sanctity.pdf SANCTITY JOINT AND DIVIDED: ON HOLY PLACES IN THE ISLAMIC TRADITION M.J. Kister For Professor P. Shinar, with esteem and friendship. At the end of the first century of the hijra there was an almost unanimous consensus of the Muslim community as to the three distinguished mosques which were recommended as sanctuaries to be visited by the believers. It is noteworthy that the consent of the Muslim orthodox scholars to grant validity to the famous utterance of the Prophet: "You shall set out only for the three mosques .... " 1 was reached after a period of discussion among the scholars of Muslim law, after a close scrutiny of the tradition of the Prophet, and after the approval of the orthodox 1 Diya' al-Din Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Wahid al-Maqdisi, Fada'il bayti I-maqdis, ed. Muhammad MutT' al-l:Iafi~(Damascus, 1404/1983), 39-44, nos. 1-7. See the different versions of the tradition. Muhammad N~ir al-Din al-Albani (= al-AlbanI), Silsilat al-af,ladrthi 1-~af,ll/.Ia(Beirut, 1405/1985), II, 732-34, no. 997. Al-l:Iasan b. Muhammad al-$aghani, Mabariq al-azhar /f sharf,li mashariqi l-anwar (sharf,lu bni malik) (Ankara, 1328), I, 219. AI-FakihI, Ta'n"kh Makka, MS Leiden Or. 463, fols. 352a-54b. Abu TaUb Muhammad b. Muhammad b. IbrahIm, al-Ghaylaniyyat, [al-muntaqa], MS Hebrew University, Ar. 8*, 273, p. 7 inf. MS Br. Mus. Or. 3059, fol. 3a. Muhibb al-Din al-Tabari, al-Qira li-qallidi ummi l-qura, ed. Mu~a.Ia I-Saqqa (Cairo, 1390/1970), 655-56. Nur al-Dln al-HaythamI, Mawaridu l-~am'an ila zawa'idi bni f,libban, eel. Muhammad 'Abd al-Razzliq l:Iamza (Cairo, n.d.), 256-57, nos. 1035-42. AI-Tabarani, al·Mu'jamu l-kabrr, ed. l:Iamdi 'Abd al-Majid al-Silafi (n.p., 1404/1983), II, 276-77, nos. 2158-61. AI-Mundhiri, al-Targhrb wa-l-tarhrb, eel. Muhammad Muhyi I-Din 'Abd al-l:Iamid (Cairo, 1380/1961), III, 51-54, nos. 1734, 1737, 1739. And see esp. no. 1740: lIalatun /f masjidr khayrun min alft lIaliitin /fma siwahu mina I-masajidi ilia I-masjida l·aq~a. But the tradition recorded in al-Kattllni; Na~m al-mutanathir mina I-f,ladrthi I-mutawatir (Cairo, 1983), 78, no. 58: lIalatun /f = masjidr hiidha khayrun min alft lIalatin /fma siwahu mina I-masajidi ilia I-masjida 1f,larama. AI-Fasawi, al·Ma'riJa wa-l-ta'n"kh, ed. Diya' al-Din al-'Umari (Beirut, 1401/ 1981), II, 294-95. See the different versions. Al-SuyutI, Jam'u I-jawami' (Cairo, 1978), I, 893. See the different versions. Idem, Fakihat al-lIayJ wa·anis al-dayJ, ed. Mul,lammad Ibrahim Salim (Cairo, 1408/1988), 215. 'Abdallah b. Mul,1ammadb. Abi Shayba [= Ibn AbI Shayba), al-MuliannaJ /f l-a~adfthi wa-l-athar, ed. 'Abd al-Kha.iiq al-AfghllnI, [reprint) (n.p., n.d.), II, 374 inf.-375 sup. AI-QuI1ubi, TaJsfr [= al-Jami' li~kami l-qur'an], eel. MIlliI~a.fll-Saqqa(Cairo, 1387/1967), XIX, 21. AI-Musharraf b. Murajja, Fa4a'il bayti I-maqdis wa-l-khalll, MS Tiibingen 27, fol. 32a inf.-32b. This work has now been publisheel in Ofer Livne-Kafri, ed., Fada'il Bayt al-Maqdis wa al- Khalil wa al-Sham by Abu al-Ma'a.iI al-Musharraf b. al-Murajja b. IbrahIm al-MaqdisI (Shefaram, Israel: al-Mashriq Press, 1995). See also M.J. Kister, "You shall only set out for three mosques: A Study of an Early Tradition." Le Museon 82(1969), 173-96. 1~ Sanctity Joint and Divided 19 heads of the community. Weighing cautiously the opinions of the scholars in the different regions of the Muslim empire, the influential religious leaders, after hesitations and doubts, gradually consented to extend the tradition recommending to set out only to the sanctuary of the Ka'ba/' so as to include the mosque of the Prophet in Medina. 3 There seems to have been a strong tendency among orthodox scholars to discourage believers from journeys to sanctuaries honored and revered before Islam where they would perform ritual practices. Tradition says that the Aus and Khazraj used to pray in the direction of Jerusalem two years before the hijra of the Prophet" and it is plausible that they intended to continue to set out to Jerusalem after they had embraced Islam. The opposition to journeys to sanctuaries other than those in Mecca and Medina, journeys undertaken on the authority of certain early traditions, is manifest in reports on the authority of the Prophet, in which he dissuaded believers from carrying out their oath to set out to Jerusalem, and convinced them to perform the planned ritual in the mosque of Medina.P Finally, after the consolidation of Umayyad power and the growth of the influence of Syria, the utterance concerning the three mosques quoted above gained almost unanimous approval. As in the case of the former tradition limiting the recommended journey to two mosques (Mecca and Medina), orthodox scholars tried to dissuade the believers from journeys to sanctuaries other than these three mosques. This can be seen in the widely circulated tradition in which the Companions are enjoined not to journey to the mount of Sinai and to perform their ritual practices in the three recommended mosques." The believers however persisted in their veneration of Tiir Stna: commentaries of the Qur'an report many stories 2 Ibn AbI Shayba, al-Mu~annaf, II, 375, ll. 2-3: 'an 'abdi Ilahi bni aM I-hudhayl qiiia: la tashuddu l-rihiila ilia ila I-bayti I-'atfq. 3Niir al-Dm al-Haythamt, Mawarid al-q:am'an, 252, no. 1023: inn a khayra ma rukibat ilayhi I-rawal}ilu masjidf hadhii wa-I-baytu I-'atfq. 'Ala' al-Din 'All b. Balaban al-Farisr, al-Ihsiin. bi-tartfbi ~al}fl}i bni I}ibban, ed. Kamal. Yusuf al-Hut (Beirut, 1407/ 1987), III, 70, no. 1614. AI-MundhirI, al-Targhfb wa-I-tarhfb, ed. Muhammad Muhyi l-DIn 'Abd al-Hamid (Cairo, 1379/1960), III, 63, no. 1775. 4 Mahmtid Ibrahim, Faq.a'il bayti I-maqdis /f makhtutat 'arabiyya qadfma (alKuwayt, 1406/1985), 365, 1. 3. 5Niir al-Din al-Haythaml, Mawarid al-q:am'an, 256, no. 1035. Al-Tabarant, alMu'jam al-kabfr, VII, 320, no. 7258. Ibn al-Athtr, Jiimi' al-u~Ul min al}adfthi I-rasul [::;1, ed. Muhammad Hamid al-FaqqI (Cairo, 1374/1955), XII, 183, nos. 9092-95. 6Niir al-Dtn al-HaythamI, Mawarid al-q:am' an, 252-53, no. 1024. Al-Tabaranl, al-Mu'jam al-kabfr, II, 276, no. 2157. Al-Zurqanl, SharI} al-muwaHa' (Cairo, 1381/ 1961), I, 329-30, 332. AI-Kha~Ib al-Baghdadr, Talkhf~u I-mutashabih /f I-rasm waI}imayatu ma ashkala minhu 'an bawadiri l-ta~l}ffi wa-I-wahm, ed. Sukayna al-Shihabi (Damascus, 1985), II, 866-67, no. 1422. Ibn AbI Shayba, al-Mu~annaf, II, 274 ult.275 1. 1: sa'altu 'umara: atf I-tura? qala: dati I-tura wa-Ia ta'tiha, wa-qala: Iii tashuddu I-ril}ala ilia ila thalathati masajida. I;>iya' al-Dln al-Maqdist, Faq.a'il bayti I-maqdis, 41. Al-Albant, Silsilat al-a1,ladfthi 1-~al}fI],a,II, 733. 20 M.J. Kister about miracles that occurred on 'fur SIna when the Torah was given to Moses and describe how the mountain split out of awe for God. It was on this occasion that sections of 'fur SIna reached Mecca, Medina and other places; thus the mountains of Uhud, Thabir, Hira', Warqan and Thaur in the Hijaz are splinters of 'fur SIna.7 The traditions speaking of how splinters of 'fur SIna reached Mecca and Medina and how they eventually served as the material out of which the sanctuaries in these cities were built illustrate the idea of the transfer of sanctity and demonstrate its distribution among other holy places. The persistence of the reverence of al-'fur in the popular belief of pious circles is expressed in a question directed to Ibn Hajar al-HaytamI (d. 974 H.), whether Uhud is said to be more holy than Mount SIna.8 ~ufis seem to have continued to journey to Mount SInai al-Junayd is said to have journeyed with a group of ~ufis to 'fur SIna, climbed up the mountain, prayed there, invoked God and a qawwiil chanted such a moving song that the ~ufis who were present could not tell whether they were in heaven or on earth. A Christian monk who was on the mountain was so much impressed by the ritual that convinced by the arguments of the group of Sufis, converted to Islam." AI-'fur is counted among the three places of asylum: Damascus will serve as a refuge for the believers in the period of the bloody wars (maliif},im), Jerusalem will shelter them in the period of the false Messiah (dajjiil), al- 'fur will be their refuge in the time of Yajuj and Majuj.lO The status of a sanctuary was often enhanced by assigning it an additional name referring to a biblical personality or to a holy place already existing in the pre-Islamic period, or by giving it a second name borrowed from a celebrated Muslim sanctuary. The name of Medina, for example, is said to have been al-Makkatiinill or al-Masjid al-aq/?ii.12 Mecca, says a tradition, was called $ahyun;13 this name of course refers 7 See al-Suyutr, al-Durr ol-manthiir jf l-tofsir bi-I-ma'thn» (Cairo, 1314 [reprint Tehran]), III, 119. AI-MajlisT, Bil}ii.r al-anwii.r (Tehran, 1386), XIII, 217, 224, LX, 223, no. 56. 8 Ibn Hajar al-HaytamT, al-Fatii.wii. 1-l}adlthiyya (Cairo, 1390/1970), 187. 9Ibn al-'ArabT, al- Wa~ii.yii. (Beirut, n.d.), 282-83. 10 Al-Suyutr, Jam' al-jawii.mi', I, 744 sup. 11 Muhammad b. Yusuf al-Salihf l-Shaml, 8ubulu l-hudii. uia-l-rashiid jf strati khayri l-'ibii.d l= al-Sira al-shii.miyya], ed.'Abd al-'AzTz 'Abd al-Haqq Hilmi (Cairo, 1395/ 1975), ill, 424, no. 85. 12 Al-Samhndt, Wafii.'u l-wafii. bi-akhbii.ri dii.ri l-musiafii, ed. Muhammad Muhyi lDIn 'Abd al-Hamrd (Cairo, 1374/1975), I, 23, no. 77. Al-Saliht, ai-Stra al-shii.miyya, ill, 424, no. 78. 13 'AlI b. Burhan al-Dm al-Halabi, Insii.nu l-'uyun jf szmti l-amzni l-ma'mun l= alSira al-I}alabiyya] (Cairo, 1382/1962), I, 240 inf. 'AlI b. Rabban al-Tabart, al-Din wa-l-daula, ed. 'AlI Nuwayhid (Beirut, 1393/1973), 140 sup. And see Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Hidii.yat al-I}ayii.rii., 71: inna lliiha subl}ii.nahu a~hara min ~ahyun ikh/Uan Sanctity Joint and Divided 21 to the celebrated spot mentioned in the Psalms. Another locality identified with Mecca was Faran; it was the place which God provided as lodging for Hajar and her son Isma'I1.14 The mountains of Mecca are said to have been named Faran.15 An additional name attached to Mecca was Kutha, the name of Araham's birthplace.!" Damascus gained a prominent position among the cities frequented by the believers very early on in Islamic times, becoming in effect the fourth holy sanctuary. The status of Damascus and of al-Shiim was established in the opinion of the Muslim community through several predictions and utterances extolling al-Shiim attributed to the Prophet. He is said to have urged the believers to join the fighting forces during the conquest of al-Sluim, stressed the qualities of the people of Sham and the virtues of the various localities in Sham, and called upon the believers to settle in Sham, which, according to the definition of the period, included the area of Syria, Jordan and Filastrn.!" Some commentators of the Qur'an stated that the rabuia mentioned in the Quran (Sura 28, 50) refers to the Ghuta of Damascus.l" Other commentators ascribed the word rabuia to the locality Ramla in Sham, or more precisely in Filastrn.l? The virtues of this locality were further enhanced by stories concerning prophets who were persecuted and who tried to find refuge in Ramla. Such was the case of the prophet Salih , who sojourned for some time in Ramla.r'' the story of the seventy prophets who were driven out of Jerusalem in the period following the refers to Muhammad: al-Kazaruni, Sira, fol. 19a, ll. 5-6. Al-Qurtubl, al-T'liim. bi-ma fi dfni I-na~ara mina I-fasadi wa-I- auham, ed. Ahmad I.IijazI al-Saqqa, 265: sua-Iii khtilafa anna farana makkatu wa-qad qiila fi l-touriiti: inn a llaha askana hajara uia-bnuhii isma'fla [iiriitui: and see 274. Yaqllt , Mu'jam al-buldiin; s.v. Faran. Ibn Taymiyya, al-Jauiiib al-~al}ll} Ii-man baddala dfna l-masih, iii, 300-1, 304-6, 312,326,331. 15 Yaqut, Mu'jam, s.v. Paran: qila: huwa ismun li-jibiili makka .. , wa-fi l-tauriiti: mal}mudan 14 ja'a lliihu min sfna'a wa-ashraqa min sa'fr wa-sta'lana min farana; majf'uhu min sfna'a taklimutn: li-miisii 'alayhi l-saliim; uia-ishriiquliu min sa'fra, wa-hiya jibiilu jilas!fna, huwa inzaluhu l-injfla 'ala 'fsa 'alayhi l-saliim; uia-sti'Liinuh.u. min jibiili farana inzaluhu I-qur'ana 'ala mul}ammadin, sallii usn« 'alayhi wa-sal/am. qalii: wa-faran jibiilu makkata. 16 Al-'AynI, 'Umdat al-qiiri, short: ~al}fl} al-Inikhiiri (Cairo, [reprint Beirut]), IX, 214 inf.; Yaqflt , Mu'jam, s.V. Kutha. 'Izz al-Dtn Abu Muhammad 'Abd al-'Azlz b. 'Abd al-Salam al-Sulami, fi suknii I-sham, ed. Muhammad Shakur al-Mayadrnt, al-Zarqa' (1407/1987). 18 Muqatil b. Sulayman, Tafsir, MS Ahmet III, 74/2, fol. 30b. 'Izz al-Dtn, Tarqhib ahli I-islam, 39. Abu Hafs 'Urnar b. Muhammad b. al-Khidr al-Mausilr, Kitiib aluinsila (Hyderabad, 1399/1979), V/l, 187 inf.-188 sup. 19 Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa wa-I-ta'rfkh, ed. Diya' al-Din al-'VmarI (Beirut, 1401/ 1981), II, 299. Al-Majlisi, Bil}ar al-anwar, LX, 202. 20 Anonymous, History of the Prophets [Arabic], MS Br. Mus. Or. 1510, fol. 38a. Targhfb ahli I-islam 17 See 22 M.J. Kister death of Luqman, were stricken by hunger and died on one day provide another instance; their graves are in Hamla.P! Luqrnan is said to be buried between the mosque of Ramla and its market+' although another tradition says that he is buried near Tiberias.F' The high position of Ramla is reflected in a tradition recorded on the authority of Ka'b al-Ahbar: On the Day of Resurrection Ramla will argue, interceding on behalf of the people buried in its cemetery, complaining of their being punished even though they are buried in Ramla.24 The problem of the graves of prophets is noteworthy. The number of graves of prophets and saints in a given city serves as a measure of its status and position on the map of holy places as drawn by the Muslim community.r" This concept was deduced from the interpretation of a verse allegedly recorded in the Torah, saying that Sham is God's treasury on earth and in it is God's treasury of His servants; the "treasury of His servants" was said to mean the graves of the prophets: Ibrahim, Ishaq and Ya'qub.26 The stories of Ramla, a town founded in the period of the Umayyads, may serve as a good example for the sanctification of places which did not exist in the early period. Stories about their sanctity became current in the period following their foundation or their conquest. The Prophet is said to have prayed on his nocturnal journey, the isrii'; on the spot on which the mosque of Damascus was later built.27 This event endowed the area of the mosque with its sanctity. We may gain some notion of the beliefs and tenets of the people of Syria concerning the sanctity of the mosque of Damascus from a report about a dispute between two believers as to the value of a prayer in the Damascus mosque and as to the merits of pious deeds and ritual practices in Syria. The famous scholar Ibn Taymiyya (d. 728 H.) was asked his opinion as to 21 Ibid., fol. 133b, ult. Al-Mazandarant, Maniiqib salman (n.p., 1285 [lithograph]), 17. 22 Anonymous, History of the Prophets,' [Arabic], MS Br. Mus. Or. 1510, fol. 133b inf. 23 Al-Mazandarani, Manaqib salman, 17. 24 Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa uia-l-ta'rtkh, II, 299. 25 Al-Fakihi, Tti'rikh. Makka, MS Leiden, Or. 463, fol. 357a: dhikru mauq.i'i qubiir 'adhara baniiti ismiiiil 'alayhi l-saliim min masjidi t-hariim ... ; but see al-kalbf'an abf ~alilJ, 'ani bni 'abbasin [r] qiila: fi l-masjidi l-tiariimi qabriini laysa fihi ghayruhuma: qabru isma'fla wa-shu'aybin. AI-FasI, Shifa'u l-gharam bi-okhbiiri l-baladi l-harii (Beirut, [reprint], n.d.), I, 199. Ibn al-Faqlh al-Hamadhant, Kitiib al-buldiin, ed. M.J. De Goeje (Leiden, 1885), 17: uia-qiila 'alayhi l-saliimu inn a qabra hiida washu'aybin wa-~alilJ,in fimii bayna zamzama wa-l-maqiimi wa-inna fi l-ka'bati qabra iholiithi mi'ati nabiyyin wa-ma bayna l-rukni l-yamanf ilii l-rukni l-aswadi qabrii sab'fna nabiyyan. 26 Al-Suyiitf', al-Durr al-manthiir, III, 112 sup.: Ka'b: maktiibun fi l-tauriiti: inn a l-shiima kanzu llahi 'azza wa-jalla min arq.ihi, biha kanzu lliih» min 'ibadihi, ya'nf bihii qubiira l-anbiya'i: ibriihisru: wa-islJ,aqa wa-ya'qiiba .... 27 Abu Hafs 'Urnar al-Mausili, al- Wasfla, V /1, 188. Sanctity Joint and Divided 23 whether one prayer in the mosque of the Umayyads in Damascus equals ninety prayers [elsewhere], whether it is true that three hundred prophets are buried in this mosque, that a believer who passes a night sleeping in Syria gets the same reward as a believer who passes a night in vigilance in 'Iraq, that a believer who observes a voluntary fast in 'Iraq is like a believer who does not observe such a fast in Syria, and whether God, in blessing the two places, placed seventy parts of the blessing in Syria and only one part in 'Iraq. Ibn Taymiyya denied the tradition about the special value of prayer in the mosque of the Umayyads in Damascus; he did however uphold the view that God is much better praised in this mosque than in any other. He denied the tradition about the three hundred prophets buried in the Damascus mosque and about special rewards for the performance of ritual practices in Syria; but he confirmed that the Prophet praised Syria and set store by the pious deeds of the people of Syria.28 In another of his writings Ibn Taymiyya took exception to the practice of "falsifying" tombs, i.e., falsely ascribing graves to eminent Islamic personages.P" The famous scholar of I},adfth 'Abd al-'Azlz al-Kattant''? made plain his opinion about the graves of prophets: none of the graves is certified except the tomb of the Prophet. Others maintained that the grave of Abraham was also assured. The early author Ibn Sa'd counted as certain the graves of Isma'il under the spout of the Ka'ba, the grave of Hud in Yemen, as well as the grave of the Prophet."! Ibn Taymiyya records as spurious the tomb of Ubayy b. Ka'b in Damascus (he died in Medina), the tombs of Umm Habtba and Umm Salama and the tombs of other wives of the Prophet outside Damascus. It is however probable that there is a tomb of the $al},abiyya Umm Salama bint Yazid b. al-Sakan, who indeed died in Syria. It is probable too that the tomb of Bilal, (the Prophet's mU'adhdhin), is situated at the biib al-~aghfr in Damascus.V Of special interest are the data given by Ibn Taymiyya as to the tombs of caliphs and governors allegedly buried in Damascus. The tomb of Hud in the mosque of Damascus is not genuine; Hiid was sent as prophet in the Yemen and performed the pilgrimage to Mecca; he did not go to Syria. This tomb is in fact that of the pious Mu'awiya b. Yazld b. Mu'awiya, who was Caliph for a short time and died without appointing an heir. The tomb of Khalid (obviously b. WalId) in Hims is Ibn Taymiyya, al-Faiiiuiii l-kubrii, ed. Hasanayn Muhammad Makhluf (Beirut, [reprint]), I, 371, no. 226. 