tombstone-full.pdf A Broken Tombstone With an Arabic Inscription M.J. KISTER The Hebrew University of Jerusalem IN 1964, the late Dr. Arieh Y. Klausner found a broken tombstone (Fig. I) in a field close to Or ha-Ner in the northem Negev. It measured 30 cm. wide at the base, 39.5 cm. wide at the top, 43 cm. high on the left side and 34 cm. high on the right, and its thickness was 6.5 cm. It may be assumed that the stone was engraved in the fourth or fifth century A.H., but I do not feel competent to date it more precisely. The name of the deceased person does not appear in the five lines of the inscription; it may have appeared in one of the lines missing from the upper part of the stone. The following is my suggestion as to how the extant part of the inscription should be read: [~ La..aJ\ ~\ [~1..9 ~~ [oJ-.Lly l..JtS:j u.,ll .3 \.c.) W ~ 1LCL.,...9 .4 .)..J[---1 .1 ~ w~\...9.2 w.p 1l:'~l9 .5 '[-] --and fate and passing away came swiftly to him, and death effaced the charms [of his face.] [Both] his birth and the mourning [for his death were heard as] a clamour. He cried out, and was answered by a clamour. ' Early collections of Arabic poetry contain verses of similar content, expressing a gloomy view about the inescapable destiny of death. Some verses ascribed to Abu 1- 'AHihiya (d. 210 H.) with the qiifiya 'tu' convey the Fig. l. The broken tombstone. * This article is dedicated to the memory of Dr. Arieh Klausner. 164 M.J. KISTER same idea and use the same rhyme - fawt, mawt.1 'Hearken, for the clamour has heralded [as follows]; "If you do not hurry, there will be a slipping away. Take possession of everything you wish and live in safety. The end of all this is death." , Two verses of similar character are recorded in Lisiin al-:ﺕﻭﻡ ﻩﻡﺕﺍﻡﻭ.ﺩﻝﻭﻡ ﻥﺍﻙﻑ‬ As this paper shows, the tombstone poetry. fits well into the tradition of Early Arabic 

sirah.pdf THE SIRAH LITERATURE Sirah literature (biography of the Prophet), inspired as it was by the imposing personality of the Prophet and bearing the marks of the stormy political events of the conquests, of the social changes in the Muslim community and of the struggle of the different factions, came into being in the period following the death of the Prophet. It developed in the first half of the first century of the hijrah, and by the end of that century the first full-length literary compilations were produced. The development of Sirah literature is closely linked with the transmission of the Hadith and should be viewed in connection with it. Most of the reports about utterances and orders of the Prophet were, during his lifetime, transmitted orally, and few of them seem to have been written down. Although some accounts about the recording of the utterances, deeds and orders dictated by the Prophet to his Companions are dubious and debatablel and should be examined with caution (and ultimately rejected), some of them seem to deserve trust. The pacts which the Prophet concluded with the different groupings in Medina after his arrival in that city were apparently written down so as to serve as the legal basis for their communal life. His letters to rulers, governors and chiefs of tribes are recorded in some of the compilations of the Sirah. The Sirah also contains accounts of pacts concluded between the Prophet and conquered tribes or localities and of grants bestowed upon tribal leaders. Information about tax-collectors appointed by the Prophet was conveyed to the tribal units to which they were dispatched. The news about the victories of the Prophet and his conquests were widely circulated in the vast areas of the Arabian Peninsula. All this material came to form an essential part of the Sirah. In addition to this, the affection of the Companions of the Prophet and 1 E.g., on the sahifah of' Ali, cf. Ahmad b. 1:1anbal,Musnad, II, nos 1306, 1307, 1297. The Prophet did not single out the' Alids by anything not granted to others; the only thing hy which they were singled out was the sahifah attached to the scabbard of' Ali's sword (or in other sources that of the Prophet or that of 'Umar). It contained some short utterances about taxes imposed on camels (or, according to some, sheep), about the sanctity of Medina, the obligation to give protection to the People of the Book, etc. 352 THE SIRAH LITERATURE 353 their loyalty, respect and awe for him, in contrast to the attitudes, customs and practices of other communities towards their rulers, leaders and chiefs, constituted a favourite topic of conversation at the gatherings of his Companions as well as of his enemies, and were embodied into the compilations of the STrah. The daily contacts of the Prophet with his family and relatives, his adherents and adversaries, formed the subject matter recorded by the transmitters. The STrah aimed at giving information about the men who aided the Prophet loyally and faithfully, about stubborn opponents and enemies who persecuted him and those who later fought him, about hypocrites who concealed unbelief and hatred in their souls and about Companions who suffered and fought for him. Consequently the STrah became a record of the life of contemporary society, reflecting as it did the mutual relations between tht> Prophet and this society. Every member of this society is therefore assessed as to his virtues, views and actions and is placed on a graded scale according to his rank as believer, fighter, adherent and supporter, or as enemy or hypocrite. It is thus plausible that, in the early compilations of the STrah, people eagerly compiled lists of the first men who embraced Islam, the first who suffered for the cause of Islam, the first who emigrated to Abyssinia, the first Medinans who gave the oath of allegiance, the men who opposed the Prophet in Mecca, etc. Later special treatises dedicated to such subjects, the awa'il, were compiled.2 The careful evaluation of the deeds and actions of the Companions of the Prophet gave rise to the compilation of biographies of the ~a4abah. Furthermore, certain passages in the Qur'an, pointing to some events in the life of the community, required explanation and elucidation. It was necessary to specify to what people or events certain expressions or phrases referred. For an interpretation to be reliable in the opinion of the Muslim community it had to be based on an utterance ascribed to the Prophet or to one of his Companions. These utterances, stories or reports expounded the background and the circumstances of the verses of the Qur'an, establishing to whom they referred and providing details of the event recorded. These groups of Traditions, forming an essential part of the Sirah, developed into an independent branch of Quranic exegesis, the asbab al-nuziil (" the reasons for the revelations "). The lengthy passages from the early Tafsir of al-KalbI recorded by Ibn Tawiis,3 the bulk of Traditions transmitted on this subject of the asbab al-nuziil by many scholars in their commentaries bear evidence to the richness of this material and its role in the interpretation of the Qur'an. On the other hand the Sirah compilations recorded verses of the Qur'an, providing corresponding 2 For the aw;li/literature, cf. Sezgin, GAS, I, 176, 196, l zz. 3 Sa'd, 20 9-20. 354 THE SiRAH LITERATURE material of the circumstances of the revelation. The development of Sirah literature thus ran on parallel lines with that of the Tafsir, intertwining and overlapping, corroborating and sometimes contradicting it. EARLY COMPILATIONS A subject of considerable importance in the formation of Sirah literature, comprehensively dealt with also in some commentaries on the Qur'an, was the stock of stories about the creation of the world, as well as about the messengers and prophets mentioned in the Qur'an, who were sent by God to different peoples. These stories were extended and supplemented by additional material derived from Jewish, Christian and Zoroastrian sources, transmitted by converts from these religions to Islam. It is evident that these" biblical stories" had to get the approval of the orthodox circles. This could only be achieved, as is usual in Islam, by an utterance transmitted on the authority of the Prophet. The utterance used in this case (" Narrate [traditions] concerning the Children of Israel and there is nothing objectionable [in that]") legitimized the flood of the "biblical" legends and stories which poured into the domain of Islam. The first compilation of this kind seems to have been the book of Hamrnad b. Salamah (d. 167/783), a contemporary of Ibn Ishaq, entitled Akhbtir Bani Isrii'il. The process of elaborating and enlarging upon the stories of the Qur'an widened the scope of the Muslim conception of history. The biography of Muhammad and the formation of his community were decreed by God before the creation of Adam. Muhammad was destined to be a prophet long before the creation of Adam. Were it not for Muhammad, God would not have created Adam. Nine thousand years before things were created, says a Tradition, God created the Light of Muhammad, This Light turned around the Power (qudrah) and praised Him. From this Light God created a jewel; from this jewel He created sweet water and granted it His blessing. For a thousand years the water raged and could not come to rest. Then, from this Light God created ten things: the Throne, the Pen, the Tablet, the Moon, the Sun, the Stars, the Angels, the Light of the Believers, the Chair and Muhammad, The Light of Muhammad, which resided in the pure ancestors of the Prophet, was transmitted in the line of descendants until it reached the Prophet. God granted Adam the ku,!)ah (honorific name) Abu Muhammad, The name of Muhammad is written on the Throne of God; Adam saw this inscription when he was created. When he committed his sin, he begged God to forgive him by referring to the name of Muhammad, EARLY COMPILATIONS 355 The contact between the Muslim conquerors and the population of the conquered territories, bearers of ancient cultural and religious traditions with a rich lore of prophetical beliefs and stories, brought about the appearance of literature concerning the miracles of the Prophet. Stories about miracles, either performed by the Prophet himself or wrought for him by God, were widely current and were later collected; compilations of stories about his miracles were Amarii! al-nubuwwah, A'Iam al-nubuwwah, Dala'il al-nubuwwah. The miraculous power granted the Prophet by God, and his extraordinary feats, are often compared in these books with the miracles performed by the preceding prophets.! Tradition emphasizes that the Prophet was superior to other prophets in the graces granted to him and the miracles performed by him. God enjoined the prophets to tell their peoples of the appearance of Muhammad and to bid them embrace his faith. The assumption that this genre of the dala'il grew up under the impact of the contact with other faiths is confirmed by the account of a letter sent by Hartin al-Rashld to the Byzantine emperor in which he recorded the "proofs of the prophethood" (a'Iam al-nubuwwah) of Muhammad. The letter was compiled by Abii 'l-Rabi' Muhammad b. al-Layth al-Qurashi after a detailed perusal of the" books of the foreigners". 5 Al-Ma'miin, the son of Harun, is credited with a book entitled A'Iam al-nubuwwah; this seems to be the earliest compilation on this subject. It was followed by a treatise of al-j ahiz (d. 256/870), entitled Dala'il al-nubuwwah,6 and by al-j uzajani's (d. 259/873) Amaral al-nubuwwah. Later Ibn Qutaybah (d. 276/889) compiled his A'Iam al-nubuwwah. Books of dala"'il al-nubuwwah were compiled in the same period by Ibn Abi 'l-Dunya (d. 281/894) and Ibrahim al-Harbl, Other dala"'il books were compiled by al-Firyabi (d. 301/914), Ibrahim b. Harnmad b. Isbaq (d. 323/935), Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Naqqash (d. 351/962), Abii 'l-Shaykh al-Isfahanl (d. 369/979), Muhammad b. 'Ali al-Shashi (d. 365/975) and Abii Hafs 'Umar b. Shahin (d. 386/996). A comprehensive book of dala"'iI, entitled Sharaf al-Mu~(afa, was compiled by 'Abd ai-Malik b. Muhammad al-Khargiishi (d. 407/1016). The" proofs of prophethood " form a considerable part of this compilation; however, it contains extremely rich material about the life of the Prophet. The author touches upon the pedigree of the Prophet, his virtues, his battles, his proverbs, his dreams, virtues of his family, virtues of Medina and of the Mosque of the Prophet, virtues of his Companions, virtues of Mecca and stories foretelling the appearance of the Prophet. AlKhargushi's book was widely circulated and it is often quoted by both • See e.g. al-Mawardl, A'liim, 68-70. 5 'Abd al-Jabbiir, Tathbit, I, 77-8. • Cf. al-Sandiibi, Rasa~iI, 1'7-14; Ift9aj al-nlihli/ll/llah. THE SiRAH LITERATURE Sunni and Shl'i authors. The famous Mu'tazili scholar 'Abd al-jabbar al-Hamadhani (d. 415/1024) discusses in his Tathbit dala'il al-nubuwwah the miracles of the Prophet against a wide background of historical situation, having recourse to comparisons with other religions and entering into polemics with the unorthodox sects of Islam. The compilations of the first half of the fifth century, the Dala'il of Abu Bakr Ahmad al-Bayhaql (d. 458/1066) and the Dala'il of Abu Nu'aym al-Isfahani (d. 430/1038), became very popular. Another book of dald'i! was written in the same period by Abu Dharr al-Harawi (d. 435/1043). Often quoted in later compilations of the Sirah literature is the compilation of the great scholar al-Mawardi (d. 450/1058), A'lam al-nubuwwah. In the same period, the Dala"'il of al-Mustaghfiri (d. 432/1040) was compiled. Among the many compilations of this genre the famous book of Qadl 'I ya<;l. al-Yahsubl (d. 544/ 1149), al-Shifa"' fi ta'rif I;uqiiq al-Mu{tafa, deserves special mention; it became one of the most popular and most admired books in some Muslim countries. The glorification of the person of the Prophet, as expounded in these compilations of the" proofs of prophethood ", was indeed a continuation of a very early trend which, as mentioned above, began shortly after the death of the Prophet. The miracles wrought by the Prophet, or for him, form an essential part of the Sirah of Ibn Ishaq ; in the Jami' of Ma'mar b. Rashid, a special chapter is devoted to this subject. Miraculous elements were included in the Sirah of Miisa b. 'Uqbah? and in the Sirah traditions reported by al-Zuhri.8 The earliest Sirah compilation, the Sirah of Wahb b. Munabbih (d. 110/728 or 114/732), contains an unusual amount of miraculous stories as attested by the fragments of the papyri." Flick was right in his conjecture, made before he read the fragments of the papyri, that the Sirah of Wahb was a work in which truth and legend about the life of the Prophet were interwoven, turning it into an entertaining story. 10 Indeed, the fragments of the papyri of Wahb contain the same kind of miraculous elements as can be found in later compilations. The role of the Devil in the council of the Meccans, convened to get rid of Muhammad, corresponds to what we have in later biographies of the Prophet. The setting of the story of the hijrah in the papyrus is similar to the accounts in later compilations: it contains, for instance, the miraculous story of Umm Ma'bad, recorded, with few variants, in almost every later Sirah; the story of Suraqah ; the story of the dove and the spider at the entrance of the cave and the dust thrown at the heads of the watching Qurashi guard , Cf. e.g. Sachau, "Berliner Fragment", 469 (the story of Suraqah}; 470 (the Prophet sees in his dream Jesus performing the circumambulation of the Ka'bah). 8 Duri, "al-Zuhri", the story of Suraqah. • Khoury, Wahb b. Mllnabbih, 1I8-7j. 10 Fuck, Mllqammad, 4. EARLY COMPILATIONS 357 besieging the house. All these stories are essential elements of the later biographies. Some passages of the papyrus of Wahb cannot, however, be traced in later compilations; they were apparently discarded. Such are the cases of al-Tufayl b. al-Harith's letter to Ja'far b. Abl Talib in Abyssinia and the story of Abu Bakr's meeting with the Devil; neither could be traced in other stories. A part of the papyrus contains a record of an expedition of 'All against Khath'am. This story fully attests the impact of the Shl'l trend on the development of early Sirah literature. A number of scholars have analysed with insight the various stages of the early compilations. The fragments of Wahb's Sirah corroborate the conjectures of these scholars about the popular and entertaining character of the early Sirah stories, a blend of miraculous narratives, edifying anecdotes and records of battles in which sometimes ideological and political tendencies can be discerned. These stories were widely circulated among the believers; pious men used to narrate the Sirah in mosques and to discuss the maghazi at their meetings. It was considered less binding as a duty to narrate the maghazi than to transmit utterances of the Prophet. Scholars refrained from recording Hadith utterances transmitted by unreliable scholars while they did not hesitate to relate maghazi material on their authority. It was only later, in the first half of the second century, that Haditb scholars reacted strongly against the popular Sirah literature and made attempts to discard dubious folk-stories by applying strict rules of Hadith criticism. They did not, however, succeed; the Sirah literature absorbed these narratives and they continued to be transmitted there. The fragment of Wahb's papyrus reflects the very early stage of the formation of the legendary type of Sirah; the Sirah of Ibn ISQaq is in fact a selective collection of this material. Late compilations such as al-Sirah al-If.alabryyah, al-Sirah al-Shamryyah, al-Zurqanl's Shar4 al-Mawahib and Mughultay's al-Zahr al-bdsim contain references to early popular Traditions not incorporated in the generally approved Sirah compilations. POETRY IN THE SiRAH A characteristic feature of early Sirah literature is the numerous poetical insertions.P The heroes of the stories narrated often improvise verses referring to the events recorded; in these poetical passages opponents blame others in verse, fighters expound their virtues and extol the virtues of their clans or their leaders, poets or relatives bewail the warriors killed in battle. These poetical compositions are generally of rather poor quality. The poetical passages attached to the maghazi stories closely resemble the 11 Cf. below cap. 18, "The poetry of the Siroh literature". THE SIRAH LITERATURE poetry of the ~yam (days of battle). A part of this poetry is false, and some of these forgeries were convincingly shown to be so by 'Arafat;12 a certain portion seems, however, to be authentic. But even the fake poems, reflecting as they do the internal struggles in the Muslim community, are of some importance: the historical allusions in .these verses may help to gain an insight into the event referred to; the activity of the forgers had its inception in the first decades of the first century, and the forgers were closely acquainted with the details of the event. Of interest are popular verses in the Sirah literature. Some are attributed to unseen persons, who recited them to the jinn, to idols, to the Devil or to his progeny. Such specimens of popular poetry can be found in the fragments of Wahb's Sirah, in the compilations of Ibn ISQaq,al-Tabari, Abu Nu'aym, al-Bayhaql and in the later biographies of the Prophet. This trend is well represented in the Sirah compilations of Abu 'l-Hasan al-Bakrl, Poems in praise of the Prophet preserve elements of the laudatory poems addressed to tribal leaders. The contents of the eulogies of the Prophet differ, however, in some respects; they specially stress his prophetic mission, emphasize his spiritual qualities, praise the new religion and point out personal or tribal allegiance to the Prophet and Islam. They breathe a spirit of the new faith and stress the moral values of Islam, often coupling them with the old ideas of tribal pride and boasting. Some observations on the change of attitude towards poetry in the early period of Islam may help us to gain a better insight for evaluating the poetry of the Sirah. The attitude towards poets and poetry in the Qur'an was clearly and explicitly unfavourable.P Some pious circles persisted in their negative attitude towards profane poetry, further supporting their argument by the famous utterance attributed to the Prophet: "It is better for a man that his body be full of pus than that he be full of poems."14 It is in accordance with this view that 'A'ishah vigorously denies, in a Tradition attributed to her, the claim that Abu Bakr ever recited poetry. In a speech ascribed to Mu'dwiyah poetry is counted among the seven things forbidden by the Prophet. A version of the Prophet's saying contains the following addition, which demonstrates the tendency to restrict its scope: "than that he be full of poems by which I was satirized" .15According to this enlarged version the transmission of poetry which does not contain satirical verses against the Prophet is permitted. 12 'Ararat, "Aspect", 31-3; 'Ararat, "Early critics", 4l3-63. 13 Qur'an, xxvi.ZZI-8. 1. Goldziher, Mlls/im S tudies, II, 16. 16 AI-SubkI, Tabaqdt, I, zz6-8. POETRY IN THE SiRAH 359 The same trend of concession and compromise is reflected in another Tradition attributed to the Prophet. The Prophet is said to have stated that some poetry is wisdom. A considerable part of poetry containing aphorism, exhortation, edification or moralizing clearly won the approval of orthodox circles. Another utterance attributed to the Prophet permits poetry if its aim is to gain justice from oppression, to gain means of deliverance from poverty and expression of gratitude for a favour received. It was pointed out that the reason why the transmission of poetry was forbidden was the fact that it served to excite inter-tribal discussions and disunity. The libellous and defamatory verses which might threaten the peaceful relations in Islamic society were dangerous and harmful. Such poetry was censured and rejected. But poetry supporting the Prophet and his struggle against the Unbelievers and verses written for the cause of Islam were, of course, praiseworthy. The exceptive phrase in Qur'an xxvi.zzS was explained as referring to the poets of the Prophet, who were commended. They were described as striking the Unbelievers with their verses. Consequently Sirah literature and adab compilations record stories that the Prophet encouraged poets who composed poems in praise of God, and liked to listen to good and beautiful poetry recited by poets. Abu Bakr, a Tradition says, came to the Prophet and, in his presence, met a poet who recited a poem. Abu Bakr asked: "How is that? Qur'an and poetry?" "Sometimes Qur'an and sometimes poetry," answered the Prophet.P There was thus good poetry, which was permitted and which the Prophet even sometimes recited, and bad poetry, which was forbidden. 'A'ishah formulated it as follows: "There is good and bad poetry: take the good and leave the bad."17 A similar Tradition is attributed to the Prophet: "Poetry is like speech; good poetry is like good speech, bad poetry is like bad speech.Yl" According to this utterance the ban on poetry is almost entirely lifted; the listener had to distinguish between good and bad poetry and choose the good, just as he ought to distinguish between good and bad speech and choose the good. The pious Ibn 'Umar indeed acted in this way: he listened to a recitation of a poet; when the poet began to recite unseemly verses he stopped him. A further step in the development of the favourable attitude towards poetry was the legitimization of Jahiliyyah verse. A Tradition, attributed to the Prophet on the authority of Abu Hurayrah, states that the Prophet gave licence for the transmission of Jahiliyyah poetry with the exception 16 17 18 Al-Isfahanl, Muqa4arat, r, 79. AI-JIlini, Fadl, II, 314, no. 866. Qurtubl, Jam,', XIII, r 50. THE SIRAH LITERATURE of two poems (one of Vmayyah b. AbI 'I-Salt, the other of al-A'sha). The same idea is reflected in Traditions that the Prophet used to sit with his Companions and listen to their recitation of pre-Islamic poetry, smiling (that is, with approval). Among the pieces recited in the presence of the Prophet are verses of praise, of contemplation on life and death, of belief and piety; there are also some erotic verses, verses recited by women at a wedding celebration, and even a complaint of a poet deserted by his wife.l" The favourable attitude towards poetry is represented in Traditions stating that the four Orthodox Caliphs were poets, that they either quoted verses or listened to recitations of poems. 'A'ishah is said to have had a good know lege of poetry; she recited verses of JihilI poets and encouraged people to study poetry. Ibn Mas'fid used to recite poetry of the cryyam (battles of the pre-Islamic Arabs). Abu Dharr (d. 604/ I 2°7) quotes an opinion of a Muslim scholar, that the ban on the transmission of poetry was imposed when there were conflicts between Muslims and unbelievers. But once people had embraced Islam and animosities between believers had disappeared there was no objection to transmitting poetry. This view is in fact based on the actual situation in Muslim society of the first century. Poetry was widely transmitted; poems were recited at private meetings, in the markets and even in the mosques. The great scholar al-Sha'bI (d. 103/721) recited poetry in the mosque of Kufa. 'Abdullah b. al-Zubayr was surprised to find a group of people reciting poetry in the court of the mosque of Mecca; they argued that it was not the kind of poetry which was forbidden. When 'Vmar reproached Hassan for reciting poetry in the mosque of Medina, he said: "I recited poetry in this mosque in the presence of a man who was better than you." Hassan was referring, of course, to the Prophet. 'Vmar left him and permitted poetry to be recited in the mosque. Muhammad b. Slrln was asked, when in the mosque, whether it was permitted to recite poetry during the month of Ramadan (some people even went so far as to claim that recitation of poetry nullified the ritual ablution). He immediately recited a verse which was far from being chaste, and stood up straightaway to lead the prayer. It was Ibn SIrIn who, when rebuked for reciting a J ahilI verse, said: "What is disliked is poetry composed in Islam; poetry composed in the period of the Jahiliyyah has already been condoned." It is possible to guess at the identity of those who persisted consistently in stubborn opposition to the transmission of poetry from a significant remark by Sa'Id b. al-Musayyab. Having been told that some people in Iraq disliked poetry, he said: "They became ascetics in a non-Arab fashion." 19 See al-A'sha, Dfwiin, 218-19. POETRY IN THE SiRAH Transmission of poetry was encouraged by rulers and governors; poetry became one of the subjects essential to the education of the Umayyad prince. Poetry continued to be one of the most favoured preoccupations of Muslim society in the first century and even fighting troops on the battlefield showed a vivid interest in it. What poet surpasses others in the art of poetry? Who is the best poet? These were common subjects of talk and discussion. An alleged saying of the Prophet accurately reflects the love of poetry of the Arabs: "They will not give up poetry until camels give up yearning [for their resting places ]."20 Ibn AbI 'l-Sa'ib al-Makhziimi expounded it in an utterance very much to the point: "By God, were poetry banned, we would be punished at court several times every day [that is, for reciting it]. "21 The origin of the Sirab poetry, its formation and growth have to be viewed against the background of the uninterrupted transmission of poetry and the struggle for its legitimization. Simple, not elaborate, but vivid, it became a regular component of the early Sirab literature, and was popular and widespread. It was not earlier than the second/eighth century that the content of the early Sirahs came under the scrutiny of scholars and the criteria of ijad{th scholars were applied to assess their validity. This applied to the poetry in the S{rah as well as to its prose portions. GENEALOGY Genealogy was an essential subject of the S{rah literature. Traditions stress the purity of the Prophet's pedigree and the qualities of his ancestors. Special chapters were dedicated to the virtues of Quraysh and the family of the Prophet, the Hashimites. Utterances attributed to the Prophet tried to prove that there was a close link between the ancestors of the Prophet and Islam. Ka'b b. Lu'ayy is said to have foretold the appearance of the Prophet. The Prophet is said to have forbidden the disparagement of Mudar because he was a proto-Muslim. Other versions of the utterance of the Prophet forbid the disparagement of RabI'ah, Imru' al-Qays, Asad b. Khuzaymah, Tamlm and al-Harith b. Ka'b; they all were said to have been Muslims or believers in the faith of Abraham. Another list of the ancestors of the Prophet whom it was forbidden to abuse, because they were true believers, includes 'Adnan, Ma'add, Udad, Khuzaymah, Tamim, Asad and Dabbah. Khuzaymah b. Mudrikah was the first who uttered the testimony of faith. Al-Yas b. Mudar was also a true Believer; he was the first who offered 20 21 Ibn Rashiq, 'Umdah, Ibid. I, 17. THE SIRAH LITERATURE sacrifices in the baram of Mecca and it is forbidden to abuse him. Ma'add was a follower of the Hanlfiyyah of Ibrahim (Abraham), 'Adnan acted according to the Hanlfiyyah ; he was the first who clothed the Ka'bah with leather clothes. Nizar was endowed with the "light of prophethood", which was handed on to Muhammad, The glory of the pedigree of the Prophet was extended, as a matter of course, to include the whole of Quraysh; the idea of the excellency of Quraysh was embodied in the rich literature of Fac/ii'il QurC!Jsh. Quraysh, says a Tradition traced back to 'Abdullah b. 'Abbas, were the light in the presence of God two thousand years before the creation of Adam; this light, reposited first in Adam, passed on and was transmitted to the Prophet.V The excellence of the pedigree of the Prophet is formulated in an utterance of the Prophet: "The best of the Arabs are Mudar ; the best of Mudar are 'Abd Manaf; the best of 'Abd Manaf are Banu Hashim; the best of Banii Hashim are Bami 'Abd al-Muttalib, By God, since God created Adam never was there a division of people into two parts without my being in the better one.'?" An opposite tendency, that of depreciating the excellence of Quraysh, is evident in a Tradition stating that all the Arab tribes have their share in the pedigree of the Prophet. Pious circles in the Muslim community, struggling against the excessive study of genealogy, nevertheless stressed the value and importance of the genealogy of the Prophet. The interdiction on tracing genealogical lineages beyond Ma'add was not followed in the case of the pedigree of the Prophet; his genealogy was traced back to Abraham and the close link of descent and prophecy between him and Abraham was especially stressed. FACTIONALISM The constant struggles between the various political and ideological factions in Islamic society left their mark on the formation of the Sirah. Invented stories and alleged utterances served the cause of the rulers, pretenders and rebels. Some examples are quoted below. The 'Abbasid bias can be clearly seen in the story of the attempt to sacrifice the father of the Prophet, 'Abdullah. It was al-f Abbas, according to this version, who drew him out from under the feet of 'Abd al-Muttalib, trying to save his life. It was al-'Abbas who was the first to kiss the Prophet after he was born; his mother took him to the abode of Aminah, the Prophet's mother, and the women in the house drew him to the cradle of the Prophet, encouraging him and saying: "Kiss thy brother!" The same tendency is evident in the story that al-'Abbas took the oath of .2 Ghanamah, Maniiqil, fols 3b-4a. •• Suyutl, Durr, III, '94-j. FACTIONALISM allegiance from the An~ar for the Prophet at the 'Aqabah meeting. Not less tendentious is the report that al-'Abbas embraced Islam before the battle of Badr and served as a spy of the Prophet in Mecca. The utterance attributed to the Prophet, "Al-'Abbas is indeed my trustee (wa!i) and my heir; 'All and I are closely related",24 bears the mark of an 'Abbasid and anti-Shi'ite tradition, standing in contrast to the ShI'I tradition about the trusteeship of 'AII.25 The general expression '''AlI and I are closely related" merely serves to emphasize the special position of 'Abbas. The famous utterance of the Prophet known as the" Tradition of the Garment" (Ifadith al-kisa"'), when he is said to have covered 'AlI, al-Hasan and al-Husayn with a garment, establishes the entity of the" Family of the Prophet" (AM al-Bt!Yt) and provides an essential argument for the legitimacy of 'All's claim to the caliphate; it has its counterpart in an opposing Tradition, according to which the Prophet covered al-'Abbas and his sons with a garment and said that they were the Family. It is not surprising to find a ShI'I Tradition describing how al-'Abbas and Abu Lahab instigated people against the Prophet and publicly denounced him as a liar. The Tradition about the pact of fraternity (mu'akhah) between the Prophet and 'AII26 is contradicted by a Tradition that the Prophet said: "If I had chosen a friend I would have chosen Abu Bakr, but he is my brother and Companion.t'P? The Tradition which talks about the close fraternal relation between the Prophet and 'AlI is of crucial importance for proving 'AlI's legitimate claim to the caliphate. The contradictory reports about the first man to embrace Islam, whether it was Abu Bakr, 'Allor Zayd b. Harithah, reflect the different opinions of the religio-political parties. The ShI'ah vigorously affirm, of course, that the first believer was 'AlI. An Umayyad bias can be noticed in a peculiar Tradition reporting that the family of Abu Sufyan, himself an Umayyad, were the first to be admonished and warned by the Prophet. Abu Sufyan rejected the scornful words of his wife, saying that the Prophet was not a liar or a wizard. There are divergent and contradictory reports about various events in the life of the Prophet. Some incidents, even very prominent ones, are subject to debate by transmitters and scholars. Only a few cases may be reviewed here. Varying Traditions about the number and identity of the children of the Prophet were further blurred by the tendentious inventions of the AI-MuttaqI 'I-HindI, Kanz, XII, 280, no. ,649, .6 GanjI, Kifiiyat, 260-1. .8 Ibid., '92-3 . • 7 Ibn AbI 'l-Hadld, Shar~ nahj al-baliipha, XI, 49. .4 THE SIRAH LITERATURE religio-political factions. A ShI'I report stated that Ruqayyah and Zaynab were the daughters of Halah, the sister of Khadljah ; another Tradition claimed that they were the daughters of J ahsh, 28 This served as a weighty argument in ShI'I polemics against 'Uthman, who was called Dhii '1-Nurayn, it was said, because he had married two daughters of the Prophet. There are different reports also about the date of birth of the Prophet, of his revelation, about the age of Khadijah when she married the Prophet, about the hijrah, the change of the qiblah (direction of prayer) and about the chronology of the battles and raids of the Prophet. Lists of participants in crucial events were deliberately rearranged or changed. Some of the An~ar, says a report of Ibn al-Kalbi and al-WaqidI, omitted certain names from the list of participants at the' Aqabah meeting, substituting the names of their relatives, who had not attended the meeting. The lists of participants at the battle of Badr were also a subject of debate. Ibn Sa'd felt constrained to consult the genealogy of the Ansar, and having done this, he removed a spurious name from the list of those who took part in the battle of Badr.P" The reports about the number of the Companions who were present at the oath of allegiance at al-I:fudaybiyah are divergent. There were conflicting Traditions about the person appointed to take charge of Medina when the Prophet went out to Badr and the one bidden to divide the booty after the battle. Reports concerning the warriors who remained with the Prophet at Uhud and those who deserted the battlefield are similarly divergent; among the latter group ShI'I tradition counts Abu Bakr, 'Umar and 'Uthrnan, while' AlI was, of course, of those who stayed with the Prophet and defended him. How far political interests had a bearing upon the transmission of the Sirah can be seen in the following story. Al-ZuhrI told his student, Ma'mar b. Rashid, that it was 'AlI who had written out the treaty of al-Hudaybiyah, and added, laughing: "If you asked these people they would say it was 'Uthrnan who wrote the treaty." By" these people", Ma'mar remarks, "He meant the Umayyads.t'P" Another anecdote illustrates the attempts made by the Umayyads and their governors to denigrate 'AlI in the Sirah. Khalid b. 'Abdullah al-Qasri bade al-Zuhrl write down the Sirah for him. AI-ZuhrI asked: "If I come across events related to 'AlI, may I mention them?" "No," said Khalid, "except when you see him in the lowest part of Hell. "31 In another story al-Zuhri courageously refuses to transfer the guilt of slandering of' A'ishah from 'Abdullah b. Ubayy to 'AlI.32 28 2. 31 Ibn Shahrashub, Malliiqib iii Abi Tiilib, Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt, III, j' 3. Horovitz," Biographies ", 49. I, '38, '40. 30 32 'Abd al-Razzaq, Mu{allllaj, v, 343, no. 9722. Horowitz, "Biographies ", I. C. II, 41. FACTIONALISM The favours bestowed on al-Zuhri by the Umayyads and the close relations between him and the rulers aroused the suspicions of independent Haditb scholars as to his integrity. The pious Sa'd b. Ibrahim b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Awf chided al-ZuhrI for transmitting a qadith in which the Prophet said that a caliph may not be invoked. Sa'd mentioned a case in which the Prophet was invoked and said: " How can it be that the Prophet was invoked and ai-Wand should not be invoked P'" It is evident that the aim of the Tradition invented was to encourage respect for the Umayyad rulers. Salamah b. DInar Abu Hazim, a pious scholar, sent to al-Zuhri a lengthy letter censuring him for his co-operation with the oppressive Umayyad rulers and criticizing him severely for helping them in caring for their power and authority and in their aiming at worldly gain. He serves the oppressive rulers, "who have turned him into the axle of the wheel of their falsehood and into a bridge for their deceit and error", says Salamah. By his services they sow doubts in the souls of scholars and gain the favour of the ignorant. It is hard to deny that these accusations have some foundation, and the assertion that he (i.e. al-ZuhrI) "was not influenced by political parties and tried to give an impartial account of what he had seen in Medina "34 is open to doubt. The possibility that his Traditions concerning the STrah were influenced by his ties with the Umayyad court cannot be excluded. ShI'I scholars counted him among the Traditionists whose attitude towards' All was hostile. Although highly respected by Sunni scholars engaged in assessing the credibility of Ff.adTthtransmitters Uarq wa-ta'dTI), he was nevertheless recorded in the lists of the mudallisiin. An early report of al-Asrna'I, traced back to Hisham b. 'Urwah, states that al-ZuhrI used to expand or abbreviate the long accounts recorded by his father, 'Urwah. A closer examination of the activities of al-ZuhrI and of the Traditions transmitted by him may help us to acquire an insight into the formative stage of the development of Sirab lore and Haditb. It is, furthermore, important for the evaluation of the formation of Sirah literature to consider the differences between the various schools of Tradition, especially those between Medina and Iraq. These differences were often pointed out in the literature of Hadith and a special compilation was dedicated to this problem. The attacks against the Iraqi school were fierce and passionate, and the Traditions of its scholars were often stigmatized as lies. It is noteworthy also that divergences and contradictions could be found between the accounts transmitted by the disciples of the same Traditionist. 33 3' Ibn Durayd, Mujtana, II. Dud, "al-Zuhri", roff, THE SiRAH LITERATURE MAJOR SiRAH COMPILATIONS The section on the biography of the Prophet in the Ta'rikh of al-Tabari (d. 310/922) records a wealth of early Traditions carefully provided with isndds. The philologist and commentator on the Qur'an, al-Zajjaj (d. 3II/923) is credited with a Maghazicompilation.35 Muhammad b. Hartin al-Ansari al-DimashqI (d. 353/964) wrote a book entitled ~iJat al-nabi. The great scholar of Haditb, Muhammad b. Hibban al-Bustl (d. 354/965), the author of a book on the ~aqabah, compiled a biography of the Prophet. At the end of the fourth century the philologist Ahmad b. Faris compiled a book on the names of the Prophet and another about the life of the Prophet. A concise 5 irah compiled by Ibn Hazm (d. 456/1064)36 was based on the terse biography of the Prophet composed by Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr (d. 463/1071), al- Durar .ft' khti!ari I-magnazi tua-l-siyar, The later compilations, like the commentary of al-SuhaylI (d. 581/1185) on Ibn Hisharn's Sirah, al-Rawq al-unuJ, the Bid4Jat al-su'iil of'Abd al-'AzIz b. 'Abd al-Salarn al-SulamI (d. 660/1262), the K. al-1lr-tiJa' of al-Kala'I (d. 634/1236), the Kheldsat siyar St!Yyid al-basbar of al-Muhibb al-Tabari (d. 684/1285), the 'Uyiin al-atbar of Ibn Sayyid al-Nas (d. 734/1333), the section of the Sirah in al-Nuwayri's (d. 732/1331), Nih4Jat al-arab, and the section of the Sfrah in Ibn KathIr's (d. 774/1372) al-Bid4Jah wa-'I-nih4Jah contain a great number of early Traditions derived from lost or hitherto unpublished compilations. Of special importance is the work of Mughultay (d. 762/1360), al-Zahr al-bdsim, Arguing in his polemic against al-SuhaylI's al-Rawq al-unuJ, Mughultay records an unusually large number of quotations from various recensions of diwans, collections of poetry, compilations of genealogy, philology, lexicography, commentaries on the Qur'an, biographies of the Prophet, books of adab and history. The painstaking efforts of Mughultay to establish correct readings, his checking of variants, his pursuit of every record and Tradition, his comprehensive knowledge, turn his compilation into a veritable treasure for the study of Sirah literature and help towards a better understanding of the controversial ideas of the scholars about the activities of the Prophet and his personality. Summarizing compilations of the Sirab were provided by Yahya b. AbI Bakr al-'Amiri (d. 893/1488) in his Babiab, and by Taql 'I-DIn al-Maqrlzi (d. 845/1441) in his Imtd', Three late compilations deserve special attention: theSubul( = Sfrahal-Shamryyah) of Muhammad b. Yusuf al-Salihi (d. 942/1535), the lnsdn al-'''!}'iin.ft sirat al-amin al-ma'miin (= al-Sirah al-fJalabryyah) of'AlIb. Burhan al-Dln (d. 1044/1634), and the commentary '5 Cf. cap. 16, "The Maghiizi literature". 38 Jawami'. MAJOR SiRAH COMPILATIONS by al-Zurqani (d. 1122/1710) on the al-Mawahib al-Iadunryyah of al-Qastallanl (d. 923/15 17)' Al-Sirah al-Shamryyah is one of the most comprehensive compilations of the biography of the Prophet. Al-~alil).I drew, according to his statement in the preface, on more than three hundred books. He accumulated an enormous number of Traditions, narratives and reports from sirab compilations, Haditb collections, books of dala"'il, shama"'il, kha{a"'i{, histories of cities and dynasties, biographies of transmitters of Haditb, and treatises of asceticism and piety, recording carefully the variants of the reported Traditions and attaching detailed lexicographical explanations of difficult words and phrases. AI-Sirah al-Fjalabryyah, although extracted mainly from al-Sirah alShamryyah, contains a great deal of additions by al-Halabi. It is one of the characteristic features of this compilation that al-Halabi records divergent and contradictory Traditions and strives to harmonize them. Al-Zurqani gives, in his meticulous commentary, a wealth of Traditions corroborating or contradicting the reports recorded by al-Qastallani. The late compilations thus contain an immense wealth of material derived from early sources. Some of these Traditions, stories, reports and narratives are derived from lost or hitherto unpublished sources. Some Traditions, including early ones, were apparently omitted in the generally accepted Sirab compilations, faded into oblivion, but reappeared in these late compilations. . Only a small part of the sirab compilations have been mentioned above. The uninterrupted flow of transmission of Traditions on the life of the Prophet embedded in the rich literature of Qur'an commentaries, collections of Haditb, works of adab, history, polemics of religio-political parties and works of piety and edification, is remarkable. The ramifications of Sirah literature, such as the literature on the ,$aqabah, on the ancestors of the Prophet, on his genealogy, servants, secretaries, on the habits and characteristics of the Prophet, on his birth, on the" night-journey" (isra"') and "ascent" (mi'rij), are indispensable for an adequate study of the development of the conception the Muslim community formed, throughout the ages, of the person of the Prophet. The narratives of the Sirah have to be carefully and meticulously sifted in order to get at the kernel of historically valid information, which is in fact meagre and scanty. But the value of thisJnformation for the scrutiny of the social, political, moral and literary ideas of the Muslim community cannot be overestimated; during the centuries, since Muslim society came into existence, the revered personality of the Prophet served as an ideal to be followed and emulated. 

