiminheritedthe duties of the raminy, nafrandthe ijddafrom Siifa-reportsIbn lHazm. Tamimi by poets recallin theirpoemsthe dutiesperformed Tamim. boastsof the duty of the by Al-Farazdaq performed one of his .hakam ancestors: Wa-'ammin 'khtdrat 'lladhi hukfmatan Ma'addun idhwafau 'ald'l-ndsi ma'd 'Ukdzabihd Huwa'l-Aqra'u kdna 'l-khayru 'lladhJ yabtan7 thdbitin majdin awdkhiya 7) anyunazza'd
i) Zaynab bint 'Allaq b. Shihib b. 'Amr of the Banf 'Uwifa b. Sa'd b. Zayd Mandtwas the grandmotherof 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz (see Ibn al-Mubabbar, p. 27; al-Baladhuri: Ansib, ms. f. Io049 b). His son 'Attab got the.Habib: pay ('a.td') of z,500 dirham by 'Umar (al-Balidhuri, op. cit. f. I05oa; Ibn al-Kalbi:Jambara,ms. f. 83a). 'Alliq is said to have believed in God and in the Day of Resurrection(al-Shahrastani, al-Milal, p. 439, ed. Cureton). 2) See Ibn al-Kalbi: Jamhara,ms. f. 8Ia; Ibn Hazm: Jamharatansdbal-'Arab, p. 208; al-Balidhuri: Ansib, ms. f. o1044a, 957a; Damra b. Jibir b. Nahshal married his daughter Hind (al-Dabbi: Amthal al-'Arab, p. 8). 3) al-Balidhuri: Ansdb, ms. f. 1044 b (but Mdzin is followed by Mu'iwiya b. Shurayf; Sulsul is followed by 'Allaq). 4) Naqd'i~d438 (Tha'laba b. Yarba' is followed by Mu'iwiya b. Shurayf; but Mu'iwiya b. Shurayf is followed by Jurwa b. Usayyid. That is apparently an error; read for thumma: bn). 5) al-Marzfqi: al-AmkinaII, I67. 6) al-Jdsir: Na.ratun ft kitdbiJambaratiansibi 1-'Arabi, RAAD, 95o0, .Hamd p. 248 seq. 7) al-Farazdaq:Divwn, p. 50oz(ed. Sawi).
Sa'd) '). The last man who performedthe duty of "ijlza" when Islam appearedwas Karib b. Safwdn2). on The list of the Tamimi judges given by al-Balddhuri the authority of Ibn Kundsais almostidenticalwith the list of 3). Identical al-Mu.habbar are as well the lists of the Naqdi'id4) and al-Marziiqi's Amkina 5).
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M. J. KISTER
The function of the judge boasts as well Jarir:
'/-hikimrfna Quldkhin 'aald Wa-nahnu dhd 1) wa-l-musdba kafaynd 'l-jarfrati 'ald (Thereis a variant:Wa-nabhnu 2). 'l-.hJkimina 'Ukdzin) A significant verseof Hassdn Thdbit b. refersto the dutiesof Tamim in the markets: min Wa-afd/alu niltum al-majdi md wa-l-'uld 'inda 3) ridafatund '.htiddri 'l-mawdsimi "Andthebestwhichyou gainedfromgloryandloftiness Is (to be) ourhelpersat the attending markets." of This verse is the 14th of a poem of which was an answer .Hass-n, to the poemof the delegation Tamim,whichcameto Meccato meet of the prophet anno 9 H. Arafatanalysedthe poem 4) and came to the conclusion thoughattributed Hassdn, wasactually that it to compoin Arafat not analyse did sed by an Ansdri a laterperiod.Unfortunately as this verse. The conclusion Arafatis, however,not acceptable far of that as this verseis concerned. Takingfor granted therewas an Ansdri this to interested insultthe Tamim-he would not have recalled poet were relationof the Tamimwith Mecca.In latertimeswhen Quraysh for highly respectedin the Islamicsociety-the riddfa Qurayshwas not an insult. "is clearlydivided into Arafatremarksthat the poem of .Hassdn two sections.The firsteightlinesareboastingin the firstpersonplural the in preciselythe same mannerwhich characterizes poems of the The remaining to someof whichwereattributed laterAnsdris .Hassdn. Ddrim" to six lines are threatsand insults addressed the Banfi 5). of the poemcontaining withthe eightverses We areherenot concerned
See Naqd'id, p. 438; Jarir: Diwan, ib.; Ydqfit: Buldtn, s.v. Qulkh. 3) Diwan p. 385 (ed. Barqfiqi). 4) W. Arafat: "An interpretation of the different accounts of the visit of the .Hassan: Tamim delegation to the Prophet A.H. 9", BSOAS '955, PP. 416-25.