29 Ibn Taymiyya, Iqtiq.ii'u l-siriiii l-mustaqim mukhiilafatu a~lJiibi l-jalJfm, ed. Muhammad Hamid al-FiqT (Cairo, 1369), 316-20. 30 Called al-Katabt in the text, see al-DhahabT, Tadhkirat al-lJuffii:; (Hyderabad, 1376/1957), III, 1170, no. 1024 . . 1 Ibn Taymiyya, al-Faiiiuiii l-kubrii, IV, 449. 3 28 1386/1966, 32 Ibid. 24 M.J, Kister said to be that of Khalid b. Yazid b. Mu'awiya, the brother of Mu'awiya b. Yazid b. Mu'awiya mentioned above. 'All's tomb is in the government hall (qa/fr al-imiirq,) in Kiifa (not in Najaf), Mu'awiya was buried in the government hall in Damascus and 'Amr (b. al-'A~) was buried in the government hall in Egypt; they were buried there out of fear that the Khawarij would exhume their graves.P Another author, Ibn Junghul (d. 951 H.), identifies some of these spurious tombs.i" We find traditions greatly exaggerating the value of prayers in Damascus; one such tradition says that a prayer in the mosque of Damascus is worth thirty thousand prayers performed in another mosque.V' Damascus was included in the list of the four cities of Paradise on earth, the others being Mecca, Medina, and Jerusalem. 36 A peculiar list of the cities of Paradise is recorded on the authority of Ka'b alAhbar; it includes Jerusalem, Hims, Damascus, Bayt Jibrln and ~aIar in Yemen.P" A different tradition, said to have been transmitted by Yarnani historians, records Damascus, Marw, and ~an'a'.38 A ShI'Y source records another list of Paradise cities: Mecca, Medina, Jerusalem, and "a city between Sayhan and Jayhan called al-Mansiira and guarded by angels, which is in fact Ma~Y~a."39 The particular flavor of traditions dedicated to the praises of Syria and Damascus is reflected in a tradition ascribed to the Companion 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud: when God created the world He divided Good Ibid., 450-451. Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh, MS Br. Library, Or. 5912/1, fol. 36b (the tomb of Hud in the mosque of Damascus is the tomb of Mu'awiya; and see ibid. on the tombs of 'Amr b. al-'A:;;and 'AlI). 35 Al-Safftirf, Nuzhat al-majiilis wa-muntakhab al-nafii'is (Beirut, n.d.), 341 inf. 36 Muhammad b. Tulun al-Salihl, al-Qalii'id al-jauhariyya If ta'rfkhi l-~iilil}iyya, ed. Muhammad Ahmad Dahman (Damascus, 1401/1981), II, 513. Isma'tl Muhammad al-'Ajliinf l-Jarrahr l= al-Jarraht], Kashf al-khafii' wa-muzflu l-ilbiis 'ammii shtaham mina l-al}iidfthi 'alii alsinati l-niis (Beirut, 1351), I, 450 sup., no. 1466. 'AlI b. Muhammad b. 'Araq al-Kinanf l= Ibn 'Araq], Tanzihs: I-shari'ati l-marfii'a 'ani l-al}iidzthi l-shani'ati l-mau(lii'a, ed. 'Abd al-Wahhab 'Abd al-Latrf and 'Abdallah Muhammad al-Sadlq (Beirut, 1399/1979), II, 48, no. 7. Al-Dhahabi, Mfziin ali'tidiil If naqdi l-rijnl, ed. 'All Muhammad al-Bijawt (Cairo, 1382/1963), IV, 346, no. 9400. Ibn al-Jauzt, Kitiibu l-mau(lii'iit, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman "Uthman, al-Madtna al-munawwara (1386/1966), II, 51. Al-Shaukant, al-Fawii'id al-majmii'a If l-al}iidzthi l-mau(lii'a, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Yahya l-Mu'allarnr l-Yamanr (Beirut, 1392),428, no. 1229, and see the editor's comments. 37 Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa uia-l-ta'rikh, II, 304. Al-Shaukanr, al-Fawii'id al-majmii'a, 428, no. 1229, and see al-Fasawr, ibid,. the cities of Hell: Qustantrniyya, al-Tuwana, Antakiyya, Tadmur and ~an'a' in Yemen; al-Shaukanf however stresses that by ~an'a' of Hell the city ~an'a' in Rum is meant. 38 Al-Shaukani, al-Fawii'id al-majmii'a, p. 428, no. 1230. 39 Muhammad b. al-Fattal al-Naysaburt, Roudatu. l-wii'i~fn, ed. Muhammad MahdI l-Sayyid Hasan al-Kharsan (Najaf, 1386/1966), 409: arba'u madii'in min a l-janna: 33 34 makkatu wa-I-madznatu wa-baytu l-maqdis wa-madfnatun bayna sayl}iin wa-jayl}iin yuqiilu lahii mansiira wa-hiya masisa maMii~atun bi-I-malii'ikati. Sanctity Joint and Divided 25 (al-khayr) into ten parts; nine-tenths He placed in Syria, and one part in the rest of the world. Similarly God divided Evil (al-sharr) into ten parts: one part He placed in Syria, and nine parts in the rest of the world.t" The location of the bad things of the rest of the world were located deduced from a tradition about a conversation 'Umar held with Ka'b al-Al)bar when they established the place of the mosque of Jerusalem. 'Umar was invited on that occasion by the people of 'Iraq to visit them in the same way as he visited the people of Jerusalem, but was swayed by Ka'b to refuse the invitation; Ka'b argued that 'Iraq contained the rebellious jinn, that Hartlt and Marilt taught people witchcraft in 'Iraq and that 'Iraq harbored nine tenths of the world's evil (shan,); the people of 'Iraq, in addition, were affected by an incurable disease: they were too wealthy.'! Needless to say, this is a manifest Syrian anti-Traqi tradition. It is only to be expected that there should be a widely circulated prophetic tradition forbidding the performing of prayers in the "Land of Babil," because the land of Babil is cursed.v' The people of Shiim, says an utterance ascribed to the Prophet, will continue to fight their enemies for a just cause until the last of them will fight the Dajja1.43 The Prophet predicted that Sham would be conquered and summoned the believers to move to the conquered territories, as Shiim was the best of the lands and its people would be the chosen 40 Al-Tabarani, al-Mu'jam al-kabir, IX, 198, no. 8881. Nnr al-Din al-Haythamt, Majma' al-zawa'id wa-manba' al-fawa'id (Beirut, 1967), X, 60. Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa, II, 295. 41 Al-Muttaqi l-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal fi sunan al-aquiiil wa-I-af'al (Hyderabad, 1390/1970), XVII, 120, no. 376. 42 Ibn Tayrniyya, al-Iqtitf,a', 81. Ibn AbI Shayba, cl-Musanna], II, 377: 'AlI: ... mii kuntu u~alli bi-ardia khusifa biha thaliuha marratin. And see ib.: 'an 'aliyyin annahu kariha l-saliita fi l-khusii]. And see ib.: anna' aliyyan marra bi-janibin min babil falam yu~alli biha. Al-'AynT, 'Umdat al-qiiri; IV, 189. Al-Suyutt, al-Durr al-manthiir, I, 96. L 'A, s.v. bbl. Al-Bayhaqt, al-Sunan al-kubrii (Hyderabad, 1346), II, 451: 'AlI inn a I],abfbi sall« lliilu» 'alayhi wa-sallam nohiini an u~alliya fi l-maqburati wanahanz an u~alliya fi ardi biibila [a-innahii mal'iinatun. Mubarak b. Muhammad Ibn al-Athrr, Jiimi' al-usiil min al],adithi l-rasiil [~], ed. Muhammad Hamid al-FiqT (Cairo, 1370/1951), VI, 314, no. 3673. 'Abdallah b. Ahmad b. Hanbal, Masa'ilu 1imam ahmad b. hanbol, ed. 'AlI b. Sulayrnan al-Muhanna (al-Madlna al-rnunawwara, 1406/1986), I, 228-29, no. 309 and see the references of the editor. 43 Nnr al-Dtn al-Haythamt, Majma' al-zawa'id, X, 60-61 sup. Abu 'AlI Hanbal b. Is/:laq al-Shaybanr, Kitiib al-fitan [al-juz' al-rabi'], MS ~ahiriyya, rnajmu'a 38/4, fol. 46b. Ibn Hajar al-fAsqalant, Listitu: l-mzzan (Hyderabad, 1331 [reprint]), VI, 223, no. 785: 'an abi hurayrata marfii'an: tn taziilu 'i~abatun min ummati yuqatiliina 'ala nbuuibi dimashqa uia-mii I],aulaha wa-'ala abwabi bayti l-maqdisi uia-mii I],aulaha la yatf,urruhum khidhliinu man khadhalahum ~ahirzna 'ala l-haqqi ilii an taqiima l-sii=atu. AI-BukharT, al-Ta'rzkh al-kabir (Hyderabad, 1384/1964), IV, 248, no. 2691 [II, 2 of the MSj. Diya' al-Dfn al-Maqdisr, Fatf,a'il bayt al-maqdis, 72-3. Al-Fasawt, al-Ma'rifa uia-l-ia'rikli, II, 297-98. 26 M.J. Kister among the believers.v' The Prophet said that no good could be expected among the believers if the people of al-Shiitti were corrupted.t" According to another version the Prophet stated that there would be no good in his community if the people of al-Shiim perished: 'ani l-nabiyyi, sollii llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam, qiila: idha halaka ahlu l-shami [a-lii khayra fi ummatf.46 During the bloody war with Syria no less a person than 'All prohibited cursing its people because among them were the saintly abdal.47 An eminent holy place in Syria, the mountain of Qasiyiin, was ordered by God to give up its shade and blessing in favor of the mountain of Jerusalem (jabal bayt al-maqdis). As a reward God will order to erect on this mountain a House in which He will be worshipped for forty years after the devastation (kharab) of the world.j" It is evident that this tradition gives us an instance of the idea current in popular Islamic tradition about the mutual dependence and coordination of sanctuaries in the Muslim world. This belief is clearly reflected in the stories of the holy places and their virtues. The mountain of Qasiyun is also the place where Jesus and his mother found refuge when they escaped the persecution of the Jews; on this mountain the son of Adam killed his brother, and on the slopes of this mountain Abraham was born.f? This is an innovative tradition about the birthplace of Abraham. The traditions mentioned above are often denied; the story saying that Abraham was born on this spot is firmly rejected.I'" The cave in this mountain was famous for the efficacy of prayers and invocations; the prophet Ilyas sought refuge in this place; Ibrahim, Musa, elsa and Ayyub prayed and made invocations in this cave;51 the place was known as the mustaghath al-anbiya' and is, in connection with this virtue, linked with the story of the Prophet. When the Prophet faced a plot of the unbelievers against him in Mecca and suffered from their persecution, he wished to set out to this cave in order to invoke God to damn them; JibrIl however persuaded him to seek refuge from his people in one of the caves of Mecca.52 Nflr al-Drn al-HaythamI, Majma' al-zawa'id, X, 58-59. Al-Suyutt, al-Durr al-manthur, III, 112-13. Al-Fasawt, al-Ma'rifa wa-I-ta'rikh, II,295-96. 46 Nu'aym b. Hammad, Kitiib ai-fit an, MS Br. Mus. Or. 9449, fo!. 61b. 47 Al-Mazandarant, Manaqib Salman, 17. Nu'aym b. Hammad, Kitiib al-fitan, fo!' 62a. Al-Fasawl, al-Ma'rifa wa-I-ta'rfkh, II, 305 inf. 48 Ibn Tultm, al-Qala'id al-jav.hariyya, I, 88. 49 Ibn Tultm, al-Qala'id al-jav.hariyya, I, 89. AI-MuttaqI l-Hindt, Kanz al-'v.mmal, XVII, 121, no. 378. 50 Ibn Tulun, al-Qala'id al-jav.hariyya, I, 90 sup.; see the different versions about the place in which Abraham was born. 51 Muhammad Nasir al-Dtn al-Albanl, Takhr'ij al}adfth faga'ili I-sham wa-dimashq, 43, no. 19. 52 AI-MuttaqI l-Hindt, Kanz al-'v.mmal, XVII, 121, no. 378. Ibn TIilfln, al-Qala'id 44 45 Sanctity Joint and Divided 27 The stories about the virtues of holy places stress, as mentioned above, the coordination of sanctuaries with each other, a fact that increases the efficacy of the ritual practices. Thus anyone who begins a pilgrimage to Mecca, or an 'umra, from the mosque of al-Aqsa, God will forgive him the sins he committed in the past.53 The Prophet stated that a pilgrimage performed from 'Uman has the value of two pilgrimages. 54 He who visits both the tomb of the Prophet in Medina and the tomb of Abraham in Hebron in the same year will enter Paradise.P'' In a later period of Islam, in the stormy times of revolts in the Muslim empire, during which the journey to Mecca and Medina was impeded or even made impossible, Hebron became a substitute for Medina. According to a tradition ascribed to the Jewish convert Ka'b al-Ahbar, a believer who is impeded from visiting the tomb of the Prophet in Medina should visit the tomb of Abraham in Hebron.P" Another Jewish convert, 'Abdallah b. Salam, is said to have stated that a visit to the grave of Abraham and a prayer performed at the tomb is "pilgrimage of the poOr."57 The Prophet predicted that Hebron would become a place of refuge. Unfortunately a certain Companion of the Prophet, one of the leaders of the revolt against 'Uthman, who sought refuge in Hebron at the time of Mu'awiya, was caught there by a man of Mu'awiya's forces. He asked for his life, arguing that he was one of the "People of the Tree" (i.e., the Companions who swore allegiance to the Prophet at Hudaybiyya, ashiib al-shajara); the rude soldier responded, however, that there were plenty of trees in Hebron and killed him. 58 The al-jauhariyya, I, 93-95. Al-Mausili, al- Waslla, V/1, 188. Muhammad Nasir al-Dtn al-Albanl, Takhrlj al}adlth ... , 45-46, no. 21. 53 Al-'A.qillI, 'Arf al-tib min akhbiiri makkata wa-madinati l-hobtb, MS Leiden Or. 493, fol. 79a inf. Al-Dhahabi, Mfzan al-i'Lidiil, III, 483, no. 7236. Ntir al-Dln alHaythamr, Mnuiiiridu. l-~am'an, 251-52, no. 1021. Nasir al-Dtn al-Albanr, Silsilatu l-al}adfthi l-tf.a'ifa wa-I-maw!u'a (Beirut, 1405/1985), I, 248, no. 211; and see the comments of al-Albant. Diya'u I-DIn al-Maqdisi, Fatf.a'il bayti l-maqdis, 88, no. 59; and see ibid. 89-90, nos. 60-62. AI-Wasip, Fatf.a'ilu l-bayti l-muqaddas, ed. I. Hasson (Jerusalem, 1979),58-59, nos. 91-92; and see the references of the editor. AI-BayhaqT, al-Jiimi' li-shu'abi I-Iman, ed. 'Abd al-'Aliyy 'Abd al-Hamld Hamid (Bombay, 1409/ 1988), VII, 578-79, no. 3737; and see the references of the editor. 54 AI-MuttaqT l-Hindl, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 264, no. 1460. Nasir al-DTnal-Albani, Silsilatu l-alJad!thi 1-tf.a'lfa ... , I, 249, no. 213. 55 Ibn Taymiyya, Majmu'atu l-rasii' iii l-kubrii (Beirut, 1392/1972), II, 356: al-risiila fll-kalam 'ala l-qu~~a~; the tradition is marked by Ibn Taymiyya as lJadlth kadhib maudu'. 56 Anonymous, History of the Prophets [Arabic], MS Br. Mus. Or. 15lO, fol. 54b. Al-Khuwarizmr, Mukhiasar ithiiraii l-targhlb wa-I-tashwlq ua l-masiijidi l-thaliithati wa-ilii. l-bayti l-i aiiq, MS Br. Mus. Or. 4584, fols. 21b, 27b. 57 Anonymous, History of the Prophets, MS Br. Mus. Or. 15lO, fol. 55a. 58 Ibn al-Athtr, Usd al-qhiiba fI ma'rifati l-sahiiba (Cairo, 1280 [repr. Tehran]), III, 3lO sup.; and see ibid. the prediction of the Prophet: sa-yakhruju nasun min ummatl yuqtaluna bi-jabali l-khalil. 28 M.J. Kister Prophet stated that the mountain of Hebron was sacred and was revealed by God to the prophets of the Banii Isra'il in olden times as a place of refuge to which they might escape in a period of sedition (fitna) in order to preserve their belief (dmuhum).59 Jesus, when he passed by Hebron, is said to have asked God to bestow on that town the following graces: he asked to turn the mountain of Hebron into a secure asylum for every frightened person (khii.'if), to make the people of the mountain secure from wild beasts, and to remain fertile when all other places would be affected by drought.f" A miraculous story links the building of the tomb of Abraham in Hebron with the person of Sulayman. Sulayman was ordered in a dream to build a tomb on the grave of God's Friend, Abraham, in order that he may be known by it. The dream repeated itself three times during three nights; but Sulayman did not know the place. He asked God about it and was guided by Him to the required spot, from which light rises to heaven. When Sulayrnan got up in the morning he saw the place, put a mark on it and the jinn built the tomb for him at this spot. One can see how huge the stones of the tomb are: ten men or more cannot carry a single stone. When the tomb was about to be finished Sulayrnan left the tomb through its top part; the building was then closed from all sides and none could enter it. The visitors to the tomb could perform the ritual practices of the ziyii.ra from outside the building only. When the Crusaders captured the city they opened a door in the building and turned it into a church; they made drawings of the graves of the ancestors inside the building assigning them individually to Abraham, Ishaq, Ya'qub etc. Things went on unchanged in this manner until the time of the author.v' A tradition ascribed to Ibn 'Abbas reports how God sanctified the place of the grave of Abraham. When God decided that Abraham was to die He announced this to the world. The hilly plain of Hibra stood humbly up in the Presence of God and He addressed Hibra: "You are my chosen one, you are my holy one, you are my sanctuary (anti baytu maqdisf), in you I placed the treasury of my knowledge, upon you I shall let down my mercy and my blessings, and to you I shall gather my servants (on the Day of Resurrection). Therefore blessed is the man who puts his forehead on you (i.e., on the tomb erected upon you), prostrating himself in front of Me; I shall let him drink from the Presence of my 59 Nu'aym b. Harnmad, Kitab ol-fitan, MS Br. Mus., fol. 65b: qiila rasiilu lliihi: jabalu l-khalUi jabalun muqaddasun wa-inna l-fitnata lamma zaharat fi banI isra'lla aul}a llahu ta'ala ila anbiya'ihim an yafirru bi-dlnihim ila jabali l-khalili. AI-MuttaqI l-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 260, no. 1429 (from Nu'aym's Fitan); and see this tradition ibid., XIII, 247, no. 1370. 