seven odes.pdf THE SEVEN ODES SOME NOTES ON THE COMPILATION OF THE Mu'allaqat The meaning of the word mu'allaqat by which the Seven ]ahili Odes were entitled by some transmitters and commentators has been discussed at Iength by scholars and several suggestions have been put forward for the interpretation of the word The story that the Odes were suspended in the Ka'ba has been rejected by the majority of the scholars, but they have almost unanimously agreed, although with some reservations, that "the man responsible in the first instance for selecting the seven poems and making them into a separate anthology was a certain Hammad, called al-Rawiya (the Transmitter) "2, This statement is indeed based on reports of early authorities who describe the literary activity of H ammad under Yazid b. 'Abd aI-Malik and Hisham b. 'Abd aI-Malik 3 and record the tradition told on the authority I, T. NOLDEKE:Beitrage zur Kenntniss der Poesie der alten Araber, Hannover 1864, XVII-XXIII; R. A. NICHOLSON: Literary History of the Arabs, Cambridge 1956, A 101-103; C. BERNREIMER:L'Arabia Antica e la sua poesia, Napoli 1960, 85-86; Bulletin des Etudes Arabes, Alger 1946, 152-158; CR. PELLAT:Langue et Litterature Arabes, Paris 1952, 68; H. A. R. GIBB:Arabic Literature, Oxford 1963,22-24; CR. J. LYALL: ranslations of A ncient Arabian Poetry, London 1930, XLIV; N a ~ira I-D in T al-Asad: M~adir al-shi'r al-jtihili, Cairo 1962, 169-17I;'Abd al-SalamHariinin his Introduction to al-AnbarI's SharlJu l-qasii'idi l-sab'i l-!iwali, Cairo 1963, 11·-13; J. M. 'A b d a 1- J a I I I: Breve Histoire de la Litterature Arabe, Paris 1946, 37; Sib a' I Bay y ii m I: Ta'rikh al-adab al-'arabi, Cairo, n.d., I, 153-155; A I).mad M u 1).. a l-I;I auf I: AI-lJayiit al-'arabiyya min al-shi'r al-jtihili, Cairo 1962, 200-212; '0 mar Far r ii k h; Ta'rikh al--adab al-'arabi, Beirut 1965, 75; N a jIb M u 1).. a l- Bah bIt I: Ta'rikh al-shi'r al-'arabi, Cairo 1961, 194-195; S h a u q i :0 a y f: Ta'rikh al--adab al-'arabi, al-'ap- al-/iihili, Cairo 19/)5, 140-141; 1;1 ann a a l- Fa k h ii r I: Ta'rikh al-adab al-'arabi, Beirut 1960, 65-66; R. BLACRERE: Histoire de la Litterature Arabe, Paris 1952, I, 143-147; G. WIET: Introduction a la Litterature Arabe, Paris 1966, 29-31; F. GABRIELI: a Letteratura Araba, Firenze 1967, L 24, 34-44; A. J. ARBERRY:The Seven Odes, London 1957, 16-24, 232, 244-254. 2 A. J. ARBERRY,of cit., 16. 3 Ya q ii t: Mujam al-udabii', ed. Al).mad FarId Rifa'i, Cairo 1938, X, 258-266; Ibn K hall i k an: Wafayiit al-a'yiin, ed. Al).mad FarId Rifa'I, Cairo 1936, V, I 28 of al-Nahhas (d. 337 H) r according to which Hammad collected (jama'a) the Seven Long Odes AI- jumahi (d. 23 I H) states that Hamrnad was the first who collected the poems of the Arabs and recorded the stories of these poems (wa-kana awwala man jama'a ash'ara l-'arabi wa-saqa a!zadithaha f:lammadun al-rawiyatu). He adds, however, that he was not trustworthy (wa-kana ghayra mauthuqin bihi) 3. The records about the collection of the Seven Long Odes 4 by Hammad al-Rawiya are contradicted by an account of 'Abd al-Qadir al-Baghdadi (d. 1093 H), that 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan (d. 86 H) "discarded the poems of four of them and established in their place four (other poets)" (wa-qad tara!za 'Abdu l-Maliki bnu Marwana shi'ra arba'atin minhum wa-athbatrr makanahum arba'atan) 5. If this report were true there must have existed a collection of the Seven Odes in the times of 'Abd al-Malik. This fact was pointed out by Nasir al-Dln al-Asad, who quotes as well a saying of Mu'awiya, reported by 'Abd al-Qadir al-Baghdadi 6 that" the qa#da of 'Amr b. Kulthum and the qasida of al-Harith b. Hilliza are among the prideworthy creations 2. 119-129; a l-' I s ami: Sim,t al-nujilm al-'awiili, Cairo 1380 .1, III, 216-217; al-Aghiini, index; al-Marzubant: Nur al-qabas, ed. R. Sellheim, Wiesbaden 1964, index; A b ii l - T a y y i b a l - Lug haw i: Mariitib al-nal;wiyyin, ed. Muh. Abii I-FaQ.I Ibrahim, Cairo 1955, 72-73; H am z a a l- I s fa han i : al-Tanbih 'alii I}uduth al-ta~l}if, ed. Muh, Hasan Al Yasln, Baghdad 1967, 38, 125, 186; a l - 'A s k a r i: SharI} md yaqa'u fihi l-t~l}if, ed. 'Abd al-'Aziz Ahmad, Cairo 1963, 141-143. See on him Y a q ii t, oj. cit., IV, 224-230; Ibn K h a II i k a n, oj. cit., 1,209-211; aI-Qifti: Inbiih al-ruwiih, ed. Muh, Abii I-FaQ.I Ibrahim, Cairo 1950, I, 101-104 (and see the references of the editor). 2 Y a q ii t, oj. cit., X, 266; Ibn K h a II i k a n, oj. cit., V, 120; J. W. FUCK, E.l! s.v. Hamrnad al-Rawiya. 3 M u h. b. Sa II a m a l- J u rn a h l : Tabaqiitful}ul al=shu'ard", ed. Mahmiid Muh, Shakir, Cairo 1952,40-41; aI-Marzubani, oj. cit., 185. 4 The early sources mention the Seven Odes as al-sab'u l-mashhuriit(M. SCHLOSSINGER: Ibn Kaisiin's Commentar zur Mo'allaqa des 'Amr ibn Kullum nach einer Berliner Handschrijt, ZA, XXVI, 19, note I); al-sab'u l-.tiwiil al-jiihiliyyiit (ib., 18), al-sumu! (A b ii Z a y d a 1- Q u r ash t : Jamharat ash'iir al-'arab, Beirut 1963, 80); almudhahhabiit (I b n 'A b d R a b b i hi: al-'Iqd ai-farid, ed. Ahmad Arnin, Ahmad al-Zayn, Ibrahim al-Abyarr, Cairo 1965, V, 269); al--mu'allaqiit (ib., wa-qad yuqiilu lahii l-mu'allaqiit). A poem from the collection of the Seven Odes was referred to as al-wiil}ida (see a l - J u m a h i, oj. cit., I 15); the poets of the Odes were called asl}iibal-Wiil}ida (ib., 128), as rightly explained by the Editor (ib., note 3). See the discussion of this problem al=Haufl, oj. cit., 202-206. 5 Khiziinat al-adab, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Harun, Cairo 1967, I, 127. 6 Khiziinat al-adab, Cairo 1299 H, I, 519. I The Seven Odes 29 of the Arabs (mz"n majakhz"rz"l-'arabz"); they were suspended for a long time in the Ka'ba" and concludes that "people knew about the mu'allaqat and their being suspended in the Ka'ba a long time before Hammad " '. A new light on the time of the compilation of the Seven Odes, the identity of their collectc. s, the purpose of the compilation and the changes it underwent, is shed in a significant passage of Ahmad b. Abi Tahir Tayfur's (d. 280 H) K£tab al-manthur wa-l-man?um 2. According to a tradition told on the authority of al-Hirmazt 3 Mu'awiya ordered the transmitters of poetry 4 to choose for him poems (qa-ia'Z"d)which he would teach his son to recite; they chose for him twelve poems (qa-ia'z"d): I. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. Qifa nabkz" mz"n dhz"kra lzabibin wa-manzZ"li Lz"-Khaulata aflalun bz"-burqa# Thahmadi A-mz"n Ummz" Auja dz"mnatun lam takallami Adhanatna bZ"-baynz"haAsma'u 'AjaN l-dz"yaru malzalluha ja-muqamuha Ala hubbi bi--ialznz"kz" ja--ibaMna In buddzlat 5 mz"n ahlz"ha wulzushan Basatat 6 Rabz"'atu l-lzabla lana Ya ddra Mayyata bz"-l- 'Alya'z" ja-l-Sanadi Ya ddra 'Ablata bz"-l-jz"wa'z" (takallami) that he thinks (Imru l--Qays) (Tarafa) (Zuhayr) (al-Harith b. Hilliza) (Labid) ('Amr b. Kulthfim) ('Abid b. aI- Abras) (Suwayd b. Abi Kahil) (al-Nabigha) (,Antara) that the two Al-Hirmazi remarks additional poems were: I I. 12. (wa-a?unnu) Waddi' Hurayrata inna l-rakba murtalzzlu (A-)sa'alta rasma l-darz" am lam tas'ali by al-A'sha by Hassan b. Thabit 7 r Ma;iidir al-shi'r al-jahili, 170-171; comp. Abu I-Baqa' Hibatu llah: al-Manaqib al-mazyadiyya, Ms. Br. Mus. f. 38b: wa-qalii: ma/tikhiru l-'arabi thaltithatun: qa#datu l-,lfarithi bni ,lfillizata I-Yashkuriyyi ... sua-qastdat« 'Amri bni Kulthumin I-Taghlibiyyi ... uia-oasidatu Tarafata bni I-'Abdi ... 2 Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 18532, ff. 49a-5oa; on Ai). mad b. A biT a hi r see FUAT SEZGIN:Geschichtedes Arabischen Schrifttums, Leiden 1967 I, 348-349. 3 A j ; I:I a san b. 'A I i a l- I:I i r m a z i. See on him a I-M a r z u ban i, op. cit., 208-2IO; Y a q u t, op. cit., IX, 24-27. 4 In the text: qala l-,lfirmaziyyu: wa-qad ruwiya anna Mu'awiyata min alruwati an yantakhibu lahu qa;a'ida yurawwilui bnahu; I read: amara l-ruwata ... 5 In the text: in tubuddilat. 6 In the text: nashaiat, 7 Ai).mad h. Abi Tahir Tayfur, op. cit., f. 50a. 30 Another tradition told on the authority of al=Hirmazi traced back to some scholars (... annahu qdla: dhakara Ii ghayru wa(ddz"n mz"n al-'ulama'z" ... ) gives a valuable report about the selection of the Seven Odes carried out by 'Abd al-Malik. "The number of seven odes", states al-Hirmazr, "was fixed by 'Abd aI-Malik and he collected them" (anna l-sab'a l-qa~a'z"da llati sabba'aha 'Abdu I-Malz"kz' bnu Marwana wa-jama'aha). No one in the j ahiliyya ever collected them (wa-Iam yakun fi l-jahz"lzyyatz" man jama'aha qajju). People consider, says al-Hirmazi, that in the Jahiliyya period they were made use of in prayer (wa-I-nasu yarauna annahu kana yu~alla bz"ha l-jahzliyyati), . fi Al-Hjrmazf records six odes chosen by 'Abd al-Malik in the following order: I. Ala hubbi bz"-~a!mikz"a-~ba!zina f Adhanatna bz"-baynz"haAsma'u 2. 3. Basatat Rabi'atu l-babla lana 4. A-min aI-manum' (wa-)raybz"ha tatawajja'u 5. In buddilat min ahlz"ha wubushan 6. Ya ddra 'A blata bz"-l-j£wa' z"2 takallami by 'Amr b. Kulthum by al-Harith b. I:Iilliza by Suwayd b. Abi Kahil by Abu Dhu'ayb al-Hudhali by 'Abid b. alAbras by 'Antara Al-Hirmazi continues: "Th -n 'Abd al-Malik stumbled and came to a halt in the choice of the seventh ode (qala: thumma urtzja 'ala 'Abdz" l-Malz"kz"l-sabz" 'atu). At that moment his son, Sulayman, then a young boy, entered into his presence and recited the poem of Aus b. Maghra' in which the poet says: Mubammadun 3 khayru man yamshi 'ala qadamz"n wa-~abibahu wa-' Uthmanu bnu 'Affana 4. Muhammad is the best of those who walk on feet and his two Companions and 'Uthman b. 'Affan, r This expression is not clear; it may probably denote that they were venerated, esteemed and respected by the people of the j ahiliyva. 2 In Ms. bi-Liwti'in. 3 4 A l _. J u m a h I, oj. cit., 410 records some verses of this poem. But the verse quoted by Ibn Abi Tahir consists of the first hemistich of verse four and the second hemistich of verse two, as recorded by al- In Ms. MulJammadun eallti lltihu 'alayhi wa-tilihi. J umahi. The verses of Aus The Seven Odes 31 'Abd al-Malik became impassioned in favour of the poem (wata'assaba laha) and said maghghiruha i.e. include the poem of Ibn Maghra' in with them (i.e. with the six afore-mentioned ones - fa-qdla 'Abdu l-MaHki, wa-ta'agaba laha, maghghiruha ay adkhilu qa~idata bni M aghra'a jiM) There is no reason to cast a doubt about the authenticity of these two accounts of al-Hirrnazr. The deep interest of Mu'awiya in poetry, his close contacts with contemporary poets and the high esteem in which he held them are well attested 'Abd al-Malik's familiarity with poetry was not less than that of Mu'awiya 3. The circumstances mentioned for the composition of the collection by Mu'awiya for the prince (it was probably Yaztd) are quite plausible: Mu'awiya wanted to give him a literary education in the manner of Arab society, to teach him the poems which were considered the best and probably most widely discussed and recited in the circles of chiefs and governors. whom he had I. 2. b. Maghra' are mentioned by al- J umahi in connection with the story of a contest between al-Akhtal and Jarir in the prcsence of al-Walid b. 'Abd al-Malik. When al-Akhtal r=cited the poem of 'Amp b. Kulthiirn - al-Walid urged J arir to recite the poem of Aus b. Maghra' saying, exactly as in the text of Ibn A biT a h i r, maghghir yii farir. L'A, s.v. m gh r mentions that 'Abd al-Malik bade Jarir to recite the verses of Ibn Maghra' saying maghghir (but the verses are not quoted). Comp. al-Z a m a k h s h a r i: al-Fd'i«, ed. al-Bijawr-Muh. Abu I-Fad l Ibrahim, Cairo 1948, III, 40 ('ABD AL-MALIK: maghghir ya Jarir). Ibn Hajar al='Asqalanl in his Isdoa, Cairo 1323 H, I, 118, n. 495 records the verse as quoted in the Ms. and mentions the opinion of Ibn Abi Tahir about the poem of Aus b. Maghra': "nobody composed a poem nicer than this". On Aus b. Maghra' see: al-A~ma'i: Fuf;ulat ai-shu'ard', ed. Khafaji-Zayni, 1953,44; al-Baladhuri: Ansab ai-ashrdf. Ms., f. 1046b; IBN QUTAYBA: al-shi'r wa-l-shu'ara', ed. M. J. de Gocje, Leiden 1904, 432; al-Bakri: Sim: ai-la' ali, ed. al-Maymani, Cairo 1936, 795; al-Aghani, index; Shauqi Dayf: al-Ta!awwur wa-l-tajdid fi l-shi'r al-umawi, Cairo 1965, 20. On the daughter of Aus b. Maghra', Zaynab, see al=Baladhurt, oj. cit., Ms. f. 397a. On the son of Aus b. Maghra', Wabr, see Naqa'ir;l, ed. A. A. Bevan, Leiden Cairo 1909, 717-718; M. NALLINO: An-Nabigah al-Ga'di e ie sue joesie, RSO, 1934,393-399; idem: Le joesie di an-Nabigah al-Ga'di, Roma 1953, 135-136. I Ibn A biT a h i r, oj. cit., f. 5oa. I-Dtn See e.g. Aghani, index; al-S u y uti: Ta'rikh al-khulafa', ed. Muh, Muhyi 'Abd al=Hamld, Cairo 1952, 202-203; Ibn A b i 1- I;I ad i d: Sharf; nahj al-balagha, ed. Muh, Abu l=Fad l Ibrahim, Cairo 1964, XX, 156; al-B a lad h uri, 2 364b-365b, 367b, 370a-b, etc. 3 See e.g. Aghani, index; al-S u y uti, oj. cit., 220-221; Ibn A b i l- I;I ad I d, oj. cit., XX, 161-165; KUTHAY_YIR'AZZA: Diiod», ed. H. Peres, Algcr 1930, index. 4 See J. OBERMANN: Early Islam (in R. C. Dentan's -ed.- The Idea of History in the Ancient Near East, Yale University Press 1966, 289): " ... genealogy and poetry oj. cit., Ms. ff. 348b, 349a, 350a, 352a, 354b, 355a, 357b, 359a, 361a-363b, 32 to meet. It was the heritage of Arabism which he had to absorb and display. It was probably the same aim that 'Abd al-Malik pursued when he decided to compile his anthology: to educate the crown prince within the Arabic tradition of poetry. It was evidently the same reason which caused al-Mansur to employ al-Mufaddal al-1;:>abbIand to engage him to compile the anthology of the Mujar/r/alz"yyat I. Ibn AbI Tahir furnishes us with important details about the Seven Long Odes (al-qa~a'z'du l-sab'u l-/uwalu), current in his period, in the third century of the Hijra. He records two lists. In the first list he enumerates eight poems in the following order: I. 2. 3. 4. S. 6. 7. 8. Imru I-Qays: QiJa nabki min dhikra !zabibin wa-manzili Tarafa: Li-Khaulata a#a/un bi-burqati Thahmadi 'Abld b. al-Abras: Aqfara min ahlz"hi Mal!zubu Zuhayr b. AbI Sulma 'Antara 2 Labid 2 'Amr b. Kulthilm 2 Al-Harith b. Hilliza 2 2 Ibn AbI Tahir attempts an assessment of the merits of the odes. He mentions the opinion of scholars that the Seven Odes surpassed all other poems because of the many themes which they contained; they had no match. The qa~ida of Imru I-Qays contained themes superior to those of other (poets); other poets derived theirs from him and based their poems on his poetry. The qasida of Tarafa is one of the best odes written by one of the A~!zab al-wa!zida 3. He closed it with the most eloquent proverb: sa-tubdi laka l-ayyamu ma kunta jaMlan: wa-ya'tika bi-l-akhbari man lam tuzawwidi. Some poets of the period of the j ahiliyya tried to compose a poem like this, but without success. must be seen to enjoy far greater popularity in the early Islamic era than Koran and Hadij ": and see S h a u q i :0 a y f, op. cit., 145-146. See R. SELLHEIM: rophet, Chaiif und Geschichte, Oriens, 18-19, 1967, 41: P " Natiirlich musste der junge Prinz als kiinftiger Regent des islamischen Reiches, als hochster Vertreter der muslimischen Gemeinde, als Verwandter des Propheten mit der Kultur und Geschichte der arabischen Ahnen vertraut sein ": 2 The poem is not mentioned. 3 See note 4, p. 28, above. I The Seven Odes 33 No one in the ]ahiliyya, except Dhu l-I~ba' al-r.Adwanl, composed a poem in the metre and 'arutj of the poem of 'Abid b. al-Abras: aqfara min ahlihi Mal!zubu '; this poem of Dhu l-Tsba' is more likely to be an eloquent speech than a qasida, The qa#da of Zuhayr has no match in its description of the war, III what he says about peace, in the manner he made reproaches and III the proverbs he used. The qasida of 'Antara surpassed other poems by the use of descriptive passages and by expressions of bravery. Every poet borrowed from it. The qa{ida of Labid is the best of his poems (,aynu shi'rihi) and contains beautiful themes. It was therefore incorporated into the col1ection of the odes though Labid is not like them (i.e. he is inferior to the poets of the odes). The qasidas of 'Amr b. Kulthnrn and al-Harith b. Hilliza are concerned with approximately the same theme, they produced fine poems, but they are not like the preceding ones (i.e. they are inferior to them). Some people, continues Ahmad b. AbI Tahir, added to the Seven Odes the qa-Fida of al-Nabigha concerning the subject of apology; it is unique in this matter. As this qa-Fzdais the best of al-Nabigha's poetry, some people incorporated this poem: Ya ddra Mayyata bz"-l'Alya'i wa-I-Sanadi into the (col1ection of) Seven Odes. The author quotes a saying of Abu 'Amr b. al-'Ala' stating that Zuhayr does not deserve to be a hireling of al-Nabigha, remarks however that, in his opinion, Abu 'Amr erred 2. The qa-Fzdaof al-A'sha: Waddi' Hurayrata inna l-rakba murta!zilu is excellently done but it stands in no relation to the afore-mentioned odes. "General consent", concludes Ibn AbI Tahir, " is in accordance with what we ha ve said" (i.e. about the eight odes, without the additional ones) 3. In another passage Ibn AbI Tahir records the second list of the Seven Odes. Here only seven poems are mentioned. The order of the poems is different. "We found the transmitters agreed upon the Seven Long ]ahilI Odes ", says Ibn AbI Tahir (wa-IladhZ wajadna 'alayhi l-ruwata mujtami"ina jz qa-Fa'ida l-sab'u l-/uwalu l-jahzlzyyatu): See on the metre of this qtl!ida the note of Lyall in his edition of the Diwan of 'Abld, Leyden I9I3, 5, note 1. 2 See this saying quoted: ibn A b r 1- H a d r d, oj. cit., XX, I61. 3 Ibn A b r T it h i r, oj. cit., f. 49a-49b. I 34 I. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. Imru I-Qays: Qzfii nabki Zuhayr: A-min Ummi AU/ii Tarafa: Li-Khaulata a/liilun 'Amr b. Kulthnm: Alii hubbi 'Antara: Hal ghiidara l-shu'arii'u Labid: 'A/a# l-diyiiru Al-Harith b. Hilliza: Adhanatnii bi-baynz"hii Asmii'u (wa-minhum man Some people, says Ibn Abi Tahir, incorporated adkhala) into the collection: 1. 2. 'Abid: Aqfara min ahlihi Mal!zubu Al-A'sha: Waddie Hurayrata inna l-rakba murta!zzlu 3. Al-Nabigha: Yii diira Mayyata bi-l-'Alyii'i wa-l-Sanadi " We have not found them", concludes Ibn AbI Tahir, " mentioning other poems except these, composed by these first class poets in accordance with what we have mentioned about their selection" (wa-lam na}z"dhumdhakaru ghayra hiidhz"hz"-qa~ii'z"di/z"-hii'ulii'i l-mutaqaddimina l !i-mii dhakarnii min ikh#yiirihz"m) The ten poets of these j ahiliyya Odes are considered by Abu 'Ubayda the excelling poets of the Jahiliyya (wa-qiila Abu 'Ubaydata: ash'aru shu'arii'i l-jiihz"!iyya# 'asharatun, awwaluhum Imru l-Qaysi ... etc.) I. 2. The account of Ibn AbI Tahir shows clearly that the collectors of the odes started almost immediately with the establishment of the Umayyad rule. The collection of Mu'awiya contained twelve odes and was intended as an anthology for the education of his son (apparently the crown prince). The expression yurawwihii bnahu does not make it possible to decide whether these odes were written down or not. The anthology of Mu'awiya contained indeed the ten poems which form te collection of the mu'allaqiit. The two additional poems were of two contemporaries: Suwayd b. AbI Kahil and Hassan b. Thabit, Suwayd b. Abi Kahil was a famous poet 3 and his qa~ida was known lb., f. 50a; for the variants of al-mutaqaddimin see e.g. Ibn Qutayba, oj. cit., 141, "a" (al-ma'dadin and al-muqaddamin). Al-'Abbas b. 'Ali al-l;Iusayni a1-Miisawi: Nuzhatu l-jalis wa--munyatu l-adib I-ants, Najaf 1968, II, 182; and comp. Ibn S h a r a f a 1Q a y raw ani: Rasti'il al-intiqtid (in Kurd 'Ali's Rasti'il al-bulaghti', Cairo 1946, 314-316). 3 See on him: Ibn Qutayba, oj. cit., 92,141,250-251; Aghtini, XI, 165-167; a l- B a k r i: Simi al-la'tili, 313; Ibn I;Ia jar: al-I,tiba, III, 172, no. I 2 The Seven Odes 35 as al-yatima in the time of -the j ahiliyya: it contained many !zikam and was probably therefore incorporated into the collection Hassan b. Thabit was an adherent of 'Uthrnan and favoured Mu'awiya. The poem itself is a Jahili one and is therefore considered a fine one 2. 'Abd al-Malik reduced the number of the odes from twelve to seven. He included however among these seven odes two odes which were not contained in the selection of Mu'awiya: the qa~ida of Abu Dhu'ayb and the qa~ida of Aus b. Maghra', both poets who composed their poems in the period of Isl am. The tendency of 'Abd aI-Malik in his incorporation of the qasida of Aus is obvious and can be gauged from the verse recited by his son Sulayman: the Prophet is mentioned with his two Companions (i.e. Abu Bakr and 'Umar) and 'Uthman b. 'Affan. 'Ali is not mentioned. This was in perfect harmony with the Umayyad idea of the legitimacy of the Muslim government. The q4$ida of Abu Dhu'ayb was included in the anthology of 'Abd aI-Malik because of its popularity: already Mu'awiya, according to tradition, recited verses of this qa~ida before his death 3. The tradition about the compilation of the anthology of the Seven Odes, begun by Mu'awiya and concluded by 'Abd al-Malik, fell into oblivion probably due to the fall of the Urnayyad dynasty and the victory of the Abbasids. Scholars of a later period apparently were not satisfied with the selection of 'Abd al-Malik and returned to the I. 37I6; IBN DURAYD:al-Ishtiqaq, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hartin, Cairo 1958, 340-34 I; al-Mufa¢¢aliyyat, ed. Lyall, Introduction, p. XIV; S a d r a l- DIn a 1- B a ~ r I, al-f:lamasa ai-basriyya, ed. Mukhtar al-Dtn Ahmad, Hyderabad 1964, I, 94; IBN QUTAYBA: 'Uyun al-akhbar, Cairo I928, II, 10; a l- Bag h dad I: Khizanat al-adab, Cairo I299 H, II, 546-548; A b ii I;I ani f a a l- Din a war i: al-Akhbtir al-/iwal, ed. 'Abd al-Muri'im 'A.mir-Jamal al-Din al-Shayyal, Cairo I960, y8; M u I). 'A l Y a n a I-M a r z ii q I: Mashtihid ai=insdf 'ala shawtihid al-kashshtif, Cairo 1354 H, 72 (appended to al=Zamakhsharr's Kashshaf); M u I). B a q ira 1Sharif: al-Jami' al-shawahid, Isbahan I380H, II, 25; al-An~ari: Mughni I-laMb 'an kutub al-a'arib, ed. Muh, Muh yi l=Din 'Abd al=Hamld, Cairo, al-Maktaba al-tijariyya, n.d., I, 328, n. 533; idem: Shudhur al-dhahab fi ma'rifati kalam al-'arab, ed. Muh, Muhyi I-Dtn 'Abd al-Hamld, Cairo 1942, 138, no. 63. See the contradictory opinions of OMARA. FARRUKH: as Bild des Fruhislam D in der Arabischen Dichtung - von der Higra bis zum Tode 'Umar's, Leipzig 1937, 22: 50, 98, IIO and S h a u q i I:;> a y f: al-Tatawwur wa-l-tajdld fi i-shi'r al-umawi, p. 20 about whether this qasrda is a JahilI one or it is influenced by the teachings of Islam. See the opinion of a l - A ~ m a 'I: htidha f:lassanu bnu Thtibitin faJ;.lun min fuJ;.uli l-jahiliyyati fa-lamma jti'a l-islamu saoata shi'ruhu (Ibn Qutayba: al-Shi'r wa-l-shu'ara', I70). 3 See a l- B a I ad h u r I, oj. cit., f. 380a. I 2 anthology of Mu'jiwiya. They confined themselves to the Seven j ahili Odes upon which" the scholars unanimously agreed" and which form the popular anthology of the seven mu'allaqat to the present day. The odes of Suwayd b. Abi Kahil and Hassan b. Thabit were eliminated. The three additional odes of the collection of Mu'awiya ('Abid, alNabigha, al-A'sha) were in fact incorporated in a wider anthology already in the third century of the Hijra, as attested by Ibn Abi Tahir; this was the collection of the Ten Odes which is in fact transmitted even today. The merit of Hammad seems to have been that he transmitted the Seven j ahili Odes derived from the collection of Mu'awiya and that he discarded the collection of 'Abd al-Malik, Later literary tradition attributed the selection to Hammad. In the third century these Odes gained wide acclaim and children were taught them in the kuttab I. I Ibn A biT a. h i r, op. cit., f. 49b. 