2)
i) Jarir: Diwan, p. 67; Naqd'id, p. 437.
5) ib. p. 422.
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praises of the Ansdr and stressingthe aid of the Ansir for the Prophet. Arafat may be right assuming that these verses were composed by an Ansdriof a later generation.But why did an Ansdriof a later generation slanderthe Tamim in such a vehement manner. To start with, one may observe that the six verses of Hassln (9-14) are an answerfor the poem of al-Zibriqin b. Badr1). In the four verses recorded al-Zibriqdnpraises his tribe and their deeds. The verses of for lHassinform, in fact, an answer, a naqkla the verses of al-Zibriqdn. The verse of quoted above forms an answer for the first verse .Hassin of al-Zibriqdn: Atayndkakaymiya'lama'l-ndsu fadland 'inda idhd 'l-mawdsimi '.htiddri came to "We'.htafalIzyou in order that people may know our excellence When they rally attending the markets". The verse seems to point to the duty of the Tamim performed in the markets. The answer of Hassdn-on behalf of the Prophet-is explicit: you were merely our chamberlains, ardaf, at these markets. That is the utmost of excellence which you could attain. It would be, in fact, probablybetterto put this verse afterverse io of the poem. That refutesthe claim of the excellence would give 3 verses in which IHassdn
of the Tamim. The three other verses (11-13) would form the unity
of threat and urge to embraceIslam. The violent insults in the verses of IHassdnare not surprising. was known as the poet who mentioned in his verses in the .Hass~n defense of the Prophet the faults of his opponents, their lost battles and some flaws in their pedigree2). Arafat refuting the authenticity of the verses of Hassin remarks: "However, it is doubtful whether it would be in keeping with the
i) Ibn Hishim: Sira IV, z Ii; two verses are quoted in al-Marzubdni's Mudjam al-sbu'ard',p. 299 and attributedto 'Ut~ridb. IHjib (attributedas well to al-Aqra'
b. Habis). III, II, 376; al-Zurqdni: Sbarbal-mawabib 2) al-Dhahabi: Siyar a'ldm al-nubald' 376.
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M. J. KISTER
of character the Prophet, alwaysa great statesman,to allow such insults and threats to be used on such an occasion against the well known
of of representatives a greattribe"1). The argument Arafatis a sound answerto the one. But thereis a reportwhichmay give a reasonable to by According an accountgiven in the questionput forward Arafat. of therewas a contestbetweenal-Aqra' the Tamim SiraJHalabiyya 3) 2) which and Hassan(mufdkhara), was attended the Prophet. by Al-Aqra' with his naqida. Prophet, The recitedhis poem and responded the verses of.Hassan said to al-Aqra':"You did not need hearing .Hass-n, to of kunta (laqad ghaniyyan) be reminded thingswhichyou understand that people alreadyforgot". This utteranceof the Prophet-says alKalbi-was more gravefor al-Aqra'than the versesof was .Hassan. that It is not surprising this verse(14)of Hassan omittedin later sources.The duty of Tamimfell in oblivionand was mentioned only had ceasedto The old markets already by earlyIslamicTamimipoets. of exist. The verse could not serveas argument boastingor of insult. of The moderncommentary Barqi-qi gives the followingexplanation: becauseif you embrace "It is betterfor you (says Islam-you .Hassan) because would gain the highestglory (sharaf), you will attendwith us and all gatherings thatis the best thingyou striveat"4). This explanamd does not denotefuture, tion is hardlyacceptable. Wa-aftdalu niltum anno but past. The versewas, in fact, an insultin the time of .Hassan, in 9 H.: you were merelyhelpersof ours (of Quraysh) the markets. of the seconddivision)describe VersesI -Iz of the poem (verse 3 "If a realsituation. you havecometo saveyourlives andyourproperty lest you be dividedamongthe booty, then admitno rivalto God, and attireto thatof foreigners" and becomeMuslims wearnot a similar 5).
x) Arafat, op. cit., p. 423. z) al-Halabi: Insdnal-'uyin,III, 228-29. 3) It is more plausible that the verses of the Tamimi poet may be attributed to al-Aqra' or 'Utirid b. HIjib. It is hardly conceivable that the Sa'di ka-Dirimi. al-Zibriq.n The verses would have praised the Ddrim: wa-anlaysaft ardi '1Ij.diZi of Hassin are as well addressed to the Ddrim: Bani Darimin, d tafkharz. 4) IHassin: Divwn, ib. 5) Arafat, op. cit., p. 423.