60 Nu'aym b. Hammad, Kitab al-fitan, fol. 65a. 61 Al-'AbdarI l= Ibn al-Hajj], al-Madkhal (Beirut, 1972), IV, 258. Sanctity Joint and Divided 29 Holiness, and shall grant him security from the horrors of the Day of Resurrection and shall lodge him in Paradise by my Mercy. Therefore blessed are you, blessed are you, blessed are you, I shall bury my Friend (Abraham) in you.,,62 According to AbU Bakr Ahmad b.'Amr b. Jabir, scholars of the Prophetic tradition (ahl al-'ilm al-sharif) have unanimously endorsed the validity of the location of the graves of Abraham', Ishaq, and Ya'qub, and their wives. Any believer who goes against this is a man of evil innovations, one who embraces deviations or who is in error: mii yat'anu fi dhiilika illa mjulun min ahli l-bida'i wa-l-zayghi wa-l-¢alalati, na'iidhu bi-lliihi min dhalika.63 The texts of the invocations and prayers said at the tomb were prescribed in great detail and the order of the visit, including the visit to the tombs of the patriarchs and their wives, was carefully planned. After visiting the tombs of the patriarchs and their wives, the believers were urged to go down to the grave of Joseph (yiisuf [!D in the valley (al-wad'l [!D and make an invocation there. Believers who visited the tomb in the past claimed that their prayers, invocations, and supplications were answered.P" Ibn al-Hajj warns visitors to the grave not to attend the vicious innovative practices of the people of Hebron who dance and sing in groups after the afternoon prayer (~alat al-' a$1"). He recommends that believers refrain from taking part in the afternoon performances, when drums and trumpets are beaten; such a performance they call naubat al-kholil. Another reprehensible innovation is the distribution of lentils which they call al-' adas cl-ibriihimi. Ibn al- J.Iajj points out that the designation al'adas al-ibriihimi is incorrect, as Abraham did not entertain his guests with lentils.P'' It was once again Ibn Taymiyya, that stalwart opponent of the tomb worship, who was adamant in denying the legendary stories about the building of the tomb. These stories he ,branded as unfounded inventions. He also rejected the tradition that Jibril bade the Prophet pray at the grave of his ancestor Abraham during his nocturnal journey, and perform a prayer at the birthplace of his brother Jesus. People of knowledge unanimously considered these traditions invented lies. Bayt Lahm was a church of the Christians, and there was no merit in visiting it by Muslims, whether it was the birthplace of Jesus or not. None of the 62 Al-Khuwarizrnl , Mukhiasur ithiirat al-targhlb, MS fol. 28b. Baha' al-Drn 'Asakir, Hisiila /f jaq.a'il bayti l-maqdis, MS Hebrew University, fol. 13a-b. 63 Baha' al-Dln Ibn 'Asakir, Hisiila /f jaq.a'il bayti l-maqdis, MS fol. 14a. Khuwarizrnl, Muklitasar ithiirat al-tarqhib, MS fol. 14a. 64 Baha' al-Din Ibn 'Asakir, Ristila /f jaq.a'ili bayti l-maqdis, MS fol. 13b-14a. Khuwarizrnl , Muklitasar ithiirati l-iarqhib, MS fol. 40b. 65 Al-'AbdarI, al-Madkhal, IV, 259. Ibn AlAl- 30 M.J. Kister Companions nor any of the successors of the Companions, the tiibi' un, went to pray or make invocations at the grave, or even to visit it. The believers had come more than once with 'Umar to ol-Sluim, and some of the Companions settled there but none of them had practiced things of this kind, and no mosque had been built on the grave at all. Only when the Christians captured Syria because of the impious rafiq,a (ShrI extremists) who ruled Egypt, and gained control of the coastal territories and other localities, did they cut through Abraham's sepulchral chamber and set up a door over the tomb. It was the Christians who turned it into a place of worship, not the ancestors of the believers or pious Muslims.P" Places and localities are rewarded according to their sympathy and help for sanctuaries and saintly believers afflicted by distress; vicious places and sinful groups are accordingly punished. According to a report of Ka'b (al-Ahbar}, Qustantiniyya rejoiced at the devastation of Jerusalem (kharab bayt al-maqdis); God reproached the vicious city and predicted that He would severely punish the sinful city.67 In contrast to Qustantiniyya, the attitude of Kaskar was sympathetic: when Bukhtanassar destroyed Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis) all the places on earth wept; but Kaskar surpassed all other places in weeping. As a reward, God promised that a mosque would be built there, where there would be abundant supplications and invocations to which God would respond favorably. People explained the prediction as a reference to the mosque of Wasit.68 Even birds are rewarded or punished according to their feelings towards the ruined sanctuaries dear to the hearts of the believers: the Prophet forbade killing swallows (al-khatt.Wi:j) because they wept for the destruction of the temple of Jerusalem.P'' Sometime there is an evident political tendency in this kind of traditions. ShrI stories concerning the role of Basra belong to this category: Heaven and Earth are said to have wept when Husayn was killed. The only ones who did not weep were Basra, Damascus and the family of al-Hakam b. al-'A~.7o 66 Ibn Taymiyya, /qtiq.a' al-~irat, 319, 331, 438-39; see e.g. 438: wa-/lhi ma huuia mina l-mauq.u'ati l-rnukhtolioiit. mithlu mii yarwihi ba'q.uhum /lhi: "anna l-nabiyya scllii lliiln: 'alayhi wa-sallam qiila lahs: jibril: hii.dha qabrw abika ibrahima, inzil [asolli /fhi, ura-hiidhii baytu la~.min maulidu akhika 'tsa, inzil [a-solli /fhi." And see 439: wa-baytu lahmit: kanisatun min kana'isi l-na$ara, laysa /f ityaniha /aq.ilatun 'inda l-muslimina, sawa'an kana maulida 'isa au lam yakun .... 67 Abu Bakr Muhammad b. al-Husayn al-Naqqash , Shi/a'u l-$udur al-muhadhdhab /f iafsiri l-qur'tin; MS Chester Beatty 3389, fol. 40a sup. Ibn al-FaqIh al-Hamadhanr, Kiiiib al-buldan, ed. M.J. De Goeje (Leiden, 1885), 146. Abu Nu'aym al-Isfahant, lfilyat al-auliya' (Beirut, 1387/1967), VI, 45. 68 Bahshal, Ta'rikh. wasit, ed. Kurkts 'Awwad (Baghdad, 1387/1967), 35. 69 Al-Daylami, Firdaus al-akhbiir, MS Chester Beatty 3037, fo1. 187b sup. 70 AI-MajlisT, BilJ,ar al-anwar, LX, 205; but 211: baka 'alayhi jami'u ma khalaqa Sanctity Joint and Divided 31 The imam Ja'far b. Muhammad recorded sixteen groups of people hostile to the ShfI belief and the shrr community, among them the people of Sijistan, Rayy, Mausil, and Baghdad,"! 'AlI enumerated the vices of Basra, to which he added a forceful curse on the city. 72 Hudhayfa is stated to have said that the people of Basra would not open the gate of righteousness [bab al-huda] or leave the gate of error. The flood had been removed from all the places on earth except Basra.?" To 'Abdallah [b. 'Amr] is attributed the saying that the footprints of Ibiis are extant in Basra, but that he hatched his eggs in Egypt.I" The Prophet is said to have prohibited the believers to enter the city of Basra itself, warning them from earthquakes; he recommended however that they should visit the suburbs of Basra.?" As against the ShrI descriptions of the vices of Basra and the predictions about its gloomy fate there are however traditions in praise of the city, The Prophet is said to have stated: "I know a place named al-Basra; it is a locality most direct in the position of the qibla, it has the greatest number of mosques and callers for prayer (mu'adhdhinun) and it will be better protected from distress than other places."?" It is evident that these contradictory utterances reflect of the political struggles of the early Islamic period. The assignment of varying degrees of sanctity to various sanctuaries brought about competition between them, in contrast to the idea of coordination between them. This is seen clearly in the literature of the faq,a'il. The rivalry was often prompted by political struggles in the Muslim empire, by ethnic rivalry and by the contests between the religious factions. In a very early period of Islam the sanctity of Damascus was confronted with that of al-Kiifa. 'All marked al-Kufa as the treasure of belief, the convincing argument of Islam, the sword of God and His spear; God will aid the victory of the believers in the easternmost as well as in the westernmost parts of the earth through the people of KIifa as lliihs: ut« thaliithata ashyli'a: al-basra wa-dimashq wa-lilu 'uthmlina. Bihnr, LX, 206, no. 5. 72 Al-Majlisr, Bihiir, LX, 204; and see the lengthy speech of 'AlI and his curse of Basra: ibid. 224, 226. 73 AI-MuttaqI l-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummlil, XI, 207, no. 973. 74 Yahya b. Ma'In, Ta'rikh, ed. Ahmad Muhammad NOr Yiisuf (Mecca, 1399/1979), II, 323, no. 3541. 75 Ibn 'Araq, Tanzfh al-short' o, II, 51, no. 15. Al-Muttaqt l-Hindr, Kanz, XIII, 264, no. 1457. Al-Shaukanl, al-Fawii'id al-majmii'a, 434, no. 1241. 76 Al-Daylami, Firdaus, MS Chester Beatty 3037, fo1. 90a: sa-yu~lbu ahla I-kiifati balli' un shadId wa-sli' ira l-amstiri illii ahla l-basrati fa-innahli aqwamuha qiblatan .... 71 Al-Majlisr, Ibn Hajar al-IAsqalant, al-Matiilibi: l-'aliya, IV, 163, no. 4240; Abo Dharr transmits an utterance of the Prophet: [a-ammii ahlu l-basrati fa-aqwamu l-amsiiri qiblatan waaktharuhu mu'adhdhinan, yadfa'u lliihs: 'anhum mii yakrahiina. Abo Nu'aym, lfilya, VI, 349. AI-MuttaqI l-Hindt, Kanz, XIII, 264, nos. 1458-59. Ibn 'Araq, Tanzlh al-sharii a, II, 58, no. 33. 32 M,J. Kister He did through the people of the ~ijaz.77 The Companion 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud reported the following utterance of the Prophet: when the Prophet was engaged in his isrii' to the lowest heaven (al-sama' al-dunya), Jibril showed him the mosque of Kiifa. The Prophet asked about the place and Jibril explained that it was a blessed mosque, containing an abundance of good (kathfru lkhayri) and possessing great blessing ('a?i"mu l-baraka). God chose it for His people and it will intercede for them on the Day of Resurrection.I'' According to another utterance of the Prophet, Jibril showed him the place of the mosque of Ktifa during his mi'raj to Heaven (lamma u'rija bi" u« l-sama'), and explained that that was the mosque of his ancestor Adam; he enjoined him to go down and pray two rake as there; the Prophet went down and performed the two rak'as there.I? Needless to say, the story of Kufa as a "station" for the Prophet's prayer during his nocturnal journey corresponds to the pro-Syrian story of the station of the Prophet's prayer in Damascus.f? We find indeed an authoritative utterance of the imam AbU Ja'far (al-Baqir) stating that the four distinguished mosques are the mosque in Mecca (al-masjid al-lJ,aram), the mosque of the Prophet, the mosque of Jerusalem and the mosque of Kufa, A prescribed prayer (al-fari"~a) in them has the value of a pilgrimage; a supererogatory prayer (al-nafila) has the value of an 'umra "the minor lJ,ajj.,,81 'All, according to one story, told a believer who was about to set out for a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, to sell his camel, to consume his provisions, and to pray in the mosque of Kufa.'AlI's recommendation is formulated in the same way as Prophet recommendation to perform the prayers in the mosque of Medina instead of making the journey to Jerusalem.V The mosque of Kufa is one of the four distinguished mosques; a rake a in this mosque has the value of ten rake as in any other mosque; the blessing (al-baraka) of the mosque extends for twelve miles; in the corner of the mosque there burned the oven of the flood; Abraham prayed at the fifth column of the mosque; a thousand prophets and a thousand "trustees" (wa$i") prayed there. The mosque harbors the rod of Moses and the gourd-plant (yaqti"n). Ya'uq and Yaghiith (two idols worshipped in ancient times) perished there; the mosque is the Fiiriiq (that which 77Yaqut, Mv.'jam al-bv.ldiin, s.v. al-Kufa, 78Abu 'Abdallah Muhammad b.'AlI b. al-Hasan al-'Alawf al-Hasant, Fatf.lv. l-ku.Ja wa-fatf.lv. ahlihii, MS :r;ahiriyya, rnajami' 93, fol. 282b. Muhammad b. al-Fattal alNaysaburt, Rauda: al-wii'i~7:n, 336-37. 79Al-Hasani, Fatf.lv. l-ku.Ja, MS fol. 283b. 80See above, note 28. 81See Ibn Babnyah, Man Iii ya~tf.v.rv.hv. l-jaqih; ed. Hasan al-Musawt l-Kharsan (Beirut, 1401/1981), I, 148, no. 683 (and the four mosques chosen by God: Mecca, Medina, Jerusalem and Kiifa; al-Majlisi, Bi~iir, LX, 204, ult.-205). 82See above, note 5. Sanctity Joint and Divided 33 distinguishes between right and wrong); from the mosque there is a path to the mountain of Ahwaz, In this mosque is the Nuh's place of prayer (mu!fallii). From this mosque there will be gathered seventy thousand of the believers who will enter Paradise without being interrogated or judged (laysa 'alayhim lJ,isiib). Its center rests in one of the gardens of Paradise, it contains three of the wells of Paradise which remove the filth and purify the believers. If the people would know the virtue of the mosque they would come crawling towards it.83 Some of the commentators of the Qur'an used their freedom to interpret the word rabwa (Sura 23:50) as denoting Kiifa, and the word ma'fn as denoting the Euphrates.t" It is evident that this is a Shi'I interpretation of the words of the Qur'an which was meant to confront the Umayyad, pro-Syrian interpretation mentioned above.f" Since ancient times the Jews used the outskirts of Kilfa as a burial ground for their dead; they believed that seventy thousand dead would be raised from this cemetery on the Day of Resurrection and would enter Paradise without being subjected to questioning and judgment. When 'All heard this opinion from the Ra's Jalut he countered that the seventy thousand to be raised on the Day of Resurrection and introduced to Paradise would be believing Muslims. 'AlI asserted that the grave just outside al-Kufa was that of Yahudha b. Ya'qiib, as well as the grave of Hud.86 'All bought the territory between Najaf and al-Htra as far as al-Kiifa from the dihqiins and paid forty thousand dirhams for it. The purpose of the transaction was to enable the believers to rise on the Day of Resurrection from land belonging to 'AlIP A similar transaction was carried out in ancient times by Ibrahim: he acquired these very lands from the people of Baniqiya, paying a hundred sheep (ghanam); Baniqiya in Aramaic means a hundred sheep. He consecrated the place whose sanctity was revealed to him and named it al-Qadisiyya. This territory thus became the point from which Ibrahim set out for his hijra.88 At the end of time, during the unjust wars (jitan), when the mahdf will be sent, the happiest people will be the people of Kiifa.89 Never will a tyrant (jabbiir) set out to annihilate it without being afflicted by God with a mortal blow.P? 83Yaqllt, Mu'jam al-buldiin, s.v. al-Kiifa. Muhammad b. al-Fattal, Rau4at alwa'i~fn, 410 inf. 84 AI-I:IasanT, Fa41u l-kiifo; MS fols. 289a-b. AI-MajlisT, Bii}iir, LX, 202. Muhammad b. al-Fattal, Raudat al-wa'i~fn, 408. 85 See above at notes 19-20. 86 AI-I:IasanT,Fa41u l-kiifa, MS fols. 286b, 287a-b, 288a. 87 AI-I:IasanT,Fa41u I-ku/a, MS fo1. 286a. 88AI-I:IasanT,Fa41u l-kiija, fols. 284b.-85a. 89 Ibn Babuyah al-Qummr, Man Iii yai}4uruhu I-/aqfh, I, 150 inf. (the mahdi will pray in the mosque of Kiifa). AI-I:IasanT,Fa41u I-ku/a, fo1. 283a. 90 AI-I:IasanT,Fa41u I-ku/a, fo1. 283b. AI-MajlisI, Bii}iir al-anwiir, LX, 211, no. 18. 34 M.J. Kister Ibrahim is said to have intended to utter an invocation against the people of 'Iraq; but God forbade him to do so because He had placed among the people of 'Iraq the treasures of His knowledge and located mercy in their hearts.P! In a significant tradition attributed to Ja'far al-Sadiq he is said to have defined the values of the three distinguished mosques and counted the rewards for ritual practices performed in them: Mecca, Medina, and Kufa are the harosn of God, of the Prophet and of 'All; one prayer in Mecca has the value of a hundred thousand prayers elsewhere, and one dirham given there as charity (~adaqa) has the value of a hundred thousand dirhams. In Medina one prayer has the value of ten thousand prayers and one dirham has the value of ten thousand dirhams. In Kilfa one prayer has the value of a thousand prayers, but the value of one dirham given as charity is not mentioned.F The sanctity of the haram of Kufa is here explicitly and authoritatively confirmed as a distinguished third sanctuary approved of by God, the Prophet and 'Ali; Jerusalem is not mentioned at all, but is replaced by Kilfa.93 A concise utterance by 'All records clearly the tradition of the three distinguished mosques: the believers shall set out only to the three mosques of Mecca, Medina, and Kufa (... wa-qiila amiru l-rnu'rninis: 'alayhi l-saliimu: Iii tush addu l-rilJ,iilu ut« ilii thaliithati masiijida: almasjidi l-hartimi, wa-masjidi rasuli lliihi ~allii lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallama, wa-masjidi l-kufati). 94 Kilfa is the only place which expressed loyalty to 'Ali's authority and upheld the legitimacy of 'Ail's inheritance, the wiliiya.95 Kufa's loyalty to 'AlI's authority (wiliiya) was the reason why it was put on the cosmic map of virtues of the various distinguished places. This was reported in a Shn tradition recorded on the authority of the Companion Anas b. Malik (usually marked as a hypocrite, muniifiq, who denied the rights of 'All). When 'All came to the Prophet he embraced him and kissed him between his eyes; then the Prophet told him that God proposed the Heavens to accept the wiliiya of 'All. The seventh Heaven preceded them and God therefore adorned this Heaven by establishing His Throne in it. Then the fourth Heaven outstripped the others and God embellished it by locating in it the bayt al-ma'vniir (the Jam' al-jawiimi', I, 218. Ibn Babtlyah, Man Iii ya~q.uruhu I-faqfh, I, 147, no. 679. Muhammad b. al-Fattal, Roudo: al-wii'i~fn, 410. 93 Al-Buraqt, Ta'rikh. al-ku.fa, ed. Muhammad Sadiq A.l Bahr al-'ulilm (Najaf, 1379/ 1960), 32: 'ani I-madii'inf qiila: sami'tu aM 'abdi l/iihi ('alayhi I-saliimu) yaqii./u: makkatu haramu lliihi, wa-I-madfnatu horams: mu~ammadin msuli lliihi wa-I-kufatu ~aramu 'aliyyi bni abqiilibin ('alayhi I-saliimu); inn a 'aliyyan ~arrama mina l-kufati mii harrama ibriihfmu min makkata wa-mii harrama muhammadun min a I-madfna. 94 ibn Babnyah, Man Iii ya~q.uruhu, I, 150,' no. 695. . 95 AI-MajlisI, Bi~iir, LX, 209. 92 91 Al-Suytitr, Sanctity Joint and Divided 35 heavenly Ka'ba). Then the lowest Heaven followed and God rewarded it by adorning it with stars. Then God offered 'AlI's wilaya to the lands of the Earth: Mecca came forth first and God adorned it with the Ka'ba, It was followed by Medina, which God beautified by the presence of the Prophet. Medina was in turn followed by Kiifa and God adorned it by the person of 'All. Finally Qumm arrived and God embellished it by the Arabs and opened the doors of Paradise.P" Kiifa is thus the chosen, perfect place of belief in Heaven and on earth, the perfect location of the true religion which champions the wilaya of 'All. Qumm follows it in this belief; snrr compendia accord it a great many virtues and qualities.P? As mentioned above, the sanctity of the holy places is enhanced by their mutual cooperation. Abu Qubays sheltered the Black Stone during the Flood; when Abraham came to Mecca in order to build the Ka'ba, Abu Qubays announced that it sheltered the Black Stone.P" Ta'if was part of the Holy Land transferred by God to Hijaz; it performed the circumambulation of the Ka 'ba seven times and remained in the region of Hijaz named al- Ta'if, 99 Qumm was originally part of Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis) and was moved to its place during the Flood.lOO Such is the case of the mosque of Kiifa as well: in due time the Black Stone will be moved by God to the mosque of K Ufa.101 This will certainly be the perfection of the sanctity of this holy place. A nice example of intricate sanctity, combined from a variety of elements of veneration for the ancestors and snrr imams is shown by a story concerning the visit, maziir, of the grave of 'All b. AbI Talib. An adherent of the Shra came to the imam Abu 'Abdallah and informed him that he intended to set out to the ghariyy in order to visit the grave of 'All b. AbI Talib, The imam remarked that he was in fact going to visit the bones of Adam, the body (badan) of Nul) and the Bil}iir, LX, 212, no. 21. Bi~liir, LX, 213-218. 98 Abu l-Baqa' Muhammad Baha'u I-DIn b. al-Diya' al-Makkt al-Hanafi al-QurashI al-'UmarI al-'AdawI, Al}wiil makkata wa-I-madzna, MS Br. Mus. Or. 11865, fol. 138a. AI-Kala'I, al-Iktifii' fi maghiizz rasiili lliihi uia-l-thaliithati l-khulajii", ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wahid (Cairo, 1387/1968), I, 59-60. Abu Bakr al-Bakrr b. Muhammad Shata alDimyatr, I'iinatll. l-tiiliMn 'alii I}alli alfii~i I-fatl}i l-mll.bfn (Cairo, 1319 [repr. Beirut]), II, 275 inf. Al-Azraqi, Akhbiir makkata, ed. Rushdt 1-~aliJ:.:tMalhas (Beirut-Makka al-mukarrama, 1399/1979), I, 65. Sulayrnan b. Dawud al-Saqstnt, Zahrat al-riyiiq. uui-nuzha: al-qll.liib al-miriid, MS Hebrew Univ., Coli. Yahudah Ar. 571, 222 inf, [Abu Qubays was a mountain from the mountains of Khurasan; it was moved to Mecca and sheltered the Black Stone]. 