ridda-verses.pdf Some notes on ridda verses M. J. KISTER The fragments of Wathima's Kitab al-Ridda contained in Ibn Hajar's Isaba have been carefully collected and edited with painstaking accuracy by W. Hoenerbach,l who provided them with a translation. Some printing errors in the original text of the ISaba as well as wrong readings or interpretations of some verses are pointed out in the following lines. Text p. 4, l. 16; translation p. 245: ••••• ",to ~ ::J.,J is translated by Hoenerbach: "An 'Uyaina lass gelangen dassichseinem Hause vorbrachte eine Rede ... " The reading and the translation are both incorrect. The text should be read: and should be translated: Tell 'Uyayna if you pass his abode: a pronouncement... This reading of the first hemistich of the verse is supported by the version recorded by al-Waqidi in his" Kitab al- Ridda" :2 , \:J\ J~"- • \ ~ ' ",,0 ~\ . • ::J.J o...u ~ 0 ~ ~ 0U1 ~_~0•~•J o&.o.~\ ~ • ~ _ • ~..T .J..J.r" ..::.." ~ , , , The expression abligh in 'arar;lta appears frequently in ancient poetry3 and is explicitly explained by the lexicographers.4 1 W. Hoenerbach, Walima's Kitab ar-Ridda aus Ibn Ifagar's I~aba, Akademie der WisAbhandlungen der Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaftlichen 1951). 1938), IVB, senschaften 2 3 und der Literatur, Klasse, Jahrgang 1951, Nr. 1 (Wiesbaden, Ms. Bankipore XV, 108-110, No. 1042, fol. 12a. Compo e.g. al-BaladhurI, Ansab al-ashraf, ed. M. Schloessinger (Jerusalem, p. 59, I. 5 \.k .;j y 1380), I, 195: ~. ':'I~ ~1 ti; ~ ':;"';'y Ibn 'Asakir, Damascus 1349, VI, 131:.r4! ':;"';'J~L..1 ':'1 tL ... VL Ta'rikh (Tahdhib), ed. AI;Imad 'Ubayd, ':;"';'y L:,;; al·'I~ami, SimI al-nuji1m al-'awali (Cairo, ... y-£ ~ ':'1 & (and see these verses in Labid, Diwan, ed. Il}san 'Abbas, al-Kuwayt 1962, p. 276; Yaqiit, 120 Ridda verses The first hemistich of the following verse (text p. 4, l. 17; translation p. 245) is read by Hoenerbach: and is translated: "Wissen liess ich ihn, dass Tulaiha b. Jjuwailid: ein Hund ... " The correct reading, according to the text recorded by al-Waqidi is: . '-7- 1-;) and should be translated: ,. 0 -___ ,0_J. _ _._ o_\J, ~. '" J.~~ - 0'. "-_>o.-::_A.» u1 ~ _ o_J ~ \ o 'Uyayna, indeed Tulayha b. Khuwaylid: is a dog ... A-' Uyayna (instead of A-' Uyaynatu) is a tarkhim.i The third line of this poetical fragment is recorded by Hoenerbach as follows: J ...• _ WI.... e-j\".- 0.)-".J-" 0JJ~L~ J J_ VI: J.~L> r-S""Lj\bl ~ • J ~~\ .... .,j._:_S"" 0 .•.• and is translated: "Wie da bestehen, wenn euch ereilt Jjalid und Muhagirs, markierte, mit ausgestreckten Vorderfiissen galoppierende [Pferde]!" But the second hemistich does not refer to horses. The copyist erred and misread the last word of this hemistich (sawiibi/:zu), which can be corrected from the Ms. of al-Waqidl and replaced by C"."~. The verse should accordingly be translated: How [can] duration [be expected] when Khalid will come to you: and [fighting] Muhajirun, with badges on their garments, tall and strong men.e Mu'jam al-bulddn (Beirut, 1375/1956), II, 68, s.v. Tayman dht ?iliil; Abu I-Baqii' Hibatullah, al-Mandqib al-mazyadiyya, Ms. Br. Mus. Add. 23296, fo!. 139b); and see Reckendorf, Wafa' al-wafd, ed. MuhamArabische Syntax, Heidelberg 1921, p. 110. And see al-Samhudt, mad Muhyi I-DIn 'Abd al-Hamid (Cairo, 1374/1955), III, 1047: ~.... 4i.::-,;. y .; 1 4 5 6 C~ : I~..;: [, 4.WA.. t:--1~i )1 i See e.g. Lisan al-tarab.s.v. "ar d: ~ u.J.Y'.;1 ~ , G.A:....J'::-';'y';l ~.i_ c.li See Wright, A Grammar of the Arabic Language (Cambridge, 1951), II, 88 (§38, rem. C). In al-Waqidl's version the verse runs as follows: L~ ';.JL..:... ';.JJ':"4.J :.J!,J .:;.$. .;1.......;)1!, ~lS"" 121 It is evident that ';.JL..:... as to be replaced by .;,.,..,.,....~ h because of the metre. M. J. Kister It may be useful to record here the report of al-Waqidl verses referring to this story. with the additional ~I JJ Le. o;";:"~...\-J)I0. ..u\:>- Jl ~ ~I ~) ~ y,i 0' ~... f (sic!) ~";:I 0. ~~~:;...u. JI ..L...i ~ ./}Jl J.r->..u4 ()..r"4J o~~4 ~"";)4)L,., 1~1~ 0i ~ t V"'\:J4 ~ J ...\~y>- 0. ~~j ~~=4j" ~~jl :...r ~ ~I ~) ..L})I . ..u\:>- ) .•.J : Jli . ~~b 0 ~ 0~ ? 7..:...,.J.j ..L...i ~ J\[..k:;JI ~I...\~ U. 41 J~ ~) ~ rf 01.SJ : Jli . ..L...i ~ 4t;~i ~~ ~..?t;: Jli J~I J. . ...\~)I ...u\:>- Jl 0. ~ ~4 •••• c:. 8 J.'JI-.j~ ~$J " ()P.:~ J.... ~I ~) ~ ~i Jl~)' : u~~1 " ~f" o~°.D cjJ..u\:>I) ,.--",} J ~~ Jl oa£ J •. ()...\r: i$)1}l1 ~ U. ~~~ " ~ _0 0 L."'" LII J::.i...:;.ll ~ ~ J • J... k"-: ':1~ J :# 0 ••••. ~o)...\-j u),rA " ~ ", ;. ~ t; ~~...>-~I.JL..:....)' lj ~)' 0....,. .... 0"" 0 .... _ ~..r>J I ,0._;' - 0. ........" , c:t.. ,,~ ) 0. 1O~ ~...lC. ~) ~J 12e-k t; ,,)...\~ 0. ~ .!l.~J ) ~ ~ ~L)' o~~ r-=L..:j :"':";;:"j 01 0 01 ~~~ &1 -,'t ... .-" ~..;..,-:-~ 01 ~~I _o,} 9 J 0 lA...\...>- .) .:..U lA , ::: ~..>. J _o ,,_ 0. ~ 01. ,.... 11 .!l.; l.t ':1J 1 0 I0 ••.. e"';' 1 J3~ 0y.r-;. ~) ~ 0J.r:-L~J OIl ~~ '-':l J '::'-..>c...j ) L..,a.:.;~~ ~~ ts'" j:kJ " c.~u J e:-::G L-~ !JI~) oL~1 LJ IS) ...\~0,a.) ~o_.... ~:II:";.Q, !J !/II ,p~~~ J;. J J::..a.tJ oJ /....:Jf .... ~[.~...u. o~ 0 14 0 ~yi; ~ 41)'1 J~ 1t..1o ~4 !Jl:~ _,.. c-~ "0- ~ 0r: ~.r.~1 c.[;;-~ \..... c: 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 ~~; ~J-:l:L:I r:~4 i~J Reading uncertain. Text: J.:.IlI .jy,- ~, Text: ...::.;,£ ;........;i instead of .l.;i; see such a case reported in L. 'A., s.v. khs 'a. Text: .;. I (instead of .;.4), Text: .!.l;4. Text: ~t.;. See note 6 above. Text: r-t""'~. Text: .A.L.....J. 122 Ridda verses J ~ elk) ')~L,.:. 0 . ~ J ..r'L:J~ ,.~L,.:. ~I;J ~ ~ 0 ~u e-:"4- ~J.C$"" O~J-,:!li Ji~~ ,.~-;... •• ~ ,. •••• "' •••• 17,.Ut..:':"':jt. JJ}i I~\" ~o~1j.-.J 1.1-r. o~i J JI ~I oM. -'J. ~i~ if ,.~J 160 0 if f" ~i";J.,li 0.Ai if 44} ~ U..r.-" J ,. ~lAl~~ ~:81 <..>;J elJ ~ I~l .!jllS'" i~1 ~ J.il ~JI)lI ~ WI ~ U. ~-::.~ ~ ~ J l..l~ j-PJ LJ.j : Jli \.. o.)i !r-=~I : Jw o)j ~ ~ ii l:J T~ y)rl .)~ ~ ~Jo.i...; U) ,.~-;'" ~u. ~ ~ c Il~ ~~bY'" ,. ~ i 0~~ .... : Jli . ~j~1 --;} Il~ U~ J I:-.;J ...L4lJ : J~ I.5"J U. G ~ ~Ll.1 ~ J..LJL>J o~~ c.Lji 0 - . ..~~ __ J L. I~l 18J~0.~~ ~~I J ~:;'i ,..[..... J J ~~ • --'--::~ J 4--:"""'; 0 .... r:.,: J 19 ..l.-l~~ ~...LJ:I J~)rl J _0 Co 1 ~";:~jt:; ..•. ..L-~ I., J. ~:r) Jo o __ ~.".JI J~..Q .... L. Jfp'-~.tI ~1 w 0L-.c 2oJ..l~VI J J~jl J. •.•.•. ~i L.~..LJI ~~ ~t.G~l-11~J • 23., JL;LI 22u ~ ~I oL...-jl~I ,. ,. L..4 '-? ~ 21":"':JlI J 0 •..• J ,,---.;1 Jw ~I •. ~~I Il~ J~ if ~bY'" ~ 24~) : ~ J0. ~i":";~ LJ. : Jli J~ \lJliJ ~ J.Ji i ' T~..L!.1L..S:;1.!jllJ ~~ J..MlIIl~ or:.,: l~;" .-... ~ .;;\ .Jf J4::;~ ~J°.,i \.. ~~ , ~ ~?-IJ, u~~)rl . .. .. :~w o~ .... o .... J 4-><-::jJ, 16Text: §. 17Text: ...,..L&.. 18The metre tmutaqdrib), 19 20 of this hemistich (tawil) does not suit the metre of the following verses Text: ~!J. Text: -,!')\). .:..) which should be altered for metrical reasons. Text: 0-"",)\)1. Text: .).)~I. Text: ~J' 21Text: 22 23 24 123 M. J. Kister Al-Waqidi's report helps us to gain a better insight into the situation prevailing among the rebelling Asad-Ghatafan while they were preparing for a struggle with the forces of Khalid b. al-Walid and points to the dissensions among them. It gives us a description of the split which took place when a clan loyal to Medina left the tribe. It elucidates the setting of the three verses quoted by Ibn Hajar in his Isiiba and indicates the source of Wathima. It gives us some notion of the style and composition of al-Waqidl's Ridda. Text p. 16, penult.; translation p. 260: J~<]\ -:.:...~ ~\~\ J ~~ 2SL. ~ ~ Hoenerbach remarks that the first hemistich of the verse does not make sense to him. ("Der erste Halbvers ist mir unverstandlich"), This hemistich can be understood by comparison with expressions of this kind in ancient Arabic poetry. It is used by Ibn al-Dumayna when addressing his beloved: yo umayma l-qalbi,26 "0 Umayma of the heart", "0 my beloved Umayma". Accordingly the first hemistich should be translated: ~JG...,;-l\ ~"[l..;~~ P~ JL-k o my beloved Su'ad, the daughter of UtM!. The whole poetical fragment with the additional verses as quoted by alWaqidi and Ibn Hubaysh may here be recorded: 30~J~) 29~"[.O.~';~1 0 ;;.:o-...[.~ "CL. J . ~ G...w~JI ~ ~ r-. r 3t~J~J }~ 0 28p ~Jlk J 27~JUf ::..~ 0 W ~~\~\ ~~~ 0 ~ Lrl • -Jb ~JI ~..L>~ ~ ~ •••• ~\- ~ J~ ~~ 4- ....JJ~ f~~~ ..:...,. if .•~ <]\ J ~i~\ ~ ~~t 33J~ if ~..b-\ l.J 32"'Y~ ..r ',?fJ\ ',?J~ 'Y 4; 2S Ibn Hubaysh, Kitab al-maghiizt, Ms. Leiden Or. 343, p. 33: ,)!.;lJ1 ,)\....... Ibn al-Dumayna, al·Waqidi: this is also the version of al-Waqidl's Ridda, foJ. 17b, penult. 26 Dtwtin, ed. Ahmad Ratib al-Naffah (Cairo, 1378/1959), pp. 13 (= IV, 1),21 (= VIII,2), 112 (= L, 81),165 (= IV, 1). 27Ms. 28 Ms. al-Waqidi: J.,J. Jb"i. 29Ms. Ibn l;Iubaysh: ~. 30Ms. al-Waqidl: J~)1. 31 32 Ms. al-Waqidi: Ms. al-Waqidi:~. JL....J. J")\....; 33Ms. al-Waqidl: 124 J;' -';!J. Ridda verses .J L.!...o 1 <..>-L-J,I J..$o 10 J .....,. J 4;> _ i _J4!. L-:J ~ "JL~;J .J t;ul 37<..>.r=-f36' Of--:::-"; 0.;D -i _JI.LJ)11 .. p ~ ~I ~I JJ '0'. 34"~1 J~ J 0'._~ ~_~ ".)1 -i~\-~i ';.~ -UL£. ~~ 40"[~") 39'~ 41 r: ~ -~~ ,~~I 0.)1_~::..:u t~38~~ o~;'i 35°~~ _J~1I "J>S "':')11-~ ....JJI _{~ ~~f ':J ~:j\j \ .;:-~ 4- J~ ~~ 0;s.:; 0.)1 Text p. 18,1. 2; translation p. 261,1. 20: The second hemistich of the verse referring to Musaylima is read by Hoenerbach: and translated: "[Wahrlich] ich ward rein von dir vom Verdacht der Anteilungsnahme an der ketzerischen Verleumdung". The correct reading is: .)"":~I and the hemistich should be translated: " I clear myself before you from the repudiator, the unbeliever. Text p. 19, n. 14-15; translation p. 263: ~"~I ~_~l>- if _Jj"")10~ P - ~j ".)1 \5" • .)l-~ are translated by Hoenerbach: .)\5" •~ "Wahrlich der Mord, an einem Gesandten, eben geschehen, in den friihen Tagen teuer kam! 34 35 Ms. al-Waqidl: J"ll. 36 37 Ms. 39 40 41 Ms. al·Waqidi: r"-':' Ms. al-Waqidl: ),...:.J_' al-Waqidt: ';-1>4. 38 Ms. Ibn Hubaysh: -,.J.i; the verse is missing in al-Waqidl's Ridda. Ms. al-Waqidi: Ms. al-Waqidl: ~.J' Ms. al-Waqidl: ~.I;, .t1.J' 125 M. J. Kister Wie schlimm sind die Angehorigen der bani Hanlfa, gleich ob sie vordem dahingegangen oder dem Islam noch erlebt haben". But hddithu l-dahri does not mean "eben geschehen". Hddithu l-dahri may be compared with hadath al-dahri mentioned above and denotes, like "azim, a serious affair, a grave event. The first verse should thus be translated: Indeed the murder of the messenger is a serious event of fate: a grave deed in bygone time. An emendation in the reading of two words in the second verse may be proposed: ~ may probably be replaced by ~ and the unusual ~.Y. by J..\-j is translated by Hoenerbach: "Wie siehst du mich und meinen Bruder 'Utarid, den Verlocker von den bani Hanlfa vertreiben". The correct reading is I.))l,ll and the correct translation is: How do you consider me and my brother 'Utarid ; blocking the Banu Hanlfa from the roads which lead to water. Text p. 23, ll. 15-16; translation p. 268, 11.3-6: ~~~~ ~0~i .~ 1--:;..>- J':>JJL-J.;I ,-:?j-~ is rendered by Hoenerbach: "Moge Gott Garud belohnen statt Aban b. Sa'Id (d.h. statt meiner; denn er kann es besser als ich) und Subah und sein Bruder Harim sind die beste Stutze", The correct translation is: May God give al-Jarud a [good] reward for [what he did for] Aban b. Sa'id And [reward] Subah; and his brother Harim is the best Ieader.42 42 Al-Waqidl, op. cit., foJ. 8a, sup.: -I::-- .;::>-; five additional verses are recorded. 126 Ridda verses Text p. 31 ult. - 32 ll. 1-2; translation p. 277 sup. J :;-.f;) w~\ J-~~\ ~ ~ J .• "" _4-.::~ ~ " J ~lI 0 Co -~l-J' °01J ':;' J "" J &- w~ J ~..L-.,.a...l\ r: w J _ ':1~~\ .... (L-AJ\ L-~\ WI c. ~Y"J o~\ w Jl ~;)y--i ~ The three verses are translated by Hoenerbach as follows: "Ein jeder - und sei meine Geduld gegen ihn noch so gross! - ausser dem Propheten ist gering. o du Herr und Haupt des Befehls, du bist der bestatigte as-Siddiq! Unter euch ist der Befehlsherr; nehmet ihn an und geleitet und fiihrt zum Heil!" Both the texts consulted by Hoenerbach in the first verse had yi JS"'; this was altered by him into ':J~ JS"'. The correct reading is in fact JJ JS"', "every calamity, disaster, grave event" and the verse should be translated: Every disaster, even if the grief over it increases in my soul, is paltry+' in relation to that of the [death of the] Prophet. The second verse should be rendered as follows: o you the one who acts, the one chosen to rule You are indeed the verifier [of the words of the Prophet], the Siddiq, The yi in the third verse denotes, as in the second verse, "rule, power, authority"; the I~ is a demonstrative pronoun (see Wright, op. cit., I, 265). The verse should be translated: This authority is amongst you (i.e. belongs to you), therefore (you people) grasp it, and lead and drive towards salvation. A prose passage (text p. 34, ll. 18-19; translation p. 279, ll. 25-26), may be elucidated: this is translated: "Ihr sollt in dieser Sache nicht weiter, sondern eher zuruckgehen". 43 Comp. antithetically: ~ oj.; in Ibn Abi 1-l;Iadid's Sharb nahj al-baldgha, ed. AbU Siyar a'Iiim al-nubala', ed. 4.1 ~ .:...J;... .ill I·PaQI Ibrahim (Cairo, 1964), I, 156; and comp. al-Dhahabl, As'ad Talas, Cairo, 1962, 1,149: J."....)i ~ ..L.J J.,j ~ 127 M. J. Kister The correct translation is: You verily need more to increase in this matter (i.e. belief, faith, religion of Islam) than to decrease in it. Text p. 38, 1. 1; translation p. 282, 1. 27: is translated by Hoenerbach: "Sie antworteten: Staub aus Torheit in deinem Munde". The late Professor D. Z. Baneth communicated to me the following correction: So they said out of foolishness: Dust into your mouth. The poem of Hassan, composed in connection with the marriage of Khalid b. al-Walld with the daughter of Majja'a, was edited by Muhammad Hamidullah in .his Majmii'at al-wathii'iq al-siyiisiyya /i-l- "ahdi l-nabawiyyi, Cairo 1376/ 1956, pp. 271-2, from al-Waqidi's Ridda (fol. 25a). The missing last word in the first verse of the poem .)..ll:ll can be provided from the new edition of Hassan's Diwan by Walid N. Arafat, London 1971, p. 459 (CCLXXXIV, 1), quoted from Ibn Durayd's Ishtiqdq. The word <.?l:.;. in verse 3 has to be corrected into ~l:.;., as in Arafat's edition; in fact; this is how the word occurs in the Ms. of al-Waqidl, The version of verse 7 of the poem in al-Waqidi's Ridda differs from that in Ibn Durayd's Ishtiqdq (verse 6 in Arafat's edition). The verse in the Ishtiqdq runs as follows: J ...\.....41 .:-'.)-::...JI • & .... ~ 0... 0 Muhammad Hamldullah - follows:J reads the verse in the Ms. of al-Waqidi as " ~~ ~ f ~J~_.) J •. ~;k" 1 .'r.::""" T 0..G 0.JL•• ~I ..L..J ...u~ .)~ JI i.,r.ll~ ~UI ~ But the correct reading is: J t .....:w. ~ ..Lj~ -.)~ ~i u·.:-"-~UI ~ 128 

dreams.pdf The interpretation of dreams An unknown manuscript of Ibn Qutaybas "'Ibarat al-Ru'ya" In memory of Gustave von Grunebaum A manuscript of Ibn Qutayba's compilation on dreams! hitherto considered Iost has recently turned up in the Library of the Hebrew University.s The manuscript contains 67 folios of text (15 lines to each page), carefully written in small, vowelled, clear script; three additional folios contain a Iist of contents written by a later scribe, a remark of a reader and a waqf note. The colophon records the date of copying and the place: Damascus, 20 Dhu l-qa'da 845 H.3 The title of the book as given on the title page and in the colophon is "t Ibdrat al-ru'yii", But the title recorded on fol. Ib and at the end of the book is "Ta'bir al-ru'yii", The book seems to have been known by both titles. Ibn al-Nadtm mentions the compilation as "Kitdb ta'bir al-ru'yd" ,4 Ibn Khayr records it as "Kitdb 'ibiirat al-ru'yii",» I See G. Lecomte, Ibn Qutayba (Damas, 1965), p. 157; T. Fahd, La Divination Arabe (Leiden, 1966), pp. 316-328, 350, no. 97. Lengthy passages from Ibn Qutayba's work are quoted in Ps. Ibn Sirin's Muntakhab al-kaliim fi tafsir al-ahliim, Cairo 1382/1963. 2 Collection Yahuda, Ms. Ar, 196. I should like to express my gratitude to Dr. M. Nadav and Mr. E. Wust who kindly let me read the manuscript and provided me with the needed photographs. An edition of the text is now in course of preparation. I should also like to thank the following libraries and their librarians: the British Museum, Cambridge University Library, the Chester Beatty Collection, the Bodleian Library, London University Library, the Sulaymaniyya and Ankara University. 3 Fol. 67a: ... ammd ba'du qad waqa'a l-fariighu min kitiibati hiidhihi l-nuskhati l-sharifati l-mausiimati bi-kitdbi 'ibdrati I-ru'yii 'alii yadi I· 'abdi I-rla'ifi l-nahlfi l-riiji ilii rahmati lldhi l-biiri yal;yii bni muhammadin il-bukhiiri fi 'ishrtna min dhi l-qa'dati sanata khamsin wa-arba'ina wa-thamdni mi'atin bi-dimashqa l-mahriisati $iinaha lldhu fa'ii,'ii 'an il·afiit wa-l-nakabiit. alIiihumma ghfir li-kiitibihi wa-li-man nazara fthi dmin, yii rabba 1-'alamtn. 4 AI- Fihrist (Cairo, 1348), p. 439 ult. 5 Fahrasa, ed. F. Codera, J. Ribera Tarrago (Saragossa, 1893; reprint Baghdad 1963), p. 266. Al-Zurqanl refers evidently to our manuscript quoting from Ibn Qutayba's Kitab usiili l-ibiira (al-Zurqanl, Sharb 'alii l-mawdhib al-ladunniyya, Cairo, 1328, VII, 173). The compilation of al-Kirmanl is quoted by al-Qlic;lI"Iyad, Tarttb al-maddrlk, ed. Abroad Bakir The chain of the transmitters of the book is given as follows: Abu I-Hasan 'Abd al-Baqi b. Faris b. Ahmad aI-Muqri', known as Ibn Abl l-Fath aIMi~ri;6 Abu Hafs 'Umar b. Muhammad b. 'Arak;? Abu Bakr Ahmad b. Marwan al-Malikl.f The Ms begins: qara'tu 'alii l-shaykhi l-sdlihi abi l-hasani 'abdi l-bii qi ... The name of the scholar who read the Ms aloud to Abu IHasan is not mentioned throughout the book. The remark on the margin of the colophon: qdbalndhii 'alii nuskhati l-asli bi-qadri l-imkdni may support the assumption that the scribe copied it from the copy of the student who read it to Abu l-Hasan. It may be worthwhile to remark that Ahmad b. Marwan al-Malikl, the first person in the chain of the transmitters of our manuscript, is also recorded by Ibn Khayr as the transmitter of his manuscript.? Our manuscript is thus the earliest extant Muslim compilation on dreams. Ibn Qutayba stresses that he derived his material from the "science of aIKirmanit? and others" and undertakes to explain the principles of oneiromancy overlooked by the former scholars.! I This passage indicates that Ibn Qutayba's compilation forms in fact a continuation of an earlier Muslim tradition of oneiromancy, which may be traced to the first half of the second century. The continuity of transmission of the lore of oneiromancy in later centuries is represented by the personality of Abu Muhammad 'Abd a1Rahman b. Muhammad b. 'Attab!2 who transmitted to Ibn Khayr the compilations of al-Kirmani and Ibn Qutayba, the commentary on the book of a1Kirmani compiled by AbU 'Abdallah Muhammad b. Yahya b. al-Hadhdha'.U Mahmud (Beirut-Tripoli 1387/1967),IV, 734, as Kitiib al-libiira (mentioning the commentary on it "al-Bushrii fi 'ibiirat al-ru'yii" by Muhammad b. Yahya al-Hadhdha"; this commentary is mentioned in an abbreviated manner as "al-Bushra" ib., IV, 429); it is also recorded as Kitab al-libam by Ibn Khayr, op. cit., p. 266 (he records however the commentary of alHadhdha' under the title "Kitiib al-bushrii fi ta'wfl al-ru'yii", ib., p. 267). 6 See on him al-Jazarl, Ghdyat al-nihiiya Ii tabaqiit al-qurrii'; ed. G. Bergstrasser (Cairo, 1932), I, 357, no. 1529; he was a student of 'Urnar b. 'Arak ; d. ca. 450 H. 7 See on him al-Jazari, op. cit. I, 597, no. 2431 (d. 388 H). 8 See on him Ibn Hajar, Lisdn al-mizdn, I, 309, no. 931. He was the most prolific transmitter of the lore of Ibn Qutayba (wa-kiina min arwii l-ndsi 'an ibni qutayba). D. 333 H; but see al·QiiQi'IyiiQ, op. cit., I, 27, I. 19. 9 Fahrasa, p. 267, I. 1. 10 In text: Ibrahim b. 'Abd al-Malik, which seems to be an error; read: b. 'Abdallah; see on him Fahd, op. cit., pp. 316, 345 no. 67. 11 "Ibdra, fol. 17a: ... qdla abu muhammadin: wa-sa-ukhbiruka 'an ta'wlli l-ahddtthi mii naf'aluhu /aka mithiilan, thumma nastru ilii ikhbarika 'an al-usidi nakhtasiru (textyahtarliru) li-dhdlika min "ilmiibrahima bni 'abdi lliih! (text: "abdi /-maliki) l-kirmiini wa-ghayrihi wa-mufaddalin (perhaps: mufassalint min al-akhbiiri muhtawin 'alii jumalin jiimi'atin kiifiyattn li-man ahsana tadbirahii wa-u'ina bi-l-tafsiri 'alayhii wa-ubayyinu min 'ilali tilka l-usiil! mii aghfalahu 1mutaqaddimiina fa-lam yadhkuriihu in shii'a [lliihu] wa-lii quwwata ilia bi-lldhi. 12 See on him al-Dhahabl, Tadhkirat al-/.zufJaz, Hyderabad 1377/1958, IV, 1271 (d. 520 H). 13 See on him al-Qad! 'Iyad, op. cit., IV, 429, 733-734 (d. 416 H). 68 The interpretation of dreams the book of Abu Dharr al-Harawlt- and the book of Nu'ayrn b. Hammad.t> The compilation of Ibn Qutayba is divided into two parts: an extensive introduction (fols. 1b-25a) followed by a compendium of oneiromancy containing forty six chapters (fols. 25a-67b). Lists of chapter headings are given in the Appendix. Our manuscript is, however, not complete. It is, therefore, fortunate that another Ms of this work, Ms. Ankara, Is. Saib Sincer I, 4501 (fols. 180a217b) could be consulted. This Ms contains only the first part of our manuscript, i.e. the introduction; the last folios of this Ms are missing. This missing part of the Ms corresponds to fols. 23a, I. 10 - 25a, I. 11 of our manuscript. A former owner of Ms. Ankara rightly noted on the margin of fol. 217b: "nuqsdnuhu waraqun au waraqayn (!) bi-shahddati wuqu'i hddhii l-bdbifi dkhiri l-fihrisi l-thdniyati l-wdqi'ati ii raqmi 179." On fol. 180a there is in fact a list of twenty three (actually twenty four) chapters into which the introduction is divided; every chapter in this Ms is indeed preceded by a headline which conforms to this list. The missing chapter is No. 24: biib adab al-ta'wil; only the beginning of this chapter is found on fol. 217b; it can however be supplemented from our manuscript. The missing passage in our manuscript, fol. 1b, I. 12, should be supplied from Ms. Ankara fo1s. 180b, I. 8 - 182a ult.; the missing passage 011 fol. 3a, I. 10 has to be supplied from Ms. Ankara fols. 184a, I. 7 - 185b ult. On fol. 5a, I. 8 of our manuscript the short chapter "biib al-ta'wil bi-l-ma'nd" from Ms. Ankara fols. 188b-189a ought to be added. On fol. 17a, I. 4 seven chapters from Ms. Ankara (fols. 203a-212b) have to be supplemented. The missing material on fol. 1b of Ms. Jerusalem, which can be supplemented from Ms. Ankara, is of some importance. Counting the wonders and signs of God's creation, Ibn Qutayba stresses the Oneness of God and the grace granted to man by the fact that he has been enabled to smell, see, hear and taste in dream as well as to laugh and to cry, to cross countries while his own body is reclining, his senses inactive and his legs motionless. These wonders associated with dream which were granted to man by God caused some unbelieving people in ancient times (tahayyara qaumun min mutaqaddimi l-mulhidint to be in a state of perp1exion. They drew the conclusion that everything in the world has to be considered as the effect of phantasy and imagination. The sleeping person is indeed certain that the appearances of his dream are realities exactly as he who is awake considers the objects which he perceives to be realities. Ibn Qutayba quotes arguments already adduced in ancient times against this opinion. Ibn Qutayba stresses that the majority of people in the period of the Jahi14 15 Ibn Khayr, See on him al-QiiQi 'IyiiQ, op. cit,. IV, 696-698 (d. 435 H). op. cit., pp. 266-267. 69 liyya and Islam believed in dreams with the exception of a group of atheistic materialists (qaumun min al-zanddiqa yaqillilna bi-I-dahri) and a group of physicians in ancient times. Another group of physicians who were upholders of religion ial-dayyiiniina min al-atibba') partly accepted and partly refuted the veracity of dreams. The reality of dreams was based on the story of Joseph recounted to the People of the Book as well as on the stories recorded by transmitters (of stories) and prophets. The denial of the truth of dreams was based on the assumption that content and form of dreams are conditioned by the difference in the temperaments of men and the preoccupation of their mind.16 Ibn Qutayba admits the existence of such dreams, argues however that they belong to the category of "confused dreams (aq.ghath). True dreams are brought by angels; they are copied from the Tablet in Heaven and contain good tidings or warnings against performing bad deeds. The truth of these dreams can only be denied by a stubborn man or an apostate. The passage missing in our manuscript, fo1. 3a, and which has to be inserted from Ms. Ankara fols. 184a-185b deals with the denotations of the words "nafs" and "rub". The additional chapters in Ms. Ankara, fols. 203a-212b, contain anecdotes about dreams of the Prophet, his Companions and pious men. Initially, the field of dream interpretation had to obtain recognition as legitimately Isiamic and to get the approval of the orthodox circles by reference to the permission or injunction of the Prophet. The Prophet is indeed said to have commented on Sura x 64 ("Those who believe and are godfearing for them is good tidings in the present Iife and in the world to come") and stated that "good tidings in the present Iife" refer to good dreams which they have in their sleep.!? The importance of dreams was emphasized by the utterance attributed to the Prophet in which he established the relation between prophecy and dream: "Prophecy has passed", said the Prophet, "and there remain only bearers of good tidings, good dreams which a man sees or which are shown to him in sleep."18 16 See N. Bland, JRAS, p.7. "On the Muhanunedan Science of TabIr, or Interpretation of Dreams" 1856, p. 128; Ps. Ibn SIrin, Muntakhab al-kaliim ft tafslr al-ahldm (Cairo, 1382/1963), 17 'Ibiira, fol. 2, II. 1-2; al-Tabarl, Tafsir, ed. Mal)miid Muhammad Shakir (Cairo, 1960), XV, 124-139, nos. 17717-17756; al-Qurtubl, Tafslr (Ireprintl Cairo, 1387/1967), VIII, 358; al-Suyutt, al-Durr al-manthio: (Cairo, 1314), Ill, 311-313; al-Hakim al-Naysabiirl, aI-Mus· tadrak (Hyderabad, 1342), IV, 391; al-Khargiishl, al-Bishdra wa-l-nidhiira fi ta'bir al-ru'yii wa-l-muriiqaba, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 6262, fol. 2b. 18 'Ibara, fol. Ib, penult. (reported on the authority of Unun Kurz al-Ka'biyya ; see on her Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba (Cairo, 1325/1907), VIII, 272, no. 1459); al-Hakim, op. cit., IV, 391; 70 The interpretation of dreams An early"? and widely current tradition gives an evaluation of a good dream by stating, on the authority of the Prophet, that it is one out of forty six parts of prophecy.20 True, sound and good dreams were of course those of the Prophet. The Prophet saw in his dream that he rode a camel with a ram behind him and that the edge of his sword was broken. The Prophet predicted that he would kill a Ieader of the (troops of the) enemy (= the ram - K) and that a man from his family will be killed (= the broken edge of his sword - K). In fact the Ieader of the enemy Talha b. abl Talha and the uncle of the Prophet, Hamza, were both killed (in the battle of UJ:!ud).21 The Prophet dreamt that two bracelets were put on his arms; he threw al-Suyutl, al-Durr, III, 312; al-Raghib al-Isfahanl, Muhddariit al-udabii' (Beirut, 1961) I, 149; al-Tibrlzl, Mishkiit al-masiibib (Karachi, 1350), p. 394; al-Zurqanl, op. cit., VII, 163; al-Majlisi, Bil;!ar al-an war (Tehran, 1390), LXI, 177, 192; al-Khargushi, op. cit., foJ. 2a; G. E. von Grunebaum, "The Cultural Function of the Dream as Illustrated by Classical Islam", in: G. E. von Grunebaum and Roger Caillois, The Dream and Human Societies (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1966), p. 7, note 2. 19 Recorded in Ma'mar b. Rashid's Jiimi'; Feyzullah 541, fol. 152a penult.-152b. 20 "Ibiira, foJ. 2a; Muhammad Fu'ad 'Abd al-Baql, al-Lu'lu' wa-l-marjiin fimd ttafaqa "alayhi l-shaykhiin (Cairo, 1368/1949), III, 102-103, nos. 1457-1460; al-Haytharnl, Majma' al-zawii'id (Beirut, 19(7), VII, 172; al-Hakim, op, cit., IV, 390; al-Raghib al-Isfahanl, op. cit., I, 149; al-Tibrtzl, op. cit., pp, 394, 396; al-Suyutl, al-Durr, III, 312-313; al-Majlisl, op. cit., LXI, 175, 178, 191; al-Jarraht, Kashf al-khafe' (Beirut, 1351), I, 436, no. 1407; al'Azlzl, al-Siriij al-munir (Cairo, 1377/1957), II, 322; al-Hanaft, al-Mu'tasar min al-mukhtasar (Hyderabad, 1362), II, 231; and see other versions: Abii Nu'aym, Hilyat al-auliyii' (Cairo, 1351/1932),VIII, 196 (a ninetieth part); al-Majlisi, op. cit., LXI, 167, 177 (a seventieth part); Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., fol, 152b (a seventieth part); al-Tabarant, al-Mu 'jam al-saghir, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman Muhammad 'Uthman (al-Madina, 1388/1968),II, 56 (a seventieth part); al-Suyutl, al-Durr, III, 312-313 (a seventieth part); al-HanafI, op. cit., II, 231 (a seventieth or fiftieth part); al-Tabarl, op. cit., XV, 132, no. 17730 (a part of forty four parts, or a sixtieth part); ib., p. 131, no. 17729 (a part of forty nine parts); al-Zurqani, op. cit., VII, 162-165 (a part of forty four, forty five, twenty four, twenty five, fifty, seventy, seventy six parts of prophecy); and see al-Haythaml, op. cit., VII, 173-174 (a fortieth, a fiftieth, a sixtieth part of prophecy); al-Qastallant, Irshdd al-sdrt (Cairo, 1323), X, 123-127 (a part of forty six, forty four, forty, fifty, seventy, seventy six, twenty six parts of prophecy); cf. A. Kristianpoler, Monumenta Talmudica II, I: "Traum und Traumdeutung" (Wien-Berlin, 1923), p. 25, no. 69 (I;!alom ebad mi-shishim fj·nbu'a); and see ibid., no. 70, and see ibid., p. XI); A. Lowinger, Der Traum in der jiidischen Literatur (Leipzig, 1908), p. 4. 21 "Ibdra, foJ. 52b, inf.; al-Waqidl, al-Maghdzi, ed. M. Jones (London, 1966), I, 209, 225-226, 307; al-Suyutl, al-KhO$ii'i$ al-kubrii, ed. Muhammad KhalIl Haras (Cairo, 1386/ 1967), I, 529; al-Haythamt, op, cit., VII, 180; al-Zurqanl, op. cit., VII, 174, 184-185; Ps. Ibn Slrln, Muntakhab al-kaldm It tafsir al·al;!liim (Cairo, 1382/1963), p. 186 inf.; al-Majlisi op. cit., LXI, 179; Fahd, op. cit., p. 282; al-Khargtishl, op. cit., foJ. 142a. 71 them away and they fell down. He expounded this dream by the appearance of the two false prophets Musaylima and a1-Aswad a1-'AnsI.22 The Prophet saw in a dream reddish-white and black sheep (ghanam) coming to him. He interpreted the reddish-white ones as referring to non-Arabs, the black ones as referring to the Arabs and predicted that non-Arabs will embrace Islam and join the Arabs.23 The fate of Islam was revealed to the Prophet in another dream: he saw himself seated in the house of 'Uqba b. Rafi' where dates of Ibn Tab24 were served. He interpreted it by using verbal associations, predicting that Islam will gain excellence in this and in the next world ('raft' - rif'a) and that the faith of Isiam has already become pure (tab - taba).25 A tradition attributed to the Prophet divided dreams into good and evil; good dreams come from God, evil ones from Satan. "If you see a displeasing appearance in your dream, seek refuge from Satan in God and spit three times at your left side, then it will not harm you", said the Prophet. A special prayer was devised: "I seek refuge in the God of Musa, 'lsa and Ibrahim from the evil of the dream, lest it harm me in my faith or in (my dealings in) this world or in my sustenance. Strong is the man protected by God, glory and power are His. There is no God but Him."26 22 "Ibdra, fol. 46b, sup.; Ibn al-Athlr, al-Nihdya, ed. Mahmiid Muhammad al-Tanaht (Cairo, 1385/1965), V, 90; al-Haythaml, op. cit., VII, 181; Ibn Kathir, Shamii'il al-rasiil ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wal)id (Cairo, 1386/1967), p. 387; Ibn al-Jauzl, al·Wa/ii bi-ahwdli, l-mustafd, ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wahid (Cairo, 1386/1966), II, 633; Ibn al-Athtr, Jdmi' al-usid, ed. Muhammad Hamid al-Fiqi (Cairo, 1374/1955), XII, 376, no. 4980; al-Qastallani, op. cit., X, 154-156; Hamrnam b. Munabbih, al-Sahtfa al-sahtha, ed. Muhammad Hamidullah (Hyderabad, 1375/1956), p. 119, no. 134. 23 'Ibara, fo1. 53a; al-Hakim, op. cit., IV, 395; al-Suyutl, Ta'rikh al-khulafii', ed. Muhammad Muhyi l-Dln 'Abd al-Harnld (Cairo, 1371/1952), p. 105; al-Haythaml, op. cit., VII, 183; Ibn al-Jauzi, op, cit., 11,631; al-Majlisl, op. cit., LXI, 231; I. Goldziher, Muslim Studies, trans1. C. R. Barber and S. M. Stem (London, 1967), I, 112; Ahmad b. l;Iajar al-Haytaml, al-Sawii'iq al-muhriqa fi I-raddi 'alii ahli l-bida'i wa-l-zandaqa, ed. 'Abd al-Wahhab 'Abd al-Latlf (Cairo, 1375), p. 33; al-Khargusht, op. cit., fo1. 170a. 24 See about this kind of dates al-Tha'alibl, Thimdr al-quliib, ed. Muhammad Abii I-FaQI Ibrahim (Cairo, 1384/1965), p. 266, no. 387; al-Bakri, Mu'jam mii sta'jam, ed. Mustafa aISaqa (Cairo, 1364/1945), I, 37, note 2. 25 "Ibdra, fo1. 4b, sup.; al-Tibrizi, op. cit., p. 395; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, IV, 250; al-Zurqant, op. cit., VII, 186; Ibn al-Jauzl, op. cit., II, 631; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 9. 26 'Ibara, fo1. 24b; cf. Ma'mar b. Rashid, op, cit., fo1. 152a-b; aI-HaythamI, op. cit., VII, 174-175, 181; al-Hakim, op. cit., IV, 392; al-Khattb al-Baghdadl, Ta'rikh Baghdad (Cairo, 1349/1931), XII, 484; al-Suyirtl, al-Durr, III, 313; al-Tibrlzi, op. cit., p. 394; al-Zurqant, op. cit., VII, 168-169; al-Shibli, Akiim al-marjdn, ed. 'Abdallah Muhammad al-Sadlq (Cairo, 1376), pp. 182-184; al-Majlisl, op. cit., LXI, 174, 188, 193; Ibn al-Sunni, 'Amal al-yaum wa-l-layla (Hyderabad, 1358), pp. 207-208; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 15; Muhammad Fu'ad 'Abd al-Baql, op. cit., III, 102, no. 1456; N. Bland, "On the Muhammedan Science of Tablr, 72 The interpretation of dreams A dream in which the Prophet appears is considered sound and good. The Prophet is said to have stated: "He who sees me in a dream sees me in reality, because Satan does not take up my appearance".27 Seeing the Prophet in dream is like seeing him in reality. or Interpretation of Dreams" JRAS, 1856, p. 130; cf. Kristianpoler, op. cit., p. 17, nos. 42-43 (and see p. IX); Lowinger, op. cit., pp, 32-33. 27 "Ibiira, fol. 2a; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, Kit. al-mandm, Ms. al-Jazzar (majmii' a), Acre, p, 321; al-Raghib al-Isfahant, op. cit., I, 149; Ahmad b. Hanbal, Musnad, ed. Ahmad Muhammad Shakir (Cairo, 1370/1950), V, 138, no. 3410 and p. 304, no. 3798; al-Haythaml, op. cit., VII, 173, 181-183; al-Sharff al-Murtada, Amdli, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim (Cairo, 1373/1954), II, 394; al-Hakim, op. cit., IV, 393; al-Suyutl, al-Khasii'is, III, 339; Abu Nu'ayrn, op. cit., VII, 246; al-Shibll, op, cit., pp. 184-186 ("Ii bayiini anna l-shaytdna la yatamaththalu bi-l-nabiyyi -s-"): cf. Ma'rnar b. Rashid, op. cit., fol. 153a (man ra'dni fi l-mandmi fa-huwa l-haqqu); al-Tibrizt, op. cit., p. 394 (. . .fa-qad ra'a l-haqqar; al-Qastallani, op. cit., X, 133-135, 139 (and see ibid., the version: man ra'iini fi l-mandmi fa-sa-yariini It l-yaqzay; Ibn 'Asakir: Tahdhib ta'rikh, ed. Ahmad 'Ubayd (Damascus, 1349), VI, 380 ult. (man ra'dnl Ii l-mandmi fa-innahu ta yadkhulu l-niira}; al-Khargiishl, op. cit., fo!. 16b. Some scholars included in this category of sound and true dreams the appearance in dreams of prophets, angels, the sun, the lighting stars and clouds containing rain. (See al-Majlisl, op. cit., LXI, 238, quoted from al-Baghawi's Shorb al-sunnai. A remarkable hadith transmitted by al-Tabarani reports that the Prophet stated that Abu Bakr would interpret (sci!. truly - K) the dreams and that his true dreams would form his lot of prophecy. (Ahmad b. Hajar al-Haytami, al-Sawii'iq almuhriqa, ed. 