MECCA AND TAMIN
15 I
in The situationreferred in these versesis plainlymentioned the to that The versesof al-Farazdaq. threatof Hassdn the Tamimiprisoners as have been sold in the markets-cannotbe considered a void might threat.Al-Farazdaq boastsof the Ddrim: rasili 'ldhi idhshadda Wa-'inda qabdahu addhimuh wa-mulli'a asrdTamimin min Farajnd 'l-asrd 'l-addhima md ba'da 'ani wa-'shtaddat shakd'imuh 1) 'alayhim takhamma.ta that In another stresses the freeingof the captives poem al-Farazdaq of was due to the intercession al-Aqra'with the Prophetfor them.
sawwdrin 'l-majdi, ild .hdyimi. bi-khu.t.tati Lahfatlaqa '1-asrd fi .hibdlihi 'llati
' HIdbisin Wa-'inda rasili 'lldhiqdmabnu
f7 mughallaqatan a'ndquhd 'I-addhimi. 'calayhim Kafdummahdti 'l-khd'Jifina ausihdma 'ald'a1-mufddZ 1-musdhimi2).
A tradition recorded on the authorityof al-Kalbi (forming a for of commentary these verses) states that al-Aqra'interceded the b. captivesof the 'Amr b. Jundabb. al-'Anbar 'Amr b. Tamimand The Prophetfreed the captivesand promisedto pay the bloodwit. al-Aqra'paid the bloodwiton behalfof his people3). The verses of Hassin aboutTamimseemto be authentic. One may agreewith Arafataboutthe inferiority these versesof of that is not a sufficient proof that these verseswere not .Hassdn-but JHassin. in Suchversesare not surprising politicalha-d'. composedby The problemof the delegationof Tamimdeservesto be treated separately. The seculardutiesof Tamimat the market,discussedabove, were
i) al-Farazdaq:Diwdn, p. 767; Naqd'ia4, 748. p. a'niquhd). z) al-Farazdaq:Diwdn, p. 862; Naqd'id, p. 747 (mughallalatan 3) Naqi'id, p. 747; it is significant that versions "L", "O" of the Naqa'id have au sibhma resembling closely the expression of the verse of 1-muqdsimi .HassZn.
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M. J. KISTER
complemented by remarkableduties performed by the relatives of Tamim during the festivities of the pilgrimage.The SPraof Ibn Hishdm supplies the following account about the Tamimi leaders at the pilgrimage festivities: "Al-Ghauth b. Murr b. Udd b. al-Ya's b. Mudar used to give permission to men on pilgrimageto leave 'Arafa,and this function descended to his children after him. He and his sons used to be called Safa. Al-Ghauth used to exercise this function because his mother was a woman of Jurhum who had been barren and vowed to Allah that if she bore a son she would give him to the Ka'ba as a slave to serve it and to look after it. In course of time she gave birth to al-Ghauthand he used to look after the Ka'ba in early times with his Jurhum uncles and presided over the order of departurefrom 'Arafa because of the office which he held in the Ka'ba. His sons carriedon the practiceuntil they were cut off. Murr b. Udd, referring to the fulfilment of the mother's oath, said: O Lord, I have made one of my sons A devotee in Mecca the exalted. So bless me for the vow fulfilled, And make him the best of creaturesto my credit. Al-Ghauth, so they allege, used to say when he sent the people away: O God I am following the example of others. If that is wrong the fault is Qudj'a's. Yahyd b. 'Abbdd b. 'Abdullah b. al-Zubayrfrom his father 'Abbid said: Soifaused to send the people away from 'Arafa and give them permission to depart when they left Mini. When the day of departure arrivedthey used to come to throw pebbles, and a man of Siifa used to throw for the men, none throwing until he had thrown. Those who had urgent business used to come and say to him: "Get up and throw so that we may throw with you", and he would say, "No, by God, not until the sun goes down"; and those who wanted to leave quickly used to throw stones at him to hurry him, saying, "Confound you,
MECCA AND TAMIN