99 Al-Mazandaranr, Maniiqib salmiin, p. 17. Nflr al-Dln al-Haythami, Majma' alzawii'id, X, 53-54. Al-Suytiti, al-Durr al-manthur, I, 124 inf. 100 Al-Majlisi, Bil}iir, LX, 213, no. 24. 101 Muhammad b. al-Fattal, Raudat al-wii'i~zn, 337. AI-I:IasanI, Faq.11l.l-kiifa, MS fol. 287b. AI-MajlisI, Bihiir, XXII, 86 inf. 96 AI-MajlisI, 97 Al-Majlisl, 36 M.J. Kister corpse (jism) of 'All b. AbI Talib, The believer asked how it was possible that the bones of Adam are in Ktifa since he descended in Sarandib and people believe that his bones are placed in the mosque of Mecca (baytu llahi I-lJ,aram). The imam replied that God ordered Ni11;t n the i ark to go around the Ka'ba seven times, which he did. Afterwards he went into the water, which reached up to his knees, and pulled out a coffin which contained the bones of Adam. He carried the coffin in the ark and it went round the Ka'ba several times. He continued the journey in the ark until he arrived at the gate of KUfa, in the middle of which was the mosque. God ordered the water to be swallowed by the earth (ibla' 'l mii' aki) and the mosque became dry. The people who accompanied Ni11;t ispersed; Ni11;t ook the coffin and buried it in the d t ghariyy. This was part of the mountain on which God addressed Moses, on which He consecrated Jesus, on which He took Abraham to Himself as Friend (khal'll), and on which He took Muhammad to Himself as His Dear One (lJ,abib); God turned the place into an abode of the prophets. The amir al-mu'min'ln, 'All b. AbI Talib is buried next to his two noble ancestors, Adam and Ni1I;t. "Therefore while visiting alNajaf you are visiting the bones of Adam, the body of Ni1I;t,the corpse of 'All b. AbI Talib; you are visiting the ancestors, Muhammad the Seal of the prophets and 'All the Lord of the Trustees (sayyid al-wa$iYY'ln). The gates of Heaven will be opened for the invocations of the visitor; act thus and be not heedless of that which is good" (fa-la takun 'ani l-khayri nawwaman) .102 The status of Medina in comparison with Mecca was secondary, in the opinion of the orthodox community. According to an utterance recorded on the authority of 'A'isha, God created Mecca and encompassed it by angels a thousand years before He created anything on Earth; then He attached Medina to it and eventually paired Medina with Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis); then a thousand years later He created the Earth with one stroke (khalqan walJ,idan) .103 According to some utterances ascribed to the Prophet Medina will be singled out in the fateful period of the false messiahs, the dajjal. The dajjal will be barred from entering the city, which will be guarded by angels.l'" According to another tradition Mecca and Medina will share this privilege: the dajjal will enter every locality but Mecca and Medina.l?" 102 gharr fi ta'yrn qabri amrri l-mu'minrn 59-60. Al-Majlisl, Bihiir, C, 258. Ghiyath al-Dln 'Abd al-Karjrn b. Tawils, Farho: al'air b. aM talib 'alayhi I-salam (Najaf, 1368), Qiya' 103 Al-Daylamt, Firdaus al-ckhbtir, MS Chester Beatty 3037, fo1. 77a, penult. al-Din al-Maqdisl, Fadti'i! bayti l-maqdis, p. 49, no. 14. 104 105 Abu Ya'la, Musnad, V, 318, no. 2940; 369, no. 3016; 390, no. 3051; 402, no. 3073. Al-'AynI, 'Umdat al-qiiri, X, 244 sup. Ibn Hazm , al-MuiJ,alla, VII, 281. Sanctity Joint and Divided 37 Another version, however, records two other places: the Ka'ba and Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis). 106 A third version extends the number of places from which the dajjal will be barred: Mecca, Medina, Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis), and al- 'filr.107 Tradition pointed out the virtues of Medina: it was the place of the hijra of the Prophet, the center from which he propagated his religion, the place where he died and in which he was buried. The sincere sympathy of the Prophet and his affection for Medina is manifest in his declaration of Medina as a haram; he acted as counterpart to Abraham: just as Abraham proclaimed Mecca as a harem; so did the Prophet with Medina.l'" A peculiar tradition, obviously anti-Shi'tte, contains a denial attributed to 'All, in which he declares that there is no privilege granted him by the Prophet which he is supposed to keep in the sheath of his sword; in the sheath of his sword, 'AlI says, he only keeps the document of tahrim al-madfna.109 It is indeed these virtues and qualities, which gained wide circulation among the Muslim community, that stimulated the rivalry between these two highly revered localities. Against the background of ethnic differences, diverse economic interests, and social and political contests, the disputes as to the relative merits attached to these localities grew more vociferous. In his thorough going study, Materiaua: pour l'etude du conftit de preseance entre la M ekke et M edine,110 A. Arazi provides a detailed and 106' Umdat al-qiiri; X, 244 sup. Comp. Diys;' al-Din al-Maqdisi, Fadti'i! bayti 1maqdis, p. 60, no. 34. 107Al-'AynT, 'Umdat al-qiiri, X, 244 sup. Diya' al-Dtn al-Maqdisi, Faga'il, 62-63, no. 36. And comp. al-Suyutt, Jam' l-jauuimi", I, 744: ... ma'qilu l-muslimlna mina l-rnaliihini dimashq wa-ma'qiluhum mina l-dajjali baytu l-maqdis wa-ma'qiluhum min yajuj wa-majuj ai-tur. 108Al-Suyutr, al-Durr al-manthur, I, 121-122. Nur al-Din al-HaythamT, Majma' alzawii'id, III, 301-302. AI-AynT, 'Umdat al-qiiri, X, 227-231. Al-'AbdarT, al-Madkhal, II, 39. AI-BayhaqT, al-Sunan al-kubrii, V, 196-201. AmIn Mahmild Khattab, Fatliu l-maliki l-moibiid, takmilatu l-manhali l-'adhbi l-mauriid, sharb. sunan abl dawud (Cairo, 1394/1974), II, 239-49. Al-Sinjarl, Mana'il}u l-karam bi-akhbiiri makkata uui-l-luiram, MS Leiden Or. 7018, fol. 7a inf. (but comp. ibid., fol. 7b sup.: thumma qiila (ay rasulu llahi, s.) inna makkata lJarramaha lliihu wa-lam yul}arrimha l-nasu [a-lii yalJillu li-mri'in yu'minu bi-lIiihi wa-I-yaumi l-iikhiri an yasfika biha daman. And see Abu Ya'Ia, al-Ahkiin: al-sultaniyya, ed. Muhammad Hamid al-FiqI (Cairo, 1386/1966), 192. AI-MundhirI, al-Tarqhib uia-l-tarhib, III, 62, no. 1771. 109Mul,lammad b. 'A~im al-Thaqafi al-Isfahant, Juz', ed. Mufid Khalid 'Ayyid, (Riyad , 1409), 125-26, no. 42; and see the editor's references. Ibrahrm b. Tahman, Mashyakha, ed. Muhammad Tahir Malik (Damascus, 1403/1983), 104-107, no. 51: [a-qiila [i.e., 'AlI]: mii 'ahida ilayya rasiili: llahi 'ahdan lam ya'had hu ila I-nasi, ghayra anna fi qiriibi sayfi ~al}fjatan, fa-idha fiha: inna ibrahfma horrama makkata wa-ana uharrimu l-madi:nata, wa-innaha lJaramun mii bayna lJarratayha, and see the editor's abundant references there. 110 JSAI, 5 (1984), 177-235. 38 M.J. Kister richly documented scrutiny of the ideological rivalry between Mecca and Medina. Traditions touching upon the fundamental events of the life of the Prophet often conflict. Such is the case of the hijra, a crucial issue in the life and career of the Prophet. According to a widely circulated report the Prophet was deeply grieved when he was compelled to escape from Mecca, persecuted as he was by his Qurashi enemies. When in the Hazawwara (the former market of Mecca) on his way to Medina, the Prophet is said to have uttered a moving declaration of sympathy for Mecca. He expressed his love for the city and said that had he not been forced to leave he would gladly remain in Mecca.U! This is, of course, a pro-Meccan tradition. A pro-Medinan tradition records the following utterance of the Prophet when on the hijra: "0 God, Thou evicted me from the plot of land most dear to me; therefore put me up in the spot most beloved to Thee." 112 The Prophet's wish was fulfilled and he alighted in Medina; this was indeed the spot dear to God. Medina's favored position is emphasized when the dissemination of the precepts of the nascent Islamic religion is discussed. The Prophet is said to have stated that cities and localities were conquered for Islam by the force of the sword; but Medina was conquered by the force of the Qur'an.113 Muslim lawyers asserted that Mecca was conquered by sword; they considered however that imposing khariij on Mecca was implausible.U! Muslim lawyers who attempted to mitigate the dispute pointed out that the majority of Medinan people who brought about the conversion of various localities to Islam, including Mecca, were former 111 Ibn Hazm, al-Mul].allii, VII, 289. Ibn Taymiyya, '11m al-I].adith, ed. Musa Muhammad 'AlI (Beirut, 1405/1984), 361. Yaqut, Mu'jam al-buldiin, s.v. hazwara, Nur al-Dln al-Haythami, Mawiirid al-~am'iin, 254, no. 1026. Al-Sinjarr, Manii'il]. al-kara, MS fol. 9a. Al-Shaukani, Nayl al-autiir (Cairo, 1372/1953), V, 32a-39. AlZurqant, Sharh. cl-rnauuihib al-laduniyya, VIII, 322. Ibn AbI Hatim, 'llal al-I].adlth (Cairo, 1343), I, 282, no. 836. 112 Al-Albanl, Silsilat al-al].iidithi 1-q.a'lfa wa-I-mauq.u'a (al-Riyad, 1408/1987), III, 639-40, no. 1445. Albanf marks the tradition as maw;lu', a forged one. Ibn Taymiyya, Majmu'at al-rasii'il al-kubrii, II, 356. Ibn Taymiyya marks the tradition as biitil; see ibid., for his arguments. Al-Shaukani, Nayl al-autiir, V, 34; and see the discussion of the subject in ibid. Al-Qayrawanr, Kitiib al-jiimi', 139. 113 Al-'Abdarf, al-Madkhal, II, 35 inf. Abu l-Hasan 'All b.'Umar b. Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Sukkarr, Juz", MS al-Zahiriyya, majmu'a 18, fol. 248b. 'Abdallah b. Abf Zayd al-Qayrawani, Kitiibu I-jiimi' fi I-sunan wa-l-iidiib wa-l-maghiizl wa-I-ta'r'ikh, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Ajfan and 'Uthrnan Bitttkh (Beirut-Tunis, 1402/1982), 138: wa-uftutil].at al-qurii bi-l-sayf I].attii makkatu, wa-uftutil].at al-mad'inatu bi-l-qur'iini; and see ibid. note 3. Ibn al-Jauzr, al-Maw;lii'iit, II, 216-17. Ahmad b. Hanbal marks the tradition as munkar. Ibn Hazm, al-Mul].allii, VII, 286. Ibn Hajar, al-Matiilibu l-'iiliya, I, 369, no. 1246. 114 Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Al].kiim ahli l-dhimma, I, 126 ult.-127. Sanctity Joint and Divided 39 Meccans.U" Medina was considered more honorable and dignified than Mecca, which was flooded by streams of pilgrims from all areas of the Muslim empire. This can be seen from a story about 'Umar, who was informed of a man who had the intention of giving the oath of allegiance after the death of 'Umar to a certain person. 'Umar had the idea of standing up in Mecca and warning the believers against people who were about to rob the umma of their rights (viz. by deciding about 'Umar's successor). He was however dissuaded from delivering his warning in Mecca because of the mob that used to attend his council, and he made up his mind to convey his admonition in Medina, the abode of the hijra and of the sunna.1l6 A place to which special honor was accorded was the grave of the Prophet in Medina. Several traditions emphasized the qualities of this revered spot, linking the veneration of the grave with that of the Prophet himself. The place in which he was buried was chosen by the Prophet himself. Scholars argued that God does not cause a prophet to die except in a place he likesY 7 This assumption was corroborated by a tradition saying that prophets should be buried in the place where they die; but both traditions are countered by others according to which it is undesirable to bury people in their abode, as a grave turns the house into a cemetery in which prayer is disagreeable. Needless to say, the burial of the Prophet in this place is considered a special distinction.U" The grave itself was closely connected with the Prophet from the beginning of his existence. The Prophet is said to have been created from the dust of the grave in which he was buried. God sent Jibrrl to bring him a handful of white clay out of the heart of the earth and its light in order to create Muhammad, Jibril set out with seventy thousand angels and took a handful of earth from the place of the Prophet's grave, which was then white and pure. It was kneaded with the nectar of paradise (mii'u l-tasnfm), with the wine of Paradise (al-raMq) and with water from the well of Paradise (salsabrl). Then it was plunged into the water of the rivers of Paradise and was carried towards the earth and the sea; the angels learned to know the quality of Muhammad before they knew the virtues of AdamY9 A well known utterance states that the Prophet was buried in the clay from which he was created (dufina bi-l-iinati uau khuliqa minha)j the tradition is provided with several utterances which Al-Shaukant, Nayl al-autar, V, 34. Al-Fasawt, al-Ma'rifa wa-I-ta'rlkh, I, 351. 117 Al-Munawt, FayrJu l-qadir, V, 459, no. 7956. Al-'AbdarI, al-Madkhal, II, 39 inf. Abu Ya'la, Musnad, I, 45, no. 45. 118 Al-Munawi, FayrJu l-qtulir, V, 459, no. 7956; and see the comments of al-Munawr, 119 Al-Saqslni, Zahrot al-riyarJ, MS Hebrew Univ., Coli. Yahudah 571, 8, 11 sup., ll. 1-3. Al-IAbdarr, al-Madkhal, II, 32. 'All b. Burhan al-Dtn, al-Sira al-lJalabiyya, I, 163. 115 116 40 M,]. Kister extol the idea that the dust of the grave should be the dust from which the person is born.12o According to a tradition there is a special angel called malak al-crluim, who is entrusted with the burial of the dead in their proper graves.P! It is not surprising to find a parallel tradition according to which the clay of which the Prophet was created was Meccan, but it was blended with clay from Medina.P'' The extreme veneration of the tomb of the Prophet is shown by the opinion of a group of zealots who claimed that a visit to the grave of the Prophet is more meritorious than a pilgrimage to Mecca and a visit to the Ka'ba.123 The pilgrimage to Mecca was linked with a visit to the grave of the Prophet; the Prophet is reported to have said that he who performs the f},ajj without visiting his grave treats him harshly indeed.124 The grave of the Prophet was considered to surpass in its virtue the sanctity of the Ka'ba: wa-in'aqada l-ijmii'u 'alii annahumii ajdol min sii'iri l-buldiin; wa-idhii nazarta ilii l-tafrl,fli baynahumii qiima li-kullin minhumii an$iirun wa-a'wiin wa-dalfl wa-burhiin f},iishii I-buq'ata l-mu'a~~ama l-mukarrama l-zakiyya l-ziihira l-iiihira l-sharfJa l-munfJa 1-'iiliya l-ghiiliya l-tayyiba l-mutayyaba l-muqaddasa l-mu'nasa llati dammat jasadahu l-ni zam wa-khuliqa minhii badanuhu l-akram $allii lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallam, Ja-innahii afrl,alu l-biqii'i min ghay,ri khiliifin wa-lii nizii'in; bal hiya afrl,alu mina l-ka'bati wa-mutaqaddimatun 'alayhii jf l-rutba. bal naqala ibn al-' aqfl al-f},anbalf annahii aNal mina 1-'arshi l-' azim .... 125 120 Al-Qurtubi, al-Tadhkira fi alJ.wali l-mauta wa-umilri l-iikhira, ed. Ahmad Muhammad MursI (Cairo, n.d.), I, 83. Al-Qurtubt, Tofstr, VI, 388 sup. Al-Munawt, Fayq.u l-qcdir, III, 533, no. 4230. 121 Al-Saqsinr, Zahrat al-riyaq., MS. 11 sup. Al-Qurtubi, al-Tadhkira, 84-88. 122 Al-SamhiidI, WaJa' al-waJa, I, 73-74. Ibn Zuhayra al-QurashI al-MakhziimI, al-Jami' al-latiJ fi Jaq.li makkata wa-ahliha wa-bina'i l-bayti l-shanJ (Cairo, 1357/ 1938), 18-19. Muhibb al-Din al-Tabarr, al-Qira li-qa~idi ummi l-qurii, ed. Mustafa l-Saqqa (Cairo, 1390/1970), 337: uia-qtiia bnu 'abbiisin: a~lu tfnati l-nabiyyi ~alla usn« 'alayhi wa-sallama min surrati l-arq.i bi-makkata; uia-qiila ba'q.u I-'ulama'i: fihi idhanun bi-annaha llati ajaba min a I-arq.i. wa-min mauq.i'i l-ka'bati d'l.llJ.iyat al-ardu, [a-siira rasillu llahi [~l iuuua l-asla fi l-takwfni, wa-l-ka'inat'l.l taba''I.In lahu. uia-qila: li-dhalika s'l.lmmiya "ummiyyan" Ii-anna makkata 'I.Immu l-q'l.lrawa-tfnat'l.lh'l.l 'I.Imm'l.l 123 I-khaliqati. Ibn Taymiyya, Iqtiq.a''I.Il-~irat, 382. 124 Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kamil fi q.'I.I'aJa'il-rijal (Beirut, 1405/1985), VII, 2480. Ibn Hajar al-IAsqalanr, Lisiins: l-mfzan, VI, 167, no. 585. Ibn al-JauzI, al-Ma'l.lq.il'at, II, 217. 125 Al-Suyutt, Saji'atu l-haram. fi Jaq.li makkata wa-l-madfnati wa-I-lJ.aram, MS Leiden Or. 1526, 227. Comp. al-Zurqant, SharlJ. al-mawahib, VIII, 324-25. Sanctity Joint and Divided 41 Orthodox circles censored in vain the invocations and supplications at the grave of the Prophet.P" But popular belief was persistent in holding that Medina surpasses Mecca in its merits: ol-madino. afr!.alu min makka.127 There was however a special feeling of awe towards Mecca. Some pious people were afraid to commit a sin in Mecca because one perpetrated there was punished by God more severely than elsewhere.P" It was thus wise to settle outside Mecca and to set out towards it in order to perform the prescribed ritual practices.P? The deteriorating political and economic situation in Medina in the period of the Umayyad caliphate is reflected in a prediction of the Prophet in which he foretold that people of Medina would be summoned by their relatives to leave the city and would set out to territories where they would find an easy life (the prediction refers obviously to the conquered territories), but it was better for them to remain in Medina.l '? A significant discussion arose in connection with the interpretation of the luuliih. known as al-imiinu yamiinin. The tradition says that the Prophet pointed with his finger towards Yemen uttering this luulith. Transmitters of the /fadzth were however not unanimous about the place in which the Prophet uttered it. Some of them said that it was uttered Ibn Taymiyya, Iqtiq,a'u I-~irat, 365. Al-Munawt, Fayq,u l-qadir, VI, 264, no. 9185. AI-DaylamI, Firdaus ol-akhbiir, MS Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 173a. Al-Zurqant, Sharh. al-mawahib, VIII, 323. Al'Aynr, 'Umdat al-qiiri; X, 235 inf. Al-Dhahabt, Mizan al-i'tidal, III, 623. Al-Sinjari, Mana'ilJ al-karam, MS fo1.9a-9b. Al-Albant, Silsilat al-alJadithi I-q,a'ffa ... , III, 638, no. 1444: the tradition is marked by Albant as biitil. 128 Al-'AqulI, 'Arf al-tfb, MS Leiden, Or. 493, fo1. 75b. Al-Sinjarf, Mana'ilJ alkaram, MS fo1.8b: wa-ruwiya 'an aM 'amr wa-I-zajjaj min a I-~iifiyya annahu aqiima bi-makkata arba'ina sanatan lam yabul wa-Iam yataghawwat /f l-harom; uia-qiila: inn a mina l-illJadi /f l-horam. an taqiila "kallii wa-llahi" wa- "balii uia-lliihi," And see ibid.: uia-uuqiilu inn a I-dhuniiba tataq,a'afu /fhi kama tataq,a'afu I-lJasanatu wa-inna I-insana yu'akhadhu bi-hammihi /f l-sayyi'iiti bi-makkata wa-Iau kana na'iyan 'anha. And see ibid.: wa-'an 'umara raq,iya lliihs: 'anhu: la-'an uktiti:« sab'fna khatf'atan bi-rukbata alJabbu ilayya min an ukhWa khat!' atan walJidatan bi-makkata. See this tradition recorded by Yaqnt in Mu'jam al-buldan, s,u. rukba. Al-Bayhaqt, Shu'ab al-fman, VII, 570, no. 3729: akhbarana abii 'abd al-ralJman al-sulamf /f dhikri abf 'amrin mulJammadi bni ibrahfma I-zajjaji qata yaqiilu: innahu lam yabul wa-Iam yataghawwat /f l-hnram arba'fna sonatan; kana yakhruju kulla yaumin bi-'umrata khiirija l-haromi fa-yabiilu wa-yataghawwatu, thumma yarji'u, [a-lii yabiilu wa-Ia yataghawwatu illa 'inda dhiilika I-waqti /f I-yaumi I-thanf; see references. 