'Abd al-Wahhab 'Abd al-Lattf (Cairo, 1375), p. 67 with a comment of the author on this tradition: inna aba bakrin yu'awwilu I-ru'ya wa-inna ru'ydhu l-sidihata hazzuhu min al-nubuwwati}. Shl'I sources record the tradition about the appearance of the Prophet in a dream with some significant additions. Satan will not appear in the form of the Prophet or of one of the trustees (ausiya', i.e. the Shi"I imams), nor in the form of anyone of the Shi'a. (See this tradition: al-Majlisl, op. cit., LXI, 176; and see the discussion of this tradition ibid., pp. 211, 216, 234-236). Shl'I tradition reports that 'Ali saw the Prophet every night in a dream. The Prophet revealed to him that five of his Companions (among them Abu Bakr and 'Umar) plotted against him and decided to deprive him of the Caliphate, thus violating the injunction of the Prophet. The Prophet informed 'Ali in a dream about the pains suffered by Abu Bakr and 'Urnar on their death-beds in connection with their mischievous deed. (See Sulaym b. Qays, Kitiib al-saqifa, al-Najaf, n.d., pp. 96, 181; quoted by al-Majlisi, op. cit., LXI, 240241). A sunm tradition reported that Anas b. Malik used to see the Prophet almost every night in his dream (Al-Haythaml, op. cit., VII, 182). There are interesting stories about dreams in which the Prophet expresses his opinion concerning religious leaders and scholars, commending, permitting or rejecting their teachings. Yazid b. Hakim saw the Prophet in a dream. He asked him about Sufyan al-Thauri and the Prophet gave a favourable opinion about him. (Ibn Kathlr, Tafsir, Beirut 1385/ 1966, IV, 259). Zayd b. Dawud saw in a dream the Prophet granting Malik b. Anas musk and asking him to divide it among the people. Zayd interpreted musk as representing knowledge (Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p. 348; al-Qad! 'Iyad, op. cit., I, 375). Abu 'Abdallah saw in a 73 The seriousness of dreams and their interpretation was stressed, as usual, by a hadith. "He who Iies about his dream will be ordered (at the Day of Judgement - K) to join two barley corns and will be put on burning coal."28 Ibn Qutayba defines the dream as a "kind of revelation and a sort of prophecy" (li-annahu jinsun min al-wahyi wa-darbun min al-nubuwwatii.tr The art of oneiromancy, argues Ibn Qutayba, is shrouded in mystery, very complicated and intricate; it is distinguished and sublime. Consequently, the requirements imposed on an interpreter of dreams are manifold as regards qualifications, knowledge and character. While the way to every other science is straight, its principles not being diverse and its standards (maqiiyis) not liable to change, the principles of oneiromancy are changeable according to the position of the person who dreams, his belief, profession, ambitions and the time and period of dreaming. Sometimes a dream is a coined proverb, which has to be interpreted according to the meaning of its words, sometimes it dream a person coming out of a maqsiira in the mosque of Tarsus, quoting the utterance of the Prophet: "Imitate those who will come after me, Abroad b. Hanbal" (Abii Nu'ayrn, op. cit., IX, 185; and see ib., p. 187: a man saw al-Khidr in a dream; he stated that Ahmad b. Hanbal was a truthful person [$iddiq]; and see other dreams about Abroad b. Hanbal, ib., pp. 187-193). Ibrahim b. Musa al-Farra' saw the Prophet in a dream and asked him about the hadiths reported by al-Qasim b. 'Abd al-Rahman on the authority of Abu Umama; the Prop!.et disapproved of them (Ibn I;lajar, Tahdhib, VlII, 324, no. 581). The Prophet recommended Muhammad b. Muslim to record the knowledge of Yahya b. Yahya al-Hanzali (AI-QaQi 'Iyad, op. cit., I, 408). The Prophet ordered in a dream Salama b. Shabib at the age of fifty to refrain from transmission of hadlth ; afterwards the Prophet ordered him to transmit traditions (Ibn 'Asakir, Tahdhib ta'rikh, ed. Abroad 'Ubayd, Damascus 1349, VI, 229). A dream served as means for establishing the Prophet's approval of a Shi'i poet. Sa'd al-Asadl saw the Prophet in a dream. The Prophet asked him to recite a poem of al-Kumayt (Qasida 2 of the Hdshimiyyiit, ed. J. Horowitz, Leiden, 1904, p. 27). After the Prophet had heard the qasida he ordered Sa'd to inform al-Kumayt that as a reward for this poem God forgave him his sins (Al-Mausill, Ghiiyat al-wasii'il, Ms. Cambridge Qq 33 (10), fols. 181b inf. - 182a). The authority of al-Tha'labl, the author of Qi$a$ al-anbiyii', was established by God. Abii l-Qasim al-Qushayri, the author of the well-known "Risiila", saw God in a dream. While God was talking with al-Qushayri He remarked: "The righteous man has come"; it was al-Tha'Iabl (Al-Safadl, al-Wiifi bi-l-wafayiit, VII, 308, Beirut 1389/1969, ed. Ihsan 'Abbas). 28 'Ibdra, foJ. 24b; Abroad b. Hanbal, op. cit., V, 130, no. 3383; al-Hakim, op. cit., IV, 392; al-Haythaml, op. cit., VII, 174; al-Majlisi, op. cit., LXI, 183; Ibn al-Athlr, Jiimi' atusul, XII, 332-333, nos. 9348-9350; al-'AzIzI, op, cit., III, 386; Bland, op. cit., p, 131. (And see another version of this tradition 'Ibdra, foJ. 24b); Anonymous, al-Dhakhira wa-kashfu l-tauqi' Ii-ahli l-basira, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3922, foJ. 29b; al-Khargushl, op. cit., fol. 8a. 29 'Ibdra, foJ. 2a, I. 4. 74 The interpretation of dreams has to be interpreted antithetically. Sometimes the content of the dream refers to another person (like the dreamer's brother, or his superior or peer).3o Sometimes the dreams are confused (a¢ghiith). Due to the intricate character of dreams the requirements from the interpreter are wider than in the field of any other science. "For every scholar of some branch of the sciences", says Ibn Qutayba, "the tool of his science can be sufficient for practising it; but the oneirocritic has to be a scholar of Qur'an and haditlt in order to interpret dreams according to their ideas, to be acquainted with Arab proverbs and rare verses of poetry, to have a knowIedge of Arabic etymology and of current colloquial speech. Besides, he has to be an "adib", gentle, sagacious, endowed with a capacity to judge the countenance of the people, their character-features, their rank and state, to have a knowledge of analogy and an acquaintance with the principles of oneiromancy".31 Only with God's guidance and help will he be pious and pure of sins and get his Iot of the heritage of the prophets, says Ibn Qutayba.32 Ibn Qutayba's intent in his introduction is to set out the ways of oneiromancy and to supply examples of dreams dealt with according to different methods: etymoiogicaI, anti thetical , symbolical and the ones based on Qur'an, hadith, current verses or proverbs.» The many dreams recorded by Ibn Qutayba contain forebodings, stories about reward in Paradise and punishment in Hell, judgements about character and behaviour of people; they reveal some hidden facts, edify and admonish and touch upon a wide range of subjects Iike religious tenets, political conditions, culturallife and moral ideas. The attitude of the orthodox circles towards the heterodox factions in Islam is reflected in the dream of Yazid b. Hanin.34 He saw a man who uttered fatwiis in the mosque of Mecca. He inquired about the man and was told that he was the prophet Joseph. Yazid asked him about drinking nabidh.35 Joseph stated that it was not forbidden, but disliked. Yazid asked about the khawdrij and Joseph answered: "They are Jews." Joseph gave the same 30 'Ibiira, fols. 16b inf. - 17a sup.: Aba Jahl was seen in a dream embracing Islam; this referred to his son 'Ikrima, (See Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., fol. 153a inf.; Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah al-Zubayrl, Nasab Quraysh, ed. E. Levi-Provencal (Cairo, 1953), p. 311; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, IV, 258, no. 5632). The Prophet saw in a dream AsId b. Abll-'I$ entering Paradise; this referred to his son 'Attab b. AsId (al-'Ibiira, ibid.; cf. Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, IV, 211, no. 5383); cf. Ps. Ibn SIrIn, op. cit., p. 7, n. 3-4. 31 'Ibdra, fol. 2a inf. - 2b sup.; cf. Ps. Ibn SIrIn, op. cit., p. 7; Bland, op. cit., p. 132. 32 "Ibdra, fol. 2b. 33 "Ibdra, fol. 4a; Ps. Ibn SIrIn, op, cit., p. 9. 34 See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhtb, XI, 366, no. 711. 35 About drinking nabtdh see e.g.: al-Tahawr, SharI,! mushkil al-iithiir, ed. Muhammad Zuhrl al-Najjar (Cairo, 1388/1968),IV, 215-229; Muhammad Fu'ad 'Abd al-Baql, op. cit., III, 17-18, nos. 1304-1306. 75 answer when asked about the riifida: "They are Jews." YazId could not remember what Joseph said about the Murji'a. "What about a man praying, fasting, carrying out his duties, not trespassing in these things whatsoever?" asked YazId. "That is my message and that of my fathers," said Joseph.ss The khawdrij are, as is usual.s? depicted as dogs in another story. The sister of the Khariji Ieader Abu Bilal Mirdas b. Udayya saw her brother in dream in the form of a dog, weeping. He told her that he had been turned after his death into one of the dogs of Hell.38 The activity of the khawiirij is mirrored in another dream, interpreted by Ibn SIrIn. A woman told him that her patroness saw in her dream that two snakes came out from two holes in her house. Two men approached the snakes and milked them from their heads. Ibn SIrIn remarked that a snake cannot give milk;39 the men milked poison. They were Ieaders of the khawdri] who were visiting the woman. They claim that their tenets are the sunna and fitra; but in fact their tenets are poison. The woman (who recounted the dream - K) confirmed that her lady had been a righteous woman until the two Ieaders of the khawdrij came to her and changed her mind.4o The murder of Husayn was also predicted in a dream. Ibn 'Abbas saw in his dream the Prophet with dishevelled hair, dust coloured, holding in his hand a bottle filled with blood. When asked about it the Prophet said: "It is the blood of al-Husayn; I am collecting it through the night." Later the date of the dream was checked; that night al-Husayn was in fact killed.s! fol. 13a. See the tradition al-khawdrij kildb al-ndr: Ma'rnar b. Rashid, op. cit., fol. 4a; al-Muttaqi l-Hindl, Kanz al-tummdl (Hyderabad, 1383/1963), XI, 182, no. 886; al-Tha'alibl, Thimdr al· qulub, p. 394, no. 622. 38 "Ibiira, fol. 14b; al-Jahiz, al-Hayawiin, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hartin (Cairo, 1384/1965\ 1,271. 39 Milk denotes in Muslim oneiromancy true belief, the fitra; see 'Ibara, fol. 36b, ult.: wa-man ra'ii annahu shariba labanan fa-hiya l-fitratu; al-Haythamt, op. cit., VII, 183. 40 "Ibdra, fol. 17b; al-Jahiz, al-Hayawiin, IV, 269; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op, cit., p. 208; cf. Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., II, 277. 41 'Ibara, fol. 20b; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p, 320; al-Hakim, op. cit., IV, 398; alGhazzall, Ibya' 'uliim al-dtn (Cairo, 1352/1933), IV, 431; cf. Haythaml, op. cit., IX, 193 ult. - 194 sup.; Ibn KathIr, Shama'il al-rasul, ed. Mu~tafii 'Abd al-Wahid (Cairo, 1386/ 1967), p. 447; al-MajIisl, op. cit., XLIV, 239; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 282; Fahd, op. cit., p. 296; Muhammad b. Ahmad al-TamImi, al-Mihan, Ms. Cambridge Qq. 235 (8), fol. 48a; al-Suyfltl, al-Khasii'i« al-kubrii, IT, 452; al-Dhahabl, Ta'rikh al-Isldm (Cairo, 1367), II, 349; al-Yafi 'I, Mir' at al-jindn (Hyderabad, 1339), I, 134; al- 'Isaml, Simt al-nujiim al- 'awal; (Cairo, 1380), III, 78; al-Tabarst, I'Iiim al-warii (Tehran, 1338), p. 217; al-Ganjt, Kifiiyat altalib Ii mandqib 'Ali b. abi Tdlib, ed. Muhammad Hadt l-AminI (al-Najaf, 1390/1970), p. 428. 36 'Ibara, 31 76 The interpretation of dreams The attitude of the orthodox circles towards compilations of nasab is reflected in the story of the dream of aI-KaibI. He saw himself on the Day of Judgement. He was brought into the presence of God, Who rebuked him for "compiling genealogies which he did not know" and ordered to lead him to Hell. On his way a1-Kalbi met the Prophet and asked him to intercede for him with God, mentioning the merit of having compiled a commentary on the Qur'an. The Prophet ordered 'Ali, who was in his company, to interrogate al-Kaibi. AI-Kalbi having answered the questions well, 'Ali reported the fact to the Prophet, who interceded for him and he was let free. He sat down with the Prophet and asked him when the Umayyad rule was going to end. The fall of the Umayyad dynasty happened in fact at the date fixed by the Prophet in his answer to al-Kalbl.t- The opposition of orthodox circles to dubious genealogies, the esteem for commentaries of the Qur'an, the desire to know the dates of the rise and fall of dynasties and the belief in the intercession of the Prophet are reflected in this story. The negative attitude towards the Umayyads is mirrored in a passage deaIing with the meanings of "soul" and "spirit". The spirits of the wicked people gather in Barhut.O On the cornice of a Iarge house in 'Uman there used to shelter an owl. Some night another owl came and stood at its side. The 'Umani owl asked it who it was and it said: "I am the spirit of al-Walid b. 'Abd I-Malik and I am on my way to Barhut.t'+' When the date was checked it tallied with the date of the death of al-Walid. Ibn Qutayba states that the story resembles jahili-beliefs about the hiima as reflected in the verse of Abu Duwad al-Iyadi: sullita l-mautu wa-l-maniinu 'alayhim wa-lahum Ii sadd l-maqdbiri hdmu Death and fate were imposed upon them and they have in the birds of graves their (embodied) spirits. and stresses that the Prophet abolished this belief.45 'Ibiira, fols. lOb-Ita. See Yaqut, Mu'jam al-buldiin (Beirut, 1374/1955), I, 405; and see al-Majlisl, op. cit., LX, 206, 239. 44 'Ibara, fols. 3b-4a; al-Samarqandt, Qurrat at-iuyun (Cairo, 1354/1935),p. 93 (on margin of Mukhtasar Tadhkirat al-Qurtubi; but here the owl is the spirit of 'Abd al-Malik). Another anti-Umayyad interpretation of a dream is reported on the authority of Ibn al-Musayyab. A girl saw in her dream that Moses appeared in Syria. He held in his hand a stick and walked on the surface of the water. Ibn al-Musayyab stated that if this dream be true 'Abd aJ-Malik died this night. He explained how he arrived at this conclusion: God sent Moses in order to shatter the tyrants. He did not find a tyrant (to whom this dream might refer - K) except 'Abd al-Malik (Al-Khargiishl, op. cit., fol. 15a). 45 The hadith: la 'adwd wa-la hdma wa-lii safara is analysed by Abu 'Ubayd in his Gharib al-badtth, I, 27 (the verse of Abu Duwad is recorded there); cf. Ibn Athlr, al-Nihiiya, V, 283. 42 43 77 The story of the dream of Ghalib al-Qattan+ reflects the struggle of the orthodoxy against innovators. He saw in his dream Malik b. Dinar wearing clothes Iike those which he used to wear in mosque. Malik advised him to refrain from the company of rich worldly people and unlawful innovators.s" Qur'an versus poetry is symbolized in the dream of A'sha Hamdan+s which he told to al-Sha'bl, He saw in his dream that he exchanged wheat for barley. Al-Sha'bi interpreted it that he exchanged Qur'an for poetry. Ibn Qutayba remarks: "The meaning of wheat and barley was here interpreted by Qur'an and poetry. Would a man of the ahl al-ra'y49 dream this dream it would be interpreted as exchange of hadith. for ra'y."50 The role of Abu Hanlfa in Isiam is attested in the following dream: AbU Hanlfa saw in a dream that he was digging the bones of the Prophet; (he collected them and pressed them to his breast). Ibn SIrIn was told this dream and said: "This is a man who will revive the sunna of the Prophet.s! The dream served sometimes as confirmation of the truth and reliability of a hadith. 'Ubaydullah b. 'Adi b. a1-Khiyar52 considered a Iie the hadith: "The molar-tooth of the unbeliever in Hell is Iike the mountain of Ui}.ud",53 which was reported by Abu Hurayra. 'Ubaydullah dreamt that he had an ulcer on his finger; he scratched it and it grew and became like the mountain of Uhud, He went to Abu Hurayra and asked him to beg for him God's pardon, which Abu Hurayra did.54 Ibn Qutayba relates his own dream about a hadith. He saw in a dream Abu Dharr who transmitted to him the following utterance of the Prophet: "God said: 'He who approaches Me by the measure of a span I shall approach him by the measure of an arm; he who approaches Me by the measure of an arm I shall approach him by the measure of two arms; he who comes forth to Me walking I shall hurry to him'." When Ibn Qutayba woke up he asked about 46 See on him al-Dhahabl, Mizan al-i'tiddl, ed. 'AJI Muhammad al-Bijawl (Cairo, 1382/ 1963), III, 330, no. 6642; Ibn l;Iajar, Tahdhib, VIII, 242, no. 444. 47 'Ibara, fol. 15a; Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., II, 380 sup. 48 See on him a1-Amidi, al-Mu'talif wa-l-mukhtalif, ed. F. Krenkow (Cairo, 1354), p. 14, no. 15; Ibn Habtb, Asmii' al·mughtalin (Nawadtr al-makhtutdt, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Harun (Cairo, 1374/1955),VII, 265-266). 49 See Al;Qii.b a1-ra'y, BIZ, 692 (1. Schacht). 50 'Ibara, fol. 9b. 51 'Ibiira, fol. 34b; al-Ibshtht, al-Musta/raf(Cairo, 1308), II, 80. (See the striking remark of Ibn Slrin: md yanhaghi lt-abadin min ah/i hadha l-zamdni an yard hddhihi I-ru'ya). S2 See on him Ibn I;Iajar, Tahdhib, VIII, 36, no. 67. S3 See a1·'AzIzI, op. cit., II, 410; al-Suytitl, al-Kha$a'i$, III, 9; al-Jarraht, op. cit" II, 34, no. 1637. 54 'Ibara, fol. lla. 78 The interpretation of dreams the hadltli and was told that Abu Dharr and Abu Hurayra transmitted this l;adith.55 Sometimes a peculiar word, or a curious one, is revealed and elucidated in a dream, 'Abdallah b. 'A'idh al-Thumali56 promised Ghudayf b. al-Harith-" on his death-bed to tell him what befell him after death. 'Abdallah appeared to him in a dream and said: "We barely escaped (scil., pain - K); we met the Lord, Who forgave the sins and did not punish for the bad deeds except the al;rii{l" (whom He did punish - K); Ghudayf asked who were the al;rdt;l. 'Abdallah explained the word as denoting people who are pointed at with the fingers secretly. Ibn Qutayba discusses several words of this root (I; r t;l) and accepts 'Abdallah's definition of this word.58 There is a dream which shows how faithful a believer Abu Bakr was. The Prophet, says the story, fraternized between Salman and Abu Bakr. One night Salman had a dream after which he turned away from Abu Bakr. When asked by Abu Bakr about his behaviour Salman told him that he had seen him (i.e. Abu Bakr) in a dream, his hands fastened to his neck. Abu Bakr explained the dream as denoting that he had his hands fettered so as to prevent him from doing evil deeds until the Day of Judgement. The truth of this interpretation was subsequently established by the Prophet.s? A similar tendency can be discerned in the following story: Rabi'a b. Umayya recounted a dream of his to Abu Bakr: "I was in a fertile land, then I moved into a land struck by barrenness. Your hands (i.e. Abu Bah's) were fastened to your neck and you were at the side of Sarir b. Abi l-Hashr." 55 'Ibiira, fol. 12a; al-MundhirJ, al-Targhib wa-l-tarhib, ed. Muhammad Muhyl l-Dln 'Abd al-Harnld (Cairo, 1381/1962), V, 289, no. 4532 (and see ibid., no. 4531); al-Sharlf al-Radiyy, al·Majaztit al-nabawiyya, ed. Mahmud Mustafa (Cairo, 1356/1937), p. 272, no. 287 (with an interpretation of the !Jadith); AbU Nu'aym, op. cit., IV, 101; Ma'rnar b. Rashid, op. cit., fol. 170a. The reliability of the hadlth: inna ahadakum yujma'u khalquhu ... , transmitted by Ibn Mas'Iid, was established by the Prophet in a dream. Muhammad b. Yazid al-Asfatl (see on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, IX, 525, no, 861) saw the Prophet in a dream and asked him about this hadith, reported by al-A 'mash on the authority on Ibn Mas'ud, The Prophet stated that he himself reported this utterance to Ibn Mas'ud and repeated this statement three times. "May God forgive al-A'rnash, as he transmitted it, and may God forgive those who transmitted it before him and those who will transmit it after him", said the Prophet. (Ibn Rajab, Jiimi' I-'ulilm wa-l-hikam, ed. Muhammad al-Ahmadt AbU I·NUr, Cairo, 1970, I, 103; on al-A'mash [Sulayman b. Mihran] see aI-Dhahabi, Tadhkirat al-huffdz; I, 154, no. 149; Ibn Hibban, Kitiib al-thiqdt, ed. 'Abd al-Khaliq al-Afghanl (Hyderabad, 1388/1968), p.90). S6 See on him Ibn Sa'd. Tabaqdt (Beirut, 1377/1958),VII, 415. 57 See on him Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba, V, 189, no. 6906; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VII, 443. 58 "Ibdra, fol. 16a; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VII, 415; Ibn AbI l-Dunya, al-Mandm, pp. 297, 327; see al-ZamakhsharI, al-Fd'iq, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawl and Muhammad Abii I-Fa41 Ibrahim (Cairo, 1971), I, 276; L'A, s.v.1J r 4. 59 •Ibdra, fol. 9a. 79 Abu Bakr interpreted the dream as follows: "Your dream is true. You will abandon belief for unbelief; my affairs were destined for me righteously (i.e., my hands will not reach out for anything wrong - K) and I shall remain in a state of joy (sarir -> surur) until the Day of Resurrection (f:zashr)." It is told that Rabl'a indeed embraced Christianity and left for Byzantiurn.w Many stories of dreams predict the rule of the first Caliphs, the rise of the Umayyad-dynasty and thefttan, reflecting often the conflicting religio-political views of the various factions of Muslim society.e! 60 'Ibara, fol. 19a; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, II, 224, no. 2746. of the two caliphs after the Prophet was predicted according to his dream in which he saw himself drawing a bucket from a well. He was followed in this action by Abu Bakr, who drew however no more than two buckets with little force. Then he was followed by 'Umar. The bucket grew in his hands very large and he drew it with the greatest energy. See this story, Ma'rnar b. Rashid, op. cit., fol. 18a; Abu 'Ubayd, Gharib al-hadlth, 1,87; Ibn Abi Hatim, Kit. al-'ilal, Ms. Chester Beatty 3516, fol. 286b; al-Bayhaql, Ma'rifat al-sunan wa-l-dthdr, ed. Ahmad Saqr, Cairo 1389/1969, I, 119; Ibn Hajar al-Haytami, op. cit., p. 22; al-Zurqanl, op. cit., VII, 187-188; al-Zamakhsharl, al-Fd'iq, Ill, 61; Abu Bakr Ibn al- 'Arabi, al- 'Awii,im min al-qawiisim, ed. Muhibb al-Din al-Khattb (Judda, 1387), p. 188; al-Suyutl, al-Khasii'is al-kubrii, II, 417-418; Muhammad Fu'ad 'Abd al-Baqi, op. cit., III, 165-166, nos. 1548-1549; al-Qastallani, op, cit., X, 147-149; Ps. Ibn Sirin, op. cit., p. 292; al-Muttaqi aI-Hindi, op. cit., XII, 176-177, nos. 930-933 (the haditb no. 932 and Suyutt, Khasa'is, II, 418 combines the tradition of succession with the tradition about the 'Ajam embracing Islam, mentioned above p. 72, note 23), 183-184, nos. 972-973; Fahd, op. cit., p, 277. The succession of the three first Caliphs was foreseen in a dream of the Prophet. He saw in a dream Abu Bakr attached (nita bihi) to him; 'Urnar was attached to Abu Bakr. and 'Uthman to 'Umar (al-Hakim, op. cit., Ill, 71, 102; al-Suyirtt, al-Khasa'is al-kubrd, II 417). Abu Bakr saw himself in a dream clad in a yemeni garment and treading on human excrements; he had two moles on his chest. The Prophet interpreted it by saying that for two years he would rule as Caliph. (al-Muttaql al-Hindl, op. cit., XII, 162-163, no. 827. Ibn Sa'd' op. cit., Ill, 176-177; Ibn Hajar al-Haytaml, op. cit., p. 24). 'Auf b. Malik saw in a dream a man in a crowd taller than the rest of the people. He was told that the man was 'Umar. 'Urnar, he was told, surpasses them because he is not wary of being blamed while acting for God's sake, he will be an appointed Caliph by the predecessor and will die as martyr. 'Auf told Abu Bakr the dream, who summoned 'Umar and ordered 'Auf to relate him the dream. When he said "he will be an appointed Caliph" (by the predecessor), 'Umar silenced him and pulled him away roughly. When he became Caliph, he met 'Auf, admitted that one part of the dream has been fulfilled, expressed his wish to act fearlessly for God's sake, but wondered how he could gain the death of a martyr if he remains in the Arab peninsula (Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., III, 331; al-Muhibb al-Tabarl, alRiyii{l al-nadira, Cairo 1372/1953, I, 212). Abu Musa al-Ash'arl saw himself in a dream facing many highways, which, however, dwindled away. He went on the one which had been left and reached a mountain on which he saw the Prophet; on his side stood Abu Bakr. The Prophet pointed at 'Umar ordering him to draw near. Abu Musa understood that the dream foreboded the death of 'Urnar (Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., III, 332). 61 The succession 80 The interpretation of dreams 'Uthrnan saw the Prophet in a dream when he was besieged in his court. 'Uthman was fasting and the Prophet told him that he would break the fast in his company in the morning. In the morning, while still fasting, 'Uthman was indeed killed, (al-Hakim, op. cit., III, 94, 103; al-Suyutl, al-Khasii'is al-kubrii, II, 443-444; Muhammad b. Yahya b. Abi Bakr, alTamhid wa-I-bayiin, ed. Mahmud Yiisuf Zayid, Beirut, 1964, p. 175; al-Muhibb al-Tabart, al-Riyad, II, 161, 167-168; and see another version ibid., 167: 'Uthman, when besieged, saw in a dream the Prophet who asked him: "Have they besieged you, have they caused you intense thirst?" "Yes", said 'Uthman. The Prophet gave him a bucket with cold water and 'Uthrnan drank until he quenched his thirst. Then the Prophet said: "If you want I shall help you against them [i.e. against the besiegers] or if else you will break the fast with us." 'Uthrnan preferred to break the fast in the company of the Prophet [i.e. in Paradise] and was killed next day). The Prophet interpreted the fire seen by Zurara b. 'Amr al-Nakha't as indicating the fitna which will flame up after the Prophet's death. (See 'Ibara, fol. 47b ult. - 48a; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, III, 8; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isti'iib, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawl, Cairo, n.d., II, 517, no. 811; al-Zamakhsharl, op. cit., II, 182-183; al-Zurqanl, op. cit., VII, 193194; Fahd, op. cit., p. 286; and see 'Ibiira, fol. 51a, inf.). The neutrality of Sa'd b. Abi Waqqas was approved of in a dream. Husayn b. Kharija al-Ashja'I became perplexed when the fitna broke out (i.e. after the murder of 'Uthman). He asked God to grant him a sign how to act righteously. He saw in a dream this world and the next world and was guided by angels to a place where Ibrahim and the Prophet stayed. He heard the Prophet asking Ibrahim to beg God to pardon the sins of his people. Ibrahim said: "You know what your people invented (ahdathu; for the meaning of ahdatha see Goldziher, op. cit., II, 27-31) after your death; they spilled their blood and killed their imdm; why did they not act like my friend Sa'd?" Husayn b. Kharija went to Sa'd and related him his dream. Sa'd was pleased that Ibrahim had named him his friend. When asked which of the two factions he joined, Sa'd stated that he kept away from both parties. He advised Husayn to buy a flock and stay far away until the /itna came to an end (al-Dhahabi, Siyar a'Iiim al-nubalii', ed. Salai) al-Dln al-Munajjid, I, 81, al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, III, 501). The heated discussion about the position of 'Ali is reflected in a story about a muhadditn who appeared in a dream to his friend and told him about the privileged status of Muhammad b. 'Ubayd in Paradise, because he preferred 'Uthman to 'Ali (al-Khatlb al-Baghdadl, op. cit., II, 367). Muhammad b. 'Ubayd, when alive, used to warn his audience not to listen to the Kufians who scoffatthe people (ibid., the Kufians were known as the partisans of' Ali). The negative attitude towards the Umayyad rulers was reflected in a story according to which the Prophet saw the Umayyads in a dream jumping like apes on his minbar (al·SuyiltI, al-Khasii'is al-kubrii, II, 427-428; al-Majlisi, op. cit., LXI, 156). The attitude of the orthodoxy towards the conflict between 'Ali and Mu'awiya (comp.: idhd dhukira a$l;!tibifa-amsikii, al-Suyutl, Ta'rikh al-khulafd', p. 176; Ahmad b. l;Iajar alHaytaml, op. cit., p. 214) is mirrored in the story of the dream of 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz. He saw in a dream the Prophet in the company of Abii Bakr and 'Umar, 'Ali and Mu'awiya were brought in and entered a house the door of which was closed behind them. After a time 'Ali went out and stated that a verdict was given in his favour; then Mu'awiya went out and said that God forgave him his sins (Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Manam, p. 319). The personality of 'Umar b. 'Abd al- 'Aztz and his orthodox rule are emphasized in a story in which he tells of a dream which he dreamt. He saw the Prophet in the company of Abii Bakr and 'Umar, and the Prophet ordered him to follow the path of Abii Bakr and 'Urnar when he will be entrusted with government (Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., III, 291; al-Suyfitl, Ta'rikh al-khulafd', p. 230). 81 A cloud flowing with butter and honey, which a man saw in a dream, was interpreted by Abu Bakr as Islam (the cloud) and Qur'an (butter and honey).62 The esteem for scholars occupied with the study of the Qur'an is reflected in the story of a dream in which al-Kisa'I appeared and stated that God had forgiven his sins because he was dedicated to the study of the Qur'an.63 The preceding tradition belongs in fact to a particular kind of stories about the rewards in Paradise granted to the pious and godfearing for their good deeds. A fine specimen of a collection of this genre of stories is the Kitiib almaniim of Ibn Abl l-Dunya,64 a contemporary of Ibn Qutayba.v> Similar in content are some chapters on this subject in Ibn Abi Hatim's Taqdimat alma'rifa li-kitdbi l-jarlt wa-l-ta'dilv: Our 'Ibiira contains many stories of this kind. In some cases the tendency is to stress the specific virtues by which the pious gained Paradise, to guide the living and to admonish. Malik b. Dinar saw al-Hasan al-Basrl in a dream and asked him about his experiences in the other world. Al-Hasan told him that he was guided by God's grace to the abode of the righteous in reward for his sorrow and weeping in this world. He accordingly said: "The Ionger the man's saddness in this world the longer is his joy in the Iife to come."67 Ibn Qutayba remarks that this utterance is expressed in a manner which resembles al-Hasan's own style.68 Malik b. Dinar also saw Muslim b. Yasar69 in a dream. Muslim told him that he had been subjected after his death to dreadful experiences, but that later God had forgiven him his sins and accepted his good deeds. Malik sobbed and fainted. After a few days he died.7o 62 "Ibiira, fol, 36a; see the different versions of this story: Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., fols. 152b-153a; Muhammad Fu'ad 'Abd al-Baql, op. cit., III, 42-43, no. 1462; Ahmad b. Hanbal, op. cit., III, 357, no. 2113; Ps. Ibn Stnn, op. cit., p, 130; al-Hanafl, op. cit., II, 265; al-Qastallanl, op. cit., X, 160-161; al-Muhibb al-Tabart, al-RiyiirJ, I, 107; Abu Bakr Ibn al-'Arabl, op. cit., p. 189; cf. al-Khargushl, op. cit., fol. 120b. 63 'Ibiira, fol. 15a; al-Khatlb ai-BaghdadI, op. cit., XI, 410, 414. 64 Ms. al-Jazzar, Acre, majmii'a. 65 D. 280 H. F. Meier's statement "Die Welt der Urbilder bei 'Ali Hamadani", (Eranos Jahrbuch, 1950), p. 125, that the earliest collection of such stories is in the Risdla of alQushayrI must thus be altered. 66 Ibn AbI l;Iatim, Taqdimat al-ma'rifa (Hyderabad, 1371/1952), pp. 119-122, 311-312. 67 'Ibara, op, cit., fol. 12b; Ibn AbI l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p. 301; comp. a similar dream of Ibn Strln in al-Dhahabl's Ta'rikh al-Isliim (Cairo, 1367), IV, 198. 68 Ibid., ... atwalu l-ndsi huznan atwaluhum farahan ft I-iikhirati; qiila abu muhammadin: wa·hiidhii kamii tarii ashbahu bi-jayyidi kaldmi l-hasani. 69 See on him Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VII, 186. 70 'Ibdra, fol. l3a, ult. - I3b sup.; Ibn AbI l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p. 299, ll. 5-12; Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., II, 294 inf. 82 The interpretation of dreams Malik b. Dinar appeared after his death in a dream to Suhayl Akhu Hazm"! and informed him that he had come to the presence of God with many sins, but that God had forgiven him because of his confidence in God (I)usnu /zanni bi-lliihi).72 Sufyan al-Thaurl appeared in a dream to Abu Khalid al-Ahmar and informed him that he had found rest from the troubles of this world and came at the Mercy of God. According to another story Sufyan said that God had forgiven him his sins because of his talab al-hadithl» ~iilil,1 aI-Barrad saw in a dream Zurara b. Aura.74 Zurara told him that the best things by which to reach Paradise are trust in God and hope of Iittle duration.t> Another class of dreams contain predictions about the death of pious men and how they will enter Paradise. A pious woman in Mecca dreamt about maid-servants, dressed in yellow clothes and holding sweet basil in their hands, encircling the Ka'ba, She was shocked by what she saw and said to herself: "Such a thing around the Ka'ba?" She was told in her dream that 'Abd a1'Azlz b. Abl Rawwiid76 was getting married. That night, when she woke up, she was informed that he had died the same night. 77 A woman saw in her dream a beautiful garden in which there was placed a goiden throne. On this throne sat a man surrounded by servants with cups in their hands. She was told that the man was Marwiin al-Muhalliml, When 71 72 See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, IV, 261, no. 449. 'Ibdra, fol. 13b; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, Majmu'at rasd'il (Cairo, 1354/1935), p. 41, no. 7 (Kitab husni l-zanni bi-lIiihl). 73 'Ibdra, fol. 14a; Ibn AbI Hatim, op. cit., p. 121; comp. Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p. 351: A man saw YazId b. Hartin after his death in a dream and asked him whether God forgave him his sins because he studied Qur'an, "No", said YazId, "because (my study of) hadith", And see al-Fasawl, Kit. al-ma'rifa wa-l-ta'rikh; Esad Ef. 2391, foJ. 190b inf.: 'Amr b. Murra hesitated whether to choose /:tadith or Qur'an, He saw in a dream a man granting gifts to the readers of Qur'an, not to the transmitters of hadith' and he decided to prefer Qur'an, See about talab al-hadith: Goldziher, Muslim Studies, II, 164 seq.; 'Abdallah b. al-Mubarak told his friend in a dream that God forgave him his sins because of talab al/:tadith (Majmu'at rasii'if Ii 'uliim al-hadith, ed. Subhl al-Badrl al-Samarra'I, al-MaclIna alMunawwara 1389/1969, p. 47). 74 See on him Waki', Akhbiir al-quddt, ed. 'Abd al-'AzIz MU$tafa al-Maraghl (Cairo, 1366/1947), I, 292-297; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VII, 150. 75 'Ibara, fol. l3a; Ibn AbI l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p. 298, cf. al-Tha'labl, Kitiib qatlii I· Qur'on, Ms. Leiden, Or. 9981 (majmu'a), fol. 9a-b. 76 See on him al-Sha'rant, al-Tabaqdt al-kubrii (Cairo, [n.d.]), p. 52; AbU Nu'aym, op, cit., VIII, 191. 77 'Ibdra, Col. lib; al-Yafi't, Mir'iit al-jindn (Hyderabad, 1338), I, 339 ult.-240 sup.; Ps. Ibn SIrIn, op. cit., p. 76. 83 she woke up in the morning, she was informed that the funeral of Marwan al-Muhalliml passed by her door at that time.78 Hafsa bint Rashid was moved by the death of her neighbour Marwan a1Muhallirnl. She then saw him in a dream and asked him what God's decision about him was. He told her that he had been introduced into Paradise, that he had then joined the "People of the Right" (a$l;iib ai-yamin) and been finally raised to "those near the Presence" (al-muqarrabin). When asked whom he had met in Paradise, he answered that he had seen there al-Hasan (al-Basrl), Maymiin b. Siyah,79 and Muhammad b. Sirin.80 The stories adduced above may give an idea about the dreams recorded by Ibn Qutayba concerning the pious in Paradise. Yet another group of dreams contain injunctions, warnings and forebodings. Isma'Il al-Hadrami became blind. In a dream he was taught a supplication and, having recited it, he regained his eyesight.s! Wahb b. Munabbih fell into destitution. One night he dreamt that a man brought him a thing resembling an almond or a pistachio nut. Having opened it, he found a piece of silk on which there was an inscription saying that it was not fitting for a man who knows the justice of God, or his affair by God's mercy, to consider the sustenance given by God as too slow. Later God gave him indeed plentiful sustenance.82 A pious man from Hamdan saw in a dream a piece of paper on which an injunction was written ordering him to practise submission and fear of God in order to reach the rank of the righteous.F' A secretary of al-Hasan b. Sahl84 resigned from his post and became a pious man. In his dream he saw a man who told him that his Lord called 78 "Ibiira, fo1. lOa-b; Ibn AbI l-Dunya, al-Maniim, p. 300, ll. 10-16; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 70; al-Khargiishl, op. cit., fo1. 