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get up and throw". But he refused until the sun went down and then he would get up and throw while the men threw stones with him. When they had finished the stoning and wanted to leave Mini, fa held both sides of the hill and kept the men back. They said: "Give .Sthe order to depart, Safa". No one left until they had gone first. When Safa left and had passed on, men were left to go their own way and followed them. This was the practiceuntil they were cut off. After them the next of kin inherited. They were of B. Sa'd in the family of b. Shijna. It was Safwdn who gave permission Safwdn b. to the pilgrims to depart from 'Arafa, and this right was maintained al-.HIrith them up to Islam, the last being Karib b. Safwdn. by Aus b. Tamim b. Maghrd'al-Sa'di said: The pilgrims do not quit their halting-placeat 'Arafa Until it is said, "Give permission O family of Safwdn1)". The verses of Aba Maghrd' are often quoted and the importance of the duty of Karib b. SafwIn is stressed2). It is a significantverse of Aus b. Maghri':
Tard thindnd,idhd mdjdi'a, bad'ahumrn in 'wa-bad'uhum, atdnd, kina thunydnda3)
The yijda of Safa is mentioned in the verses of Murra b. Khulayf:
Idhidmd ajiat min athu 'l-naqbar Minan .Sf fauqahi safa'u 'l-dami wa-/dhaqutdrun
wa-taba"athat 'ajilan 'l-i'dba Ra'aytu
'alaiya dan'd'inli-l-Rabdbi wa-Kalthami4)
The two poets of Tamim, al-Farazdaqand Jarir mention boasting
i) Ibn Hisham: Sira I, I25 seq.; the translationof the whole quoted passage is taken from Guillaume: The Life of Muhammad, 49-50; comp. Ibn Kathir: al-Bip. dayaII, 20o6. 2) al-Mubarrad:Nasab, p. 9; Muh. b. Habib: al-MAluabbar, I83; al-Baldhuri: p. Amdi, II, 176; al-Bakri:Simt, p. 795-96; Ibn Qutavba: Ansdb, ms. f. Io44a; al-QMli: al-Shi'r, p. 264; Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi: al-'lqd al-faridII, 222; Ibn Abi 'l-IHadid: Sharh III, nahjal-baldgha 426. Ibn Walldd:al-Maqsr7r wa-/-mamd7id, 24. p. 4) al-Marzubini: Muijam al-shu'ard', p. 382. 3) L. 'A., s.v. th . n ._y.
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KISTER
the y*da of their tribe 1) in Mecca. A verse of al-Farazdaqabout the of iydZa Tamim was considered as unsurpassed(afkhar)in boasting:
min 'l-ndsu habata 'l-Muhassaba Minan Idhd
min yaumi 'l-nahri .haythu 'arraff# 'ashiyyata Tard'l-ndsa sirnd md yasfrzrna khalfand
nahnu ild wa-in 2) waqqafzi auma'nd '-na-si
Jarir says:
'l-bajfji 'alaykum land Wa-jawwdZu 'l-makdrimi wa-l-mandri 3) wa-'ddidyyu
(called al-Rabit, or Sifa) is recorded by Ibn al-Kalbi: Jambara,ms. f. 6oa (they perished; Muh. b. Habib: Mukhtalifal-qabd'il; al-Balddhuri:Ansdb, ms. f. 956b; Ibn Qutayba: al-Ma'drif, p. 34 (al-Ghauth b. Murr moved to al-Yaman and were called Siifa);al-Kali'i: al-Iktifd',I, 132 seq.; and see Wellhausen:Reste,p. 77; Caetani: Annali I, p. Io5 (79). There are however contradictory traditions about Sfifa. Al-Azraqi: Akhbar (Wiistenfeld, I, iz8) reports that the men, who were entrusted with the duty of the ifjda were descendants of Sifa, whose name was Akhzam; he was from the Mdzin b. Asad. Al-Ghauth b. Sffa, the son of Slfa and a woman from Jurhum,was entrusted of the Khuzd'a. His descendants performed the ifdc/a with the ijada by in the times of Jurhum and Khuzi'a till they perished. In the times of Quraysh .Hubshiyya the ifjIda passed to the 'Adwtn (of Qays 'Aylhn), to Zayd b. 'Adwan. The last man, who performed this duty when Islam appearedwas Abfi Sayyara. Al-Maqdisi (Kit. al-Bad' IV, I z7-ed. Huart) records that Sofa were a group from Jurhum, given the privilege of the yijaa. They were defeated in the battle with Qusayy. was in the beginning entrustedto people from Khuzd'a, Ydqft reportsthat the yij/za to 'AdwAn and became the privilege of Abai SayyAra;finally it became the passed s.v. Thabir). privilege of al-Ghauth b. Murr b. Udd (al-Bulddn, In another passage Ydqft reports that a group of Jurhum, called Stfia, used to perform the yijda. The poet said about them: Wa-ld ft yarimdna '/-ta'rjfimauqi'abum dia hattadyuqdla: "aizzgd S'zafdnd" s.v. Makka).The privilege passed to Khuzd'a,was latertransferred (Yaqiat:al-Buldan, to 'Adwvn (Abil Sayydra).Qusayy removed Abca Sayyara and his people. p. According to al-Sijistdni(al-Mu'ammarin, 5i ed. Goldziher) Sfifaperformedthe duty of the yijda one day; on another day the duty was performed by 'Adwdn. (see n. 34 of Goldziher.) z) Ibn Rashiq: al-'UmdaII, I37; al-'Askari: Diwdn al-Ma'dni,I, 78; al-Farazdaq: Diwan, p. 5667 (ed. al-SAwi; there is a misprint: auma'ndild 'l-ndri,instead of ild 'l-ndsi);but see al-Qdli: al-Amali (Dhayl I19 inf.) and Ibn Rashiq:al-'UmdaII, z69. 3) Jarir: Diwdn, p. 298.