129 Al-Sinjart, Mana'ilJ al-karam, MS fol. l l b: qala I-qaq,f/f "jami'ihi" ba'da l-kaliimi 'ala l-mujawarati, uia-hiidhii l-kaliimu /f I-mujawarati faqat min ghayri sukna, waammii I-sukna wa-l-inqita'u fa-huwa bi-I-madfnati aJq,alu. See the favorable opinion of al-Zamakhshart about dwelling (sukna) in Mecca, ibid., fols. l Ob-Ll a and fo1.12b sup. 1.30 Ibn Tahman, MashyaklJa, 84, no. 32. See references. 'All b. Burhan al-Dtn, alStra al-lJalabiyya, II, 62 inf. Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa uia-l-ta'rtkh, I, 349. Al-Qurtubi, al- Tadhkira, 603. AI-ZabIdI, ItlJafu l-siidoti l-muttaqin bi-sharlii asrtiri ilJya'i 'uliimi I-din, I, 206-207. Al-Mundhirt, al-Targhfb uia-l-tarhib, III, 57, no. 1755; and see no. 1756. Ibn Hazm, al-Muhnllii, VII, 281. 126 127 42 M.J. Kister in Tabuk, according to others when he was staying in Medina. One interpretation has it that the Prophet referred to Mecca and Medina, two cities between Tabuk and the Yemen; according to others the Prophet meant the Ansar: they were of Yerneni origin, they sheltered him in Medina, and helped to spread the religion of Islam. Some scholars argued that the Prophet referred to Mecca: the religion of Islam originated in Mecca and Mecca belongs to the region of Tihama, which is part of the Yemen. Yet a different interpretation says that the people to whom the Prophet referred were in fact those of the Yemen, and he referred to their true belief in Islam.l+' The expansion of Islam and the rise of the Muslim empire encouraged the establishment of local sanctuaries, places of ziyarat, venerated graves and places of ritual practices. The virtue of the conquest of a locality and the fact that one of the Companions of the Prophet sojourned in this place is exposed in the following I}adzth: mii min aluulu: min a~l}abz yamiitu bi-crdir; ilia bu'itha qa'idan - (ya'nz li-ahlihii) uui-niiran yauma l_qiyama.132 A similar idea is inherent in an utterance recorded in FasawI's alMa'rifa wa-l-ta'rzkh,'referring to a pious scholar of tradition: '" sami'tu aM ma'sharin liadhZyarwz'an ibriihima l-nakha'iyyi qiila: mii min qaryatin ilia wa-fZhii man yudfa'u 'an ahlihii bihi, [a-inni la-arjii an yakiina abii wa'ilin minhum.133 As already mentioned, the number of graves of prophets in a city or a locality was a source of pride and served as a measure of its merits. Lists were made of the tombs in every city and province. According to a tradition of Ka'b (al-Ahbar) there are ten tombs of prophets in Tarsus, five in Masisa, a thousand in the fortified cities (thughiir) and sea-coasts of Syria; in Antiochia there is one tomb, of Habib the carpenter; in Hims there are thirty tombs of prophets, in Damascus five hundred; in Filastin there is a similar number. In Jerusalem there are a thousand tombs, in al- 'Arish there are ten, and in Damascus there is also the tomb of Moses.P" Muslim tradition naturally transmitted utterances containing praises of these places; the collections relating to the virtues of these localities were sometimes put together in special treatises of faq,a'il. The Prophet is said to have predicted the military expedition against Khurasan, and enjoined the believers to participate and to settle in 131 Ibn Mandah, al-Imiin, ed. 'All b. Muhammad b. Nasir al-Faqthr (Beirut, 1406/ 1985), I, 523-32, and see editor's comments. Al-'AynI,' Umdat al-qiirf, XV, 192, XVI, 72. Al-Saghant, Mabiiriq al-azhiir, II, 95 sup. Al-Bayhaqt, Ma'rifatu l-sunan wa-l-iithiir, ed. Ahmad Saqr (Cairo, 1390/1970), I, 67 sup., 73 inf., 137 sup. 132 Al-Jarrahi, Kashf al-khafii', II, 193, no. 2243. Al-Munawt, Fay~ al-qadir, V, 470, no. 7994. 133 Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa uia-t-ta'rikh; II, 112; and see references. 134 Al-Mausill, Kitiib al-wasua, V /1, 190. Sanctity Joint and Divided 43 Marw. Marw was built by Dhu l-Qarnayn, who asked God to bless the city. The people of Marw will never be afflicted by any calamityJ35 Among the cities of Persia a high position was accorded to Qazwin, The Prophet predicted that at the "end of the days" there would be people "whose true belief would be blended with their blood and flesh"; they would fight the unbelievers in a city called Qazwin. Paradise would desire them and yearn for them like a she-camel who yearns for her foa1.136 In another tradition the Prophet says that the courageous people dwelling in Qazwin, who read the Qur 'an and fight with their swords, will appear on the Day of Resurrection with their jugular veins dripping with blood. They love God and God loves them. The eight gates of Paradise will be opened for them and they will be allowed to enter by any gate they wish.137 Another tradition says that God watches the people of Qazwln twice every day as they let the sinners go unpunished and accept the good deeds of the beneficent.l " A peculiar tradition says that a man who dwells in Qazwin is superior to one who dwells in one of the two harems, Mecca or Medina.P? In some of the traditions Qazwin is coupled with 'Asqalan: both are marked as the two cities of paradise.v'" Other traditions place Qazwln in another list of paradise cities: Alexandria, 'Asqalan, 'Abbadan and Qazwln.141 A tradition attributed to the Prophet emphasizes the high rank of Alexandria: a person sojourning in Alexandria for three days without harboring hypocritical thoughts will have the same status as a believer from among the Rum and the 'Arabs who worships God for sixty thousand years.142 135 Al-Munawi, Fayq, al-qadir, IV, 130, no. 4774. AI-MuttaqT l-Hindr, Kanz al'ummal, XIII, 2.57, nos. 1418-19. Al-Dhahabi, Mi:zan al-i'tidal, II, 239, no. 3586. Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kiimil, I, 401 inf.-402 sup. But see Abu Ya'Ia, Musnad, I, 39, no. 33: the dajjal will set out from Khurasan; and see ibid. references. Ibn 'Araq, Tanzitu: /·sharl'a l-marfil':«, II, 47, no. 6; and see ibid. the virtues of other cities of Khurasan. Ibn Hajar al-f.Asqalanr, Lisiiri al-mi:zan, III, 120, no. 415. 136 Abu l-Qasim al-Rafi'r, al-Tadwi:n fi dhikri ahli l-'ilmi bi-qazuiin, MS Laleli 2010, 1'01.3a. Al-Munawl, Fayq, ol-qadir, IV, 30, no. 4444. AI-MuttaqT l-Hindi, Kanz al'llmmal, XIII, 253, no. 1399. 137 AI-Rafi'I, al- Taduiin; MS fol. 3a. AI-MuttaqT I-HindI, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 256, 110. 1412. 138 AI-Rafi'T, al-Tadwln, MS fol. 3b. AI-MuttaqT l-Hindt, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 256, 110. 1416. 139 AI-MuttaqI I-HindI, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 257, no. 1417. 140 AI-Rafi'T, al-Tadwln, MS fol. 7a. 141 AI-MuttaqT I-HindI, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 257, no. 1420. But comp. a different list of the minbars of Paradise: Anon., Masa'il 'abdi I-salam li-nabiyyina, MS Hebrew Univ., ColI. S.M. Stern, 34.: Qayrawan, Bab at-abwab, 'Abbadan and Khurasan. 142 Ibn Hajar al-t.Asqalan'I, Lisiin al-mlzan, VI, 219 inf., no. 768. 44 M.J. Kister When the Prophet stated that there were two gates open to Paradise: 'Abbadan and Qazwin, he was asked whether 'Abbadan was not a newly built place; he answered in the affirmative, but added that it was the first place which believed in Jesus the son of Maryam.l+' The lengthy chapter of fa#'il qazwfn in al-Muttaqi al-Hindr's Kanz al-'ummiil144 bears evidence to the wide currency given to traditions concerning the virtues of Qazwin. These traditions give us the opportunity to follow the process of sanctification of a newly conquered locality, and shows how new sanctuary was coupled with well established sanctuaries held in high esteem, often situated in far regions. A frequent tendency in the farJii'illiterature is to restrict or withdraw part of the sanctity of a locality, by attributing similar virtues to smaller places adjacent to a main locality or on the way to it. Judda, a well-known place in the vicinity of Mecca, is recorded as a distinguished locality sharing virtues with Mecca. The Prophet is said to have stated: makkatu ribiitun wa-juddatu jihiidun.145 When a man in a council in Mecca prided himself on being a member of one of the most distinguished councils in the city, 'Abbad b. Kathlr146 said that he was far removed from the virtues of Judda: a prayer in Judda has the value of seventeen million prayers elsewhere, a dirham spent in charity in Judda is worth a hundred thousand dirhams, and good deeds done there are rewarded in the same measure. God will forgive the sins of a man who merely looks at Judda from a distance.l+? The tradition about the four cities of Paradise, Alexandria, Qazwin, 'Abbadan, and 'Asqalan, was duly modified by an additional significant phrase: "and the superiority of Judda to all these cities is like the superiority of the House of God in relation to other houses (wa- farJlu judda 'alii hii' -us: i ka-farJli bayti lliihi l-hariimi 'alii sii'iri l-buyiit.) 148 Some scholars claimed to have read in "books" (i.e., collections of apocalyptic predictions attributed to the Prophet or to pious persons of the first generation of Islam; sometimes these predictions can be traced AI-Rafi'T, al- Taduiin; MS fol. 3a. XIII, 252-57, nos. 1394-1417. 145 Al-Faklhr, Tti'rikh: MS fol. 413b. inf. Ibn Zuhayra, al-Jiimi' al-lati], 81, from al-Fakihl. AI-FasT, Shi!a'u l-qhariim, I, 87, from al-Fakiht. Ibn Fahd, Risiila fZ !af!li judda, ed. 'Abd al-Hasan Mud'ij, in Majallat ma'had al-makhtii.tat al-'arabiyya (al-Kuwayt, 1987), XXXI, 199. 'Abd al-Qadir b. Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Juddr al-Hijazr, al-SilalJ wa-l-'udda fZ ta'rikhi judda, ed. Mustafa l-Hadrt (Damascus-alMadlna al-munawwara, 1408/1988), 78. 146 See Ibn Hajar al- 'Asqalani, Tahdhi:b al-tahdhi:b, V, 100-102, no. 169. 147 Al-Fakihr, Ta'rikh; MS fol. 413b inf. AI-FasT, Shi!a'u l-qhariim; I, 87, from alFakihi. Ibn Zuhayra, al-Jiimi' ol-laii], 81, from al-Fakiht. 'Abd al-Qadir b. Ahmad al-Juddi, al-Siliib. wa-l-'udda, 78-79. 148 AI-MuttaqT l-Hindr, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII,257, no. 1420. 'Abd al-Qadir b. Ahmad al-Juddt, al-Siliil; wa-l-'udda, p. 78. 143 144 Sanctity Joint and Divided 45 back to Jewish or Christian scriptures) that there would be a bloody encounter (mal~ama, between believers and unbelievers) in J udda and the believers killed in Judda would be the best among the martyrs.l+? Some traditions claimed that Hawwa, the biblical Eve, died in Judda and that her grave is there toO.150 The position of the mosque of Quba' was similar to that of the Prophet. There were discussions among scholars whether the verse in t.he Qur'an: al-masjidu lladM ussisa 'alii l-taqwii {siirat al-tauba 108) referred to the mosque of the Prophet or to that of Quba';151 the Prophet was asked about it, according to one tradition, and said that the verse referred to the great mosque of the Prophet in Medina.P? According t.o another tradition the verse of the Quran fihi rijiilun yu~ibbuna an yatatahharu wa-lliihu yu~ibbu l-muitohharina (surat al-tauba 108) refers to the people of Quba' .153 The mosque of Quba' maintained a very high position; traditions traced back to the Prophet say that anyone who prays in the mosque of Quba' and performs the prescribed ritual practices, will be rewarded as if he performed an 'umra.154 One of the Companions of the Prophet stated frankly that he preferred a prayer in the mosque of Quba' to one ill Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis ).155 The Companion Sa'd b. AbI Waqqas is even more outspoken: a prayer of two rak'as in the mosque of Quba' is more to his liking (a~abbu ilayya) than setting out twice towards .lerusalem. The merits of worship in Quba', according to him, are numerous and significant.P" Needless to say, there is a series of other mosques in Medina which are also recorded as virtuous sanctuaries in which the Prophet used to pray and which deserve to be frequented in order to perform prayers and 149 Al-Fakihi, Ta'rikh, MS fol. 414a. Ibn Fahd, Risiila, p. 200, from al-Fakihl. Ibn 0uhayra, al-Jtimi' al-latif, p. 81, from al-Fakihr, AI-FasT, Shifa'u. l-qhcriim, I, 87, from al-FakihT. Ir,olbn Fahd, Risiila, p. 203. 'Abd al-Qadir b. Ahmad, al-SilalJ, wa-l-'u.dda, p. 102. Ifi1See e.g., al-Mausilt, al- Wasfla, V /1, 182. Al-Samhudi, Wafa'u. l-wafa, pp. 250, ~ 14-15, 797-800. Al-'AyyashT, Tafsir, ed. Hashim al-Rasulr I-MaJ:tallatT, (Qumm, 1:171), II, 111, no. 135: sa'altu.hu. 'alayhi l-salamu. 'ani l-masjidi lladlii u.ssis a 'ala l-Laquiti min awwali yau.min [a-qiil«: masjidu. quba' .... Al-Warthflant, Nu.zhatu. 1I1n~arfZ faq,li l-ta'rfkhi wa-l-akhbiir (Beirut, 1394/1974), p. 468. 152 Ibn Abr Shayba, ai-Musannaf, II, 372-73. 153 AI-MuttaqT l-Hindi, Kanz al-'u.mmal, XIII, 228, no. 1271. 'Urnar b. Shabba, 'l'a'rikh. al-madfna al-mu.nawwara, ed. Fahfrn Muhammad Shaltfit (n.p.), I, 48-50. 154Ibn AbT Shayba, al-Musanna], II, 373. AI-Muttaqi l-Hindt, Kanz al-'u.mmal, XIII, 227-29, nos. 1269-70, 1274-83. Al-Samhiidf, Wafa'u. l-uiaf«, pp. 800-806. Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanT, Lisiinu l-mfzan, VI, 324 ult., no. 1157. Al-Warthtlant, Nuzhat al-an~ar, p.468. \ 55 Ibn AbT Shayba, ol-Musanno], II, 373, ult. 156 'Urnar b. Shabba, Ta'rikh, I, 42: Sa'd b. abf uiaqqiis: la-an u.~allffZmasjidi qu.bii'a mk'atayni aliabtn: ilayya min an atiya bayta l-maqdisi marratayni. lau. ya'lamiina ma fZ qu.bii'a la-darabii ilayhi akbiida l-ibil. Al- Warthtlant, Nu.zhat al-an~ar, p. 468. 46 M.J. Kister ritual practices. 157 A similar development by which small sanctuaries around, or on the way to the main sanctuary are given great importance can be observed in Palestine. A place which gained a high position in this way was 'Asqalan. The Prophet named 'Asqalan one of the two brides of Paradise'P" and predicted that seventy thousand martyrs would stand up from the cemetery of 'Asqalan on the Day of Hesurrection.P? The Prophet is said to have promised that these martyrs will be led to Paradise like a bride to her husband.l''" The Prophet says further that there are two tomb-sites that will shine for the people of Heaven as the light of the sun shines for the people on earth: the graves of Baqi' al-Gharqad and those of ,Asqalan.l''! The Prophet urged the believers to stay in 'Asqalan, promising its people security and calm in a time of troubles and contests.P? 'Iradition says that in 'Asqalan there are still graves of the pious and of the successors to the Companions of the Prophet (al-tiibi'un) which remain unknown. 'Asqalan contains the well which Abraham dug with his own hand. There are also utterances of the Prophet as to the merits of 'Asqalan as a ribiit.163 According to a tradition a believer who spends a day and a night in 'Asqalan as a muriibit will die as a martyr (shahZd) even if his death occurs sixty years later and even if he dies in a land of unbelievers. 164 Tabariyya was a distinguished city too. In the vicinity of the Lake of Tabariyya was the grave of Sulayman b. Dawud.165 To the east of the lake are the graves of Luqman and his son.166 In Tabariyya are buried the Companion Abu 'Ubayda b. al-Jarrah and his wife.167 A grave of another Companion, Abu Hurayra, is on the slope of the mountain of Tabariyya.U" Tabariyya has a well which was visited by b. Shabba, Ta'rtkh; I, 57-79. to another tradition the two brides are 'Asqalan and Ghazza. See al-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 250, no. 1384. 159 Ibn 'Adi, al-Kiimil, I, 294 sup. Muhammad b. Hibban al-Bustr, Kitiib almajriilJ,7:n,ed. Mahmud Ibrahim Zayid (Beirut, n.d.), I, 270, III, 58. 160 Abu Ya'Ia, Musnad, I, 160, no. 175. Al-Dhahabt, M7:zan al-i'tidal, I, 330 ult., no. 1245. AI-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal, XVII, 134, no. 426. 161 Al-Mausili, al- Was7:1a,V /1, 193. 162 AI-Muttaqi l-Hindi, Kanz al-"tmmal, XIII, 250, no. 1385, XVII, 133-34, nos. 423-25. 163 See al-Harawi, al-Lshiiriit: ilii ma'ri/ati l-ziyariit, ed. J. Sourdel-Thoumine (Damascus, 1953), p. 32. 164 AI-Muttaqi l-Hindr, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 251, no. 1387. 165 Al-Harawt, al-Lsluiriit, p. 19. The author rejects however this tradition. 166 Ibid., p. 19. The author mentions however that another tomb of Luqman is said to exist in Yemen in a mountain named La'at 'Adan. 167 Ibid., p. 19. The author records other tombs ascribed to Abu 'Ubayda b. al-Jarrah in the area of al-Urdunn or in Baysan. 168 Ibid., p. 19. Other traditions say that his tomb is in Baqi' or in 'Aqlq, or in 158 According 157 'Umar Sanctity Joint and Divided 47 elsa b. Maryam; he is said to have performed a miracle there.169 Outside Tabariyya is the grave of 'Abdallah b. al-'Abbas b.'AlI b. Abt Talib and the mashhad of Sukayna bint al-Husayn.U" The Lake of Tabariyya will playa significant role when the false Messiah (the Dajjiil) will appear; the Dajjiil is said to have inquired about this Lake when he happened to meet some believers.l"! The rod of Moses, the one given him by Jibril when Moses set out for Madyan, and the ark of Adam are at the bottom of the Lake and will be pulled out by the Qii'im when he will be raised.l"? A city distinguished by the most favorable utterances of the Prophet was 'Akka (Acre). Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalanf records the following utterance of the Prophet concerning 'Akka: "There is a city between two mountains named 'Akka. If anyone enters it out of desire for it (raghbatan jfhii), God will forgive him his former and future sins. Anyone who turns away from 'Akka with aversion will not get God's blessing for going away from it. There is a well in 'Akka, named 'Ayn al-baqar; God will fill with light the inside space of anyone who drinks from it. Anyone who pours the water of this well upon himself will remain pure until the Day of Resurrection." 173 A lengthy J;,adfth transmitted by 'A'isha exposes a lucid pattern of the growth of the fa~ii'illiterature. A deputation of the people of Syria came to Yathrib.U" One of them visited 'A'isha; she asked where they were from, and he told her that they were from Syria, from Urdunn, from the region of 'Akka, from the city itself. 'A'isha then lifted the screen which separated her from the people in the room and fell down prostrating herself to God. She lifted her head and said: "I have seen a man from the people of Paradise. Have you drunk from the well of 'Ayn al-Baqar in 'Akka?" When he answered "yes" she asked whether he had noticed the smell of camphor of the water. He said "yes" again and 'A'isha exclaimed "Blessed art thou, blessed art thou" (tubiika, thumma tubiika) and quoted an utterance of the Prophet according to which the ~lu1"fsof Paradise sprinkle camphor from Paradise in the well of 'Ayn al-Baqar. She said that if the man from 'Akka had not been a stranger Yubna, 169Ibid., p. 19. 