62b. 79 See on him Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., III, 106; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VII, 152. 80 'Ibara, fo1. lOa; Ibn AbI l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p. 300, ll. 7-10; Ps. Ibn Strln, op. cit., pp. 69-70; al-KhargiishI, op. cit., fo1. 62b. 81 "Ibiira, fo1. IIa. Cf. Ibn l;IanbaI, Kit. al-'ilal, ed. T. Kacyigit and I. Cerrahoglu (Ankara, 1963), I, 68, no. 401: Simak became blind. He saw in his dream Abraham who stroked his eyes, ordered him to enter the Euphrates and to open his eyes in the river. He did it and regained his sight. 82 "Ibiira, fo1. 13a; al-Tantikhl, al-Faraj ba'da l-shidda (Cairo, 1357/1938), I, 168; comp, Ibn Nasir al-Dln al-Dimashql, Jiimi' al-iithiir fj maulidi l-mukhtiir, Ms. Cambridge Or. 913, fo1. 75a sup. (It was the Prophet who saw the inscription in his dream; the story is transmitted on the authority of Wahb. b. Munabbih). 83 "Ibdra, fo1. 12b. 84 See on him al-Jahshiyarl, al-Wuzarii' wa-l-kuttiib, ed. al-Saqa, al-Abyart, ShalabI (Cairo, 1357/1938),pp. 230-231. 84 The interpretation of dreams him. He understood the hint, made the necessary preparations and set out for a pilgrimage to Mecca. He died in fact on his journey.V 'Umar saw in a dream a cock which pecked him once or twice. He interpreted it that an alien (a Persian) would kill him.86 'A'isha bint Talha (and another man) saw Talha in a dream. He complained of dampness discomforting him in his grave and asked to be removed into another place. When his grave was opened, the people found it exactly as described by Talha. His body was found unchanged except for some of the hair in his beard.s? A woman saw her deceased daughter in a dream. The daughter ordered her mother to divide walnuts amongst the poor. Ibn Slrin interpreted the dream as follows: the woman should take out her hidden treasure and divide it among the poor. The woman admitted that she had buried this treasure at the time of a plague.ss A woman told Ibn Sirln that she dreamt the moon was entering into the Pleiades; a herald from behind her ordered her to go to Ibn Slrln and to tell him the story. Ibn Sirin's interpretation was that he would die within seven days; he died in fact on the seventh day.89 A man saw in a dream a bird coming down from heaven, alighting on a shrub of jasmin and picking it, then flying back towards heaven. Ibn Slrln explained it as referring to the death of scholars. In fact a number of scholars died in that year, among them al-Hasan and Ibn Sirin.90 Layla bint Aufa al-Harashiyya, the wife of Furat al-Bakka'l, had a daughter who saw in her dream that she would break three banners. Her mother asked Ibn Slrln about it, and he interpreted the dream by saying that three of her husbands would be killed. In fact Yazid b. al-Muhallab, 'Amr b. Yazld a1Tayrni, and al- 'Abbas b. 'Abdallah b. al-Harith b. Naufal b. al-Harith b. 'Abd 85 'Ibara, foJ. 14a. 86 'Ibdra, fol. 19a; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., III, 335-336; al-Hakim, op. cit., Ill, 90; Ibn alJauzi, Ta'rikh 'Umar, ed. Hasan al-Hadl Husayn (Cairo, [n.d.]), p. 166; al-Muhibb al- Tabart, op. cit. (Cairo, 1372/1953), II, 99; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 201; al-Majlisl, op. cit., LXI, 231; Fahd, op. cit., 291; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., III, 355; Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Tamlml, op. cit., fols. 5b, 8a, lOb, 12b. 87 "Ibdra, fol. lib; 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, Ms. Murad Molla 604, fol. 60b; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p, 332; Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, op. cit., 11, 768-769; al-Muhibb al-TabarI, op. cit., II, 348 (quoted on the authority of Ibn Qutayba); Fahd, op. cit., p. 290; Cf. Ibn Abl Shayba, al-Musannaf, ed. 'Abd al-Khaliq al-Afghanl (Hyderabad, 1388/1968), III, 389. 88 "Ibiira, fol. 18b; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 274. 89 "Ibdra, fol. 18b; al-Safadt, al-Wafi bi-l-wafayiit, ed. Sven Dedering (Damascus, 1953), m, 146, no. 1095; al-Dhahabt, Ta'rikh al-isliim, IV, 196; Abu Nu'ayrn, op, cit., II, 277; al-Ibshlht, op. cit., II, 79; Ps, Ibn Sirin, op. cit., p, 221; Cf. Ibn Hanbal, 'Ilal, I, 6, no. 17: Sa'Id b. Jubayr was told in his dream that al-I:Iajjaj would kill him. 90 'Ibara, fol. 20b; Ibn Kathlr, al-Biddya wa-l-nihiiya (Beirut-Riyad, 1966), IX, 275. 85 al-Muttalib were killed. Al-Hasan b. 'Uthman b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Auf succeeded to divorce her when he heard about the story of her dream and saved his Iife.91 'A:isha saw in a dream three moons falling in her bossom. Her father, Abu Bakr, interpreted it by saying that three men, the best people in the world, would be buried in her home.92 Of special interest are sections of the manuscript reporting about dreams in which verses unknown to the dreamer were recited. These verses, underlining the true Arabic-Islamic character of these sections, serve in some cases as predictions, in others for recording some gharib versions, or for purposes of admonition. It may be of some interest to gain more insight93 into the dreams of Ibn Qutayba himself, he being a man of outstanding knowledge in Arabic literature, language and religious lore. Ibn Qutayba reportss- that he saw in his youth a dream in which there were many books containing many gharib expressions. He remembered some of them, but Iater forgot them except the expression wa-balaghat ilayhi sallatu l-hawii'i. At that time he did not know the meaning of salla; afterwards he Iearnt that it meant dryness.Pf Ibn Qutayba describes another dream which he dreamt as "a marvel" (u'}ilba). A man asked him one day about the word junahiyy, which he did not know. In a dream a person explained to him the word as a synonym of khayzuriin (bamboo). After a while Ibn Qutayba heard a man reciting: fi kaffihi junahiyyun rihuhu 'abiqun min kaffi arwa'a fi 'irninihi shamamu idhii ra'athu qurayshun qiila qii'i!uhii ilii makiirimi hiidhii yantahi l-karamu96 Ibn Qutayba knew before that this verse in the version: Ii kaffihi khayzuriinun; when he heard it in the new version he understood that the explanation in the dream was right.?? 91 "Ibdra, fol, 21a; see Ibn Habfb, al-Mubabbar, .ed. lIse Lichtenstaedter (Hyderabad, 1361/1942),p. 443; Ps. Ibn SirIn, op. cit., p. 152; cr. al-Khargtishl, op. cit., fol. 142b, penult. 92 'Ibiira, fol, 29a; al-Raghib al-I$rahanI, op. cit., I, 150; al-Suyutt, Ta'rlkh al-khulafii'; p. 105; ai-HaythamI, op. cit., VII, 185; Ps. Ibn SIrIn, op. cit., p. 220; al-Ibshtbt, op. cit., II, 79; al-Muttaql l-Hindl, op. cit., XII, 176, no. 927; Al-Mandsik, ed.. Hamad al-Jasir (alRiyac;l,1389/1969),p. 374. 93 See Ibn Qutayba's dream in connection with a badtth, above, note 55. 94 'Ibiira, fol. 16b. 9S See VA, s.v, ~ II. 96 'Ibiira, fol, 16b; cr. Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah al-ZubayrI, op. cit., p. 164; Rijiil al-Kashshl, ed. Ahmad al-Husaynl (Karbala', [n.d.l), p. 119; Sadr al-Dln 'AU Khan al-Shirazi al-Madanl, al-Darajdt al-rafi'a (al-Najaf, 1382/1962), p. 549. 97 See VA, s.v.j n h. 86 The interpretation of dreams A man from Ghassan dreamt that he saw on the wall of Damascus a person who recited verses predicting the death of 'Amr b. Sa'Id who "considered the fortress as a place of rescue from death, sought refuge in the fortress, but the fate of death visited him in the fortress." The Ghassanl recounted the dream to 'Abd aI-Malik who asked him to keep the dream in secret. After some time the dream was fulfilled: 'Abd aI-Malik killed 'Amr b. Sa'id (al-Ashdaq) in the fortress of Damascus.sf At the time of 'Uthman a man saw in a dream a person reciting verses predicting the death of 'Uthman, A short time afterwards 'Uthrnan was killed.99 A man saw in a dream 'Ali b. Hisham. He played a Iute and sang: By my life, if Khurasan causes me to forfeit my head so I was indeed far from the gates of Khurasan, After some time al-Ma'mun sent aI-'Ujayf and ordered to kill 'Ali b. Hishiim.IOO Ascetic poetry is represented in verses recited by girls in Paradise (buris) whom a man saw in his dream: God of men, the Lord of Muhammad, created us for people standing on their feet sleepless (praying - K) Whispering to their God, the Lord of all Being the worries of this people, circulate during the night, while (other) men sleep.tv! Of the same character are the verses recited in a dream to Rabi'a al'Adawiyya, when she was ill: Your prayer, when people sleep, is Iight 98 'Ibdra, fol. 15b; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, Mandm, p. 347; Ibn Kathtr, al-Biddya, VIII, 311 (all the sources recording the verses: alii yii la-qaumi li-l-safdhatl wa-l-wahni wa-li-l- 'iijizi l-mauhiini wa-l-ra'yi dhi l-afni. wa-li-bni sa'Idin baynamd huwa qa'imun 'alii qadamayhi kharra Ii-l-wajhi wa-l-batni. ra' ii l-hisna manjdtan fa-ltajd ilayhi fa-ziirathu l-maniyyatu fi l-I;!i~ni.) and see the story of his killing al-Tabarl, Ta'rikh (Cairo, 1358/1939), IV, 598-600. See ibid., p. 598: 'Amr b. Sa'Id saw in a dream 'Uthman on the night before he was murdered; 'Uthman dressed him in his gown. 99 'Ibdra , fol. 15b; Ibn Abl l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p. 347: la-' amru abika fa-Iii ta'jalan laqad dhahaba l-khayru tua qalilii wa-qad safiha l-ndsu fi dinihim wa-khallii bnu 'affiina sharran tawtld. 100 'Ibara, fol. 20b; see the story of his execution al-Tabart, Ta'rikh, VII, 192-193. 101 'Ibdra, fol. 15b, inf. - 16a sup. 87 your sleep is diverse, opposed to prayer. Your life is a plunder and a respite it goes on and passes away steadily and ceases. 102 Different in content is a story about a couple who promised each othe r to refrain from marriage in case one of them should die. The husband was the first to die. The widow kept her promise, but was persuaded by some wo men to remarry. On the night of her second marriage she saw in a dream her first husband who said: "How quickly did you forget the obligation, 0 Rab fib!" He recited the following verses: I greeted the dwellers of this house, all of them except Rabab, for I am not greeting her. She became married, while my abode became a grave, indeed graves hide people who dwell in them. 103 Besides the prognostic interpretations of dreams, a great number of interpretations are concerned with unknown facts of the past or the present, mainly details of private Iife, which would never have come to the person's knowledge without the help of the oneirocritic. A man dreamt that he drank from a bottle with two heads, one sweet and one salty. Ibn Sirln said in his interpretation that he sought the favours of his wife's sister and bade him desist. The man admitted that the interpretation was a true one. 104 A man saw in a dream that he drank from a bottle with a narrow neck. Ibn Sirln interpreted it by saying that the man was enticing a girl. 105 A man dreamt a dream that he owned an ostrich that was grinding. Ibn Slrin said that it denoted that the man bought a slave-girl and hid her amongst the tribe of Banu l;Ianifa.106 A man dreamt a dream that his hand was cut off. Ibn Slrln interpreted it that he was a carpenter and changed his occupation.w? A man dreamt a dream that a pebble fell into his ear and he shook it off. Ibn Sirln interpreted it by saying that the man was associated to people of unorthodox innovations and heard vicious words, which his ear shook Off.l08 'Ibtira, fol. 16a; al-Sarraj, Masiiri' al- 'ushshiiq, Cairo, 1325/1907,pp. 146-147. 'Ibara, fol. 15a-b; Ibn AbI l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p. 344; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Akhbar al-nisii', ed. Niziir Rida, Beirut 1964, pp. 127-128. 104 'Ibara, fol. 17a; Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., II, 276-277; al-Khargilshl, op. cit., fol. 125b. 105 'Ibara, fol. 17b. 106 'Ibiira, fol. 17b; and see the version of al-Jahiz, al-Hayawiin, IV, 368-369 (Parts of the Banu Hanifa were peasants [they supplied Mecca with their agricultural products]. See EJ2, s.v. Hanlfa b. Ludjaym. And see Ahmad b. Hanbal, op. cit., XIII, 92, no. 7355; Ibn 'Asakir, op. cit., VI, 170). 107 'Ibara, fol. 18b; Ps. Ibn Strln, op. cit., p. 115; al-Khargushl, op. cit., fol. l06b. 108 'Ibiira, fol. 20a. 102 103 88 The interpretation of dreams A man saw in a dream Qatada swallowing small pearls and spitting them out Iarger than those which he swallowed. Qatada, according to Ibn Sirln's interpretation, transmitted more haditli than he heard,I09 A similar symbolism underlies Abu Bakr's interpretation of a dream, in which a man saw a big bull who came out from a small hole and could not enter it when he tried to return. Abu Bakr interpreted it as a grievous expression which cannot be taken back. I 10 A man heard in a dream a child shouting in his house. Ibn Sirln ordered him to stop playing on the guitar; it was in fact a singer. I II Drinking from a vessel symbolizes, as we have seen above, 112sexual intercourse. The same interpretation is applied by Ibn Sirln in the following dream: a man saw in a dream a woman from his family lifting to her mouth a vessel of milk, but, outspeeded by a pressure to urinate, she had to put down the vessel at every attempt to drink. The woman, according to Ibn Slrln, was a righteous woman who longed for a man. Ibn Sirln advised to find for her a husband.l13 A similar subject is dealt with in another story: Khalid b. Yazld (or Yazld) dreamt that he put three times a knife on the neck of a {i!awd-bird trying unsuccessfully to slaughter it; 114he managed to slaughter it only on the fourth time. An interpreter of dreams was summoned and explained that it refers to a virgin girl whom the dreamer failed to deflower three times, but succeeded on the fourth time. The interpreter added that the girl broke wind during the intercourse, which he deduced from the name of the bird "titawd", Khalid admitted the facts.115 Sagacity was shown by Ibn Slrln in the interpretation of the following dream: A man saw in a dream that Yazid b. al-Muhallab put up an arch between his house and that of the dreamer. Ibn Sirin asked the man: "Did your mother cohabit with Ibn al-Muhallab?" The man asked his mother and she admitted that she had been a slave-girl of Ibn al-Muhallab (scil. his concubine - K), later marrying the dreamer's father. I 16 109 'Ibdra, fol. 20b. Cf. al-Safadl, al- Wiifi bi-l-wafaydt, ed. S. Dedering (Damascus, 1953), p. 146. 110 'Ibiira, fol. 20a; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 183; al-Kharglishl, op. cit., fol. 168a. 111 'Ibiira, fol. 20b; Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., II, 277; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 75. 112 See above notes 104, 105. 113 'Ibiira, fol. 21a; Ps. Ibn Sirln, op, cit., p. 105. 114 See slaughter as symbol of sexual intercourse in the story recorded by al-Ibshtht, op. cit., II, 79 (a man saw in a dream a woman, who was his neighbour, slaughtered ... ); and see 'Ibiira, fol. 54a, 1. 10: wa-man dhabaha zabyan iftadda jdriyatan ... ; and see ibid, fol. 57b,1. 9: ... wa-man dhabaha dajdjatan iftadda jdriyatan 'adhrd'a. 115 'Ibdra, fol. 21b; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 12;al-Damiri, op. cit., II, 102; Abdel Daim, op. cit., p. 85. 116 'Ibdra, fol. 21a; Ps. Ibn Strln, op. cit., p. 253. 89 A significant dream of Abu 'Amr al-Nakha'I reflects the feeling of the victory of the Arabs over the Persians in the early period of Islam and their sense of self-identification with the past. Abu 'Amr saw al-Nu'rnan b. alMundhir, the king of al-Hlra, in a dream, wearing two earrings and bracelets. When he informed the Prophet about his dream, the Prophet said: "This indicates that the kingdom of the Arabs returned to its splendour and beauty." 117 The "Arab-character" of an object helps Sa'Id b. a1-Musayyab to give an interpretation of a dream. A man saw in a dream on the battlements of the mosque a beautiful white pigeon, which was snatched away by a falcon. Ibn al-Musayyab interpreted it by saying that al-Hajjaj married the daughter of 'Abdallah b. Ja'far, His explanation as to how he reached his conclusion is as follows: the pigeon denotes a woman, the whiteness denotes her pure pedigree; the falcon is an Arab bird, not an alien one (laysa min tayri l-a'iijim); among the Arabs he did not find anyone more closely resembling a falcon than aI-I;Iajjaj.118 The Islamic character of Ibn Qutayba's compilation is underlined by the frequent quotations from Qur'an and hadith, which serve as the basis for the interpretations. Abundance of mushrooms denote sustenance and wealth without fatigue, according to the utterance of the Prophet that mushrooms stem from 111anna.119 The mouse denotes a profligate woman, because the Prophet called the mouse "al-fuwaysiqa" (the small profligate).120 According to this utterance, Ibn Sirin interpreted a dream in which a man saw himself having sexual intercourse with a mouse which gave birth to a date. Ibn Sirln asked the man whether he had at home a profligate wife. "Yes", the man answered. Further he asked: "Is she pregnant?" "Yes", the man answered. Ibn Sirtn predicted that she would give birth to a righteous boy. He based his prognostic on the utterance of the Prophet about the mouse and his favourable saying about dates.U! 117 'Ibiira, fol. 45b; Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba, III, 8, no. 2789; al-Zurqant, op. cit., VII, 194; Fahd, op. cit., p. 286, note I. 118 'Ibiira, fol. 57a; al-Raghib al-Isfahanl, op. cit., I, 150; al-Damlrt, op. cit., II, 181; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 196; Fahd, op. cit., p. 311, no. 6. 119 'Ibara, fol. 39b; al-Damlrl, op. cit., II, 345-346; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Zad alma'iid (Beirut, [n.d.]), III, 181, 183; al-Hanaft, op. cit., II, 366; Ibn al-Athlr, al-Nihiiya, IV, 199; al-'Azizi, op. cit., III, 109; Ibn al-Athir, Jiimi' al-usid, VIII, 327, nos. 5636-5637. 120 'Ibara, fol. 5b ult.; al-Damlrl, op. cit., II, 201 inf.; Ps. Ibn SirIn, op. cit., p. 209; Ibn al-Athlr, Jdmi' al-usid, XII, 367, no. 9449; about black and white mice denoting days and nights see 'Ibara, fol. 8a; al-Darnlrl, op. cit., 11,202; Ps. Ibn SIrIn, p. 209. 121 'Ibara, fol. 19a; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 209; cf. Ibn Kathlr, al-Bidiiya, IX, 275. 90 The interpretation of dreams The raven symbolizes, according to a hadith, a profligate man.l22 Bottles denote women, according to the utterance of the Prophet to Anjasha.123 A Iong right hand in a dream is to be interpreted as a generous helping person, as the Prophet said, addressing his wives: "The first of you who will join me (i.e. to die after me - K) will be the one with the Iongest hand." The first who died after the Prophet was Zaynab bint Jal)sh.124 A rib seen in a dream denotes a woman according to the recommendation of the Prophet to treat woman gently because woman was created from a crooked rib and cannot be set aright. 125 The Iiver denotes a treasure according to the saying of the Prophet about the troops of Mecca: hddhihi makkatu qad ramatkum bi-aflddhi akbiidihii.126 Watering a garden and seeds denotes sexual intercourse, according to the prohibition of the Prophet to water the seeds of another man (referring to sexual intercourse with pregnant women). 127 Many interpretations of dreams arc based on verses of the Qur'an, on expressions of the Qur'an or meanings attached to them. Eggs denote women according to Sura xxxvii 49, in which the women in Paradise are compared to hidden eggs. 128 Timber denotes hipocrisy according to Sura Ixiii 4: "... but when they speak thou listenest to their speech, and it is as if they were propped up timbers." 129 Stones in a dream symbolize hardness according to Sura ii 74.130 Water denotes sometimes trial and allurement (fitna) according to Sura Ixxii 16.131 A king entering a locality not suiting his rank and honour (because of its smallness) denotes that the locality will be afflicted by humiliation or calamity, op. cit., II, 180; al-Majlisl, LXI, 173. Hajar, al- "Isdba, I, 68, no. 259; al-Bukharl, al-Adab al-mufrad, ed. Muhibb al-Dln al-Khatib (Cairo, 1379), p. 305, no. 883; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., I, 140; al-Jurjanl, al-Muntakhab min kindyiit al-udaba', ed. Muhammad Badr al-Dln al-Na'sanl (Cairo, 1326/1908), p. 7; al-Tha'iilibi, al-Kindyiit, ed. al-Na'sant (Cairo, 1326/1908), p. 4. 124 'Ibara, fol. 7a; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., IV, 1850, no. 3355; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VIII, 108; al-Haytharnt, op. cit., IX, 248; al-Hanafl, op. cit., II, 250; Ibn Kathlr, Shamd'il, p, 389; Ibn al-Athlr, Jiimi' al-usid, XII, 66, no. 8850; al-Suylitl, al-Khasii'is al-kubrii, II, 462. 125 'Ibiira, fols. 6a, 31a inf.; al-Sulami, Adab al-suhba, Jerusalem 1954, p. 82, note 245; al-Majlisl, op. cit., LXI, 173. 126 'Ibiira, fol, 31a; al-Sharlf al-Radiyy, op. cit., p. 22, no. 1 (and see ib., p. 226, no. 231) 127 'Ibiira, fol, 37b. 128 'Ibiira, fol. 5a. 129 'Ibiira, fol. 5a; and see al-Qurtubl, Tafsir, XVIII, 125; al-Sharlf al-Radiyy, op. cit., p. 293, no. 320. 130 'Ibiira, fol, 5a. 131 'Ibdra, fol, 5a. 123 'Ibiira, fol. 6a; Ibn 122 'Ibiira, fols. 5b, 24a; al-Damirl, 91 according to Sura xxvii 34: "Kings when they enter a city disorder it and make the mighty ones of its inhabitants abased."132 Dress denotes women according to Sura ii 187: "Permitted to you upon the night of the fast is to go to your wives; they are a vestment to you and you are a vestment for them." 133 A wood-carrier denotes a slanderer, according to Sura cxi 5: " ... and his wife, the carrier of the firewood" (i.e. the sianderous woman - K).134 The rope denotes a pact according to Sura iii 103, 113: "And hold you fast to God's bond together. .. "; "Abasement shall be pitched on them wherever they are come upon except they be in a bond of God and a bond of the people." 135 Scattered pearls denote servants according to Sura Iii 24: " ... and there go round them youths, their own, as if they were hidden pearls." 136 Fresh dates (rutab) denote good and pleasant sustenance, according to Sura xix 24: "Shake also to thee the palm-trunk, and there shall come tumbling upon thee dates fresh and ripe."137 Drunkenness in a dream, without drinking intoxicants, denotes fear, according to Sura xxii 2: " ... and thou shalt see mankind drunk, yet they are not drunk, but God's chastisement is terrible." 138 Washing with cold water symbolizes repentance, recovering from disease, being freed from prison, paying a debt, or being freed from fear, according to Sura xxxviii 42: "This is a laving-place, cool and a drink." 139 Rain in a restricted place (a house or Iocality) denotes pains and calamities, according to Sura xi 82: " ... and rained on it stones and baked clay." 140 The tongue symbolizes a (convincing) argument or fame, according to Sura xxvi 84: " ... and appoint me a tongue of truthfulness among the others."141 Praying with the back to the Ka'ba symbolizes renouncing Islam, according to Sura iii 187: " ... but they rejected it behind their backs." 142Praying above the Ka'ba also denotes renouncing IsIam, according to Sura ii, 144, 150: "From whatsoever place thou issuest, turn thy face towards the Holy Mosque ... "; the man praying above the Ka'ba has no qibla.w) Eating fruits in Paradise (or getting women there) predicts welfare in this world and improvement of belief, knowledge and piety, according to Sura xv 46: "Enter you there in peace and security." 144 132 134 136 138 140 142 143 144 fol. fol. fol. fol. fol. fol. 'Ibara, fol. 'Ibdra, fol. "Ibiira, "Ibdra, "Ibdra, "Ibdra, "Ibdra, "Ibdra, 5b. 133 "Ibdra, fol. 5b. 135 'Ibiira, fol. 5b. 6b. 45b. 137 'Ibdra, fol. 40b. 38a. 139 'Ibdra, fol. 36b. 36a. 141 'Ibara, fol. 30a, 27a. 27a; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 56, ll. 14-16. 26a. 92 The interpretation of dreams Manacles (aghliil) constitute a bad omen, according to Sura v 67: " ... their hands are fettered and they are accursed for saying so ... " and Sura xxxvi 8: "Surely We have put on their necks fetters." 145Another interpretation stresses the difference between manacles and shackles (qayd): manacles denote unbelief, but shackles denote firm belief. 146 'Umar withdrew the nomination of his governor to Syria when the latter told him his dream. He saw the sun and the moon fighting each other; some of the stars aided the sun, some of them the moon. "With which of them were you?" asked 'Umar. "With the moon", answered the man. 'Umar withdrew his appointment, basing his decision on Sura xvii 12: " ... then We have blotted out the sign of the night." 147 Two different interpretations of an identical dream, both based on the Qur'an, were issued by Ibn Sirin. Two different persons dreamt that they were calling to prayer as mu'adhdhins. Ibn Slrln predicted to the first one that he would perform the hajj; to the other he foretold that his hand would be cut off (as punishment for theft). When asked about this opposite interpretation of the same dream, he said: "In the first person I noticed marks of good countenance and based my interpretation on Sura xxii 27: "And proclaim unto mankind the pilgrimage." I was not pleased with the countenance of the other man and I interpreted according to Sura xii 70: " ... then a herald proclaimed: Ho, cameleers, you are robbers."148 A considerable number of verses enhance, the Arabic character of the compilation. It is indeed not surprising to find so many verses in a book by Ibn Qutayba, given his profound knowledge of Arabic poetry. In a Iengthy passage, in which he discusses the meanings of spirit (ruM and soul (nafs) and the differences between them, Ibn Qutayba quotes a verse of Dhu l-Rumma, who said at the point of his death: fol. 8b (but if a pious man sees manacles in a dream it is a good omen). fol. 47a, inf. - 47b sup.; see Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., fol. 152a inf.; alTibrlzi, op. cit., p. 394; al-Suyutt, al-Durr, III, 312. Of interest is the interpretation of the following dream: A man saw in a dream that his son tied him with a black rope and then started to slaughter him. Ibn Sirin interpreted the dream by saying that the son is pious in his attitude towards his father and that he would pay a debt owed by his father (,lbiira, fol. 31b inf.; and see a more detailed report of this story Ibn Abt l-Dunya, al-Ishriif fi mandzil al-ashriif, Ms. Chester Beatty 4427, fol. 32a). 147 'Ibdra, fol. 17a; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, I, 285, no. 1353; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., I, 279, no. 378; aI-Ibshihi, op. cit., II, 79; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Ishriif, fol. 49a; Ps. Ibn Slrin, op. cit., p. 291; al-Muttaql l-Hindl, op. cit., XI, 340, no. 1341; Muhammad b. AI,unad alTamIml, op. cit., fol. 35a. 148 'Ibara, fol. 9a; Bland, op. cit., p. 133; Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Tamlml, op. cit., fol. 22a; al-Khargushi, op. cit., fol. 36a. 145 'Ibiira, 146 'Ibiira, 93 0, He Who takes my spirit from my soul at the point of death and He Who forgives the sins, remove me from fire (of Hell). 149 and an anonymous verse: I remain the whole day maddened by love, and there meet at night in dream my spirit and her spirit. 150 The interpretation of the quince (safarjat) and the iris (susan) are derived from the components of these words (su-san = su' sana; safarjal = safar-jat) and illustrated by the following anonymous verses: She sent him as gift a quince and he drew a bad omen and remained the whole day contemplating. He was afraid of departure, as the first of it is journey (safar); right be was in that he drew a bad omen. and about the iris: You gave me an iris and you did not do well in (choosing your) gifts, The first of it is evil and its end, is evil of a (barren) year. 151 A surveyer (of Iand) is interpreted as a traveller; this is expounded by two anonymous verses: May God render the people of Barmak ugly, for I became associate in their journeys because of them. If Dhu l-Qarnayn did survey the Earth then I am indeed a keeper of the dust. 152 Two verses of Khidash b. Zuhayr are quoted attesting that the word dajjdla denotes a caravan; an anonymous verse conveys that the word denotes camels smeared with tar. 153 The verb ramo, to throw arrows, denoting also calumniation, siander (for 149 'Ibdra, fol. 3b, I. 1; Diwdn, ed. C. H. H. Macartney (Cambridge, 1919), p. 667 (no. 47); L'A, s.v. z b b; the variants pertinent to the discussed problem may be mentioned: yii qiibit!a I-rubi min nafst idhd bturfirat wa-ghiifira l-dhanbi zahzihn! min al-nari. Diwdn: yii mukhrija I-rubi min jismi idhii btarfarat wa-fdrija I-karbi ... L'A: yii qiibirfa I-rubi 'an jismin 'a~ii zamanan wa-ghdfira l-dhanbi ... 150 'Ibara, fol. 3b, I. 10. See this verse in the Diwdn of Jamil Buthayna, ed, Bashir Yamiit 'Ibdra: (Beirut, 1352/1934),p. 18. 151 "Ibdra, fol. 5a; Ps. Ibn Sirln, op. cit., p. 311, 9; Bland, op. cit., p, 135; al-Khargilshl, op. cit., fol. 217b. 152 "Ibiira, fol. 6b; Ibn al-Faqlh, al-Buldiin, ed. de Goeje (Leiden, 1885), p. 52 ("muwak· kalun bi-I· 'iyiiri", not "bi-l-ghubdri"}, 153 "Ibdra, fols. 6b-7a. 94 The interpretation of dreams its interpretation of dreams in the Iatter connotation) is attested by Sura xxiv 4, 6, and two verses of Labid.154 The symbol of a falcon ($aqr) as a courageous man is attested by a verse of Abu Ta1ib: The courageous men (falcons) came one after the other, as if everyone of them clad in over-long mail (were a warrior) walking heavily.!S5 Honour is symbolized in dreams by the sky. This is attested by a verse of al-Nabigha al-Ja'di, recited during his meeting with the Prophet: Our glory and our greatness reached the sky and we hope to gain an elevated place above that.! S6 The sun symbolizes in dreams the power of the king. A verse of al-Nabigha al-Dhubyani is quoted: So you are the sun and the kings are the stars when it appears, no star from among the stars appears.t>? Stars denote the noblemen from among the people. An anonymous verse testifies it: Whomever you will meet from amongst them you will say: "I me-t their chief" they are like the stars by which the travellers travel.!58 A rib symbolizes, as already mentioned, a woman. A verse of an anonymous poet attests it: She is a hooked rib, you will not set her aright Io, setting aright the ribs means breaking them.!59 Lice in dreams symbolize the welfare of the family. A verse about it is quoted: Up to the time when your clans grew full of Iice (i.e. grew large - K) and you saw that your sons grew up ... !60 154 "Ibdra, fol. 7a; see the verses Diwdn, ed. Ihsan 'Abbas (al-Kuwayt, 1962), pp. 194195 (nos. 72, 74); and see these verses analysed by Ibn Qutayba in his Kit. al-ma'iini l-kabir (Hyderabad, 1368/1949), pp. 818, 1046-1047. 155 'Ibara, fol. 7b, I. 8; Ibn Hisharn, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, ed. al-Saqa, al-Abyarl, Shalabi (Cairo, 1355/1936), II, 18, 1. 8 ('Ibiira: tatiiba'a JiM; Sira: a'tina 'alayhdy; cf. Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah al-Zubayrl, op. cit., p. 431. 156 'Ibiira, fol. 26a; Maria Nallino, Le Poesie di an-Nabiga al-Ga'di (Roma, 1953), pp. 60 (v. 66, and see the references of the editor), 70 (v. 22); Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Tabiitaba al-IAlawi, 'Iydr al-shi'r, ed. Tahiial-l;IajirlandMubamrnadZaghIUlSalfun(Cairo, 1956),p. 45. 157 'Ibiira, fo1. 28b, 1. 10; al-'Askart, Dtwdn al-ma'iini (Cairo, 1352), I, 16; Dtwdn alNiibigha, p. 17, I. 4. 158 "Ibiira, fo1. 28b, 1. 13; al-'Askart, op. cit., I, 23 ult., 41; al-Jurjani, op. cit., p. 99 ult. 159 'Ibiira, fol. 31a ult., al-Mu'afa b. Zakariyya, al-Jalis al-$alib al-kiift, Ms. Topkapi Saray. Ahmet III, no. 2321, fol. 103a; Ibn Abl l-Hadld, Sharh nahj al-baldgha, ed. Muhammad Abu I-FaQI Ibrahim (Cairo, 1964), XVIII, 199. 160 "Ibdra, fol. 32a (in text: qabilat; correct reading: qamilat); L'A, s.v. q m I. 95 A hand-mill in a dream symbolizes war. An anonymous verse and a verse of Zuhayr b. abl Su1ma161 are quoted. 162 A cloth-tent in a dream symbolizes royal power. This is based on the verse of al-A'sha (about the killing of al-Nu'rnan b. al-Mundhir): He introduced al-Nu'rnan into a house the roof of which were the chests of the elephants after (he dwelt in) the cloth tent. 163 and on an anonymous verse: o Hakam b. al-Mundhir b. Jarud the cloth-tent of glory is pitched upon you.164 There is an oneirocritical utterance which says: "He whose affairs have been accomplished in a dream and who, in a dream, has got hold of this world, has to expect decline and change of state, because everything accomplished is about to decay. This is supported by the following verse: If a thing is accomplished, its decrease is near expect decline if people say: "it is accomplished". 165 A tent denotes sometimes a woman. The explanation for this interpretation is based on an expression in Arabic: "he pitched a tent upon his wife." The origin of this expression, records Ibn Qutayba, is a custom according to which people used to pitch a tent upon the man who married and slept with his wife; consequently a man sleeping with his wife on the night of his marriage was called "the pitcher of the tent". This is illustrated by a verse of 'Amr b. Ma'dtkarib: Have'nt you remained sleepless watching this yemeni lightening it looks as if it were a candle of a pitcher of a tent. 166 Wearing silk brocade not in the usual way forebodes that the dreamer will be whipped or afflicted by small-pox. Two verses of a man afflicted by smallpox expound this meaning: Hasn't she got the tidings that I clothed myself after her (i.e. after my departure from her) with a white stripped cloth, the dyer of which is not foolish. I was bare of it before I wore it and my wearing it was for me bitter and hard. 167 161 162 163 164 Diwdn, 'Ibdra, '[bora, 'Ibara, ed. fo1. fo1. fo1. 'Urnar al-Suwaydi (Leiden, 1306/1889), p, 85. 37b. 40b, I. 6; Diwiin, ed. R. Geyer (London, 1928), p. 251 (no. 169). 40b, 1. 8. 165 "Ibiira, fol. 62a inf. 62b sup.; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, Kit. dhamm l-dunyii, Ms. Zahiriyya, Damascus, fo1. 22a, no. 187 (The edition of the manuscript is being prepared by Mrs. E. Almagor); Al-Raghib al-Isfahanl, MuMc/arat al-udaba', IV, 388. 166 'Ibdra, fo1. 40b ult.; L'A, S.v. b n y (the second hemistich); al-Jurjani, op. cit., p. 16. 167 "Ibara, fol, 41b, penult.; the first verse is recorded in the Diwdn of Dhu l-Rurnma, p, 670, I. 4 (quoted from Aghtini, XVI, 122); Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'iini l-kabir, I, 486 (only 96 The interpretation of dreams According to the hadith: "the man fearing God is bridled", it seems to be a good omen to see oneself bridled in a dream. A verse is quoted in connection with this interpretation: Free from vices is only he who controlled his mouth with a bridle.168 The milk of hare denotes paucity, subsequently it symbolizes paucity of means of sustenance. This is attested by an anonymous verse: Your evil is present and your welfare is (small like) the milk of a hare after her first parturition.tv? Girding a sword in a dream denotes being appointed as governor; what happens in a dream to the sword or to the sword-belt (I:zama'i!) will happen to the man in his post as governor. The sword-belt takes the position of a cloak; the Arabs called it therefore "the cloak". A verse attesting this is quoted: And in many a calamity brought about by a culprit you turned your cloak into a muffler. Ibn Qutayba adds: you turned your sword in it into a muffler, i.e. you beat with it (i.e. with your sword) their heads.t"? The mare symbolizes a noble woman. This is illustrated by a verse of the wife of Raul). b. Zinba", in which she scoffs at her husband: Am I not merely an Arab filly born from (noble) horses, mounted by a mule.!"