I) The tradition stating that Siifa were the descendants of al-Ghauth b. Murr
MECCA AND TAMIN
15T
of the Al 'Ajjajsaysdescribing multitude the pilgrims: idhd fitru HFattd mi .hdna 'l-suwwami iun lam 1) yfiqami minnajda' ajdZa Theseversesof the Tamimi pointto the aboveco-operapoetsclearly tion between Qurayshand Tamim.The fact that Qurayshinvested Tamim with the two most importantduties in their religions and economiclife: the and the Ji-Za shows thatthe Tamimwere 2) .hukima and renderedconsiderable servicesto in fact strong and influential Mecca. The suggestionof Wellhausen, the granting the !i/dato Stifa of that laterto Tamim-K) shows,thatMeccawas not the centerof the (and seems not to be adequate.Qurayshceded their authorityor .hajja) a clan with invested some dutiesin their territory in the territory or in whichthe exertionof influence vitalfor Quraysh markets), was (the becausethey could in this way more efficiently controlthe activities of the tribesandgainthe security theirterritory. of Therewereprecedents of this kind and this principle already was appliedby the rulers of the borderkingdoms Aboutthe investment somedutiesin the of 4). market,we can gauge from a significantpassage in al-Marziiqi's Amkina 5): bi-tilka Wa-kdna ashrafu yatawafauna ma'a 'l-tujjdri 'l-'Arabi 'l-aswdqi minajlianna kinattardakhu 'l-mulzka li-kullisharzfin li-l-ashrdji, bi-sahbmin
i) al-'Ajjdj:Diwan, p. 6o (ed. Ahlwardt). Festivals, 32-33:Wellhausen: 2) For the ijyaasee: von Grunebaum:Mubammadan p. Reste,pp. 57, 75-8o; about ashriqThabirsee Aba Mishal: Nawadir,p. 452; and see L. 'A., s.v. th b r and Sh r q. 3) Wellhausen: Reste, p. 77: "Das Recht, das Zeichen zum Beginne des Laufes zu geben, die sogenannte IdiZa stand in alter Zeit den Cufa d. i. den Al (afwan zu, nicht den Quraisch (B. Hischdm 7712, 8o5, 825, vrgl, Agh. III, 417, seq.). Das ist bemerkenswert. Hitte Mekka im Mittelpunkt gestanden, so hitten es auch die Quraisch getan; statt dessen wird berichtet, dass sie in der heidnischen Zeit sich gar nicht an der Festversammlung zu 'Arafa beteiligten, sondern erst an einem spiteren Punkte zu der Prozession stiessen". 4) Comp. Ibn al-mughtdlin (Nawrdir al-makt.itat,ed. A. S. Haroin Asmad' 6, 221). But perhaps to read mulayknot malik (ay laysa bi-l-maliki1-timmi). .Habib: 5) al-Marzfqi: al-Amkina,II, 166.