170Ibid., p. 19. 171 Mughultay, al-Zahr al-basim fi strai aM l-qasim, MS Leiden Or. 370, fol. 158b inf.-159a sup. 172 Al-Mazandarani, Manaqib salman, p. 17. But see al-BustI, al-Majrul}fn, II, 34: the Torah, Moses' rod, and the remainder of the broken Tablets are in Antakia. 173 Ibn Hajar al-IAsqalanr, al-Khi$al al-mukaffira li-I-dhunub, ed. Muhammad Riyad al-Malik (Damascus, 1383/1963), p. 33. 174 Ibn Tahman, Mashyakha, p. 95, no. 43. The Prophet forbade to call the city "Yathrib"; it had to be called "al-Madiria." The Umayyads, however, continued to call the locality "Yathrib" or "al-Muntina." 48 M.J. Kister with whom she was not allowed to be in contact (innaka rajulun lasta minnf bi-malJ,ramin) she would ask him to spit in her mouth, thus hoping to attain Paradise. She quoted the utterance of the Prophet according to which drinking and washing at the well of 'Ayn Baqar, and drinking from 'Ayn al-Fulus in Baysan, or from the well of Silwan in Jerusalem, or from Zamzam in Mecca, will keep a man's body from the fire of Hell. Then she turned to the man from 'Akka and continued to quote the utterances of the Prophet about 'Akka.175 The Prophet said that walking in the streets of 'Akka carries with it more merit than prayer in some mosques. The Prophet touched upon the rewards of those who would be stationed in 'Akka as a military force ready to meet the enemy (al-muriibitiin): he who stayed in 'Akka as a muriibit. for one night would be considered as one who would fight with his spear for the cause of God; he who stayed for two nights would be considered as one who fought with his sword for the cause of God; he who stayed for three nights would be considered as one who came floundering in his blood; he who stayed for forty days would be given seventy Badri warriors and would not forfeit his pay (ajr) neither in this world or in the next one (/f l-dunyii wa-liikhira). 'A'isha attests having heard the Prophet announce that one prayer in the mosque of 'Akka on Friday has the value of eight thousand two hundred prayers elsewhere. In another utterance the Prophet states that Jibril stretches his wing above 'Akka; God guards it with His eye and the city is kept from every damage and harm.176 'Akka is coupled with another city as regards merits of performing ritual practices. The Prophet is said to have stated that two bendings (rak'atiini) in Qaysariyya and 'Akka are more to God's liking than a thousand bendings (rak'a) in Jerusalem.l"? The tradition, obviously a forged one, is a convincing case of the rise and growth of small local religious centers and their rivalry with the established great localities. A tradition in which the virtues of these small centers are emphasized says that the Prophet was asked whether there was a city in Paradise reminiscent of a city in this world. The Prophet stated that there were 175 Al-Mausilt, Wasila V /1, 192, records an additional utterance: "Blessed is he from among my people who saw 'Akka and blessed is he who saw the man who saw 'Akka"; he said it seven times. 176 AI-NazwI, al-Musomnaf, XI, 14-15; and see a fragment of the tradition ib. p. 52. And see al-Mausilr, al-Wastla V/l, 192-193. I am indebted to the late Dr. Suliman Bashear who made available to me a copy of the MS Princeton, Yahudah 4183 (Fa~l If farJ.a'il 'akka) in which this tradition is recorded and which contains many details about the virtues of Acre. He made as well available to me a refutation of the virtues of Acre written by Muhammad b. Muhammad al-Maghribi al-AzharI and entitled: al-Raqfm bi-tal].dMri a'/am a/-bashar min al].adtthi 'akkii. wa-'aynihii. a/-musammii.t bi-'ayni l-baqar (Princeton, MS Yahudah 5923). 177 Al-Mausilt, al- Wasila, V /1, 193. Sanctity Joint and Divided 49 four such cities in Paradise: 'Akka, 'Asqalan, Judda and 'Abbadan. Further the Prophet stressed the special virtues of 'Abbadan: a takMra in 'Abbadan is more meritorious than a thousand bendings (rak'a) in another mosque; he who visits 'Abbadan and who anticipates by this the reward of God (mu1J,tasiban), God will forgive him his sins and will reward him with an 'umra; he who prays two bendings in 'Abbadan will get the reward as if he prayed forty bendings (rak' a) elsewhere and as if he had attended the battle of Badr with the Prophet.l " The case of 'Abbadan serves as an example of the rise of a holy place frequented by ascetics and sufis; a web of miraculous stories and abundant utterances of the Prophet about the virtues of the place enhanced the position of the locality. The sanctity of the isle of 'Abbadan was divulged by Jibrtl himself; he revealed to the Prophet on the night of the mi'raj the unknown details about the creation of the place. The Prophet saw a light on the earth ascending to the sky and asked Jibrtl about it. Jibrtl explained that 'Abbadan was created from four places: from 'fur Stna, from bayt al-maqdis, from the masjid al-hariitri and from the mosque of Medina. Jibril then stated that he who prayed two rak'as in 'Abbadan would be like a man who prayed in the four places. Jibril assured the Prophet that he who visited 'Abbadan and spent one night in it, God would grant him the reward as if he visited Mecca, Jerusalem, 'fur SIna and the mosque of Medina. God would respond to the invocat.ions and supplications in 'Abbadan.F" The story of 'Abbadan is an example of the creation of a combined sanctity based on the blending of well known and venerated elements of sanctity. The firm belief of the Muslim community in the sanctity of the holy places in Islam was weakened to some extent by the orthodox circles t.hemselves who raised considerable doubts as to the soundness of tradit.ions which were widely accepted. A subject of contention of this kind was the problem whether the Prophet did perform a prayer in the mosque of al-Aqsa during his isrii', The scholars were divided in their opinions: some asserted that he had indeed prayed at al-Aqsa, but others denied this, saying that had he prayed there the believers would be obliged to pray in Jerusalem, for they would have to act according to the ritual practice performed by the Prophet; his prayer would have become an obliging sunna.180 As early as in the Umayyad period some members of the ruling family reduced the sanctity of Jerusalem: 'an ibni shihabin: kana sulasnniir: Al-Mausilr, al- Wasfla, V/1, 193 inf.-194. Al-Mausilt, al- Wasfla, V/1, 194. 180 Al-Tabart, Tahdhlb al-iithiir, I (Musnad 'abdal/ah b. al-'abbiis), 443-70, nos. 728-46. AI-TayalisI, Musnad (Hyderabad, 1321), p. 55, no. 411. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jiimi' bay an al-'ilm wa-farf,lihi (al-Madma al-munawwara, n.d.), II, 103. 178 179 50 M.J. Kister b. 'abd al-malik lii yu' azzims: fliyii kamii yu' azzimuhii ahlu baytihi. qiila: Ja-sirtu ma'ahu wa-huwa waliyyu 'ahdin wa-ma'ahu khiilid b. yazfd b. mu'iiwiya .... Khalid b. Yazid said that he had read the Torah and the Book revealed by God to Muhammad, The Rock of the sanctuary of Jerusalem was not enjoined by God to the Jews as qibla in their Scripture; the decision to take the Rock as qibla was a result of an historical development: the Ark of the Sakina (tiibut al-sakfna) was placed on the Rock. When God became angry with the Jews He removed the Ark from the Rock. Then the Jews consulted among themselves and decided to pray in the direction of the Rock and established it as their qibla. Thus the Rock itself had no sanctity at all. Abu l_'A.liya181 could indeed convince a Jew who claimed that the Rock was the qibla of Moses, that Moses prayed in the direction of the Ka'ba; he merely performed the prayer at the Rock: kiina YUi?allf'inda l-sakhra wa-yastaqbilu l-bayt al-horiim, Ja-kiinat al-ka' batu qiblatahu wa-kiinat al-sokhratn: bayna yadayhi.182 Al-'AbdarI records in his al-Madkhal a significant opinion concerning the practice of bad innovations (bid' a) which occurred in some virtuous and distinguished places. The bid' a under consideration was the controversial saliit al-ragha'ib which started in Jerusalem. The virtuous places have no influence on the deeds and practices performed in them: [a-aqiiiu: inna hadhihi ol-souit [i.e., saliit al-ragha' ib 1 shii' at bayna l-niis ba'da l-mi' ati l-riibi' ati wa-lam takun tu'raJu; [a-lajzuhs: hiidhii yadullu 'alii annahii bid' atun. Further he argues: Ja-hiidhii l-laJ~u ay¢an minhu yadullu 'alii annahii bid' atun, idh anna mabda' a fi'lihii ft bayti l-maqdisi diino. ghayrihi. wal-buqa 'u wa-in kiinat mimmii laha Ja¢flatun ft naJsihii Ja-laysa lohii ta'thfrun [ittui hcdathc fthii; wa-lau kiina kadhiilika ladhahaba kathfrun min al-shari' a wa-l-'iyiidhu bi-lliihi, wa-qad lJ,afi~ahii lliihu wa-l-lJ,amdu li-lliihi.183 See Ibn Hajar al-t.Asqalani, Toluihib al-tahdhfb, XII, 143, no. 685. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Badii/i' al-fawCi'id (Beirut [reprint], n.d.), IV, 170 inf.> 171. Additionally the Jew was persuaded of the argument of Abu l-'Aliya by the fact that the qibla of the mosque of the prophet $ali\:l was in the direction of the Ka'ba. The Christians too were not ordered by Jesus to face East in their prayers, nor was such injunction given to them in the Evangelium or in any of their Scriptures. An instructive passage (ibid., pp. 171 inf>- 172 sup.) about the qibla of the Samaritans, a mountain in the district of Nabulus, attempts to prove the worthlessness of their claim that that qibla was enjoined in the Torah. Ibn Qayyim himself checked the text and failed to find the alleged Samaritan qibla in this Scripture. On the qibla of Jerusalem and the attitude of some of the Umayyads towards it; see Suliman Bashear, "Qur 'an II, 114 and Jerusalem," BSOAS, 52 (1989), p. 237; and see the reference in note 158. 183 Al-'AbdarI, al-Madkhal, IV, 267 inf.~268. 181 182 Sanctity Joint and Divided 51 Al-'AbdarI explains that Jerusalem cannot be blamed for the bad innovations. Jerusalem is in fact the third city as to its virtues; Mecca and Medina are superior to Jerusalem in virtue and in these two cities there occurred events which the shari:« is reluctant to accept.P" It is precisely this inferior position of Jerusalem, being third in rank among the dignified cities, that caused Jerusalem to be mindful of the claims of other cities. Such was the case of the competition of Jerusalem with Damascus, which according to some scholars is the fourth sanctuary to which one should set out for ritual practices.J'" In a detailed, comprehensive and exhaustive study, Professor Joseph Sadan subjects the competition between Jerusalem and Damascus to an illuminating scrutiny.V" The pivot of discussion in Sadan's two articles is the location of maqiim nabf miisii: whether it is to be sought in the vicinity of Jerusalem or of Damascus. Sadan dealt with the philological elements and analyzed the arguments of the opponents, basing himself on a huge bibliographical array. Even the indication of the common word al-shiim was heatedly discussed and variously interpreted by different groups. The hadith. qudsi: anii rabbu l-shiimi man a'T"iidahii hi-su'in qa$amtuhu187 "I am the Lord of al-Sham and shall break anyone who wishes it ill" was differently explicated by scholars according to their opinion whether al-shiim refers to the whole territory of Syria or merely to Damascus.l'" In some cases al-shiim was said to apply to .lcrusalern.P? Sadan points out that the treatise of al-Timurtashf (d. 1054 H.), alKluibar al-tiimm fZ J;,udud al-a'T"~iI-muqaddasati uia-jiiastin. wa-I-shiim as well as that of Muhammad b. Habib (d. 1649), Du'T"'T"u l-niziim fZ mahosini I-sham, were both composed at the instigation and encouragement of some official dignitaries in Egypt and in Syria.190 The treatise of Muhammad b. Habib, Du'T"'T"U l-niziirn, which is based Oil Iuulitl, material combined with some historical traditions, reflects the IH1Al-'AbdarT, al-Madkhal, IV, 268 sup. 1 He, ee above, at note 35; and see Muhammad S b. !:Iabib , Durru l-ni~am fI malJasini l-shiim, MS Princeton, Yahudah 1862 (4427), fols. 3b-4a. IHf;.!. Sadan, "Maqiitt: nabf miisii between .!ericho and Damascus: On the History of the Rivalry between Two Holy Places" (in Hebrew), Hamizrab. hehadost, (1979), PI'. '22-38 and idem, "The Conflict Concerning the maqiim nabf miisii in the Muslim Sources" (in Hebrew), Hamizrah heluuiasli (1979), pp. 220-38. 1"7 See this tradition assessed in al-Jarraht's Kashf al-khafii', I, 202, no. 612; and see ilsul.: wa-shtahara ayq.an: wayka umma l-jabiibira man ammaka bi-su'in qasamtutiu, ina-l-khiiiib li-dimashq .... And see Muhammad b. Hablb, Durru l-ni~iim, fol. 6b, I. 3: lliilvu rabbii l-shiimi Iii udfmu f1hii ~ulma l-~iilimi .... 1 HH See e.g., J. Sadan, "Moqiim nabf miisii between .!ericho and Damascus," p. 26. IH!ISee Muhammad b. Hablb, Durru l-ni~iim, fol. 6b, I. 8, qiila rasulu lliihi, qiila llulu: ta'iilii li-l-shiimi wa-huwa baytu l-maqdisi: anti jannatf wa-qudsf wa-~afwatf min biliidf, man sakanaki fa-bi-ralJmatin minnf .... I!IO.!. Sadan, Maqiim nabi"musii, pp. 26-27. ,,,,,I 52 M.J. Kister rivalry between the two religious centers in Islam. Another aspect of the struggle of Jerusalem to gain a proper status in the competition between the holy places in Islam is exposed in an interesting treatise written by Burhan al-Din b. Jama'a (d. 790 H)191 named Kiiiiin: stiqbali l-qiblatayan.192 As in the case of the treatises of Muhammad b. Habib and alTimurtashi, the treatise of Ibn .Iama'a was inspired by a discussion between two scholars as to the qibla of the prophets who preceded the prophet Muhammad; it was held in the presence of a dignitary who got the high rank of combining "the sword and the pen" and "word and deed." The pivot of the dispute was the disparity in the opinions of the two scholars: one of them maintained that none of the prophets of the past (i.e., before the emergence of Islam) turned his face towards the Rock as a qibla except Muhammad. His opponent held the view that all the prophets turned their faces towards the Rock; only Muhammad turned his face towards the Ka'ba.193 Ibn Jama'a states that both scholars have a right to their views. The disputant who claimed that none of the prophets turned his face towards the Rock had in mind, according to Ibn Jama'a, the l},adfth transmitted by Abu l_'.Aliya194 that the Ka'ba is the qibla of all the prophets: alka'batu qiblatu l-anbiya'i kullihim. The one who claimed that all the prophets turned their faces towards the Rock except Muhammad based his opinion on the utterance of the Prophet transmitted by al-ZuhrI195 saying that since .Adam descended on earth God did not send a prophet without appointing as his qibla the Rock of bayt al-maqdis: lam yab'ath allahu mundhu ohbata iidasna u« l-dunya nabiyyan illa ja' ala qiblatahu $akhrata bayti l-maqdis. The tradition of al-Zuhri is indeed transmitted by Yiinus b. Yazid alAylI,196 a faithful student of al-Zuhrt, and is recorded by al-Musharraf b. al-Murajja.P" 191 See C. Brockelmann, GAL, II, 112. And see the fatwa of Burhan al-DIn b. Jama'a on the problem of sama', MS Hebrew University AP. Ar. 158, fols. 11a-20a: hadha su'alun sa'alahu shakhsut: mina l-fuqara'i ghafara llahu lalvu amfn amfn li- maulana qarf,'1I-qurf,atiburhani l-dini bni jama'a taghammadahu llahu bi-ral].matihi ami"n lamma kana khati"ban bi-bayti l-maqdisi wa-dhalika fi sanati ithnatayni wasab''1na wa-sab'imi'atin. 192 MS Hebrew University, Yahudah Col., Ar. 318. 193 MS Yah. Ar. 318, fol. 89a. al-Tabaqiit al-kubra (Beirut, 1377/1957), VII, 112-17. GAS, I, 280-83. 196 See Ibn Hajar al-IAsqalant, TahdMb al-tahdMb, XI, 450-52, no. 869. 197 AI-Musharraf b. al-Murajja, Farf,a'il bayti l-maqdis wa-l-khali"l wa-farf,a'il ol-shiim; MS Tiibingen 1, fol. 36a inf. Mahmud Ibrahlrn, Farf,a'il bayti l-maqdis (Kuwayt, 1406/ 1985), p. 306 (from al-Miknasi's Farf,a'il bayti l-maqdis). Al-Wasitt, Farf,a'il al-bayti l-muqaddas, ed. I. Hasson (Jerusalem, 1979), p. 51, no. 78 (and see the references of 194 See Ibn Sa'd , 195 See F. Sezgin, Sanctity Joint and Divided 53 There are several traditions attributing the virtue of prophethood to Jerusalem or to al-shiini in general. A peculiar utterance transmitted by Damra b. Rabra198 stated: "Never was a prophet sent except from Syria [Sham l; if he was not from Syria, he was moved to Syria": lam yub' ath nabiyyun illa mina l-shiimi, fa-in lam yakun minhii usriya bihi ilayhii.199 The idea that the prophets turned their faces towards the Ka'ba as their qibla was also popular. "Never did God send a prophet without enjoining him to pray in the direction of the Ka'ba. The Jews and the Christians were ordered to do so but strayed from the right path.,,200 A tradition recorded on the authority of 'Urwa says that every prophet performed the pilgrimage to Mecca except Hiid and Salih; Niih too performed the pilgrimage. Hiid was sent by God to perform the pilgrimage, but he was impeded by the troubles of his people and could not carry out his mission. After Ibrahim every prophet without exception performed the pilgrimage to Mecca and performed the rites of the circumambulation of the Ka'ba.201 According to another tradition traced back to Mujahid, seventy prophets performed the hajj to Mecca; among them was Moses clad in a Qatwani woolen striped cloak, and Yunus, who uttered the talbiya: labbayka kiishifa l_kurab.202 the editor). Ibn al-JauzT, Falja'il al-quds, p. 114. 1985ee MTzan al-i'tidal, I, 330, no. 3959. 199 Al-Suyutr, al-Durr al-manthur, III, 112. 200 Al-Suyutt, Saji'at al-haram, MS Leiden, Or. 1526, p. 225 sup.: wa-qad ruwiya: rna ba'atha ilahu nabiyya~ iI/a qfla'iahu: ila I-ka'bati ~allu, wa-anna I-yahuda wa-Inasara umiru biha wa-Iakinnahum 'anha dalli; .... 20i Al-Suyutt, al-Durr al-manthur, I, '129. Al-Sayyid al-BakrT b. al-Sayyid Muhammad Shata al-Dimyati, ['anat al-talibfn 'ala fatlJi alfa~ fatlJi I-mu'fn, II, 277: Illm yab'ath al/ahu nllbiYYlln ba'da ibrahi:ma 'alayhi I-~alatu wa-I-salam ilia lJajja; llIa-l/adhi: sorroho bihi ghayruhu annahu mii min nabiyyin ilia lJajja khilafan Ii-man istaitmii hiidon. wa-~alilJan ... qala l-r olliim« 'abd al-ra'uf: wa-qa'iluhu 'urwatu bnu 1zubayr raljiya lliihi: 'anhuma qiila: balaghanf anna adama wll-nulJan lJajja duna hudin 1lI1l-~alilJin li-shtighalihima bi-amri qaumihima, thummll ba'atha lliihsi ibrahi:mll fa!llljjahu wa-'allama manasikahu, thumma Illm yab'ath al/ahu nabiyyan ba'dahu uts !lIljjllhu. wa-yujabu 'an qauli 'urwata bi-anna I-lJadftha 'ala farlji ~ilJlJatihi mu'araljun bi-lllJadftha kathi:ratin annahuma lJajja, minhii qaulu l-hosani /I risiilatihs anna rasiila Ilt1hi [~l qiila: inna qabra nulJin uia-hiidin. wa-shu'aybin wa-~alilJin /lma bayna 1"ukni wa-I-maqami wa-zamzama. wa-mina I-ma'/iimi annahum 10. ya'tiina I-bayta Ili-ghayri lJajjin .... Further the author discusses the problem whether the prayer in t.he barom of Mecca is permitted, as the locality contains the tombs of the prophets. III! says it is permissible, arguing: wa-Ia tukrahu I-~alatu bayna I-rukni wa-l-maqami Illtl-zamzama tawahhuman min ~adfthi l-hasat: li-kaunihima maqburatan, li-annaha maqburatu I-anbiya'i wa-hum alJya'u /I qubiirihim. The author attempts to prove that the tradition of the Prophet, 10. tattakhidhu qubilra anbiya'ikum masajida, can1I0t. be applied in case of the tombs in the court of the horam. of Mecca. And see IHI.I:l.q b. Bishr, Kitab al-mubtada' (al-juz' al-khamis), MS ;:;ahiriyya 359 (majmu'a), 1"01. 