! A horse with a blazon on his forehead, or white in the lower parts of his legs (mul:zajjal) denotes in a dream a noble man; a verse of al-Nabigha aIJa'di attests it: Greet you both Layla and say to her: "be calm" as she set out for fame and an eminent deed. 172 These verses current in the circles of philologists and lexicographers, some of them recorded by the udabd' and transmitters of akhbiir, became thus a means of interpreting dreams. the first verse; anonymous); for the expression amarru wa-a'Iaqu see al-A'sha, Diwiin, p. 148, I. 1 (XXXIII, 31). 168 "Ibiira, fol. 62b, penult.; see Abii Nuwas, Diwdn, ed. Mahmud Kamil (Cairo, 1933), p. 287, I. 2; Ibn Qutayba, 'Uyun al-akhbiir, Cairo 1924, II, 177. 169 'Ibara, fol. 38a, ult.; Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'iinll-kabir, I, 710 (with a commentary on the verse); VA, s.v. kh r s; al-Jahiz, Rasii'il, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hartin (Cairo, 1385/1965), II, 358 (attributed to 'Amr b. Qaml'a); al-Jurjanl, op. cit., p. 129. 170 "Ibdra, fol. 44b, 1. 5; Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'iint l-kabir, I, 480 (with a commentary); VA, s.v. r d y; cf. al-A'sha, Diwdn, p. 39 (Y, 47); al-Khansa', Diwdn (Beirut, 1888), p. 31. 171 "Ibiira, fol. 50a, 1. 3 from bottom; al-Jahiz, Rasa'i/ (Kitiib af-bighaf), II, 358; Ahmad b. Abl Tahir, Balagllat al-nisa', al-Najaf 1361, p. 97, I. 1; al-Bakrl, Simt al-la'ali, ed, 'Abd al-'Azlz al-Maymanl (Cairo, 1354/1936), p. 179 (see the references of the editor ibid.). 172 'Ibdra, fol. SOa; M. Nallino, op. cit., p. 94; Ahmad b. Abl Tahir, op. cit., p. 185. 97 The examples of verses of poetry, hadiths, Qur'an-verses and pious stories adduced above, may convey some idea about the richness of the material provided by Ibn Qutayba in this compilation. Many of the stories are recorded with isndds in which the names of the scholars from whom Ibn Qutayba directly transmitted, are mentioned: Ishaq b. Rahawayh.Ut Ahmad b. Khalll.I?" Abu J:fatim,175who transmitted a great number of stories from al-A~ma'i,176 al-Husayn b. al-Hasan al-Marwazi,l77 Abu I-KhaHab178 and others. Ibn Qutayba's l"? detailed and elaborate compilation gives information about the different methods of interpretation: the symbolical, the reciprocal and antithetical, the etymological, the interpretation by addition and subtraction and the interpretation based on Qur'an and /:zadith.180 The c1assiffication of dreams according to jins, sinf, tab' is recorded as well. 181 Instruction and advice are given to the oneirocritics about their duties, methods and practices.182 Ibn Qutayba's compilation is, in fact, the continuation of an earlier tradition of oneiromancy already approved of by orthodox circles and drawing on a rich treasury of historical anectodes, adab stories, zuhd traditions, poetry, haditb and Qur'an, The numerous stories about dreams in Ibn Ishaq's Sira, the chapter about interpretation of dreams in Ma'rnar b. Rashid's Jiimi', the hadiths about dreams in Ahmad b. Hanbal's Musnad, the compilation of Ibn Abl l-Dunya about the dreams of the righteous and pious, Kitdb al-mandm, (with a special chapter about verses recited in dreams) bear evidence to the wide currency of this material among the orthodox and pious. It is obvious that there existed another kind of oneiromancy based on nonIsiamic and non-Arabic sources. This is indicated by a remark of al-Shafi'I (d. 204): "I left in a1-'Iraq a thing which was invented by the zanddiqa; they call it "ta'bir" and they occupy themselves with it, being distracted by it from the study of Qur'an."183 One may suppose that al-Shafi'I referred to some Lecomte, op. cit., pp. 52-53, no. 3. Lecomte, op. cit., p. 57, no. 9; Ibn Abl Hatim, al-Jarh wa-l-ta'dil (Hyderabad, 1271/1952), h. 50, no. 49. 175 Lecomte, op. cit., p. 50, no. 1; al-Marzubanl, Nur al-qabas, ed. R. Sellheim (Beirut, 1964), I, 225-228. 176 See e.g. 'Ibara, fols. 3b, 4b, 9b, 17b, 20a, 21b, 14b, 38a, 27a, 40a, 23a, 54b, 55a.' 177 Lecomte, op. cit., p. 64, no. 21; Ibn Abi Hatim, al-Jarh, In, 49, no. 219. 178 Lecomte, op. cit., p. 56, no. 8; Ibn Abi Hatim, al-Jarh, In, 549, no. 2479. 179 See Fahd, op. cit., p. 317. 180 'Ibiira, fols. 4a-8b; see Fahd, op. cit., pp. 317-328; .Joseph de Somogyi, "The Interpretation of Dreams in ad-Darntrt's Hayat al-Hayawan", JRAS, 1940, 1-20. 181 "Ibdra, fol. 23b; see Bland, op. cit., p. 136. 182 See e.g. "Ibiira, fol. 23a. 183 Abu Nu'aym, op, cit., IX, 146. 173 174 98 The interpretation of dreams compilations or traditions of Greek oneiromancy. In fact the translation of Artemidoros' The Interpretation of Dreams was done by Hunayn b. Ishaq (d. 260).184 Ibn Qutayba's compilation seems to have been intended as a response to the unorthodox trend of oneiromancy. It was addressed to the orthodox scholar of hadith, to the kdtib, to the adib, to the pious believer. It differs from the work of Artemidoros in that it has at its core the notion that the interpretation of dreams should be subjected to the Arabo-Islamic tradition. The duty of the oneirocritic is to explain the symbols according to these principles, to admonish and to guide. Nowhere in the compilation of Ibn Qutayba is Artemidoros mentioned, although Ibn Qutayba who died in 270, ten years after the death of Hunayn, might have seen Hunayn's translation, or at Ieast have been acquainted with its contents; no hint is given in the compilation of the opinions of philosophers. Some of the quotations from Artemidoros recorded by Abdel Daim (compared with the text of Ps. Ibn SIrln)185 can in fact be found in the compilation of Ibn Qutayba. But these interpretations of dreams might have been already current in 'Iraq in the first centuries of Isiam and might have lost their foreign character; they were probably absorbed at a very early period into the Iore of Muslim oneiromancy. In fact Muslim oneiromancy seems to have absorbed some elements of the oneiromancy of the Ancient Near East. A vestige of this kind seems to be the story of the dream of "Abd a1-Malik.186 The interpretation of this dream tallies with one used for an identical case in an Assyrian tablet.I''? The idea of classifying dreams by the time of night or day188 is echoed in Muslim oneiromancy.189 Traces of Jewish lore are conspicous. The idea of interpretation based on the Qur'an, followed by Ibn Qutayba, is reminiscent of Talmudic interpretation which is based on the Torah. Edited by Toufic Fahd (Damascus, 1964). Arabe d'apres Ibn Sirin, pp. 151-165. 186 'Abd al-Malik saw himself in a dream urinating four times in the mihriib. Ibn alMusayyab interpreted it, saying that four of his sons will rule as Caliphs. The dream was in fact fulfilled, and four of his sons were Caliphs (al-Quda'I, Ta'rikh, Ms. Bodleiana, Pococke 270, fol. 70a; al-Raghib al-Isfahant, op. cit., I, 151; Ibn Ra's Ghanama, Mandqil al-durar, Ms. Chester Beatty 4254, fol. 88a; al-Qalqashandl, Ma'athir al-indfa, cd. 'Abd al-Sattar Farraj (al-Kuwayt, 1964), 1,128; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., V, 123; al-Ibshtht, op. cit., II, 80; Fahd, op. cit., p, 310, note 2). 187 See A. L. Oppenheim, "The Interpretation of Dreams in the Ancient Near East", Transactions 0/ the American Philosophical Society, vol. 46, part 3, p. 265. 188 See Oppenheim, op. cit., pp. 240 inf, - 241. 189 "Ibiira, fol. 8b: ... wa-asdaqu auqiiti l-ru'yd bi-l-Iayli l-ashdru wa-bi-l-nahiiri l-qii'ikuu ... This is recorded as an utterance of the Prophet by al-Hakim (al-Mustadrak IV, 392: asdaqu 1-I"II'ya bi-l-ashiirit and al-Zurqanl (Shar/:l al-mawdhib VII, 166 1. I); see Oppenheim, op. cit., p, 241 (quoting Bland, op. cit., p. 129). 184 185 L'Oniromancie 99 Furthermore, some passages from the Talmud are almost verbally quoted in the Muslim compilations. A man came to Ibn Slrin, according to a story and told him the dream of one of his acquaintances: the man had dreamt that he split the heads of eggs, Ieft the yolk and took the outer parts of the eggs. Ibn Sirln refused to interpret the dream and insisted that the dreamer come to him personally. The man admitted that it was he who had had the dream. Ibn Sirin stated that the dream indicated that he was a grave-digger, plundering the graves, ransacking the shrouds of the dead and Ieaving their bodies. The man admitted and promised to refrain from doing it again.190 This very dream, with an identical interpretation, is recorded in the story of Rabbi Yishma'el talking with the heretic.191 The passage in Berakhot contains also the story of another dream: the man saw himself pouring oil into an olive tree. Rabbi Yishma'el stated that the man had had sexual intercourse with his mother. The same story is recorded in the Muslim sources with an identical interpretation attributed to Ibn Sirin.l92 The principle, related in the Talmud,193 whereby the dream is fulfilled according to its interpretation is recorded as an utterance of the Prophet.tvThis principle is illustrated in the Talmud by a story of a woman, who saw twice in her dream that a beam broke down from her roof. She came twice to Rabbi El'azar and he interpreted it saying that she would give birth to a male child; so it happened in fact in both cases. Then she dreamt again that the beam of her roof broke down; she came to RabbI El'azar but did not meet him. His students interpreted the dream by saying that her husband would die. When Rabbi El'azar heard about it, he accused his students of having caused the death of the man by their interpretation, because dreams are fulfilled according to their interpretation.195 Closely reminiscent is the story recorded in Muslim sources about a woman who came to the Prophet and told him that she saw in a dream a beam of the roof of her house breaking down; he interpreted it by saying that her husband would return; so it happened. After some time she saw in her sleep the same dream; she came "Ibiira, fols. 22b, 23b, 11.5-8; al-Ibshlhf, op. cit., II, 79. 56b. 192 Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 305; al-Ibshlhl, op. cit., II, 79; al-Majlisi, op. cit., LXI, 206. 193 Berakhot, 55b; see Lowinger, op. cit., p. 25, note 9; Kristianpoler, op. cit., p, XII, and p. 37, no. 107, note I. 194 Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., fol. 152b sup.; al-Hakim, op. cit., IV, 391; al-Majlisi, op. cit., LXI, 173, 175 (al-ru'ya 'ala mii tu'abbanq. 195 Kristianpoler, op. cit., pp. 51-52, nos. 164-165; Lowinger, op. cit., pp. 25 inf. - 26 sup. 196 According to another version she told her dream to 'A'isha. See al-Zurqanl, op. cit. VII, 171. 190 191 Bab. Berakhot, 100 The interpretation of dreams to the Prophet but did not meet him, and related the story of her dream to Abu Bakr.196 He interpreted it by saying that her husband would die.197 The stories, recorded in Jewish sources, about the pious in Paradisel98 and about gaining knowledge of religious precepts and guidance in dreams,199 are closely reminiscent of similar passages in Muslim oneiromancy. The continuity of the Hebrew oneiromancy2oo can be gauged from the story of a man who found a book on oneiromancy written in Hebrew in the ruins of a house in al-Basra.P! The various elements of oneiromancy were successfully absorbed and combined in the Muslim Iiterature on dreams. Enriched by genuine Arabic and Isiamic materiaI, thoughtfully developed by Muslim scholars, it reflects the various ideas and trends in Muslim society and became a popular topic of Arabic Iiterature. Ibn Qutayba's compilation is the earliest extant composition in the field of Muslim oneiromancy, a fine and rich specimen of this genre of Iiterature. 197 'Ibiira, fol. 9a inf. - 9b sup. (Ibn Qutayba attempts to justify the two different interpretations by the fact that either the countenance of the woman changed or the times of the two dreams were different); the version recorded by al-Zurqanl (see above note 196) ends with the Prophet's admonition to 'A'isha to give good interpretations to the dreams of the Muslims, because dreams are fulfilled according to their interpretations. This reminds closely the account of the story in Jewish sources. And see al-Zamakhshari, op. cit., I, 243244; al-Majlisi, op. cit., LXI, 164-165 (quoted from al-Kiift. The woman came twice to the Prophet; in both cases he interpreted the dream by saying that her husband would return safely. At the third time she met an unlucky man [A'sar] who predicted that her husband would die. AI-Majlisi eagerly gives the Sunnl version identifying the "unlucky man" as Abu Bakr). 198 Kristianpoler, op. cit., p. 31, no. 93 and p. 32, no. 96. 199 Cf. Kristianpoler, op. cit., pp. 29-30, nos. 88-91. 200 About the dependence of the Talmudic material on Greek sources see S. Liebermann, Greek and Hellenism in Jewish Palestine (Jerusalem, 1962), pp. 202 seq. [Hebrew]. 201 Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 274. 101 APPENDIX A. List of chapters of the Jerusalem Ms.: 1. ta'wil ru'yati lliihi ta'iilii 2. ta'wilu l-qiyiimati wa-l-jannati wa-l-ndri 3. ru'yatu l-malii'ikati 4. ru'yatu l-samii'i 5. ru'yatu l-anbiyd'i 6. ru'yatu l-ka'bati wa-l-qiblati 7. man tahawwala kdfiran 8. man tahawwala smuhu 9. man qara'a l-qur'iina au adhdhana au band masjidan 10. al-qiidt 11. mathalu l-qii¢i fi l-maniimi 12. al-imiimu 13. al-shamsu wa-l-qamaru wa-l-nujiimu 14. ru'yatu l-insiini wa-a' ¢ii'ihi 15. al-tazwiju wa-l-nikdhu wa-l-taldqu wa-l-waladu 16. ru'yatu l-amwiiti 17. al-araduna wa-l-abniyatu 18. ta'wilu l-tildli wa-l-jibdli 19. ta'wilu ru'yati l-amtdri wa-l-andii'i wa-mii ttasala bi-dhiilika 20. al-ashribatu 21. ta'wilu l-ashjdri wa-l-thimiiri wa-l-nabiiti 22. ta'wilu 1-l;zubUbi 23. al-surddiqdtu wa-l-fasdtitu wa-mii ashbahahii 24. al-thiyiibu wa-l-libiisu 25. al-farshu 26. al-sildhu 27. al-huliyyu 28. ta'wilu I-niiri wa-mii yunsabu ilayhd 29. al-sahdbu wa-l-mataru wa-md yakimu bihimii 30, al-tayardnu wa-I-wathbu 31. ta'wilu l-khayli wa-I-bariidhini wa-ashbiihihii 32. ta'wilu l-bighdli wa-l-hamiri 33. ru'yatu l-himdri 34. al-ibilu 35. al-thirdnu wa-I-baqaru 36. ta'wilu l-da'ni wa-l-kibiishi 37. al-ma'izu 38. ta'wilu l-wahshi 102 fol. 25a fol. 25b foJ. 26a foJ. 26a foJ. 26a foJ. 26b fol. 27a fol. 27a fol. 27b fol. 27b fol. 28a fol. 28a fol. 28b fol. 29a fol. 32b fol. 33b fol. 34b foJ. 35b fol. 36a fol. 38a fol. 38b fol. 39b fo1. 40b fo1. 41a fol. 42b fo1. 43b fo1. 45a fo1. 47b fo1. 49a fol. 49a fo1. 49b fol. 50b fo1. 51a fol. 51b fol. 52a fol. 52b fol. 53b fol. 53b The interpretation of dreams fo1. fo1. fo1. fol. fo1. fol. fo1. 54b 55a 55a 56b 58b 59a 59b 39. al-filu wa-l-jdmiisu wa-l-khinziru 40. 42. al-hashardtu 41. al-sibii'u It ta'wili l-tayri 43. baniitu I-mii'i min al-samaki wa-ghayrihi 44. al- 'aqdribu wa-l-hayyiitu wa-I-hawiimmu 45. ta'wilu l-sunnii'i 46. ta'wilu l-nawiidiri B. List of chapters of the Ankara 1. Dhikru I-nafsi wa-l-riii: 2. Al-ta'wil bi-I-asmii' 3. Al-ta'wil bi-l-ma'nd Ms.: fol, 62a 4. 5. 6. 7. Al-ta'wil Al-ta'wil Al-ta'wil Al-ta'wil bi-l-Qur'iin bi-l-ahiidith bi-I-mathal al-sd'ir bi-l-didd wa-l-maqliib 8. Ta'biru l-ru'yii bi-l-ziydda wa-l-nuqsdn 9. Ta'biru l-ru'yii bi-l-auqdt 10. Ta'biru I-ru'yii bi-khtildfi I-hay'iit 11. 'Ajii'ib al-ru'yii 12. Wa-min "ajibi l-ru'yii 13. Intihii'u I-ru'yii 14. Wa-min nawddirihi md rawii Jiibiru bnu Damra 15. Wa-min nawddirihi md rawii Marwdnu bnu Mu'iiwiyata 16. Wa-nawiidir a$Qiibihi 'alayhi l-saldm 17. Nddira fi l-ru'yd 18. Wa-min nawiidir al-ru'yd 19. Wa-min nawiidirihi 'alii ghayri aslin 20. Wa-min nawddirihi wa- 'ajii'ibihi 21. Wa-min nawddirihi fi I-ru'yii 22. Amthilat al-ru'yii 23. Wa-min 'ajii'ibi bni Sirin 24. Adab al-ta'wil 103 

concessions.pdf On 'Concessions' and Conduct A Study in Early Hadith Traditions about early ritual practices and customs reported on the authority of the Prophet, of his Companions isahaba) or their Successors (tabi'un) are often divergent and even contradictory. Early compilations of haditb occasionally record these traditions in separate chapters with headings which point out their differences; they also enumerate the scholars who held these divergent views. So, for example, the chapter Man kana yutimmu l-takbir is followed by the chapter Man kana la yutimmu l-takbir ; the chapter Man qala laysa 'ala man nama sajidan wa-qa'idan w u d u' is followed by Man kana y aqisl u i d h a nama ta-t-yatawaddo'. Traditions arranged under headings Man kariha ... followed by Man rakhkhasa [i ... are of a similar type. It is obvious that these diverse traditions reflect differences in the opinions of various circles of Muslim scholars and indicate that in the early period of Islam many ritual prescriptions were not yet firmly established. The rukhas or "concessions," i.e., the changes in ritual prescriptions designed to soften their harshness, were indeed an efficient tool in adapting the prescriptions to the real conditions of life and its changing circumstances. They established practices that were in keeping with the new ideas of Islam. Yet it is evident that the concession, rukhsa, had to acquire authoritative sanction and legitimacy; this could be achieved only through an utterance of the Prophet. As a matter of fact, the following haditb is attributed to the Prophet: "Truly, God desires that His concessions be carried out [just] as He desires His injunctions to be observed" tinna llaha 2 yuhibbu an tu'ta rukhasuhu kama yuhibbu an tuta 'azaimuhui: This tradition was interpreted in manifold ways. According to one interpretation it implies a whole view of life; al-Shaybani (died 189/805) states that the believer who restricts himself to the most basic means of subsistence acts according to the prescriptions, whereas pleasant life and delights are for him a concession, a rukhsa? The purchase of the arable kharaj land in Iraq by Muslims was approved by 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz on the ground of a rukhsa interpretation of a Qur'anic verse; grants of land in the Sawiid, given to Muslims, were also based on rukhsa precedents? 'Abd al-Razzaq, al=Musanna], ed. Habib al-Rabman al-A'zami (Beirut: 11: 291, no. 20569 i=Liimi' Ma'rnar b. Riishid: ... an yu'mala bi-rukhasihi); Ibn Balban, al-Ihsan [i taqrib sahihi bni Hibban, MS. Br. Mus., Add. 27519, fol. 90a; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir [i l-taf sir bi=l=ma'thur (Cairo: 1314), 1: 193; Abu Nu'aym, Hilyat al=awliyh' (Beirut: 1387/1967, reprint), 6: 191 inf., 276, 2: 101 info C, an tuqbala rukhasuhu); al-Miiwardi, al-Amthal wa-l-bikam, MS Leiden, Or. 655, fol. 87b c.. an yu'khadha bi-rukhasihi kama yuhibbti an yu'khadha bi=farii'i dihi), al-Mundhiri, al-Targhib wa-l-tarhib, ed. Muhammad Muhyi l-Din 'Abd al-Hamid (Cairo: 1279/1960), 2: 261, no. 1541 (and see ibid. no. 1539: ._ an tu'ta rukhasuhu kama yakrahu an tu'ta masiyatuhu ; another version: ... kama yuhibbu an tutraka masiyatuhu); al-Muniiwi, Fayd al=qadlr; sharb al- jami' al-saghir (Beirut: 139111972),2: 292, no. 1879, 293, no. 1881(; an tuqbala rukhasuhu kama yuhibbu l+abdu maghfirat rabbihi ; 2: 296, no. 1894: ... Kama yakrahu an tu'ta ma'siyatuhu); al-Daylami, Firdaws al=akhbiir, Chester Beatty 4139, fo1. 53a; aI-Khatib al-Baghdiidi, M uq.ib awham at-jam' wa-l-tafriq (Hyderbad: 1379/1960), 2: 10 c.. an tu'ta mayasiruhu kama yuhibbu an tu'ta 'azdimuhu); cf. al-Kulayni al-Kiifi, ed. Najm al-Din al-Amuli (Tehran: 1388),1: 208-209, no. 4. 2 al-Shaybiini, al-Ikiisab [i l-rizqi l-mustaiab, Talkhis Muhammad b. Sama'a, ed. Mahrnud 'Arniis (Cairo: 1357/1938), p. 81: ... fa-sara l-basilu anna l-iqtisara 'ala adna ma yakfihi 'azimatun, wa-ma zada 'ala dhaiika min at-tana''umi wa-l-nayli min al-ladhdhiui rukhsatun, wa-qala sallii llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam: inna llaha yuhibbu an yu'ta bi-rukhasihi _. 3 Abu 'Ubayd, Kitab al-amwal, ed. Muhammad l:liimid al-Fiqi (Cairo: 1353), pp. 84-85; cf. al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra (Hyderabad: 1356), 9: 140-1: "... bab man kariha shiraa ardi l-khara] ._" And see the traditions against buying of khara] land: Ibn Zanjawayh, al-Amwat, MS. Burdur 183, fols. 1392/1972), 3 The Prophet is said to have denied believers perrmssion to enter baths, but later granted them a rukhsa to enter them, provided they wore loincloths, ma'iuir: There were in fact two contradictory attitudes in the matter of baths: the one disapproving' and the other 29a-32a (and see e.g. ibid., fol. 3Oa, inf., ''; sami'a l=hasana yaqidu: man khalda ribqata muiihidin fa-jdaiaha [i 'unuqihi [a-qad istaqala hijraiahu wa-walla l-islama zahrahu wa-man aqarra bi-shayin min al-jizyati [a-qad aqarra bi-babin min abwabi l-kufri'). 4 al-Shawkani, Nayl ai-awrar, sharb muntaqa l-akhbar min ahadithi sayyidi i-akhyar (Cairo: 1372/1953), 1: 299; Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, ed. 'Abd al-Khaliq Khan al-Atghani (Hyderabad: 1386/1966), 1: 109-110; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 1: 290-296, nos. 11l6-1136; l-Fakihi, Ta'rikh Makka, MS. Leiden a Or. 463, fol. 412a; al-Mundhiri, 1: 118-122,nos. 267-278; al-Sharishi, Sharb maqiimiu al-Hariri, ed. Muhammad 'Abd al-Mun'im Khafaji (Cairo: 1372/1952), 3: 74; aI-Muttaqi I-Hindi, K anz al-tummii! (Hyderabad: 138111962),9: 231-234, nos. 1978-2010;cf. al-Hakim, Marifai 'uiion ai-hadith, ed. Mu'azzam I;Iusayn (Cairo: 1937),p. 98. 5 See e.g. al-Munawi, 2: 54, no. 1311: ... uffin li-l-hammam ..." enjoins husbands " to forbid their wives to enter baths, stresses the filthiness of their water and confines the entrance of men to those wearing the ma'Iizir ; cf. al-Tayalisi, Musnad (Hyderabad: 1321), p. 212, no. 1518:'A'isha reproaches the women from Hirns for entering baths. And see Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, Majmd al-zawdid wa-manbd a/-fawa'id (Beirut: 1967, reprint), 1: 277-278 (the prohibition for women to enter baths; and see ibid., p. 114:the bath is the abode of the Devil); al-Tabari, Dhayl al-mudhayyal (Cairo: 1353/1934), 10: 246; al-Dhahabi, Mizan al-Itidal, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bajawi (Cairo: 1382/1963), 3: 631, no. 7889; al-Daylami, MS. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 90b (the prohibition to enter baths by women is preceded by a prediction of the Prophet that the Muslims will conquer the lands of the 'ajam and will find there "buildings called baths"; a concession at the end of the haditn is granted to women who are ill, or after confinement). And see al-Kattani, Juz', MS. Chester Beatty 4483, fol. 9b ("; bi'sa l-bayt al-hammam'; the Prophet permitted, however, men to enter the bath wearing the maazir, after being told of the importance of the bath for the cleanness of the body and the treatment of the sick). Cf. Ahmad b. I;Ianbal, al-Tlal wa-marifat ai-rijai, ed. Talat Kocyigit and Ismail Cerrahoglu (Ankara: 1963), I: 266, no. 1716 (the prayer in a bath is disliked), 271, no. 1745 ("ai-arq.u kulluha masjidun illa l-hammam wo-l-maqbara'), And see the story of Ibn 'Umar who was shocked when he saw the naked men in the bath (Ibn Sa'd, 4 recommending them," Accordingly scholars are divided in their opinion as to whether the water of the bath can be used for ritual washing, ghus/, or whether, on the contrary, ghusl has to be performed for cleaning oneself from the very water of the bath? The knowledge of rukhas granted by the Prophet is essential for the proper understanding of the faith and its injunctions. The misinterpretation of the verse: "Those who treasure up gold and Tabaqiu (Beirut: 1377/1957), 4: 153-154);and see the various Shi'i traditions in Yiisuf al-Bahrani's al-Haddiq ai-nadira [i ahkam al-'itra al-tahira, ed. Muhammad Taqiyy al-Ayrawani (Nadjaf: 1378),5: 528-540. 6 See al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, 2: 311, 11.4-5; Ibn al-Sunni, 'A mal ai-yawm wa-Hayla (Hyderabad: 1358),p. 85: "ni'ma l-bayt al-hammam yadkhuluhu l-rajulu l-muslim ..."; al-Daylarni, MS. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 174b; al-Wassabl al-Habashi, al-Baraka fi [adli l-sdyi wa-l-haraka (Cairo: n.d.), p. 268; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 1: 279 (a bath was built on the spot approved of by the Prophet). The tradition that the Prophet used to frequent the bath is vehemently refuted by al-Qastallanl, as recorded in a l-Zurqani's Shari) ai-mawiihib al-laduniy ya (Cairo: 1327), 4: 214. Al-Qastallanl, quoting the opinion of Ibn Kathir, states that there were no baths in the Arabian peninsula in the time of the Prophet. Al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, discussing the tradition of Umm al-Darda' about her entering a bath in Medina (Muq.ilJ 1: 359), states that there were no baths in Medina in the period of the Prophet; in that period baths existed only in Syria and Persia (Muq.ii) 1: 362-364). Cf. al-Suyiiti, al-Hiiwi li=l=i atiiwi, ed. Muhammad MulJyi I-Din 'Abd al-I:Iamid (Cairo: 1378/1959), 1: 526-528; Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rikn (Tahdhib) (Damascus: 1329), 3: 380; Murtada al-Zabidi, ItlJiif al-siida al-muttaqin bi-sharh asrar iIJy1i 'ulum al-din (Cairo: 1311) (reprinted Beirut), 2: 400. On the building of baths in Basra in the early period of Islam and the profits gained from them see al-Baladhuri, Ansiib al-ashra], 1, ed. Muhammad Hamidullah (Cairo: 1959): 502; al-Tha'alibl, Thimar al-quliib, ed. Abii l-Fadl Ibrahim (Cairo: 1384/1965), p. 318,no. 476. 7 See Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 107-108; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 1: 295-298 (see e.g. the answer of Ibn 'Abbas, "innama ja'ala llahu l-mii'a yutahhiru wa-la yutahharu.' ibid., no. 1142; and see the answer of al-Sha'bi when asked, on leaving the bath, whether one is obliged to perforn the ghusl (to clean oneself) from the water of the bath: "So why did I enter the bath?", ibid., no. 1146); and see the outspoken answer of Ibn 'Abbas when he entered a bath in the state of ihriim: "Mii ya'ba'u lliihu bi-awsakhinii shay'an.' al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 5: 63 info 5 silver, and do not expend them in the way of God -- give them good tidings of a painful chastisement ..." (Qur'an 9:34) by Abu Dharr is explained by the fact that Abu Dharr met the Prophet and heard from him some injunctions of a severe character (yasma'u min rasidi llahi [s] l-amra fihi l-shiddatur; he then left for the desert. The Prophet, in the meantime, alleviated the injunction (yurakhkhisu [ihi) and people adopted the concession. But Abu Dharr, unaware of this, came back and adhered to the first (scil, severe) injunction," In later periods of Islam the practice of rukhas was presented as the attitude of the first generations of Islam. The righteous predecessors (ai-saiat), argues Abu Talib al-Makki, were in the habit of alleviating (yurakhkhisitna) the rules of ritual impurity, but were strict in the matter of earning one's li ving by proper means alone as well as in the moral aspects of behavior like slander, futile talk, excessive indulgence in rhetoric etc., whereas contemporary scholars, Abu Talib continues, are heedless in problems of moral behavior, but are rigid tshaddadii) with regard to ritual impurity," Sufyan al-Thawri speaks about rukhsa in the following terms: "Knowledge in our opinion is merely [the knowledge of] a rukhsa [reported on the authority] of a reliable scholar; the rigid, rigoristic practice can be observed by everyone?" The pious 'Ata' al-Sulaymi asked for the traditions of rukhas ; they might relieve his grief, he said." The rukhas-traditions were of great importance for the strengthening of belief in God's mercy for the believers thusnu l-zanni bi-llah).12 Sulayman b. Tarkhan asked his son to tell him rukhas-traditions in order to come to the Presence of God (literally: to meet God) with hope for God's mercy," 8 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manihiir, 3: 243. 9 Abii Tiilib al-Makki, QUt al-quliib (Cairo: 1351/1932),2: 46. 10 Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, Jami' b ayii» ai-t ilm wa-f adlihi (a l+Mad ina al-munawwara: n.d., reprint), 2: 36: innama l-'ilmu 'indana l-rukhsatu min thiqatin ; [a-amma l-tashdidu [a-yuhsinuhu kullu ahadin. 11 Abii Nu'aym, 6: 217. 12 See Ibn Abi l-Dunya, Majmu'at al-rasiiil (Cairo: 1354/1935), pp. 39-72: kitabu husni l-zanni bi-llah. 13 Ibid., p. 45, no. 29; Abii Nu'ayrn, 3: 31. 6 In a wider sense rukhas represent in the opinion of Muslim scholars the characteristic way of Islam as opposed to Judaism and Christianity. The phrase "... and he will relieve them of their burden and the fetters that they used to wear" (Qur'an 7:157) is interpreted as referring to the Prophet, who removed the burden of excessively harsh practices of worship'? and of ritual purity," The rigid and excessive practices of worship refer to Jews and Christians alike. The Prophet forbade his believers to follow the harsh and strict way of people who brought upon themselves destruction. The remnants of these people can be found in the cells of monks and in monasteries; this, of course, refers to Christians." These very comments are coupled with the haditb about the rukhas mentioned earlier: inna llaha yuhibbu ... It is thus not surprising to find this rukhas tradition together with an additional phrase: ... ia-qbalic rukhasa llahi wa-Ia takiinic ka-bani israila hina shaddadii 'ala anfusihim ta-shaddada llahu 'alayhiml' The ruk hs a tradition is indeed recorded in chapters condemning hardship in the exertion of worship and ritual practices," stressing the benevolence of God for His creatures even if they commit grave sins, reproving cruelty even towards a cat," 14 ... al-t athqitu lladhi kana [i dinihim ... al-tashdl du fi l-'ibadati ... al-shadii'idu llati kiinat 'alayhim ... tashdidun shuddida 'ala l-qawmi, [a-iao Muhammadun (s) bi-l-taiawuzi 'anhum. 15 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthlir, 3: 135; al-Tabari, Taf sir, ed. Mahmiid and Ahmad Shakir (Cairo: 1958), 13: 167-168; al-Qurtubi, Tat sir. (Cairo: 1387/1967), 7: 300; Hashim b. Sulayman al-Bahrani al-Tawbali al-Katakani, al-Burhan [i tafsiri l-qur'an (Qumm: 1393),2: 40, no. 3. 16 al-Suyiitl, al-Durr ol-manthia, 1: 193. 17 al-'Amili, al-Kashkid, ed. Tahir Ahmad al-Zawi (Cairo: 1380/1960), 1: 221. 18 See Ibn Balban, fol. 90a-b, the headings: ... dhikru t-ikhbari 'amma yustahabbu li=lrmari min qubidi ma rukhkhisa lahu bi-tarki l-tahammuli 'ala l-naf si ma la tuiiqu min aHa'ati _ ; ai-ikhbaru bi-anna 'ala l-mar'i qubida rukhsati llahi lahu fi ta'atihi diina l-tahammuli 'ala l-najsi ma yashuqqu 'alayha hamluhu ... ; ... mii yustahabbu li-l-mar'i l-tarafiuqu bi-l-taiui wa-al-amru bi-l-qaSdi fi Ha'ati diina an yuhmala 'ala l-naisi ma la tutiqu. 19 See 'Abd al-Razzaq, 11, no. 20549. The authenticity of the story of the woman who was put in Hell because she caused the death of a cat, was 7 and recommending leniency, moderation and mildness towards the believers. Rukh sa is rukhsatu llah; God's concession for His community; it imposes on the believers kindness and moderation towards each other. Rukhsa is in this context associated with riiq, yusr, samaha and qasd?" In a different context a concession, rukhsa, is meant to ease the burden of the decreed prescription (al-hukm) for an excusable reason ilir'udhrin hasala); the acceptance of rukhsa is almost obligatory in such a case (yakiidu yulhaqu bi-l-wujub); the believer must act according to the rukh sa, subduing his pride and haughtiness." Breaking the fast of sawm al-dahr is such a rukhsa ; continuing the fast is stubborness." Commenting on the haditb "The best of my people are those who act according to the rukhas,' al-Munawi stresses that the rukhas apply to specific times only; otherwise one should follow the incumbent prescription." The haditb "He who does not accept the concession of God will bear a sin as heavy as the mountains of 'Arafat" 24 was quoted in connection with a concession according to which it is recommended 20 21 22 23 14 questioned by 'A'lsha, She asserted that the woman was an unbeliever, a kalira. The believer is more respected by God iakramu 'inda [[jihi) than that He would chastise him because of a cat, she argued. She rebuked Abii Hurayra, the transmitter of the hadlth, and bade him to transmit the tradition more accurately. See al-Zarkashi, al+l jaba li-Iriidi rna st adrakat-hu 'A'ishatu 'ala I-sahaba (Cairo: n.d.), p. 61; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 1: 116; and see Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, Futuh misr, ed. C. Torrey (Leiden; 1920), p. 292; Hanniid b. al-Sariyy, Kitab al-suhd, MS. Princeton, Garret 1419,fo!. lOla, inf. -lOlb. See 'Abd al-Razziiq, 11: 282-288, nos. 20546; 20559 (Bab al-rukhas wa-l-shadiiid) and 11:290-292, nos. 20566-20574 (Bab al-rukhas [i l-'amal wa-l-qasd). al-Muniiwi, 2: 296-297; and see ibid., pp. 292-293 (see the commentary: the 'azima, injunction, order, has an equal standing with the rukhsa. According to the circumstances the ordained wu4u' is as obligatory as the rukhsa 0 f tayammum). And see ibid., p. 293: the concessions have to be carried out according to the circumstances for which they were given. Abii Tiilib al-Makki, 1: 11l. al-Muniiwi, 2: 51, no. 1300;al-Daylami, MS. Chester Beatty 4139, fo!. 94b. Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, p. 292; al-Muniiwi, 6: 225, no. 9031; al-Daylami, MS. 8 to break the fast when on a journey. The core of the discussion was whether the breaking of the fast during a journey is obligatory or merely permitted. Some scholars considered it as a rukhsai? The phrase in Qur'an 2:187 "... and seek what God had prescribed for you" (fa-i-i.zna bashiriihunna wa-btaghii ma kataba llahu lakum) indicates, according to one interpretation, God's concession concerning the nights of Ramadan." The phrase in Qur'an 2:158 .,. io-ta junaha 'alayhi an yattawwaja bihima ... ("... it is no fault in him to circumambulate them ..."), referring to the circumambulation of al-Safa and Marwa, gave rise to the discussion whether it indicated an order or a concession." The bewailing of the dead by hired women, the niyaha, is forbidden; but the Prophet granted the afflicted relatives the rukhsa to mourn the dead and to weep over a dead person's grave," Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 158b. 25 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir, 1: 193; Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, p. 265; Ahmad b. Hanbal, Musnad, ed. Shakir (Cairo: l368/1949), 8: 238, no. 5392; al-Dhahabi, 2: 483; Ibn Kathir, Taf sir (Beirut: l385/1966), 1: 382; cf. al-Tabari, Tafsir 3: 461-469 (see p. 460: al-iftaru [i l-maradi 'azmatun min alliihi wajibatun wa-laysa bi-tarkhis ; and see p. 464: al-iitaru fi l-saf ari rukhsatun min allahi tdala dhikruhu, rakhkhasaha li=ibadihi wa-l-fardu l-sawmu ...); Ibn Balban, fol. 9Ob, sup; al-Sha'rani, Lawaqin al-anwar (Cairo: 138111961), p. p 716-717; al-Mundhiri, 2: 258-262; Ibn Qutayba, Ta'wil mukht ali] al-badith (Cairo: 1326), pp. 307-308; al-Zurqani, Sharb al-muwatta (Cairo: 1381/1961), 2: 415-420. 26 al-Tabari, Tafsir, 3: 500 ult., 508; Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, 1: 390, line 5 from bottom; al-Suyiitl, al-Durr al-manthiir, 1: 199, line l. 27 See al-Tabarl, Tafsir, 3: 230-246; al-Qurtubi, 2: 182 (and see ibid., about the reading: fa-lii junaha 'alayhi an la yattawwaf ar; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-anwar (Tehran: 1388),99: 235, 237-8, 239 line 2; al-Zarkashi, al-/ jaba, pp. 78-9; al-Fakihi, fols. 374b-380a; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrii, 5: 96-8; Amin Mahmiid Khattjib, Fatb al-malik at-mabiid, takmilat al-manhal al-'adhb al-mawriid, sharh. sunan abi dawitd (Cairo: 1394/1974), 1: 243-50, 2: 15-16. 28 al-l;Iakim, al=Mustadrak (Hyderabad: 1342), 1: 203; aI-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Mit(j.ih, 2: 12 sup.; al-Zajjjiji, Amali, ed. 