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M. J. KISTER
shai-lfuku/lli baladin siqa baladihi,illd mrinal-arbdahi. Fa-kadna ya.hkduru bihd 'Uktda,fa-inntahuim yatandaifauna minkulli aubin. kdin "And the nobles (leadersof the tribes) used to frequentthese markets with the merchants, because the kings used to allot to every leader (sharif,noble), a share of the profits. The leader of every area used to attend the market of this district, except 'Ukdz, as they flocked to 'Ukaz from every side". This passagegives some idea about the relations between the rulers and the Bedouin chiefs. They were granted some share in the profits. Such apparently was the situation in DMmatal-Jandal, at Hajar, at Suhlr-at Dabd and in other markets, controlled by rulers of client kingdoms in which there were taxes levied. In the same way Quraysh invested the Tamim with the privilege of the leadershipof the market of But this was not based on some paltry reward. was a 'Uk.z this 'Uk.z. free marketwhere no taxes were paid. There is no indication what reward was. The expression a'immatal-'Arab points to some principle of mutual co-operation. As an ideological base served the principle of the respect for the sanctuary of Mecca and the sacred months. It is clearthat the consent of the tribes was necessaryfor the performing of this duty. The control of the marketsand the yidzawere of importancenot only for the tribes. It was of the concern of some rulersas well. This can be gauged from a significanttradition reported by Suhayli: wa-qdla ba'.du kdinat qibalimul/ki Kindata. min inna 'l-Ghauthi naqalati'l-akhbdri wildyata "Some transmittersof historical records say that the appointment of al-Ghauth(b. Murr)was done by the kings of Kinda"1).These Ghauth b. Murr are said to have left for al-Yaman2). The traditions that alGhauth b. Murr emigratedto al-Yamanpoint clearly to their connections with South Arabia. According to tradition, after Sifa were exrith tinguished, the duty was inheritedby the Safwdnb. al-TH~ b. Shijna of the Sa'd, who were next in kin (fa warithahum ba'dihim dhdlikammin One may rememberthat this family had close connections bi-l-qu'dudi).
I) al-Suhayli: al-Raud al-unuf I, 84 inf. 2) See above, p. 154, n. i.
MECCA AND TAMIN
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57
with the Kinda family.It was Uwayrb. Shijnawho shelteredsome members of the defeated family of Kinda and was praisedby Imru 'l-Qays. It was Karib b. Safwdnwho refused to join the other clans of Tamim in their attackagainstthe 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a,who belonged to the at the battle of Jabala.One may venture to suggest that there is a grain .Hums, of truth in this tradition. The Kinda co-operatedwith Qurayshin the escort of caravans1) and it is plausible that they influenced at least the appointment of the man and the clan who performed the idzJa. A Sa'di leader and poet, al-Zibriqdnb. Badr, reproacheda man who dared to slanderAbfi Jahl. He said: Abd AtadrJmanhajauta H.abibin salilakhaddrimin sakanfi 'l-bitdha A "Zdda'l-Rakbi"tadhkuru Hishdman am wa-bayta 'lldhi wa-l-balada
1-laqd.ha
2)
The versesexpressloyaltyand respectto the aristocratic Qurashite (AbaiJahl)anddevotionfor Mecca.
The branch of Tamim to whom the function of the judge at
was entrusted werethe Mujdshi' the Ddrim,a claninfluentialUkz. of at the courtof al-Hira 3).
The tradition discussed in this paper give us a rough idea how the clans of Tamim became linked with Mecca: some of them by the organizationof the Hums, some of them by the pacts of 7lif, some of them by getting the authority at the markets and in performing of
the rites of the hajj,some of them by participating the intertribal in militiato guardMecca.
It is plausible that we find in Mecca men from Tamim as and .hulafd' of Tamimi chiefs marriedby leaders of Meccan clans. This daughters
factmaydeserve be stressed. to to According sometraditions, Quraysh
I) Comp. Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, p. 267 (about the market of al-Rdbiya in Hadramaut): "..the Quraysh used to request the escort of Kinda..and the BanQ Akil al-Mur;r gained power, owing to Quraysh, over other people".. 2) Ydqfit: Bulddn, s.v. Makka. 3) See Oppenheim - Caskel: Die Beduinen,III, i66.