132a. '1II2 Al-Suyutt, al-Durr al-manthur, I, 129. 54 M.J. Kister Another view as to the sojourn of the prophets in Mecca is seen in several traditions stressing that the prophets used to set out to Mecca either when persecuted by their people203 or when their people perished; the prophets then stayed in Mecca worshipping God until they died. Nuh, Hud, Shu'ayb and Salih are buried in the sanctuary of Mecca, between Zamzam and the I,Iijr.204 Ibn Jama'a, aware of the contradiction in the opinions of the two scholars, states that the way chosen by him in his scrutiny is to follow the path of explication which may result in a harmonization; if this is hard to achieve another way should be chosen: the two opinions are to be considered as if they were two buildings in danger of collapse; sound, searching scholars have to be consulted. Ibn Jama'a promises to base himself on the opinions of these scholars and provide a historical outline of the subject chronologically arranged. The first man chosen by God for the rank of prophecy was Adam. We do not know however whether the Temple of Jerusalem existed in his time, except in God's preconceived knowledge, says Ibn Jama'a. It is essential for Ibn Jama'a to establish when the Temple of Jerusalem was built. He quotes Abu Muhammad al-Qasim Ibn 'Asakir who recorded in his al-Musiaqsii fi farJ,ii'ili l-masjidi l-aqsii the opinion of Ka'b al-Ahbar saying that the ancient foundation of the Temple was laid by Sam b. Niih; later Dawiid and Sulayrnan built upon this base. As it is stated in the reliable ~.adfth collection that between Adam and Niih there were ten generations (qurun), the earliest date for the building of the foundation of the Temple was that of Sam b. Nuh. There are however other traditions claiming that some of the sons of Adam laid the foundation of the Temple; another tradition claims that it was the angels who established its foundation after they had built the Ka'ba.205 203 Al-Mausili, al- Wasua, III/2, 309: mii min nabiyyin haraba min qaumihi illii haraba lliihi. bi-makkata fa-'abada lliilu: f!ha batu: miita. 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud b. 'Abd al-Rahrnan al-Marakashi, al-Raud al-mughtanam f! farjli ma'i zamzam, MS Firenze, Biblioteca Laurenziana, Or. 178, fol. 20a: kana l-nabiyyu mina l-anbiya'i idhii kadhdhabahu qaumuhu wa-halakat ummatuhu lahiqa bi-makkata sharrafahii lliihsi fa-ya'budu lliiha f!ha huwa wa-man ma'ahu ~atta yamii.ta. See A. ArazT, "Conflit de preseance entre la Mekke et Medine," JSAI 5(1984), pp. 212-13. 204 Al-'AqiilI, 'Arf al-!fb, MS Leiden Or. 493, fol. 70a: kana l-nabiyyu min a 1anbiya'i idhii halakat ummatuhu lahiqa bi-makkata yata'abbadu f!ha al-nabiyyu waman ma'ahu ~atta l-mauti; [a-miiia biha nii.~ um-hiid wa-shu'ayb wa-~ali~ waqubii.ruhum bayna zamzam uia-l-liijr. Ibn AbT I-Dunya, al-Lshriif f! maniizil al-oshrti], MS Chester Beatty 4427, fol. 80a sup.: 'an ibni "abbnsin: f! masjidi l-huriimi qabriini, qabru shu'ayb mustaqbal al-~ijr wa-qabru isma'u f! l-~ijr. Muhammad b. Yiisuf alGharnatr l-Jiyanl, Tafsir al-bahr al-mu~f! (Cairo, 1328), I, 140: wa-li-dhii.lika summiya wasa!uhii bakkata Ii-anna l-orda bukkat min ta~tihii; uia-khtussat bi-l-dhikr liann aha maqarru man halaka qaumuhu min a l-anbiya'i wa-dufina bihii nii~ wa-hii.d wa-~ali~ bayna l-maqiim wa-l-rukn .... 205 Ibn Jarna'a, Istiqbtil, MS Yah. Ar. 318, fol. 89b. And see Nasir al-Drn b. Khadir, al-Mustaqsii, MS Escorial 1767, fol. 5b: f! muthfri l-gharami 'an abf l-'abbiisi 1- un Sanctity Joint and Divided 55 As to the Ka'ba, the sanctuary existed and was frequented by the people who came either for pilgrimage or for a visit . .Adam performed the I},ajj and the circumambulation of the Ka'ba. According to a tradition recorded by al-Shafi'I in his Umm the angels met Adam on his return from the I},ajj and greeted him with the greeting burra I},ajjuka; they told him that they used to perform the pilgrimage two thousand years before his pilgrimage. Ibn Jama'a quotes other sources as to Adam's stay in Mecca and the ritual practices performed by him, or performed in his time. He is said to have performed forty pilgrimages from India to Mecca on foot (from Tabari's Ta'rzkh). According to another tradition he sojourned in Mecca until his death; he used to circumambulate the Ka'ba seven times a night and five times a day (from al-Azraqi's, Ta'rzkh). Ibn Jama'a emphasizes that these traditions cannot be rejected except by people who assume that the first to build the Ka'ba was Abraham and that it did not exist before him. This opinion is shared by some people in later times, but the majority of scholars opposes it. Ibn Jama'a is of the opinion that the prayer (al-~aliit) was a legally binding practice (kiinat al-saliiis: mashrii: atan) already at the time of Adam, The tradition of Adam's request on his deathbed to have a bunch of grapes from heaven mentions that Adam was washed and clad with a shroud; Jibrll performed the prayer at his grave and he was buried (from 'Abdallah b. Ahmad's Ziyiidiit al-musnad).206 Another tradition says that the angels carried the body of .Adam and placed it at the door of the Ka'ba; then Jibril performed the prayer (from FakihI's Ta'rzkh Makka). A tradition that goes back to Ibn 'Abbas says that Jibril refused to pray on the grave of .Adam, but instructed Shlth to pray on his father's grave thirty tokbiras: five as a prayer (~aliit), twenty-five as a distinctive, supererogatory practice in honor of Adam (taf¢zlan li-iidam) (from Ibn 'Asakir's Ta'rzkh). These traditions, maintains Ibn Jama'a, support each other to establish the fact that the prayer for the dead (~aliit al-janiiza) was mandatory at the time of Adam, He assumes that other prayers were probably established at that period and quotes from the commentary of al-Rafi'I to the Musnad of al-Shafi'I that the morning prayer was the prayer of Adam, the prayer of midday (al-?uhr) was the prayer of Dawud, the afternoon prayer (~aliit al-'a~r) was the prayer of Sulayman, the prayer of sunset was the prayer of Ya'qub and the prayer of the evening ('ishii') was that of Yunus. There are no explicit traditions about the qibla of the pre-Islamic prophets, Ibn Jama'a admits; but he assumes that the qibla of .Adam was the Ka'ba; it was already mentioned earlier, says Ibn Jarna'a, that Adam circumambulated the Ka'ba and performed the quriubi: yajiizu an yakiina banat-hu l-malii'ikatu 206 Ibn .Iama'a, Istiqbiil, fol. 8gb. ba' da binii'i l-bayti bi-idhni lliihi. 56 M.J. Kister pilgrimage to it and it is therefore plausible that he also prayed in the direction of the Ka'ba.207 In a special passage dealing with the qibla of the prophets Ibn Jama'a remarks that there is no explicit mention of the qibla of the prophets who lived in the period between Adam and Abraham, but it is well known that they revered the House, performed the pilgrimage to Mecca, performed the circumambulation, prayed at the House and made invocations there. Stories about the pilgrimage of Nilh , Hiid, Salil; , Shu'ayb and 'Ad are widely circulated. Ibn Jama'a reiterates the tradition about the prophets who moved to Mecca after their people perished and who stayed there worshipping God until their death (see above, notes 203-204). The graves of these prophets are found around the House and it is not far fetched to assume that they faced it in their prayers (fa-muqtarja hiidha alta yub'ada annahum kanu YUljaltuna ilayhi). Additionally AbU l-'Aliya reported that he saw the grave of $alil} with the qibla in the direction of the Ka'ba; that was also the qibla of the grave of Daniyal. As to the question how one can know it, since the tradition says that the Deluge ruined the House and erased it, Ibn Jama'a adopts Mujahid's view according to which the place of the Ka'ba became erased by the flood and hidden, but there remained nevertheless a red hill which the flood did not submerge. People knew that that was the place of the Ka'ba, and those who suffered from ill-treatment used to frequent this spot and mentioned their grievances in their invocations; they were answered and got help. Ibn Jama'a states that this tradition is sounder than the one transmitted by Hudhayfa saying that the House was lifted (rufi' a) and nobody performed the Ij,ajj in the period between Nuh and Ibrahim. (recorded by al-FakihI).208 A later chapter is dedicated to the elucidation of the direction of the qibla of Abraham and his descendants. Abraham, rescued from the ruse and deceit of Namrud in Babil, set out (hajam) to Syria (ai-sham) and settled in the Holy Land (al- arrj al-muqaddasa); he dedicated himself to the worship of God. People of the Book claim that he set up his tent to the East of Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis). In that period Hajar became pregnant and bore his son Isma'Il. Then happened the famous event between her and Sarah, as a result of which Abraham moved Hajar and her son to the wadz of Mecca. Abraham used to visit them from time to time riding the beast named al-Buraq and would return to the Holy Land. We have no information, says Ibn Jama'a, what his qibla at that time was. After he set out to Mecca on the order of God and built the Ka'ba at His order, the Ka'ba became his qibla and that of his descendants; so things continued until the time of Moses. The Muslim 207 208 Ibn Jama'a, Istiqbiil, fol. gOa. Ibn Jama'a, Istiqbiil, fol. gOb. Sanctity Joint and Divided 57 community is unanimous concerning this matter; only the Jews have a different opinion about it. The qibla of the descendants of Abraham seems to have been a subject of controversy. Ibn Jama'a quotes the commentary of al-Wal;tidI in which the suffixed personal pronoun in the word qiblatihim and kanu 'alayha in the phrase: mii wallahum 'an qiblatihim uou kii,nu 'alayhii (Qur'an 2:143) refers to Ibrahim, Isma'Il, Ishaq, Ya'qub and the tribes, because they claimed (falsely) that the qibla of Abraham was the Temple of Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis). But that is not the first case of their slander (this obviously refers to the unbelievers and the People of the Book). Ibn 'Abbas is said to have interpreted the phrase fa-Ia-nuwalliyannaka qiblatan tanJ,aha as referring to the qibla of Ibrahim, i.e., to the Ka'ba. The question of some believers why the faces of the patriarchs in their graves are not turned in the direction of the Ka'ba is answered that they remain in the position in which they threw themselves down at their decease. 209 The traditions about the qibla of Moses are confused. Ibn Jarna'a states that according to what he could gather Moses prayed in the direction of the Rock. Ibn Jama'a mentions a story which corroborates this view: when 'Umar consulted Ka'b al-Ahbar as to where to establish the place of the Aql?a mosque he advised him to put it behind the Rock. In that case the mosque would combine two qibla: that of Moses and that of Muhammad. 'Umar rebuked him, accusing him of trying to imitate the Jewish ritual practice. A different tradition says however that Moses' qibla was the Ka'ba. Some scholars championed this tradition, interpreting in this way the verse uia-kadhalika ja'alnakum ummatan wasatan [Qur'an 2:143]. Ibn Jama'a considers the two opinions plausible, as Moses revered both the Temple and the Ka'ba. His reverence of the Ka'ba is proved by the fact that he performed the pilgrimage to the Ka'ba. The reverence of the Temple can be deduced from the fact that before his death he prayed that he might be brought close to the Holy Land to a "stone-throwing" distance. A third opinion says that Moses observed the prayer towards the Tent of the Time (qubbat aI-zaman) also called the Tent of the Covenant (qubbat al-' ahd) which God ordered to make from wood of shamsluid and to embellish it with gold, silver and silk. After the death of Moses, when Yusha' b. Nun took control of Jerusalem, he put the Tent on the Rock; he and the people of Israel prayed in the direction of the Tent and they were followed in their practice by succeeding generations. When the Tent was worn out after long use people prayed in the direction of the Rock, the spot where the Tent had been placed. Ibn Jama'a points out that it is obvious that this way of prayer was 209 Ibn Jama'a, Istiqbal, fols. 90b-91a. 58 M.J. Kister observed according to a revelation of God; were it not so the Prophet would not have agreed with praying in the direction of Jerusalem. The Rock thus remained the qibla of the prophets who dwelt in the Holy Land (al-arrf, al-muqaddasa); but these prophets revered the Ka'ba as well and performed the pilgrimage to Mecca. Ibn Ishaq stated that after Abraham all the prophets sent by God performed the pilgrimage to Mecca. Many sources report the pilgrimage of Moses, Jesus and Jonah (Yunus): in some reports the talbiyat of the prophets are recorded.U" Ibn Jama'a dedicated a lengthy passage to the discussion of the qibla of the Prophet in the various periods of his prophetical career and provided a scrutiny of the different traditions concerned with this subject. It is the unanimous opinion of the scholars of Islam that God combined the two qiblas for the Prophet. The differences between them refer to the particular circumstances (kayfiyya) of the event. According to the opinion of Ibn 'Abd al-Barr (al-Qurtubr), the Prophet prayed during the period of his stay in Mecca in the direction of the Ka 'ba When he went out to Medina on his hijra, he prayed in the direction of Jerusalem. Later he turned to the Ka'ba and prayed in the direction of the Ka'ba. Thus the abrogation of God's injunction as to the qibla took place twice. AI-Tabari records in his TaNir the opinion of Ibn Jurayj stating that the Prophet prayed during the first period in Mecca in the direction of the Ka'ba, and then turned away from it (~urifa 'anha) towards Jerusalem. The Ansar thus prayed in Medina towards Jerusalem for three years. AlTabari also records the opinion of Qatada saying that they prayed for two years towards Jerusalem. When the Prophet arrived in Medina after his hijra they prayed with him towards Jerusalem; then they changed direction and prayed towards the Ka'ba. Ibn Jama'a expresses his reservation: the majority of scholars assume that the Prophet prayed in Mecca only in the direction of Jerusalem. He used however to perform the prayer between the Yam anI Column and the Black Stone (bayna l-rukni l-yamanf uia-l-luijari l-aswad); in this position the Ka'ba was in front of him and the person behind him could think that he prayed towards the Ka'ba. There is, however, the possibility, says Ibn Jama'a, that he did it out of preference for facing the Ka'ba, since the Ka'ba was the qibla of his ancestor Ibrahim, and in order to gain the sympathy of Quraysh (li-kauniha qiblata abfhi ibriihima wa-ta'allufan li-qurayshin). When the Prophet came to Medina - in which it was impossible to combine between the two qiblas - he prayed in the direction of Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis) in order to gain the sympathy of the Jews. When he realized that they did not abstain from their wrong course he turned while praying in the direction of the Ka'ba. 210 Ibn Jama'a, Istiqbiil, fol. 91a-b. Sanctity Joint and Divided 59 The scholars who adopted these opinions differed as to the question of what caused the Prophet to turn towards Jerusalem in his prayer while he was staying in Medina. Some of them assumed that it was a firm decree imposed on the Prophet (lJ,atman); this is indicated by the verse uia-mii ja' alna l-qiblata llat'i kunta 'alayha (Qur'an 2; 144). Another group of scholars assumed that God granted the Prophet the option between the two qiblas at his arrival in Medina. Others say that he was given the free choice of the four sides and was permitted to turn in his prayer in whatever direction he wanted, and he opted for the Temple of Jerusalem (fa-khtara bayta l-maqdisi). Later he turned to the Ka'ba. As evidence for this opinion, Ibn Zayd quoted the verse wa-li-llahi l-mashriqu wa-lmaghribu fa-aynama tuwallu fa-thamma wajhu tui« (Qur'an 2:115) There is now general consensus that members of the community should turn their faces towards the Ka'ba, except in the case of great fear or when one performs a supererogatory prayer (nafila), as is indicated in the books of fiqh. Scholars were unanimous as to the verse dealing with the change of qibla: qad narii taqalluba wajhika fi l-sama'i (Quran 2:145), but they differed as to the date of the revelation. Some of them gave as the date of the revelation Rajab of the second year of the hijra; others established the date as Sha'ban of that year. That was the reason why some doubts were raised as to the length of period during which the Prophet prayed in Medina in the direction of Jerusalemwhether it was sixteen or seventeen months. Ibn Abr Hatim assumed that he prayed in the direction of Jerusalem for seventeen months and three days and that the change of qibla took place in the middle of Sha'ban. Al-Waqidi stated that it happened on a Tuesday. As to the time of the change, there are different traditions: some say that the first prayer in Medina in the direction of the Ka'ba was the afternoon prayer (al-' aF) - this is the tradition recorded in al- Bukhari's $alJ,fl;,on the authority of al-Bara', Others say that the revelation of the change was granted before the midday prayer (al-?uhr) and that that was the first prayer performed in the direction of Mecca - this tradition was recorded by al-Nasa'I on the authority of Abu Sa'Id b. alMu'alla, A third tradition says that the revelation was released after the first two rak'as of the midday prayer were performed by the Prophet (wa-qad sollii rasiih: llahi sollii usn« 'alayhi wa-sallam mina l-zuhri rak'atayni) in the mosque of the Banii Sulayrn; the believers in the mosque turned around (istadaru) and the Prophet completed the prayer with them. Therefore, the mosque of the Banii Sulaym was called masjid al-qiblatayn.211 211 Ibn Jama'a, Istiqbiil, fo1. 