'Abd aI-Salam Hariin (Cairo: 1382), p. 181 L wa-kadhalika al-naqu: raf'u l-sawti bi-l-bukiii ; wa-hadha kana manhiyyan 'anhu [i awwali l-islami+ani l-bukita 'ala l-mayyit, thumma rukhkhisa [ihi ... ; al-Raghib al-Isfahanl, MuhMarat al-udabd (Beirut: 1961), 9 In some cases the choice between the prescription and the rukhsa has been left to the believer: such is the case of the ablution of the junub. Three traditions about how the Prophet practised wudu' ablution, when in the state of janaba contain contradictory details: two of them state that he, being a junub, performed the wudu' before he went to sleep, while the third one says that he went to sleep without performing wudu'. Ibn Qutayba, trying to bridge between the contradictory traditions, states that in a state of janaba washing before one goes to sleep is the preferred practice (afejal); by not washing the Prophet pointed to the rukhsa?" The believer may choose one of the two practices. In some cases the rukhsa completely reverses a former prohibition. The Prophet forbade the visiting of graves, but later changed his decision and granted a rukhsa to visit them: naha rasidu llahi [S] 'an ziyaraii l-qubkri thumma rakhkhasa fihlz bddu/" Cupping during a fast was forbidden by the Prophet; both the cupper and the person whose blood was drawn were considered to have broken their fast. The Prophet, however, changed his decision and granted a rukhsa ; cupping did not stop the fast," Lengthy chapters contain discussions of the problem as to whether kissing one's wife while fasting is permitted. Some scholars considered kissing or touching the body of the wife as breaking the fast, others considered it permissible. Both parties quote traditions in support of their arguments. The wives of the Prophet, who 4: 506; Ibn Abi Shayba, 3: 389-395; al-Tabarani, al-Mujam al-saghir, ed. 'Abd al-Rahrnan Muhammad 'Uthman (al-Madina al-munawwara: 1388/1968), 2: 82 (noteworthy is the report of Ibn Abi Shayba 3: 391 about the faqih Abu I-Bakhtari: ... kana rajulan [aqihan wa-kana yasmau l-nawh); Mahrniid Muhammad Khattab al-Subki, al-Manhal alradhb al-mawriid, 8: 281-4; al-Zarkashi, al-/ jaba, pp. 34, 50-1. 29 Ibn Qutayba, pp. 305-6. 30 a l+Hji z i m I, at-F't ibiir f i b a yiini l=niisikh' wa-l=mansickk min al-akhbar (Hyderabad: 1359),pp. 130-1, 228; al-Fakihi, fol. 478b, 479 penult. 31 Ibn Daqiq al-'Id, al-Ilmam bi-ahadithi l-ahkam, ed. Muhammad Sa'Id al-Mawlawi (Damascus: 1383/1963), p. 244, no. 592; al-Zurqani, Shorb al-muwatta, 2: 428-30; al-Hazimi, pp. 137-42. 10 testified as to their experience, were not unanimous about the problem. 'A'isha's evidence was in favor of kissing. The statement that old and weak people may kiss their wives, while men may not, is an obvious attempt at harmonization." A similar problem was whether kissing one's wife imposes wudu, Scholars were divided in their opinions. 'A'isha testified that the Prophet used to kiss his wives and set out to pray without performing ablution. Many scholars stated that kissing or touching one's wife does not require wudu', but others argued that it does. Some scholars found a compromise: wucj.u' is required if the kiss is accompanied by a feeling of lust," The rukhas, apparently, were exploited by scholars attached to rulers and governors. As usual precedents of wicked court-scholars in the period of banii isra'il were quoted: they frequented the courts of kings, granted them the required rukhas and, of course, got rewards for their deeds. They were happy to receive the rewards and to have the kings accept their 32 al-Tahawl, Sharb maani l-iuhar, ed. Muhammad Zuhri l-Najjir (Cairo: 2: 88-96; Ibn Abi Shayba, 3: 59-64; al-Bayhaqi, Mc'rif at al-sunan wa-l-iuhar, ed. Ahmad Saqr (Cairo: 1969), 1: 21 sup.; Ibn Qutayba, pp. 308-9; al-Dhahabi 2: 398 sup.; Abu Nu'aym, 7: 138;al-Zarkashi, al-[ jaba, p. 54; al-Zurqanl, Sharh al-muwatta, 2: 410-15; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 4: 182-94, nos. 8406-8456. See e.g. nos. 8412, 8418; kissing during the fast was considered as rukhsa ; against the rigid prohibition to look at a woman (see e.g. nos. 8452-8453) there are traditions permitting much more than kissing (see e.g. no. 8444 and the extremely permissive tradition no. 8439); and see Abu Nu'ayrn, 9: 309 (kuliu shay'in laka min ahlika haliilun [i l-siyami ilia ma bayna l-rijlayn); and see this tradition al-Daylami, MS. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 120b, 1.1;al-Muttaqi I-Hindi, 8: 384-5, nos. 2787-2793; Ibn Daqiq aI-'id, pp. 243-4, nos. 590-1; al-Kattiini, MS. Chester Beatty 4483, fol. 3a; al-Shafi'I, al-Umm (Cairo: 1321 reprint), 2: 84 sup.; Mahmiid Muhammad al-Subki, al-Man hal al-tadhb al-mawrisd, sharb sunan abi dawud (Cairo: 1390), 10: 109-13, 115-16;Ibn Abi l:liitim, 'Ilal al-I;!adith (Cairo: 1343 reprint), 1: 47, no. 108. 33 Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 44 (man qala: laysa fi l-qubla wu4u'), 45 (man qala: fiha l-wudli'); 'Abd al-Razziiq, 1: 132-6, nos. 496-515; al-Hakirn, al+Must adrak, 1: 135; al-Shawkani, Nayl, 1: 230-3; al-Zurqani, Sharh ai-muwauo', 1: 129-30; Ibn Abi l:liitim, 1: 48, nos. 109-110,63 no. 166. 1388/1968), 11 concessions. The verse in Qur'an 3:189 "Reckon not that those who rejoice in what they have brought, and love to be praised for what they have not done -- do not reckon them secure from chastisement ..." refers, according to one tradition, to these scholars," Orthodox, pious scholars fiercely criticized the Umayyad court-jurists and muhaddithiin= The [uqaha' seem to have been liberal in granting rukhas, as can be gauged from a remark of the pious Sulayman b. Tarkhan (who himself very much appreciated the granted rukhas, see above note 13) that anyone who would adopt every rukhsa of the [uqaha would turn out a libertine." In order to assess the actions of rulers it became quite important to find out to what extent they made use of rukhas. 'Umar is said to have asked Muhajirs and Ansaris in his council what their opinion would be if he applied rukhas in some problems. Those attending remained silent for a time and then Bishr b. Sa'id said: "We would make you straight as we make straight an arrow." 'Umar then said with approval: "You are as you are" (i,e, you are the proper menl.'? When al-Mansur bade Malik b. Anas to compile the Muwatta' he advised him to stick to the tenets agreed upon the Muslim community and to beware of the rigoristic opinions of Ibn 'Umar, the rukhas of Ibn 'Abbas and shawadhdh (readings of the Qur'an) of Ibn Mas'iid.38 34 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr ai-manthia, 2: 109 inf. 35 Ibn 'Asakir, 6: 218: ... [a-ataw l-umara'a [a-haddathiihum [a-rakhkhasii lahum, wa-atawhum [a-qabilii minhum ...; al-Qadi 'Iyiid, Tartib al-madarik, ed. Ahmad Bakir Mahmiid (Beirut: 1387/1967), 1-2, 616 (Sahniin): ... wa-baiaghani annahum yuhaddithunahum min al-rukhas ma yuhibbiina, mimma laysa 'alayhi l-'amalu ...; al-Dhahabi, 1: 14 inf.: '" ila kam tuhaddithu l-nasa bi-l-rukhasil ... and see al-Suyiiti, al-Durr ol-mamhia, 3, 139. ; 36 Abii Nu'aym, 3:32; al-Raghib al-Isfahani, 1: 133:... man akhadha bi-rukhsati kulli [aqihin kharaja minhu fasiq. And See Ahmad b. Hanbal, 'Ilal, 1: 238, no. 1499: Malik, asked about the rukhas of singing granted by some people of Medina, said: "In our place the libertines behave in this way." 37 Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, Hadith, MS. Chester Beatty 3849/4 (majmu'a), fol. 44b, inf.-45a (the text: antum idhan antum); al-Muttaqi al-Hindi, 5: 405 inf., no. 2414 (the text: antum idhan antum idhan). 38 'Abd al-Malik b. Habib, Tarikh, MS. Bodley. Marsh. 288, p. 167: ... wa-qala 12 Many a rukhsa indeed served to regulate relations between people, establish certain privileges for the weak and disabled, to alleviate some rigorous practices and finally, in some cases, to turn Jahili practices into Muslim ones by providing them with a new theoretical basis. Al-Hakim al-Naysabiiri" says that the Prophet's command to Zayd b. Thabit to learn the writing of the Jews ikitaba; al-yahiui) in order to be able to answer their letters, serves as the only rukhsa permitting the study of the writings of the People of the Book. Weak and disabled people were given special instructions on how more easily to perform certain practices during the pilgrimage.'? The Prophet enjoined that the ritual ablution (wutju') should start with the right hand; but a rukhsa was granted to start from the left." The cutting of trees and plants was forbidden in the haram of Mecca, but the Prophet allowed as a rukhsa the idhkhir rush ischoenanium) to be cut since it was used in graves and for purification." A special rukhsa was given by the Prophet to take freely the meat of animals sacrificed by him; the nuhba (plunder) of sugar and nuts at weddings was also permitted by the Prophet," A rukhsa was issued by the Prophet allowing use of gold and silver for the embellishment of swords, for the repair and fastening of damaged cups and vessels, for a treatment in 39 40 41 42 43 abi: ja'farin al-mansiiru li-maliki bni anasin hina amarahu bi-wad'i muwauaihi: ya abii 'abdi lliihi ttaqi shaddida bni 'umara wa-rukhasa bni 'abbasin wa-shawadhdha bni mas'iidin wa+alayka bi-l-amri l-mujtamdi 'alayhi. al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, 1: 75. al-Tahawi, Sharb mdani, 2: 215-218. al-Bayhaqi, ai-Sunan al-kubra, 1: 86-87. al-Baliidhuri, Futul; al-buldiin, ed. 'Abdallah and 'Umar al-Tabba' (Beirut: 1377/1958), p. 58, 1.3. Abu 'Ubayd, Gharibu l-hadltl: (Hyderabad: 1384/1965), 2: 54; al-Tai)iiwi, Sharb mdani, 3: 49-50; al-Zurqani, Sharb al-mawahib ; 4: 325 inf. -326; al-Fasawi, al-Mdrifa wa-l-tarikh; MS. Esad Ef. 2391, fol. 32a, sup. ('an ibni mas'iidin annahu kariha nihaba l-sukkar). 13 dentistry and for the restitution of a cut nose." The Prophet uttered a r uk h s a about the nabi dh of jars;45 the use of jars for nabidh (steeping of dates) was forbidden before that. The muttering of healing incantations, the ruqya, a current practice in the Jahiliyya period, was forbidden by the Prophet. Later he fixed the formulae of these healing incantations for various kinds of illnesses, bites from snakes and scorpions, and the evil eye, giving them an Islamic character." This was, of course, a rukhsa of the Prophet. It is also a rukhsa to denounce Islam in case of danger to one's life. Two Muslims were captured by a troop of Musaylima and were ordered to attest the prophethood of Musaylima. One of them refused and was killed; the other complied and saved his life. When he came to the Prophet, the Prophet said that he had chosen the way of the rukhsa:" The discussion of a rukhsa could, in certain circumstances, turn into a bitter dispute. 'Uthman disapproved of the tamattu' pilgrimage." 'Ali, who was at the council of 'Uthman, opposed this opinion fiercely, arguing that tamattu' was a sunna of the Prophet and a rukhsa granted by God to his servants. 'uthmdn 44 al-Tahawl, Mushkil al-iuhiir (Hyderabad: 1333), 2: 166-179; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 5: 147-151;al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 1: 28-30. 45 al-Hakim, Ma'rifat 'uliim, p. 196 sup.; al-Hazimi, pp. 228-230. 46 Ibn Wahb, Jami, ed. 1. David-Weill (Cairo: 1939), pp. 103-106; al-Tahawl, Sharb mdiini, 4: 326-329; Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, 5: 109-114;al-Zurqani, Shorb ai-muwatta', 6: 348-350; idem, Sharb al-mawahib, 7: 68-82; al-Wa$$iibi, al-Baraka; pp. 268-270; Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, al-Tibb al-nabawi, ed. 'Abd aI-Ghani 'Abd al-Khaliq, 'Adil al-Azharl, Mahrniid Faraj al-'Uqda (Cairo: 1377/1957), pp. 127, 131 inf.-147; idem, Zad al-ma'Iid (Beirut: n.d.), 3: 116-125; al-Damiri, Hayiu. al-I;ayawan (Cairo: 1383/1963), 2: 139-140;al-Tha'alibi, Thimar oi-quliib, pp. 126, no. 672, 431, no. 690. 47 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manihiir, 4: 133. 48 On the tamauu pilgrimage see e.g. Ibn Hazm, Haj]at al-wada', ed. Mamdiib Baqqi (Beirut: 1966), pp. 49, 89, 90, 102; Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, 3: 236; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 5: 15-26. . 14 excused himself saying that he had merely expressed his personal opinion which anybody could accept or reject. A man from Syria who attended the council and disliked 'Ali's argument said that he would be ready to kill 'Ali, if ordered to do so by the Caliph, 'Uthman, He was silenced by Habib b. Maslama'" who explained to him that the Companions of the Prophet knew better the matter in which they differed." This remark of Habib b. Maslama is a projection of later discussions and represents the attitude of orthodox circles which recommend refraining from passing judgement on the contradictory arguments of the sahaba. However the passage also reflects the contrasting ways in which the pilgrimage was performed. It is noteworthy that Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya wrote lengthy passages in which he examined in a thorough manner the contradictory opinions of the scholars about the tamattu' pilgrimage," Close to the concept of rukhsa was the idea of naskh. abrogation, total change, referring to hadith. Such a case of naskh is the practice of wudii' after the consumption of food prepared on fire. The Prophet is said to have uttered a hadith: tawadda'ii mimma massat al=nar. A great number of traditions assert that the Prophet later used to eat cooked food and immediately afterwards prayed without performing the wudii, The traditions concerning this subject are found in some of the compendia arranged in two separate chapters, recording the opinions and deeds of the righteous predecessors who respectively practised wudu' or objected to it.52 49 See on him al-Fasi, al-T qd al-thamin [i tarikhi l-baladi l-am in, ed. Fu'ad Sayyid (Cairo: 1384/1965), 4: 49-52; Nasr b. Muzahim, Waq'at Siffin, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Harlin (Cairo: 1382), index; Ibn Hajar, al-Lsiiba, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bajiwi (Cairo: 1392/1972), 2: 24-26, no. 1602. 50 Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, Jiimi' bayan, 2: 30; cf. al-Zurqani, Sharb al-muwaua; 3: 52 (and see pp. 48-51); ai-Muttaqi l-Hindi, 5: 83, no. 678, 88, no. 704. 51 Zad ol-maad. 1: 188-191,203-18. 52 'Abd al-Razzaq 1: 163-171(man qala ia yutawaddau mimma massat al-nar), pp. 172-174 (ma ja'a fimi: massat al-nar min al-shidda); Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 46-52 (man kana ia yatawadddu mimma massat ai-nar ; man kana yara lrwudiia mimma ghayyarat al-nar); al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 1: 153-158; al-Hazimi, pp. 46-52; Nlir ai-Din al-Haythami, 1: 248-249 (ai-wu4u' 15 The arguments brought forth by the partisans of both groups and toe traditions reported by them may elucidate some aspects of the problem under discussion. According to a tradition, reported by al-Hasan b. 'Ali, the Prophet was invited by Fatima and was served the shoulder of a ewe. He ate and immediately afterwards started to pray. Fatima asked him why he had not performed the wudii' and the Prophet answered, obviously surprised, "[To wash] after what, 0 my daughter?" She said, "[To wash] after a meal touched by fire." Then he said, "The purest food is that touched by fire."53 A similar tradition is recorded on the authority of 'A'isha, When she asked the Prophet why he did not perform the wudu' after eating meat and bread he answered, "Shall I perform the wudis' after the two best things: bread and meat?"54 There is a tradition on the authority of Umm Habiba, the wife of the Prophet, who had ordered the performance of wudii' after having eaten gruel of parched barley tsawiq) on the grounds of the hadith: Tawaddaii mimma massat al-nari? but traditions recorded on the authority of Safiyya, Umm Salama and the Companions of the Prophet affirm that the Prophet prayed after eating cooked food without performing the wu4it'.56 The scholars who deny the obligation of wudis' after the consumption of meals state that the principle established by the Prophet was that wudii' is obligatory 53 54 55 56 mimma massat al-nar), pp. 251-254 (tarku I-wut/u' mimma massat al-nar); al-Tahawi, Sharb maani, 1: 62-70; Ahmad b. Hanbal, al+Llal, 1: 305, nos. 1984-1985, 317, no. 2062, 366, no. 2424; al-Shawkani, N ayl, 1: 245-247, al-Fasawi, fo1. 229a; Abu Yiisuf, Kiiab al-iuhar, ed. Abu I-Wafii (Cairo: 1355), pp. 9-11, nos. 41-50; al-Hakim, Ma'rifat 'uliim, pp. 30, 217; al-Bayhaqi, Mo'rif at al=sunan, 1: 401; Ibn Sa'd, 7: 158; al-Bukhiiri, at-Ta'ri kb al-kabir (reprint), I, 2 no. 1543, III, 2 nos. 2361, 2805; Abu Nu'ayrn, 5: 363; Ibn 'Asakir, 6: 125, 174, 321;al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Tarikh Baghdad (Cairo: 135111931), 3: 100; Ibn l;Iajar, al-Isaba, 3: 263, no. 3701, 8: 248, no. 12125;Ibn 1 l;Iibbiin, Kitab al-majriihin; ed. 'Aziz aI-Qiidiri (Hyderabad: 1390/1970), 2: 173. Nur aI-Din al-Haythami, 1: 252 inf.-253. al-Dhahabi, 3: 243, no. 6270. Ibn Abi l-Jawsa', Hadith; al-Zahiriyya, Majmii'a 60, fo1. 64b. al-Tabiiwi, Shark mdiini, 1: 65. 16 after what comes out (of the body) not after food taken in.57 Ibn 'Abbas, who authoritatively stated that there is no injunction of wuqil after food prepared on fire, argued that fire is a blessing; fire does not make anything either forbidden or permitted." On the authority of Mu'adh b. Jabal, a Companion of the Prophet and a very indulgent person in matters of ablutions, who stated that no ablution is needed in case of vomiting, bleeding of the nose or when touching the genitalia, the following philological explanation is given: people had indeed heard from the Prophet the utterance: tawaddaii mimma massat ai-niir, but they did not understand the Prophet's meaning. In the time of the Prophet people called the washing of hands and mouth wudk' ; the Prophet's words simply imply the washing of hands and mouth for cleanliness (ii-i-tan?if); this washing is by no means obligatory (wiijib) in the sense of ritual ablution." There are in fact traditions stating that the Prophet ate meat, then rinsed his mouth, washed his hands and started to pray." Another tradition links the abolition of the Prophet's injunction of this wudu' with the person of Anas b. Malik, the servant of the Prophet, and puts the blame for the persistence of wudii' after the consumption of cooked food on authorities outside Medina. Anas b. Malik returned from al-Iraq and sat down to have his meal with two men of Medina. After the meal he came forth to perform the wudii'. His companions blamed him, asking: "Are you 57 Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 1: 252; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan ai-kubra, 1: 157 inf.; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 1: 170-171,nos. 658, 663; al-Tabawi, Sharb maiini, 1: 69. S8 'Abd al-Razzjiq, 1: 168-169, nos. 653, 655-656; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrii, 1: 158, lines 4-5; al-Tahawi, Sharb mdimi, 1: 70 sup. 59 al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra; 1: 141; Niir ai-Din al-Haytharni, 1: 252 ult.-253, line 1; al-Sharif al-Murtada, Amali, ed. Muhammad Abii l-Fadl Ibrahim (Cairo: 1373/1954), 1: 395-3%. 60 al-Tahawi, Sharb maiini, 1: 66, 68; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 1: 157; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 1: 252, lines 12-15, 254, line 8 and line 18; Muhammad b. Sinan al-Qazzaz, Hadith, al-Zahiriyya, Majmii'a 18, fol. 2a; Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Qattan, al-Fawdid, al-Zahiriyya, Majrnii'a 18, fol. 24a info 17 following the Iraqi way?,,61This story implies that in the practice of Medina no wudii' was observed after eating cooked meals. The emphasis that Anas's practice was Iraqi is noteworthy. It can hardly be conceived that the Iraqis stuck to the earlier practice of the Prophet which was later abrogated by him. It is more plausible to assume that Anas adopted an Iraqi usage observed there since the Sasanian period. The severe reproach which Anas faced seems to indicate that it was a foreign custom, considered as a reprehensible innovation by the Muslim communityf? The lenient character of the abrogation of wu(jil after eating food prepared on fire is exposed in a tradition reporting that the Prophet ate roast meat, performed the wu(ju' and prayed; later he turned to eat the meat that was left over, consumed it and set to pray the afternoon prayer without performing wu(ju' at all.63 It is evident that his later action (akhiru amrayhi) is the one to be adopted by the community, as it constitutes an abrogation, naskh, of the former tradition, although some scholars consider it as rukhsa. The problem of wudii' mimma massat al-nar was left in fact to the inventiveness of the [uqaha' of later centuries; it becomes still more complicated by an additional hadith according to which the Prophet enjoined wu(ju' after the consumption of the meat of camels, but did not regard wudii as necessary after eating the meat of small cattle (ghanam).64 The two chapters in the Musannai of Ibn Abi Shayba about wuQ.u' after consuming meat of 61 al-Tahawi, Sharf) maani, 1: 69; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrii, 1: 158 (Anas regrets his mistake and wishes he had not done it: laytani lam af'al); 'Abd al-Razzaq, 1: 170, no. 659; al-Zurqiini, Sharf) al-muwaud, 1: 88 inf.-89. 62 See 'Abd al-Razzaq, 1: 170, no. 659: ... ma hiidhihi l-'iraqiyyatu llatl ahdathtaha ._? 63 al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 1: 247; al-Hakim, Marif at 'uliim, p. 85; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrii, 1: 156; al-Tahawi, Sharf) mo'ani, 1: 67; al-Bayhaqi, Marifai al-sunan, 1: 395, 401, lines 1-2; Ibn 'Asakir, 6: 321. 64 Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 46-7; al-Tahawi, Sharf) maani, 1: 70-1; al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 1: 237-9; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 1: 158-9; idem, Ma'rifat al-sunan, 1: 402-6; Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, I'lam al-muwaqqiin 'an rabbi l-'alamin, ed. Tiihii 'Abd al-Ra'iif Sa'd (Cairo: 1973), 2: 15-16, 106; Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, 1: 250. 18 camels, contradictory as they are, bear additional evidence to the diversity of practice and usage, and to the divergencies in opinions held by the scholars of hadith. 'No less divergent are the views of the scholars about the wuq.u: before the consumption of food, 65 the confinement of wudii', as an obligatory act, before prayer only, the question whether ablution before every prayer was obligatory for the Prophet only,66 and whether the wuq.u' may be replaced as a concession by cleaning the mouth with a toothpicks? The great number of diverse traditions, merely hinted at above, clearly indicate that the formation of a normative code of ritual and usage began relatively late. A survey of some traditions about the t aw at, the circumambulation of the Ka'ba, and certain practices of the haji may shed some light on the peculiar observances and customs followed in the early period and may explain how they were later regulated, transformed or established. The tawaf was equated by the Prophet with prayer isaliu). In an utterance attributed to him the Prophet said, ''The tawai is indeed like a prayer; when you circumambulate diminish your talk."" In another version of this haditb the Prophet, making 65 See al-Zurqani, Shorb al-mawahib, 4: 352 barakat al-tdiim al-wuq,u' qablahu ; and see the interpretation). 66 See al-Zurqani, Sharb al-mawahib, 7: 247, lines 24-30 [aaltuhu ya 'umaru-rydni li-bayani I-jawazi Ii-I-nasi wa-khawfa an yu'taqada wujiibu mii kana yaf'alu min al-wudiii li-kulli saiiuin ; wa=qila innaha nasikhun li-wujiibi dhiilika, wa-taaqqaba bi-qawli anasin: kana khassan bihi diina ummatihi wa-annahu kana ya(aluhu li-I-faq,ila _). 67 Ibid., 7: 248, line 1 seq. Concerning the concept of Sufi rukhas cf. M. Milson, A Sufi Rule for Novices, Kitab adab al-muridin (Harvard: 1975), pp. 72-82; and see his discussion on the subject in the Introduction, pp. 19-20. 68 'Abd al-Razzaq, 5: 496; al-Qastallani, [rshad al-sari, (Cairo: 1323),3: 173-4; al-Nasa'I, Sunan, ed. Hasan al-Mas'iidi (Beirut: n.d.), 5: 222; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra; 5: 85; Yiisuf b. Miisii al-Hanafi, al-Mu'tasar min al-mukhtasar (Hyderabad: 1362), 1: 174; al-Muniiwi, 4: 292-3, nos. 5345-5347; al-Muttaqi l-Hindi, 5: 24, nos. 220-222; cf. al-Azraqi, Akhbar Makka, ed. F. Wiistenfeld, p. 258; Muhibb al-Dln al-Tabari, al-Qira li-qasidi ummi l-qura, ed. Mustafa I-Saqii (Cairo: 1390/1970), pp. 306, 331;al-Tabiiwi, SharI) c.. c.. 19 tawat equal to prayer, bade the faithful confine their conversation to good talk. During the tawai the Prophet invoked God saying, "Our Lord, give to us in this world and in the world to come and guard us against the chastisement of Fire" (Qur'an 2:201).This verse was recited as an invocation by some of the Companions," Some of the invocations were extended and included praises of God, assertion of His oneness and omnipotence as they were uttered by the angels, by Adam, Abraham and the Prophet while they went past various parts of the Ka'ba during the tawai?" The pious Ibn 'Umar and Ibn 'Abbas are said to have performed the tawat refraining from talk altogether." Tawfis and Mujahid circumambulated in solemnity and awe "as if there were birds on their heads."> This was, of course, in the spirit of the imitatio prophetarum; Wahb b. Munabbih reported on the authority of Ka'b that three hundred Messengers (the last among whom was Muhammad) and twelve thousand chosen people tmustaian) prayed in the hi jr facing the maqam, none of them speaking during the tawa], except to mention the name of God.73 When 'Urwa b. al-Zubayr approached Ibn 'Umar during the tawat, asking him to give him his daughter in marriage, Ibn 'Umar did not reply. After some time 'Urwa came to Medina and met 'Abdallah b. 'Umar. The latter explained that he had not been able to answer him because mdiini , 2: 178 info 69 al-Azraqi, p. 258; al-Fiikihi, fols. 292a, 296a; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 5: 50, 52; al-Muttaqi I-Hindi, 5: 90, nos. 717-719, 722; al-Waqidi, Maghazi, ed. M. Jones (London: 1966), p. 1098; al-Bayhaqi, at-Sun an al-kubra, 5: 84; Ibn Zuhayra, al-Jiimi' al-latif (Cairo: 1357/1938), p. 124; Ibn Kathir, Tajsir, 1: 432-3. 70 See e.g. al-Fiikihi, fo. 296a, sup. (The Prophet urges the people to praise God and to extol Him during the tawiif ; and see ibid., similar reports about some Companions); al-Azraqi, pp. 259 inf.-26O; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 5: 51, nos. 8964-8965; al-Qastallani 3: 170; al-Harbl, ai-Manasik wa-amakin turuqi l-haj], ed. Hamad al-Jasir (al-Riyiid: 1389/1969), pp. 431-3; Mubibb ai-Din al-Tabari, pp. 305-6; al-Shawkiini, Nayi, 5: 53-4. 71 al-Fiikihi, fol. 292a; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 5: 50, no. 8962. 72 al-Fiikihi, fol. 292a-b; cf. Mubibb ai-Din al-Tabari, p. 271. 73 al-Fiikihi, fol. 292a, inf. 20 he "conceived that he faced God" during the tawat (wa-nahnu natakhayalu llaha 'azza wa-ialla bayna dyunina). Now he replied and gave him his daughter in marriage." Merriment and joviality were, of course, forbidden and considered as demeaning. Wahb b. al-Ward," while staying in the hiir of the mosque of Mecca, heard the Ka'ba complain to God and Jibril against people who speak frivolous words around it.76 The Prophet foretold that Abii Hurayra would remain alive until he saw heedless people playing; they would come to circumambulate the Ka'ba, their iawat would, however, not be accepted." The concession in the matter oj speech granted during the tawai was "good talk."" Pious scholars used to give guidance, exhort, edify and recount hadiths of the Prophet." Common people made supplications during the tawai, asking God to forgive them their sins and to grant them Paradise, children, and wealth. It was, however, forbidden to stand up during the (awiif, and to raise one's hands while supplicating. "Jews in the synagogues practise it in this way," said 'Abdallah b. 'Amr (b. al-'As) and advised the man who did it to utter his invocation in his council, not to do it during the fawiif.80 The fact that large crowds were gathered during the t awat was, however, exploited by the political leaders. Ibn al-Zubayr stood up in front of the door of the Ka'ba and recounted before the people the evil deeds of the Umayyads, stressing 74 al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Jamharat nasab quraysh, MS. Bodley, Marsh 384, fol. 160b; al-Fakihi, fol. 292b; Mubibb ai-Din al-Tabari, p. 270. 75 See on him Abii Nu'aym, 8: 140-61; al-Pasl, al-Tqd, 7: 417, no. 2678. 76 al-Azraqi, p. 259; Abii Nu'aym, 8: 155 (the tafakkuh is explained as talking about women and describing their bodies during the (awaf); Muhibb al-Din al-Tabari, p. 271. 77 al-Fakihi, fol. 292b. 78 See Muhibb al-Din al-Tabarl, p. 271, line 1: ... wa-anna hukmahu hukmu l-saliui, ilia fima waradat [ihi l-rukhsaiu min al-kalam. 79 See e.g. al-Fakihi, fols. 311a-312a;'Abd al-Razzaq, 3: 377, no. 6021. &0 al-Fakihi, fol. 296b; and see al-Azraqi, p. 257; Amin Mahrniid Khattab, Fat/:! al-malik al-mdbiid, 1: 200-2; Ibn Abi Shayba, 4:96; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 5: 72-3. 21 especially the fact that they withheld their payment of fay'.8! 'Ali b. al-Husayn cursed al-Mukhtar, after his death, at the door of the Ka'ba.82 Some traditions narrate details of the behavior of certain persons in the tawat who did not conform to this requirement of awe and solemnity in the holy place. Sa'id b. Jubayr used to talk during the (awllf and even to laugh," 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Awf was seen to perform the tawaf wearing boots and singing hida' tunes. When rebuked by 'V mar he replied that he had done the same at the time of the Prophet and so 'V mar let him gO.84 Al-Fakihi records certain frivolous conversations which took place during the tawat, which may indeed be considered coarse and were certainly out of place in the sanctuary." But groups of people engaged in idle talk during the tawat were reprimanded. 'Abd al-Karim b. Abi Mukhariq" strongly reproved such talk; al-Muttalib b. Abi Wada'a" was surprised when he came to Mecca after a period of stay in the desert and saw people talk during the tawat. "Did you turn the tawaf into a meeting place," he asked," The "arabization" of the tawat is evident from an utterance attributed to the Prophet making it unlawful to talk in Persian during circumambulation. 'Vmar gently requested two men who held a conversation in Persian during the tawat to turn to Arabic," Reciting verses of the 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 al-Fiikihi, fol. 296b. al-Fakihi, fol. 296b. al-Azraqi, p. 259; Mubibb aI-Din al-Tabari p. 273; al-Fakihi, fol. 293b, sup. Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 3: 244. See al-Fakihi, fol. 293a (the remark of Husayn b. 'Ali about the buttocks of Mu'awiya during the (awaf ; and see fol. 294a: al-Sa'ib b. Sayfi and his talk with Mu'awiya about Hind). See on him Ibn I:Iajar, Tahdhlb, 6: 376-378, no. 716; aI-Fast, al-Tqd, 5: 480, no. 1856. See on him al-Fasi, al-'/qd, 7: 218, no. 2469. al-Azraqi, p. 260; Mubibb al-Din al-Tabari, p. 278. al-Fakihi fol. 291b (dhikru karahiyati l-kaliimi bi-l-farisiyyati [i l-(awaf); see the tradition about 'Umar: 'Abd al-Razzaq, 5: 496, no. 9793; cf. al-Turtiishl, al-Hawaditb wll-l-bida', ed. Muhammad Talbi (Tunis: 1959), p. 104. 22 Qur'an during the t awaf in a loud voice was disliked and considered a bad innovation tmuhdath): the Prophet is said to have asked 'Uthman to turn to dhikru llah from his qirixa. Nevertheless certain groups of scholars permitted the recitation of verses from the Qur'an.?" The problem of the reciting of poetry during the tawat is complicated. The Prophet is said to have told Abii Bakr who recited rajaz verses during the circumambulation to utter allahu akbar instead. This injunction of the Prophet seems to have been disregarded. Ibn 'Abbas, Abii Sa'id al-Khudri and Jabir b. 'Abdalliih used to talk during the (awaf and recite verses," A report on the authority of 'Abdallah b. 'Umar says that the Companions used to recite poetry to each other ty at an ash adicn) during the circumambulation/" The argument in favor of the lawfulness of the recitation of poetry during (a wa] was based on the precedent of 'Abdallah b. Rawaha who had recited his verses during the Prophet's tawat in the year A.H. 7 ('umrat al-qadii): Khallii bani Lrkutfiu: 'an sabilih ...3 Also during the fawaf 'A'isha discussed with 9 some women of Quraysh the position of Hassan b. Thiibit and spoke in his favor, mentioning his verses in defense of the Prophet; 94 Hassan, some traditions say, was aided by the angel Jibril in composing seventy verses in praise of the Prophet." Al-Nabigha al-Ja'di recited his verses in the mosque of Mecca, praising Ibn al-Zubayr and asking for his help at a time of drought." Ibn al-Zubayr asked, during the tawat, a son of Khiilid 90 Ibn Abi Shayba, 4: 10; Al-Azraqi, p. 258; al-Fakihi, fols, 295b-296a; and see the survey of the different opinions: Ibn Zuhayra, pp. 129-30; al-Majlisi, 99: 209, no. 19. 91 al-Fiikihi, Col.307b. 92 al-Fakihi, Col.307b. 93 al-Wiiqidi, p. 736; Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, 8: 130; al-Fiikihi, Col. 307a; al-Muttaqi l-Hindi, 5: 95, no. 745. 94 al-Azraqi, p. 257; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al=l stl'ab, ed. 'Ali al-Bajiwi (Cairo: 1380/1960), 1: 347; al-Fiikihi, Col.307b. 95 al-Fiikihi, Col.307b. 96 Maria Nallino, Le Poesie di an-Niibigah al-Ga'di (Rome: 1953), p. 137 (IX) (and see the references of the editor); al-Fakihi, Col.307b inf, 308a. 23 L. Ja'far al-Kilabi to recite some verses of his father against Zuhayr (b. Jadhima al-'AbsD. "But I am in a state of ihram; argued the son of Khiilid. "And so am I," said Ibn al-Zubayr and urged him to recite the verses. He responded and quoted the verse: "And if you catch me, kill me _" tPa-tmma takhudhiini ja-qtuliini: wa-in aslam [a-laysa ilii l-khuliaii). Ibn al-Zubayr sadly remarked that this verse suited his position in relation to the Banii Umayya,?? Sa'id b. Jubayr recalled having heard during the iawa] the verses of a drunkard who prided himself on the fact that he would not refrain from drinking wine even in old age," An old woman recalled verses composed about her beauty in her youth." There are moving verses composed by devoted sons, who carried on their backs their old mothers during the tawat and supplications by women asking God to forgive them their sins. Poets had the opportunity to watch women doing their tawa] and composed verses extolling their beauty.l'" The wearing of a veil by women performing the fawiit was the subject of a heated discussion among scholars who used as arguments the contradictory utterances attributed to the Prophet and quoted as precedents the fawiit of his wives.'?' Another important problem was whether men and women could lawfully perform the tawat together. According to one tradition women used to perform the fawiit together with men in the early period. The separation of women from men was first ordered by Khiilid b. 'Abdallah al-Qasri.l'? Al-Fakihi remarks that this injunction was aI-Fiikihi, fo1. 307b; and see a different version of this verse Aghani (Biiliiq), 10: 12. 98 al-Fakihi, fo1. 308a; and see the verses: Yiiqiit, Mu'jam al-buldan, s.v. Amaj; and see Ibn Abi l-Dunya, Dhamm al-muskir, al-Zahiriyya, Majmii'a 60, fo1. 8a (Sa'Id b. Jubayr changes the text of the verse from wa-kana kariman fa-lam yanzi into wa-kana shaqiyyan fa-lam yanzi). 99 aI-Fiikihi, fo1. 308a. 100 aI-Fiikihi, fols. 307b-3IOa. 101 al-Shiifi'i, 2: 127; al-Azraqi, p. 260; aI-Fiikihi, fols. 296a-297a; Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, 3: 219-20; Ibn Zuhayra, pp. 133 uIl-I34. 102 aI-Azraqi, pp. 265-6; aI-Fiikihi, fols. 299a ult.-299b; Muhibb al-Din al-Tabari, pp. 319-20; al-Qastallani, 3: 172-3; Ibn Hajar, Fath al-bari, 3: 384-5; Ibn Zuhayra, p. 127; al-Fasi, al-T qd, 4: 273. 