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M. J. KISTER
bint refrained from marrying daughters of some tribes. was the of Kalb, the wife of 'Abd al-Rahmdnb. 'AufTum.dir first al-Asbagh Kalbi woman married by a Qurashite. Qurayshdid not enter into marriageswith Kalb 1). About a family of Tamim tradition emphasizes that Quraysh entered into marriageswith this family 2). The wife of the noble Makhzamite, Hisham b. al-Mughira, the
b. motherof the famousAbi Jahl,was Asma'bint Mukharriba Jandal
b. Ubayr b. Nahshalb. Ddrim. She was as well the mother of 'Abdallah b. Abi Rabi'a and (Ayydsh b. Abi Rabi'a 3). (Ayydsh b. Abi Rabi'a4)
b. b. Mukharriba Jandals).'Abdallahb. bint married Asm.' Rabi'amarriedHind bint Mutarrifb. Salamab. MukharSal.ma b. Abi 'Ayyash
riba 6). (Abdallah b. Abi Rabi'a marriedthe daughter of the Tamimi
the b. b. leader (Utdrid HTjib ZurdraLayl1 Abi!Jahlmarried daugh7).
ter of 'Umayr b. Ma(bad b. Zurdra (Ubaydullah b. 'Umar b. al8). bint Khaula married Asmd'bint 'Utdridb. HIjib b. Zurdra9). KhattOb al-Qa('q8b. Ma(badb. Zurdrab. 'Udas marriedTalha b. 'Ubaydallah; her second marriage was with AbTiJahm b. Hudhayfa10). Layli bint
I) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri: Nasab Quraysh,p. 267; al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr: Nasab ms. f. 95 b. Quraysh, 2) al-Balddhuri:Ansdb, ms. f. 989 b: . .kdna sharifanwa-qadnakahatilayhiQurayshun .. fubil al-shu'ard', 3) Ibn al-Kalbi: Jambara,ms. f. 36a, 67b; al-Jumahi: Tabaqdt ms. p. 123; al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr:NasabQuraysh, f. 35a, 140 b; al-Mus'abal-Zubayri: I, pp. NasabOuraysh, 317, 301; al-Wdqidi:Maghdzi, 83-84; Aba 'l-Faraj:al-Aghdni pp. Ansdb,ms. f. 986 b, 804a; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr: 29 seq.; Naqd'iai,p. 607; al-Balddhuri: al-IsdbaVIII, al-Isti'db, p. 495; al-Balddhuri;Ansdb I, 298, 209, 235; Ibn IHajar: Io (No. women). 55 8. al-Isaba,No. 611x 4) See about him: Ibn IHajar: Ibn Hishdm: Szra I, 273; Ibn (Abd al-Barr: al-Isti'(b, p. 705; al-Mus'ab al5) Nasab Quraysh,ms. Zubayri: Nasab 9uraysh, pp. 267, 319; al-Zubayr b. Bakk.r: f. 96a. V, 6) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri: NasabQuraysh,p. 319; Ibn Sa'd: Tabaqdt 28. 7) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri: Nasab Quraysh,p. 318; al-Zubayr b. Bakkar: Nasab Ansib, ms. f. 804 b. ms. .Quraysh, f. 14Ia; Ibn Hajar:al-IsdbaVIII, 182; al-Balddhuri: al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri: op. cit., p. 312; al-Zubayr b. Bakkir, op. cit. f. I35 b. 8) p. 9) al-Jumahi: Tabaqitfuihilal-shu'ard', 488 n. 3. Ansib, ms. Io) al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr, op. cit., ms. f. i i8a, 17Ia; al-Bal.dhuri: f. 871a; al-Mus(ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., pp. 372, 281; Ibn IHajar: al-Isiba VIII, 71 III (No. 371); Ibn Said: Tabaqdt I, 152; V, 120; VI, 147 (ed. Leiden).
MECCA AND TAMIN
I 59
Mas'id b. Khdlid b. MIlik b. Rib'i b. Sulmi b. Jandal b. Nahshal married 'Ali b. Abi Tdlib; her second marriage was with 'Abdallah b. Ja'far b. Abi Tdlib 1). 'Aqil b. Abi Tdlib married the daughter of the Sa'd b. Zayd Mandt2). The daughters of Sindnb. al-.Hautakiyya of al-Zibriqdn b. Badr married Sa'd b. Abi Waqqas, al-Musawwir b. Makhramaal-Zuhri, 'Amr b. Umayya b. al-Haal-.HJrith al-.Damri, kam b. Abi 'l-'As b. Umayya b. 'Abd Shams, 'Uthmdnb. Abi 'l-'As, b. Abi 'l-'As, Umayyab. Abi 'l-'As 3). al-.Hakam al-Asghar,'Abd Umayya,Naufal and Ama were the children Umayya of 'Abd Shams b. 'Abd Mandf, born by his wife, 'Abla bint 'Ubayd b. Jddhilb. Qays b. Hanzalab. Malikb. Zayd Mandt;their descendants
were called al-'AbalJt 4). Naufal b. 'Abd Mandf b. Qusayy married
Fukayhabint Jandalb. Ubayrb. Nahshalb. Ddrim5). One of the wives of al-Muttalib b. 'Abd Mandf b. Qusayy was Umm al-HJIrith bint b. Yarbi' b. Hanzala b. Mdlik b. Zayd Mandt6). b. Salit al-.Hirith Khalaf married a Tamimi woman, Salmd bint 'Auf; she b. Umayya gave birth to 'Ali b. Umayya killed at Badr7). Wahb b. 'Uthmdn b. Abi Talha of the 'Abd al-Ddr b. Qusayy marriedSu'da bint Zayd b. Laqit of the Mdzin b. 'Amr b. Tamim8). Harb b. Umayya married
a Tamimi woman 9).
Ndfi' b. Tarif b. 'Amr b. Naufal b. 'Abd MandfmarriedGhaniyya bint Abi Ihdb b. 'Aziz b. Qays b. Suwayd b. Rabi'a b. Zayd b. 'Abd
b. Ddrim 10). Abfi Ihab was a descendant of Suwayd b. Rabi'a who
i) Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, ms. f. 9a: al-Bal1dhuri's Ansdb, ms. f. 153a: al Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., pp. 44, 83; Ibn JHajar: al-Isdba No. 8404; Ibn Sa'd: Tabaqat III, 19. 2) al-Bal1dhuri: Ansib, ms. f. 154a, 105 oa. al-Sadfisi: Hadhf, p. 30; al-Bal1dhuri: Ansab, ms. f. 345, 8o6; Abft 'l-Faraj: Aghdn I,
3) al-Bal1dhuri:Ansdb, ms. f. Io44a; al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., p. 169. ms. 4) Ibn al-KalbiJamhara, f. i16; al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri,op. cit., p. 98; Mu'arrij
82. 5) al-Mus'abal-Zubayri:op. cit., p. 198; al-Bal1dhuri:Ansdb,ms. f. 8o8a(Kuhayfa bint Jandal-not Fukayha); Ibn al-Kalbi:Jamhara,ms. f. 2ia. 6) Ibn al-Kalbi:Jambara,ms. f. 2o; al Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., pp. 44, 83; Ibn
IHajar:al-IsidbaNo. 8404; Ibn Sa'd: Tabaqat III, 19. 7) al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr, op. cit., f. 176 b; al Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., p. 387 inc.
8) al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr,op. cit., f. 88a. 9) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri,op. cit., p. 123.
io) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., p. 204.
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killed a son of the ruler of al-Hira and escaped to Mlecca.He became an ally of the Naufal b. 'Abd Mandf. The grandfatherof Ghaniyya, 'Aziz b. Qays marriedFdkhitabint 'Amir b. Naufal b. 'Abd Manif 1). AbCiIhdb b. 'Aziz, the father of Ghaniyya married Durra bint Abi Lahab, the uncle of the prophet2). The daughterof Abii Ihdb married 'Abd al-Rahmdnb. 'Attdb b. Asid b. Abi 'l-'ls b. Umayya b. 'Abd
Shams 3).
The granddaughterof Abii Lahab, Durra bint 'Utba b. Abi Lahab marrieda Tamimi: Hind b. Hind b. Abi HIla the grandson of Khadija from her first (or second) husband, the Tamimi Abri Hdla4). The daughter of Naufal b. al-Hdrith b. 'Abd al-Muttalib5) married the Tamimi Hanzalab. al-Rabi'a,the secretaryof the Prophet6), the nephew
of Aktham b. Sayfi 7).
The list of the Tamimi women who married the men of the aristocratic families of Quraysh is not comprehensive at all. There seems to have been a considerable number of Tamimi women who married the sons of distinguished families of Mecca. It points to the close relations between Quraysh and Tamim. These marriages may have been intended to strengthen the ties with the chiefs of Tamim, who contributed considerably to strengthen the position of Mecca
in the tribalsociety.
i) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., pp. 204, 420; al-Zubayr. b. Bakkar, op. cit., f. I86a; AbO'l-Baqd', op. cit., f. i5ob. 2) Ibn al-Kalbi: Jamhara, ms. f. ii6 b. 3) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., p. 193. 4) Ibn al-Kalbi:Jamnhara, ms. f. i i 8b. 5) See about him: Ibn Hajar: al-Isiba, No. 8827. 6) Ibn al-Kalbi: Jamhara, ms. f. i i 8a. 7) See about him: Ibn Hajar: al-Isaba, No. 1855.
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