97 24 received with approval and people conformed to it until al-Fakihi's own time. Two other decrees of al-Qasri continued to be observed by the people of Mecca: takbir during the ceremony of tawai in the month of Ramadan and a special arrangement of rows of men around the Ka'ba.103 The separation between men and women in the mosque of Mecca was carried out by the governor 'Ali b. al-Hasan al-Hashimi as late as the middle of the third century by drawing ropes between the columns of the mosque; the women sat behind the ropes,'?' At the beginning of the third century (about 209) the governor of Mecca under al-Ma'miin, 'Ubaydallah b. al-Hasan al-Tiilibi.l'" ordered a special time to be set apart for the women's tawilf after the afternoon prayer; men were not allowed to perform the tawa] at that time. This regulation was implemented again by the governor of Mecca, Ibrahim b. Muhammad about A.H. 260.106 These changes in the ceremony of the iawat seem to point to a considerable fluctuation of ideas and attitudes among the rulers and the orthodox in connection with the sanctuary and the form of the tawa]. The new arrangements, which were apparently meant to grant the haram more religious dignity and sanctity and to turn the tawilf into a solemn ceremony with fixed rules, may be compared with some peculiar customs practised in the early t awa], as recorded by al-Fakihi, The passage given by al-Fakihi begins with 103 al-Fakihi, fol. 432a (and see ibid., fol. 439b, lines 5-7 and fol. 354b: dhikru idiirati l-saffi [i shahri ramadana wa-awwalu man [dalahu wa-awwalu man ahdatha l-takbira bayna t-t ariiwibi hawla l-bayti fi shahri ramadana wa-tatsiru dhiilika); al-Zarkashi, I'lamu l-saiid bi-ahkami l-masiiiid, ed. Abii I-Wafii Mustafa I-Mariighi (Cairo: 1385),p. 98; al-Fiisi, al-'Jqd, 4: 272, 276 sup; al-Shibli, Mal;lasin al-wasdll [i mdrifaii I-awa'il, MS. Br. Mus., Or. 1530,fols.38b-39a, 41b-42a. 104 al-Fakihl, fol. 443a; al-Fiisi, al-'J qd, 6; 151, no. 2050 (quoted from al-Fiikihi); idem, Shifa' al-gharam (Cairo), 2: 188 (quoted from al-Fiikihi); Ibn Zuhayra, p. 300 inf. (quoted from al-Fakihi), 1J5 See on him Waki', Akhbiir al=qudiu, ed. 'Abd al-'Aziz Mustafa al-Mariighi (Cairo: 1366/1947), 1: 257-258; Ibn Zuhayra, p. 297. 106 al-Fiikihi, fol. 443a; al-Fasi, al-Tqd, 3: 247-8, no. 720 (quoted from al-Fiikihn. 25 a rather cautious phrase: wa-qad zaama badu ahli makkata, which clearly expresses a reservation on the part of the compiler. In the old times (kanu fima mada) when a girl reached the age of womanhood her people used to dress her up in the nicest clothes they could afford, and if they were in possession of jewels they adorned her with them; then they introduced her into the mosque of Mecca, her face uncovered; she circumambulated the Ka'ba while people looked at her and asked about her. They were then told "This is Miss so and so, the daughter of so and so," if she was a free-born person. If she was a muwallada they said: "She is a muwallada of this or that clan." Al-Fakihi remarks in a parenthetical phrase that people in those times had religious conviction and trustworthiness iahlu dinin wa-amanatin) unlike people of his day, whose manner of belief is obnoxious (laysu 'ala ma hum 'alayhi min al-madhahibi l+makriiha), After the girl had finished her tawat she would go out in the same way, while people were watching her. The purpose of this practice was to arouse in the people the desire to marry the girl (if she was free-born) or to buy her (if she was a muwallada). Then the girl returned to her home and was locked up in her apartment until she was brought out and led to her husband. They acted in the same way with slave-maidens: they led them in the tawa; around the Ka'ba clad in precious dresses, but with their faces uncovered. People used to come, look at them and buy them. Al-Awza'I asked 'Ala' (apparently Ibn Abi Rabah) whether it was lawful to look at maidens who were led in tawaf around the Ka'ba for sale; 'Ala' objected to this practice except for people who wanted to buy slave-girls,"? This report is corroborated by a story recorded by Ibn Abi Shayba, according to which 'A'isha dressed up a maiden, performed the iawat with her and remarked: "We may perhaps succeed in catching (literally: hunting) a youth of Quraysh" (scil, for 107 al-Fiikihi. fol. 309b. 26 the girO.los 'Umar is said to have encouraged the selling of slave-maidens in this manner.l'" All these reports - al-Fakihi's reference to "people with religious conviction and trustworthiness," al-Awza'i's inquiry, 'Ata"s answer, 'A'isha's story - seem to reflect t awai customs prevailing in the early period of Islam, in all likelihood during the first century of the Hijra. The reports indicate a certain informality and ease of manners. All this was bound to change if the haram was to acquire an atmosphere of sanctity and veneration. The early informality and intimacy can be gauged from a number of traditions concerned with the daily behaviour of the faithful in the mosque of Mecca. Ibn al-Zubayr passed by a group of people who were eating their meal in the mosque and invoked upon them his benediction. Abu Nawfal b. Abi 'Aqrab"? saw Ibn 'Abbas there eating roasted meat with thin bread; the fat dripped from his hands. A broth of crumbled bread used to be brought to Ibn al-Zubayr in the mosque. One day a boy crawled towards it and ate from it; 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr ordered the boy to be flogged. The people in the mosque, in their rage, cursed Ibn al-Zubayt/" A similar problem was whether it is lawful to sleep in the mosque of Mecca. Scholars arguing for it quoted the precedent of the Prophet whose isrii took place (according to the report of Anas b. Malik) from the mosque of Mecca where he had slept'" Another 108 al-Musannaf, 4: 410; Lisan al+Arab, s.v. sh-w-f; Ibn al-Athir, al-Nihaya, s.v. sh-w-f. 109 Ibn Abi Shayba, 4: 411 ('Umar remarks, however, that girls should not be compelled to marry ugly [or mean; in text dhamim ; but probably damiml men; "the girls Iike in this matter what you like," he said}, cf. Ibn Ra's Ghanama, Maniiqil al-durar Ii mana bit al-zahar, MS. Chester Beatty 4254, fol. 19b: qala 'umaru: ia yuzawwijanna l-rajulu bnatahu l-qablha [a-innahunna yarghabna lima targhabiin. 110 See on him Ibn I:Iajar, Tahdhib, 12: 260. Ill al-Fiikihi, fo!. 355b: dhikru l-akli fi l- masjidi l-harami wa-l-ghada flhi ; and see al-Turtfishl, pp. 106-8; al-Zarkashi, l'liim al-sajid, pp. 329-30. 112 al-Fiikihi, fol. 355b. 27 argument in favor of sleeping in mosques was mentioned by Sulayman b. Yasar,"" when questioned by al-Harith b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Abi Dhubab: 114 "How do you ask about it, said Sulayman, knowing that the ashab al-suita slept in the mosque of the Prophet and prayed in it." 115 Ibn 'Umar used to sleep in the mosque (of Medina) in the Prophet's Iifetime.'" When Thabit (al-Bunani) consulted 'Abdallah b. 'Ubayd b. 'Umayr"? whether to turn to the amir in the matter of the people sleeping in the mosque of Mecca, 'Abdallah bade him not to do that, quoting the opinion of Ibn 'Umar who considered these people as 'akifun, people praying in seclusion. The pious Sa'id b. Jubayr used to sleep in the mosque of Mecca. 'Ata' b. Abi Rabah spent forty years in the mosque of Mecca, sleeping there, performing the tawat, and prayingJ" In a conversation with his student Ibn Jurayj he expressed a very favourable opinion about sleeping in mosques. When 'Ata' and Sa'id b. Jubayr were asked about people sleeping in the mosque of Mecca who have night-pollutions they nevertheless gave a positive answer and advised them to continue to sleep in the mosque. In the morning, says a tradition, Sa'id b. Jubayr used to perform the tawiif, wake up the sleepers in the mosque, and bid them recite the talbiya. These reports quoted from a chapter of al-Fakihi entitled Dhikru l-nawmi fi I-masjidi l-harami wa-man rakhkhasa iihi wa-man karihahu'" give some insight into the practices in the 113 114 115 116 See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, 4: 228, no. 381. See on him ibid.• 2: 147, no. 249; al-Dhahabi, 1: 437, no. 1629. al-Turtiishi, p. 105. al-Zarkashi, l'liim al-sajid, p. 307; al-Turtiishi, p. 105;al-Mariighi, Tahqiq ai-nusra bi-talkhis mdiilim diiri l-hijra, MS. Br. Mus.• Or. 3615, fo1. 50a. 117 See on him al-Bukhiiri, al-To'rikn al=kablr, 31, no. 430; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, 5: 308, no. 524. 118 Cf. al- Turtiishi, p. 105. 119 Ta'rikh Makka, fo1. 355b-356a; al-Zarkashi, I'liim al-saiid, pp. 306-8, 317-18; Mubibb al Din al-Tabari, pp. 659-60, nos. 30-31; al-Majlisi, 99: 240, no. 1; about the odious impurity which causes bad smells see al-Fakihi, fo1. 357b, ult.-358a idhikru irsiili l=rihi [i l-masiidi l-harami); al-Zarkashi, l'lam ai-sajid, pp. 313-14; cf. about a superstitious belief 28 mosque of Mecca in the early period of Islam and help us to understand the ideas about ritual and the sanctity of the haram current at the time. Of special interest are some customs of t aw a] and include hardships, rigid self-exertion and self-castigation. Tradition tells about people who vowed to perform the fawaf while crawling's? or fastened to each other by a rope,'?' or being led with a rope threaded through a nose-ring.F' Tradition reports that the Prophet and his Companions unequivocally condemned these practices, prohibited them and prevented the people from performing the tawat in this way. It is obvious that these usages reflected the Jahiliyya ideas of self-imposed harshness, of vows of hardship and severe practices. These went contrary to the spirit of Islam which, while transforming it into an Islamic ritual, aimed to give the tawat its own religious values. Ibn Hajar is right in tracing back the prohibited forms of (awat to their Jahili source,'> Similar to these vows of self-exertion during the tawa! are the vows of hardship during the hajj. The traditions tell about men who vowed to perform the hajj on foot. Some women vowed to perform the hajj walking, or with faces uncovered, or wearing coarse garments, or keeping silent.124 The Prophet passed censure on h a i j which 120 121 122 123 124 among common people in Egypt: 'Ali Mahffiz, al-Ibdii' fi (Cairo: 1388/1968), p. 454. al-Fakihi, fol, 297a; al-Azraqi, p. 261; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 8: 457, no. 15895. al-Pakihi, fol, 297b; al-Azraqi, p. 261; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 8: 448, no. 15862; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 5:88; al-Qastallani, 3: 173-4; al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, 1: 460; Ibn l;Iajar, Fath al-bari, 3: 386-7; Muhibb aI-Din al-Tabari, p. 319, no. 73. al-Fakihi, fo!. 297b; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 8: 448, nos. 15860-15861,11:292, no. 20572; Lisan al-'Arab, s.v. z-m-m-, kh-z-m. Fath al-bari, 3: 386. al-Tabawi, Sharb maani, 3: 128-132; Yiisuf b. Miisii al-l;Ianafi, 1: 260-2; al-Suyfiti, al-Durr al-manthiir, 1: 351-2; idem, Ta'rikn al-khulaia', ed. Muhammad Muhyi I-Din 'Abd al-Hamid (Cairo: 1371/1952), p. 99; al-Shatibl, al-I'tisam (Cairo: n.d.), 2: 52; Bahshal, Ta'rikn Wasil, ed. current madarr al-ibtidii 29 these practices, emphasizing that God does not heed (literally: does Lot need) vows by which people cause harm and suffering to themselves. These practices recall certain customs observed by the Bums which therefore had to be abolished in Islam. It may however be remarked that some early Muslim ascetics or pious men used to perform the hajj on foot, or vowed not to walk under a shade during their hajj.125 It is true that the outer form of these practices recalls the old Jahiliyya ones; there is however a clear line which has to be drawn between them: the devotional practices of the pious Muslims are different in their content and intention; they are undertaken out of a deep faith and performed for God's sake. These practices of the pious gained the approval of the orthodox circles and were considered virtuous. This attitude is clearly reflected in a haditb attributed to the Prophet: 'The advantage of the people performing the hajj walking over those who ride is like the advantage of the full moon over the stars."126 Fasting on the Day of 'Arata gave rise to another important controversy. The contradictory traditions and reports are arranged in Fakihi's compilation in two chapters: the one encouraging the Gurguis 'Awwiid (Baghdad, 1387/1967), p. 231; Ibn Sa'd, 8: 470; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 10: 76; al-Fasawi, fol. 157b; Ibn 'Abd al-Hakarn, p. 294; aI-Muttaqi l-Hindi, 5: 341, no. 2265, 449, no. 2507; Ahmad b. Hanbal, Musnad, 11: 7, no. 6714; al-Tayalisi, p. 112, no. 836; al-Tahawl, Mushkil at-iuhar, 3: 37-41; 'Abd al-Razziiq, 8: 438, no. 15825, 448, no. 15863; al-Fiikihi, fols. 315a-b; Ibn Daqiq al-'ld, pp. 310-11,nos. 791-793. (And see al-Fiikihi, fol. 511b:the story of the woman who vowed to perform the pilgrimage in silence if God would help to reconcile the fighting factions of her tribe. Abu Bakr, ordering her to discontinue her silence, remarked: takallami, fa-inna I-islam a hadama ma kana qabla dhalika); al-Tusi, Amali (Najaf: 1384/1964),1: 369. 125 Ibn Abi I-Dunyii, al-Tawba, MS. Chester Beatty 3863, fol. 17b; Bahshal, p. 167; al-Khuwiirizmi, Mukhtasar ithiirati l-targhib wa-l-tashwiq ila l-masiijidi l-thaliuhati wa-ila l-bayti l-'atiq, MS. Br. Mus., Or. 4584, fol. 8a-b. 126 al-Fiikihi, fols. 321b-322a idhikru l-mashyi fi I-hajji wa-f adlihi): al-Khuwiirizmi, fol. 8b: wa-li-l-mashi [adlun 'ala l-rakibi ka-fadli laylati l-qadri 'ala sa'iri l-layali, 30 faithful to fast on this day, the other reporting about Companions who refrained from fasting,'?" According to a tradition of the Prophet the sins of a man who fasts on the Day of 'Arafa will be remitted for a year;128 another version says two years,"? a third version a thousand days.130The list of persons who did fast includes also 'A'isha, who emphasized the merits of fasting on that day. The opponents who forbade fasting on that day based their argument on accounts and evidence that the Prophet had broken the fast on the Day of 'Arafa,!" 'Umar,132 his son 'Abdallah and Ibn 'Abbas prohibited fasting.l" In another version Ibn 'Umar stressed that he performed the pilgrimage with the Prophet and the three first caliphs; none of them fasted on the Day of 'Arafa, He himself did not fast, but did not explicitly enjoin either eating or fasting.P' The 127 aI-Fiikihi, fois. 528a-529a (dhikru sawmi yawmi 'araf a wa-f adli siyamihi ; dhikru man lam yasum yawma 'arafa makhiifata l-du'fi 'ani l-du'a); Ibn Abi Shayba, 4: 1-3, 21, 3: 104; al-Tahawi, Mushkil, 4: lll. 128 aI-Fiikihi, fol. 528a, ult.; al-Mundhiri, 2: 236, no. 1463; Ibn Abi Shayba, 3: 97; al-Tahawi, Shorb maiini, 2: 72; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 4: 283. 129 aI-Fiikihi, fois. 528a, inf., 528b; al-Tabaranl, I: 255, 2: 71; Bahshal, p. 276; al-Mundhiri, 2: 236; 7 nos. 1461-1462,1464-1465, 1467-1468; Muhibb aI-Din al-Tabari, p. 403; Ibn Abi Shayba, 3: 96-97; al-Tahawl, Sharb maiini, 2: 72; idem, Mushkil, 4: 112; al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 4: 267, no. 2; al-Bayhaqi, ai-Sunan al-kubra, 4: 283, 130 al-Mundhiri, 2: 237, no. 1466; aI-Fiikihi, fol. 528b; al-Suyiltl, al-Durr ai-manthia, 1: 231 (another version 1,000 years). 131 Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, Hadith, MS. Chester Beatty 3849/4, fol. 4Oa; Abu 'Umar, GhuIiim Tha'Iab, Juz', MS. Chester Beatty 3495, fol. 97a; aI-Fiikihi, fol. 528b; al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 4: 267, no. 4; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 4: 283-4; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthia, 1: 231. 132 al-Bukhiiri, al-Ta'rikh al-kabir, 32, no. 1600. 133 al-Fakihi, fol. 529a; Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Tlal, 1: 286, nos. 1849, 1852; aI-Khatib al-Baghdiidi, Mudil), 2: 338-9; al-Pasawi, fol. 61a; cf. Abu Nu'aym, 7: 164; Mubibb aI-Din al-Tabari, p. 404. 134 Abu 'Ubayd, Gharib al-haditn 3: 4; aI-Khatib al-Baghdiidi, Mudil), 1: 434; al-Tahawl, Shorb mdiini. 2: 72; Muhibb al-Din al-Tabarl, p. 404 (and see ibid., p. 405 inf.); al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 4: 268; al-Suyiitl, al-Durr al-manthiir, 1: 231; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya wa-l-nihaya (Beirut, al-Riyad: 1966), 5: 174. 31 conciliatory interpretation assumed that the prohibition of fasting referred to the people attending 'Arafa; but people not present on that Day of 'Arafa may fast, and are even encouraged to fast.!35 The reason given for not fasting on that day in 'Arafa was the care for the pilgrims, who might be weakened by the fast and prevented from properly performing the du'ji' and dhikr, which are the most important aims of the pilgrims staying at 'Arafa.136 The transfer of some rites performed at 'Arafa to the cities conquered by the Muslims is of special interest. This practice was introduced in Basra by 'Abdallah b. 'Abbas'" and by 'Abd al-'Aziz b. Marwan in Fustat.138 the Day of 'Arafa people used to gather On in the mosques to invoke and to supplicate. When Ibn 'Abbas summoned the people to gather in the mosque he argued that he wished that the supplications of the people may be associated with those attendant at 'Arata and that God may respond to these supplications; thus they would share God's grace with the attendants 135 al-Tahawi, Sharb mdimi, 2: 72; idem, Mushkil 4: 112; Abii Nu'ayrn, 3: 347; al-Fasawi, fol. 32b; al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 4: 267, no. 3; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra 4: 289; Yiisuf b. Miisii al-Hanafi, 1: 152; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir, I: 231. 136 al-Fakihl, fol. 529a; cf. Muhibb al-Dln al-Tabari, p. 405, lines 3-7 '(fasting on the Day of 'Arafa is not favored for people performing the pilgrimage; it is however encouraged for people not performing the hajj. See the compromise-recommendations of al-Mundhiri, 2: 238: "; there is nothing wrong in fasting, if it does not weaken him in his du'a' ... for the pilgrims it is preferable to break the fast ...•.See the story of Ibn Wahb, who broke the fast at 'Arafa because he was occupied by the thought of breaking the fast: al-Qadi 'Iyiid, Tartib al-madiuik, 1, 430; and see on this subject: al-Shawkiini, Nayl 4: 269). 137 See al-Quda'i, Ta'rikh, MS. Bodley, Pococke 270, fol. 67b (quoted from al-Jahiz's Nazm al-qur'iinr; al-Qalqashandi, Ma'athir ai-inaia [i maalim al-khilafa, ed. 'Abd al-Sattiir Ahmad Farriij (Kuwait: 1964), 1: 129; Muhibb al-Dln al-Tabarl, pp. 387 inf.-388 sup; al-Fasawi, fol. 16a: ._ haddathanii abu 'awana, qiil a: ra'aytu I-has an a kharaja yawma 'oraf a min al-maqsiirau ba'da I-'asri [a-qaada fa-'arrafa; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra 5: 117 inf.; see S.D. Goitein, Studies in Islamic History and Institutions (Leiden; 1966),-p. 137. 138 al-Kindi, Wulat ut», ed. Husayn Nassar (Beirut: 1379/1959),p. 72. 32 at 'Arafa.P" Mus'ab b. al-Zubayr introduced this innovation in Kiifa.140 Some pious Muslims participated in these gatherings, others considered them as bid'ar" The tarit in Jerusalem is linked in some sources with 'Abd al-Malik, who is accused of having built the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem in order to divert the pilgrimage from Mecca to Jerusalem, since 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr, the rival caliph in Mecca, forced the pilgrims to give the oath of allegiance. When the Dome of the Rock was built people used to gather there on the Day of 'Arafa and performed there the wuqufr" So the bid'a of wuqid in Jerusalem arose. Al-Turtiishi describes a gathering of the people of Jerusalem and of its villages in the mosque, raising their voices in supplications. They believed that four "standings" twaqafiu) in Jerusalem were equal to a pilgrimage to Mecca.r" Ibn Taymiyya, of course, strongly censured this innovation.r" It is evident that the idea behind the ta'rit is that it is possible to transfer sanctity from 'Arafa to another sanctuary where the rites of 'Arata are being performed on the same day, or that one may share in the blessing of 'Arafa through the performance of certain devotions at the same time as they are done at 'Arafa (as is the case with the supplications in the tdrit mentioned in note 139 above), or the notion that two sanctities may be combined as indicated in the tradition about Zamzam visiting Sulwan on the night of 'Arafa.!" The idea of transfer of sanctity is clearly reflected in a 139 al-Mawsili, Ghiiyat al-wasiiil ila mdrifati l-awail, MS. Cambridge Qq 33 (10), fol. 153a. 140 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthia, 1: 231 inf. 141 Ibn Kathir, al-Bidiiya, 9: 307; al-Turtiishi, pp. 115-16;al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir, 1: 231 info 142 al-Quda'I, fol. 67b; al-Qalqashandi, 1: 129. 143 al-Turtiishi, pp. 116-17. 144 Majmu'at al-rasall al-kubrii (Cairo: 1323), 2: 57; Jamiil a-Din al-Qiisimi, I slab- al-masaiid min al-bidd wa-l-'awa'id (Cairo: 1341), p. 215 (from Ibn Taymiyya), 145 al-Muqaddasi, line 11. Ab-san al-taqasim, ed. M.J. de Goeje (Leiden: 1906), p. 171, 33 Shi'i tradition in which a Shi'i adherent asks the imam Ja'far al-Sadiq whether he may perform the to'rii on the grave of Husayn if the opportunity to perform the hajj (scil, to Mecca) escapes him. The imam enumerates in his answer the rewards for visiting the grave of al-Husayn on common days and those for visits on feasts, emphasizing that these rewards are multiplied for a visit on the Day of 'Arafa, This visit is equal in rewards with a thousand pious pilgrimages to Mecca and a thousand 'umr a accepted by God and a thousand military campaigns fought on the side of a prophet or a just imam. The adherent then asked, how he could get a reward similar to that of the mawqii (of 'Arata), The imam looked at him as if roused to anger and said: "The believer who comes to the grave of al-Husayn on the Day of 'Arafa, washes in the Euphrates and directs himself to the grave, he will be rewarded for every step as if he had performed a hajj with all due rites." The transmitter recalls that the imam did say: "and [took part in] a military campaignr" Some changes of ritual were attributed to the Umayyads and sharply criticized by orthodox scholars. A number of innovations of this kind are said to have been introduced by Mu'awiya, It was he who refrained from the takbir on the Day of 'Arafa, because 'Ali used to practise it.147 He forbade the loud recitation of the talbiya at 'Arafat, and people obeyed his order; then Ibn 'Abbas ostentatiously came forth and uttered the talbiya loudly,':" It was Mu'awiya who transformed a place where the Prophet had urinated into a place of prayer.v" and invented iahdatha) the adhan in the saliu a[-'idayn.150 He changed the order of the ceremony of the 'id peculiar 146 Ibn Biibawayh, Amali i-sadiu; (Najaf: 1389/1970),pp. 126-7. 147 aI-Fiikihi, fol. 529a. 148 Mubibb al-Din al-Tabari, p. 403; al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, 1: 464 inf.-465; al-Muttaqi aI-Hindi, 5: 79, nos. 646, 648. 149 Muhibb al-Din al-Tabari, p. 417; Amin Mahmiid Khattab, Fatb al-malik al-mdbisd, 2: 59 inf.-60, lines. 1-7; aI-Fiikihi, ·fol. 531a,sup. 150 al-Suyiiti, Ta'rikh al-khulafa', p. 200. 34 al-adha and ordered the khutba to be delivered before the prayer.P' He was also the one who banned the tamattu' pilgrimages.P? Changes of this kind were recorded as wicked innovations of the impious Umayyad rulers. The inconsistencies of the usages, customs and ritual practices of the early period of Islam are reflected in almost every subject dealt with in the early sources of hadith. Opinions divergent and contradictory are expressed about the sutra which has to be put in front of the praying Muslim and whether a dog or a donkey or a woman passing by invalidates the prayer-" Scholars differ in their opinions as to whether the form of sitting during the prayer called iq'a' is permitted.P' whether the prayer by a believer clad in one garment ithawb) is valid.!" and whether counting of the tasbib by pebbles is allowed!" Some of the subjects dealt with in the early hadiths lost their actuality and relevance. It is however a special feature of Muslim haditn literature and haditn criticism that some of these themes reappear and are discussed even in our days. Thus, for instance, the contemporary scholar Nasir al-Din al-Albani examines 151 al-Shibli, Maf)asin al-wasdil, fol. 120a; al-Suyiiti, Ta'rikh al-khulafd, p. 200. 152 al-Muttaqi aI-Hindi, 5: 88, no. 708; al-Shibli, MahQsin al-wasdil, fol. 119b (and see above notes 48, 50); and cf. the wicked innovations of al-Hajjij Abii Tiilib al-Makki, 2: 53-4. 153 al-Hakirn, al=Mustadrak, 1: 251-2; Niir al-Din al-Haytharni, 2: 59-62; al-Fakihi, fol. 481a inf.; al-Fasawi, fol. 217b; Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 276-83; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 2: 9-38, nos. 2272-2396; al-Tahawi, Sharf) maani, 1: 458-64; al-Muttaqi l-Hindi, 8: 132-8, nos. 946-989; al-Zarkashi, al=l iaba, pp. 66, 84. 154 Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 285; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 2: 190-7, nos. 3024-3053; and see Ibn al-Athir, al-Nihiiya, s.v. q-'-a, '-q-b. 155 al-Tal)iiwi, Sharf) maani, 1: 377-83; al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 2: 83-4; Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 310-15. 156 Ibn Abi Shayba, 2: 389-91; Ibn Abi I-ijadid, Sharf) nah] al-balagha, ed. Muhammad Abii l-Fadl Ibriihim (Cairo: 1964), 18: 164; and cf. Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Ttal, 1: 325, no. 2122; Sa'Id b. Jubayr throws out the pebbles with which a woman counted her circlings during the the tawa]. 35 the tradition prohibiting fasting on the Day of 'Arafa for people attending 'Arata,"? He carefully analyzes the isnads, finding out their faults; he harshly reprimands al-Hakim for his heedlessness in considering the haditb sound and states that the haditb is in fact weak. He argues that the haditb about the forgiveness of sins for a period of two years for him who fasts on the Day of 'Arafa is a sound tradition; but the attached phrase about the rewards for fasting on every day of Muharram is a forged one.ISS An exhaustive scrutiny of hadiths about the counting of tasbih by pebbles is included by al-Albani in the examination of the haditb about the rosary (ai-subha).IS9 Of interest are certain traditions in which some social and cultural, as well as religious, trends are exposed. Of this kind are the traditions in which the Prophet predicted that his community would erect sumptuous mosques in the manner of Jewish synagogues and Christian churches, adorn them richly and embellish them with inscriptions. This will be the sign of decline of the Muslim community and portend the End of the Days. Traditions of the very early period of Islam reflect the opposition against arched mihrab« "Beware these altars" tittaqii hadhihi l-madhabih), followed by an explanatory comment, "he meant the mahiirib' (ya'ni l-maharib), says a tradition attributed to the Prophet,"? "My people will fare well as long as they will not build in their mosques altars 157 Na s ir aI-Din aI-AIbiini, Silsilat al=ah a d i t n al+d a'Lf a wa-l-mawdiia (Damascus: 1384),no. 404. 158 Ibid., no. 412. 159 Ibid., no. 83. 160 al-Daylami, MS. Chester Beatty 4139, fo1. 27a (al-Daylami adds: wa-kana ibriihlmu l-taymi la yusalli [i (aqi l-mihrab); al-Suyiiti, ai-Khasii'is ai-kubrii; 3: 189; al-Muniiwi, 1: 144-5, no. 153 reviews the different meanings of the word mihrab. And see the peculiar story of the Christian youth in the mihrab: al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, To'rikh Baghdad, 9: 45; al-Turtiishl, p. 94; al-Bahranl, 7: 281-5; Mahmiid Mahdi al-Miisawi al-Khawansiiri, Tuhfat al-siijid fi ahkiim al-masiijid (Baghdad: 1376), pp. 111-16.And see R.B. Serjeant, "Mii)riib," BSOAS (1959):pp. 439-53. 36 like the altars of the Christians," the Prophet foretold/?' Pious men usually refrained from praying in these mihrabs.162 Of the same kind were traditions against the adornment of mosques.'" prayers in the maqsiaa of the mosque,164 and against writing Qur'an verses on the walls of the mosque, or in the qibla of the mosque.'" These traditions should, of course, be studied against the background of the reports about the sumptuous buildings which were erected by the impious rulers and their governors and the richly decorated [ami' mosques in which delegates of the rulers led the prayer. Many a time a pious Muslim had to ask himself whether he should pray behind them, as can be deduced from the numerous traditions dealing with this subject. The few traditions reviewed in this paper clearly demonstrate the fluidity of certain religious and socio-political ideas reflected in the early compilations of hadith; as already proved by I. Goldziher. The diversity and divergence of traditions expose the different opinions of various groups of Muslim scholars. The divergent traditions are faithfully recorded in the compilations 161 al-Suyiiti, al-Khasdis al-kubra; 3: 188-9; Ibn Abi Shayba, 2: 59; and see the careful evaluation of this hadith' by Albiini, Silsila, no. 448. 162 'Abd al-Razzaq, 2: 412, no. 3898-3902; the tradition about the altars of the Christians, no. 3903; Ibn Abi Shayba, 2: 59-60 (ai-saiat Ii i-taq, man rakhkhasa l-saliu Ii Haq); Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Tlal, 1: 64, no. 373. 163 al-Suyiiti, al-Khasdis al-kubrii, 3: 56-7; Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 309; al-Suyiitl, al-Durr ai-manihiir, 3: 217 inf.; al-Shaybani, pp. 77-8; Abii 'Ubayd, Gharib al-hadlth, 4: 225; al-Shawkanl, No yl, 2: 167-70; idem, al-Fawii'id al-majmiia, ed. 'Abd al-Wahhab 'Abd al-Latif (Cairo: 1960), pp. 25-7; Abii Talib al-Makki, 2: 51 inf; Ibn Abi Jamra, Bahjat al-nufiis (Beirut: 1972 reprint), 1: 183; al-Sarnarqandl, Bustan ai-'arilin (on margin of Tanbih al-ghafilin) (Cairo: 1347), pp. 127-8; Yiisuf b. 'Abd al-Radi, Thimar al-maqasid [i dhikri t-masaiid, ed. As'ad Talas (Beirut: 1943), pp. 166, 170; al-Bahrani, 7: 277; al-Zarkashi, I'liim al-siijid pp. 335-8; Muhammad Mahdi al-Miisawi, pp. 87-92. 164 See 'Abd al-Razzaq, 2: 414-16, nos. 3907-3913; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 3: 238; Abii Talib al-Makki, 2: 51 inf.; Ibn Sa'd, 7: %. 165 Ibn Abi Shayba, 2: 46; al-Turtiishi, p. 97; al-Zarkashi, I'lam al-saiid, p. 337; cf. Yiisuf b. 'Abd al-Hadi, p. 170. 37 of the second century of the Hijra with no obligatory conclusions imposed and no prescriptions issued. This activity reflects a sincere effort to establish the true path of the Prophet, the Sunna, which the believer should follow. 

Verses_RSO.pdf Estratto dalla RIVIST A DEGLI STUDI ORIENT ALI pubblicata a cura dei Professori della Scuola Orientale della Universita di Roma VOLUME XLI NOTES ON SOME ARABIC VERSES To Professor D. H. BANETH I. VERSES FROM WATHIMA'S " KITAB AL-RIDDA " The fragments of Wathima's "Kitab al-Ridda", which were carefully collected (from Ibn Hajar's "al-Isaba "), edited and translated by. W. Hoenerbach I, contain many verses. Some words or expressions which were misread or misunderstood are here corrected and explained. I. P. 7, 1. I CAr. Text) - p. 46 (trans1.) 1S rendered by Hoenerbach: " U nd ihr gabt zur ~altih noch die zaktih und spracht: Mochtet ihr nicht vor beiden fliehen durch einen Erschlagenen. » Hoenerbach suggests another reading: "bi-fatlli", "durch eine Kleinigkeit". This, by itself, does not help to understand the verse. The correct reading is: ~~ slated: "And you joined the zakat to the saliit and said: Do not acknowledge of the two (i.e. the zakat and salat) the smallest thing. " ,..,,. ~ " I,~ -§ . The verse has to be tran". Wilhelm Hoenerbach: Watima's Kitab ar-Ridda aus Ibn l,Iagar's l!iaba. Abhandlungen der Geistes-und Sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse, Jahrgang 1951. Nr. 4, Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur in Mainz; and see the review of G. LEVI DELLAVIDA, in ZDMG, 1954 (eIV), pp. 24-28. I M.]. Kister [2] 2. P. 8, I. 6 (Ar. Text) - p. 47 (transl.): IS rendered by Hoenerbach: " Ihr habt in al-Bahrain keinen, der etwas vermag, und ihr habt mit den Muslimen keine N achbargemeinschaft 1 " Hoenerbach records for ";'. -- The ".,"YO "0'" does not denote ." here •• "i ••••• "Tlbereinkommen 0 "i and . .>.......,\ ", .>.••.••.•1 has to be corrected into lated as foIIows: .>.",,,,,,1 .>.........,\. The verse has to be trans- " And the Messenger of God said: "Go in order to kill him on (the path of) the best promise and the most lucky stars". 7. P. 29, I. 9 (Ar. text) - p. 72 (transl.) IS rendered by Hoenerbach: " am Morgen, da wir den" 'Unais " mit einem Schlag verstiimmeIten, mit dem al-MaksuQ den Kopf eines Fiirsten abtrennte " ! of al-Aswad al-'Ansi; it is, evidently, used" The verse has to be translated: ?,the tribe But ~ is not a name of a person; it is in fact a diminutive Ii-Lrahqir of ". " In the morning when we severed (the limbs) among the 'Unays with a stroke with which al-Makshuh cut off the head of a hero". [5] 8. P. 36, Notes on Some Arabic Verses 161 I. 14 (Ar. text) - p. 79 (trans1.) Hoenerbach translates '" r ;~Ji~ J.~Ji 1.,-';;: ,/ /' " beim Herrn des Erlau- bten und Verboten en !" The correct translation is: "by the Lord of the Haram (of Mecca ) and what is outside the Haram " I 9. P. 37, 1. I (Ar. text) - p. 79 (trans1.) IS translated by Hoenerbach: " 'Abdallah! Du hast uns aufgeschreckt! Doch wir verhohnten den guten Rat !" But every 0~~lIS 2 an error; the correct reading is ~~ 0~ " You 1;(, but "the made effort " adviser" . The verse has thus to be rendered: "'Abdallah, you made every possible effort for us, we scoffed at the sincere adviser". but ". is not "der gute Rat" sincere The word " hohere Welt"; "~q;" in the following verse cannot be translated it has to be rendered: "noble, lofty, high (things)". IO. P. 38, 1. 2 (Ar. text) - p. 80 (transl.) i~\ • 0 ."...."D" --- I See: al-Kala'i: or~ " ., OM,." al-Iktifi', 1,272 (ed.Masse): l:.s- J;t:J\ _ // w 0.... 0'" l-:~.-';' ~o.... '.,..1:.":; )[9 ''10l0i •••• ..9 // ; and see: al-Amidt al-Mu'talif, p. 169 (ed. Krenkow): " ...." ."". r~\; ~\; 4.9t? .J1"..'" ~:;J\~ " 2 See 'Urwa b. al-Ward, al-Mufat;lt;laliyyit, CVI, 4: Dizodn, V, 4 and X, 3 (ed. M. b. Cheneb); and see R.S.O. - XLI. 12 162 is translated by Hoenerbach: M. J. Kister [6] "Da begann ich, tiber ihr Verbrechen zu weinen; bei dem, wozu sie kamen, bin ich nicht Genosse l". But d~ is not "V erbrechen ", and ~~i~9 " wozu sie kamen". The correct translation of the verse is as follows: " I started to bewail their doom while I was not a partner in (the sins or crimes) which they committed ". II. Two VERSES IN THE" MAQAMA GHAYLANIYYA ". -- does not mean Two verses at the end of Badi' al-Zamari's " al-Maqama al-GhayIaniyya " seem to be obscure. In the following lines an attempt is made to elucidate the meaning of these verses. The two verses are put in the mouth of Dhu 'l-Rumma. Dhu 'l-Rumma reviles the clan of al-Farazdaq saying: Muhammad 'Abduh explains in his commentary be afflicted by drought" - says Muh, "thundering cloud ". 'Abduh . Si~. ~ as a curse: " may the rain not drop on their growing place, so that they may ..r-;-I; is explained as J~ in the second verse is explained by 'Abduh as "shackle by which camels are bound". The mean character of Mujashi' - states 'Abduh - is compared with a shackle. These features of mean character restrict and bind (tie) the Mujashi' preventing them from making efforts at noble actions. In a lengthy passage 'Abduh argues that the prefixed " sa " (in" sa-ya'qiluhum") does not denote real future; the Mujashi' were and are prevented from noble deeds and so they wiIl always be prevented, because of their mean character. (Badi' al-Zaman al-Hama -dhani, "Maqamat ", ed. 1924, p. 47; p. 42 in ed. 1957). The metre in the first hemistich is not accurate. ~~ has to be read I ~1;,l,,!=,,"; o.,J»)J1 ~~ L.l,. [7] Notes on Some Arabic Verses I63 III R. Blachere and P. Masnou follow in the steps of Muh. 'Abduh their translation (Maqamat, la seance de Ghailan, p. 67, ed. Paris Les Mojachi sont les gens les plus vils (qui soient). Fasse le ciel qu'aucune pluie abondante n'arose leurs champs. Des entraves les empecheront toujours de tenter de nobles actions et des liens sans cesse les retiendront. The commentary of 'Abduh ~~ I957): snou are not accurate. r and the rendering of Blachere - Marefers to the past: The Mujashi' are the meanest clan; no thundering cloud (bearing rain) has watered their growing places. "'Iqal" does not denote here a shackle, but is the name of the ancestor of al-Farazdaq: "'Iqal b. Muhammed b. Sufyan b. Mujashi'''. Similarly" I:Iabis " is " Habis b. "Iqal al-Mujashi'I ", the father of Layla the grandmother of al-Farazdaq. The two verses may thus be rendered as follows: As to the Mujashi', the meanest ones never did a thundering cloud water their growing places They will be restrained (bound, tied) from the efforts of the nobles by "Iqal and impeded by Habis This explanation of the two verses is confirmed by a verse of Jarir in which he reviles the ancestors of al-Farazdaq. (Diwan, p. 326, ed. al-~awi). M. J. KISTER