92a. 60 M.J. Kister Ibn Jama'a finally touches upon the interpretation of the tradition recorded on the authority of al-Zuhri after finishing the treatise of "Facing the Two Qiblas" ("Kitiibu stiqbiili l-qiblatayn") written in haste. The tradition saying that all the prophets prayed in the direction of the Temple of Jerusalem cannot be explicated in the way conceived by al-Zuhrt, It has to be interpreted in connection with the tradition of the isrii', During this event, all the prophets were gathered for the Prophet and he headed the prayer; they stood behind him. This event took place before the hijra and, of course, before the change of the qibla. In connection with the Prophet's prayer during the isrii', Ibn Jama'a notes the tradition recorded in the Mustaq~ii according to which the Prophet performed the prayer standing to the north of the Rock (waqafa min shiimi l-~akhra); in this way he combined the two qiblos. That, remarks Ibn Jarna'a, does not invalidate the claim that the Prophet was enjoined to pray in the direction of the Temple of Jerusalem and that all the prophets prayed behind him. This problem of facing the two qiblas belongs to the problems of transmitted lore (al-masii'il al-naqliyya) and cannot be treated by logical analysis (llatz Iii tnajiila li-l-' aqli fihii). Ibn J ama'a ends the treatise by calling for a cautious approach to the lJ,adzth and by urging that the soundness of the transmitted traditions be established. The attempts to raise Jerusalem to a position of importance comparable to other religious centers in the Muslim empire are reflected in some reports and stories depicting the marvels of Jerusalem in ancient times, relating the tales of the prophets in Jerusalem and virtues of the holy places in this city, and recording the utterances of the Prophet about its virtues. The unfortunate conditions in Medina are reflected in the following report: Medina was in a sad situation at the Prophet's arrival (on his hijra-k). The report says that the people of the city were in a poor state: they did not ride horses, nor did they gain booty. After the arrival of the Prophet, they obtained sufficient means of subsistence. It is evident that the improvement in the economic situation in Medina was due to the raids and expeditions of the Prophet's troops against the hostile tribes.212 The superiority of Jerusalem to Medina is reflected in the following utterance of the Prophet, issued by him after his return from his nocturnal journey isrii' to Jerusalem. When 'Imran b. Husayn expressed his 212 Al-Sarnarqandi, Tajsir, MS Chester Beatty 3668, I, fol. 277b: wa-dhiilika anna 1nabiyya, ~allii lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallam, qadima l-madlnata wa-kiina ahlu I-madlnati fi shiddatin min 'ayshihim Iii yarkabuna l-khayla wa-lii yal],uzuna l-qhanimata [a-lammii qadima I-nabiyyu l-truuiinata staghnau. Sanctity Joint and Divided 61 high opinion about the beauty of Medina, the Prophet remarked: "But what if you had seen Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis)? And how not, added the Prophet, as everyone in this city is visited, but does not set out to visit [other places-k]; the souls al-arwiilJ, are dispatched to Jerusalem, but the soul of Jerusalem is directed only to God." God honored Medina, said the Prophet, and made it pleasant by his stay in this city. "I shall stay in it, [i.e., in Medina-k] he said, in my lifetime and after my death. Were it not for this reason, I would not have performed the hijra from Mecca [sci1. to Medina-k], as the moon in Mecca looks more beautiful than in any other place.,,213 The stories about the virtues of the sanctuary of Jerusalem were embellished by the legends of the building of the Temple by David and Solomon and the miracles witnessed by the people during the centuries on the Temple precincts and on the Rock.214 Several stories record the discussions between the Jews and the Muslims as to whether Jerusalem surpassed Mecca or whether Mecca surpassed Jerusalem in virtues and distinctive features. The Jews claimed that the Temple surpassed the Ka'ba in excellence and greatness (wa-qiilat al-yahudu: baytu l-maqdisi aJ4alu um-n' zamu. mina l-ka'bati) because it was the place of refuge of the prophets (muhiijar al-anbiyii') in the Holy Land; the Muslims stated that the Ka'ba surpassed the Temple in excellence.P!" It was in connection with disputes of this kind that God revealed the verse: Surely the first House founded for mankind is that at Bacca, abounding in blessings and a guidance for all peoples.r!" God created it two thousand years before He created earth.217 The following widely circulated utterance of the Prophet seems to have been a final solution to the question under discussion: the first House created by God for worship was the Ka'ba; and forty years later the Temple in Jerusalem was built.218 The high position of Jerusalem is reflected in another utterance of the Prophet, in which he allotted to Jerusalem the second place in rank after Mecca; Jerusalem follows Mecca as a sanctuary and is not preceded by any other holy place. The Prophet is said to have stated: ~aliitun fi 213 Shams al-Dt al-Suyfitr, Itl}ii./ al-okhissii, I, 99. 214 See e.g., al-Wasitr, Faq,ii.'il, pp. 6-11, 19-20. 215 See al-Martzr, Kitii.b fihi dhikru mii. warada fi bunyii.ni l-ka'bati l-muaHama, MS Leiden Or. 560, fo1. 165a; and see al-Saqsmi, Zahrat al-riyii.q" MS Hebrew Univ. Yah Ar. 571, p. 221. 216 Qur'an 3:97. 217 See al-Tabari, Tajsir, ed. Shakir, VII, 19-22; and see al-Bayhaqt, Shu'ab al-fmii.n, VII, 542-43, no. 3697. 218See al-Tabarr, Tajsir, VII, 22, no. 7434; Diya' al-Din al-Maqdisr, Faq,ii.'il, p. 47, no. 13; al-Bayhaqt, Shu'ab al-imii.n, VII, 541, no. 3696 (and see ib., p. 542, notes); al-Suyutr, Fii.kihat ol-sau], p. 213; al-Tahawr, Mushkil al-iiihiir, (Hyderabad, 1333), repr., I, 32-33. 62 M.J. Kister bayti l-maqdisi khayrun min alfi saliitin. fi ghayrihii illa l-ka'bata.219 This utterance is obviously a transformation of the utterance saliitus: fi masjidr hadhii afrl,alu min alfi ~alatin fima siwahu mina l-masajidi illa l-masjida l-hariima. 220 It was probably current and widely circulated in the early period, when the journey to the distinguished mosques was recommended only to the two sanctuaries: Mecca and Medina.P! Jerusalem, put in place of Medina, could take pride in spots of unsurpassed sanctity like the Rock which God had chosen as His throne and from which He ascended to Heavan.222 On this Rock, God will judge mankind (on the Day of Judgment-k) and on this Rock, the Scales will be placed. Jerusalem gained its high position concurrently with the decrease in the authority of Medina. Orthodox scholars admitted that Medina had surpassed other centers of knowledge of the prophetic tradition until the period of Malik b. Anas. But already in the first period of Islam the great majority of the Companions left Medina and settled in different regions of the Islamic Empire. They created new centers of knowledge which did not lag behind Medina.223 Ibn Hazm was outspoken on the subject of the ijma' of the scholars of Medina: people of Basra, Ktifa, Syria, Mecca and Yemen adopted the tradition of the Prophet from his Companions. They transmitted the traditions of the Prophet told by the Companions of Medina who either emigrated to other cities or remained in Medina. The Qur'an is one, and is the same both in Medina and in other places; the sunan of the Prophet are well know in Medina and outside Medina. The people in the various localities of the Muslim Empire are as knowledgeable as those of Medina. Ibn Hazm further stresses that Malik, Shafi'f and Abu Hanifa did not practice taqlrd, nor did they bid anyone to imitate the sunna of Medina or of any other place.224 It is against the background of these ideological contentions that there grew the tradition of the virtues of Jerusalem and arose the inquisitiveness as to the change in the direction of the prayer and the 219Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa uia-l-ta'rikh; II, 292-93; al-Khattb al-Baghdadi, al-Rihla fi talabi I-I].adfth, ed. NUr al-Drn 'Itr (Beirut, 1395/1975), 134-38. 220 See e.g., al-Munawt, Fayg, IV, 226-27, nos. 5104-5108 with different versions of the hadfth. 221See note 3 above. 222 See Diya' al-Din al-Madisl, Faga'il, 57-59, nos. 27-33. 223 See e.g., Ibn Taymiyya, fiil].l].at u~ul madhhab ahli l-madfna, ed. Ahmad Hijasi l-Saqqa (Cairo, 1988), 44, 48. 224Ibn Hazm, al-Il].kam fi u~uli l-al].kam, ed. Muhammad Ahmad 'Abd al-'Aziz (Cairo, 1398/1978), 1139-47. Sanctity Joint and Divided 63 sojourn of the prophets in Jerusalem, as exposed in the treatise of Ibn Jama'a, the preacher of the Aqf?a. The treatise of Ibn Jama'a concerning the direction of the prayer of the Prophet and the tale of the Rock was preceded by a significant treatise by a preacher in the Aqsa mosque, Abu Hafs 'Umar b. Badr alMausili (d. 627 AH). In a series of concise assertions, the author refuted the validity of prophetic traditions relating to various topics of beliefs, tenets, religious practices and ritual prescriptions. The subjects refuted in the treatise are usually preceded by a headline: ... Iii ya~ilJ,lJ,u hiidhii fi l-biibi 'an rasuli lliihi ~alla llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam shay' un. The short treatise entitled al-Mughnf 'ani I-lJ,if? wa-I-kitab (Cairo, 1342), was "absorbed" by Majd aI-DIn Muhammad b. Ya'qub alFayruzabadi, the author of the Qamus (d. 1175 AH) wrote a critical commentary on the last chapter of Fayriizabadi's Sifr ol-so' ada, entitled al- Tankii um-l-ijiida fi takhrfji alJ,adfthi khiitimati sifri l-sa: ada (ed. Ahmad al-Barza [Beirut, 1407/1987]). Another scrutiny of the treatise of 'Umar b. Badr al-Mausilr al-Hanafi was written by Husarn al-Dl alMaqdisI and entitled, Fasl al-khitiib bi-naqdi kitabi l-muqhni ' ani I-lJ,if?i um-l-kitiib, The book was edited as a critical edition with an introduction and abundant comments and references by Abu Ishaq al-Huwayni al-Athari ~ijazI b. Muhammad b. Sharif (Beirut, 1405/1985). The treatise of 'Umar b. Badr al-Mausili, the preacher of the Aqsa mosque, contains a significant passage with which we are concerned here. This passage was, of course, transmitted in the treatises mentioned above and thoroughly commented upon: Biib faq,a'il bayti l-maqdis uia-l-sokhra uia-t asqaliin waqazuiin. qiila l-musanni]: lii ya~ilJ,lJ,u hiidhii l-biibi shay'un fi 'an rasiili sallii lliihn: 'alayhi wa-sallam ghayra ihaliithati alJ,adftha fi bayti l-maqdis, ahaduhii: "la tushaddu l-rilJ,alu uta u« thalathati masiijida," uia-l-iikharu annahu su'ila 'an awwali bay tin wuq,i' a ff l-arq,i [a-qala: "al-masjidu lhariimu:" thumma qua "miidhii?" qiila: "al-masjidu l-aqsii." qua: "karn kana baynahuma?" qiila: "arba'una 'iiman." wal-iikhiru: "inna l-saliita fihi ta'dilu sab' ami' ati saliitin. ,,225 tuu« 225 'Umar b. Badr al-Mausilr, al-Mughnf 'ani I-I}if~ uia-l-kitiib, 25; al-Fayruaabadt, Sifr al-sa'ada (Beirut, 1398/1978), 149; Ibn Himmat , al-Tankit wa-I-ifiida, 53-63 (with the head line: biib fatf.a'il bayti I-maqdis uia-l-sakhra um-i asqaltin. uia-qazuiin. wa-I-andalus wa-dimashq); al-Huwayni, Kitab [asl ol-khiiiib bi-naqdi kitiib al-muqhru 'ani I-I}if~i uia-l-kitiib, 42-45. 64 M,]. Kister Authors of collections of weak and forged traditions did not refrain from severe censure of the l},adfths about the virtues of Jerusalem and the Rock. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya (d. 751 AH) marked in his al-Maniir al-munf/ if l-$al},fl},wa-l-q,a'f/ all the traditions in praise of the Rock as deliberately invented lies. The footprint in the Rock is an obvious lie, invented by forgers in order to increase the number of visitors to the place. The most favorable thing which may be said about the Rock is that it was the qibla of the Jews. It corresponds in its location to the Sabbath in time; God gave the Muhammadan people the Ka'ba in exchange: ... kullu l},adfthin /f l-sakhrati /a-huwa kadhibun wa-l-qadamu lladhf ifhii kadhibun mauq,ii'un .... muftaran, . . . wa-ar/a'u shay'in if l-$akhrati annahii kiinat qiblata lyahiidi, wa-hiya if l-makiini ka-yaumi l-sabti if l-zamiini; abdala llahu bihii hiidhihi l-ummata l-mul},ammadiyya l-ka'bata l-bayta l-l},ariima.226 The author records some sound traditions about Jerusalem (ibid., p. 86, nos. 159-161). However, he assesses as "confused" the tradition recorded by Ibn Majah, according to which the prayer in al-Aq~a has the value of fifty thousand prayers in another mosque.227 Ibn Qayyim considers the tradition about the isrii' to Jerusalem, the tying of the Buraq to the door of the mosque and the mi'riij from the mosques as sound traditions.v" Ibn Qayyim marks also the tradition saying that the believers will seek protection from Yajuj and Majuj in the sacred precincts of Jerusalem, as a sound one.229 The severe verdict of the collections of forged traditions on the /aq,a'il of Jerusalem, Hebron, Acre and other places in the Holy Land did not stop the incessant flow of these larJ,a'il. The lengthy chapter on the virtues of the holy places in Jerusalem in the work of Jalal al-Din al-Suyutl (d. 911 AH), Fiikihat al-$ayl wa-anfs al-rJ,ayl [pp. 213-25]' the abundant quotations on the virtues of the sanctuaries in Jerusalem recorded in his al-Durr al-manihiir If l-tofsir bi-l-ma'thiir bear evidence to the vitality of these traditions. 226 Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, al-Maniir, ed. Ahmad 1988), 85, nos. 156-7. 227 Ibid., 86, no. 162 ... wa-huwa tuuiitliut: miuitarib 228 Ibn Qayyim, ibid., 87, no. 164. 229Ibn Qayyim, ibid., 87, no. 165. 'Abd .... al-Shafl (Beirut, 1408/ Sanctity Joint and Divided 65 At the end of the ninth century, MujIr al-D'in al-'UlaymI al-Hanbali (d. 928 AH) wrote his comprehensive work al-Uns al-jalzl bi-ta'rikhi 1qudsi wa-l-khalU.23o The work is indeed a treasure of traditions on the virtues of Jerusalem and Hebron. But despite the revival of the traditions in praise of Jerusalem, conditions in the Aql'!a mosque in the eleventh century AH, as described by Abu l-Fath Shams al-Din al-Dajjani al-QudsI al-Shafi'I in his treatise Jawiihir ol-qalii' id fi [adli l-masajid,231 were rather gloomy and disheartening. The recent revival of research on the historical, social, and religious aspects of the customs, beliefs and ritual practices in the early Islamic period and the incessant flow of editions of early Arabic sources may bring about a revaluation and an elucidation of some hitherto overlooked or insufficiently scrutinized details concerning the ideas on holy places in the first centuries of Isiam and their development during the following centuries. 230 (,Amma.n, 1973), see the detailed indices of the book prepared by Ishaq Miisa al-Husaynt, Hasan 'Abd al-Rahman al-Silwadi, Munlra Muhammad al-Daghlawl and Muyassar lsma't Ghannarn (Jerusalem, 1988). 231 Edited by MOBhe Perlmann, IDS 3 (1973), 261-92. 

three_mosques.pdf « YOU SHALL ONLY SET OUT FOR THREE MOSQUES » A STUDY OF AN EARLY TRADITION « You shall only set out for three mosques: The Sacred Mosque (in Mecca), my mosque (in Medina) and al-Aqsa mosque » (in Jerusalem) 1, this well-known tradition of the Prophet licensed the pil1 Literally: ((The saddles (of the riding beasts) shall not be fastened (for setting out for pilgrimage) except for three mosques.) ... la tushaddu l-rihalu illa ila thalathati masajida : ila l-rnasjidi l-harami wa-masjidi hadha wa-l-masjidi l-aqlJa.Al;tmad b. ~anbal : Musnad, ed. Al;tmad Mul;t. Shakir, Cairo 1953, XII, 177, no. 7191, 241 no. 7248 with a version tushaddu l-rihalu; and see the references given by the editor ad no. 7191; Mul;t. Fu'ad 'Abd al-Baqi: al-Lu'lu'u wa-l-rnarjan lima 'ttalaqa 'alayhi l-Shaykhan, Cairo 1949, II, 97, no. 882; 'Abd al-Razzaq: al-MU§annal, Ms. Murad Molla 604, ff. 39b-40a with the following isnlids: Ma'mar (died 153 AH» al-Zuhri (died 124 Ali» Ibn al-Musayyab (died 94 AH» Abii. Hurayra; Ibn Jurayj (died 150 AH» 'Amr b. Dinar (died 126 AH» ,!,alq b. ~abib (died circa 100 AH» Ibn 'Umar; Ibn Jurayj> la tu'rnalu l-matiyyu); Ibn ~ajar : Bulugh almaram min adillati l-ahkam, ed. Mul;t. ~amid al-Fiqqi, Cairo 1933, p. 287, no. 1408; al-Muttaqi ai-Hindi: Kanz al-'ummal, Hyderabad 1965, XIII, 233, no. 1307: la tushaddu rihiilu l-rnatiyyi ilii masjidin yudhkaru llahu lihi illa ... The combined tradition contains Naq.ra b. Abi Naq.ra (with the version: recommendations of the Prophet in connection with the times of prayer, fasting and ib., p. 234, no. 1310: innama masjidi l·Ka'bati wa-rnasjidi wa-rnasjidi lliya; in prohibition concerning women travelling unaccompanied; yusalaru ila thaliithati masajida: an additional utterance Ka'ba.; the Prophet states that a prayer in his mosque (i.e. in Medina) is more liked by God than a thousand prayers elsewhere except in the mosque of the al-Durr alI'lam al-sajid bi-ahkam al-masajid, ed. Mu~taIa al-Maraghi, Cairo 1358 AH, pp. 208, 268, 288, 388; al-Subki: Shila'u l-saqam Ii ziyarati khayri l-anam, Hyderabad 1952, pp. 117-124, 140; 11.1- Wasiti : Faq,a'ilu l-bayti l·muqaddas, Ms. Acre, f. 37b-38a; al-Bayhaqi: al-Sunan al-kubra, Hyderabad 1352 AH, V, 244; al-Suyiiti: al-Jami' al-lJaghir, Cairo 1330 AH. II, 200,1.8; al-Shaukani: Nayl al-autar, Cairo 1347 AH, VIII, 211; Ibn aI-Najjar: al-Durra al-thamina Ii ta'rikh al-Madina, appended to al-Fasi's Skila' al-gharam, Cairo 1956, II, 357; 11.1Samhiidi: Wala' al-wala bi akhbar dar al-mUIJ!ala,Cairo 1326 AH, I, 294; al-Ghazali : lhya' 'ulUm al-din, Cairo 1933, I, 219; Ibn Taymiyya: Majmu'at al-rasa'il al-kubra (/i ziyarati bayti l-rnaqdisi, Cairo 1323 AH), II, 53, 55; id. : Talsir s11ratil-ikhla§, Cairo 1323 AH, pp. 121, 124; id. : Minhaj al-sunnati l-nabawiyya Ii naqq,i kalami l-shi'ati l-qadariyya, ed. Mul;t. Rashad Salim, Cairo 1964, II, 340; Mujir al-Din: al-Una al-jaW bi-ta'rikh al-Quds wa-l-Khalil, Cairo 1283 AH, I, 205; Al;tmad b. 'Abd al-~amid 11.1ib., p. 235, no. 1318; p. 170, no. 955; p. 172, no. 966; al-Suyiiti: manthilr, Cairo 1314 AH, IV, 161; al-Zarkashi: 174 grimage to the mosques of Medina and Jerusalem in addition to the obligatory ~ajj and 'umra to Mecca. A vivid controversy arose over the authenticity of this tradition which grants, as it does, an exceptional position to Medina and Jerusalem 2. This ~adith is in fact a restricting one and seems to imply the prohibition of pilgrimage and visit to mosques and sacred places other than those indicated. The custom of such pilgrimage apparently had its origin at a very early period and was already in vogue in the second century. In the course of the fierce polemics concerning the permission of journey to visit the tomb of the Prophet, the minor sanctuaries and the graves of prophets and saints, this ~adith was closely studied and analyzed and became the pivot of the discussion whichlasted through many centuries. The crucial point was to establish the meaning and the intention of the initial phrase of the sentence: lii tushaddu l-ri~iilu illii ilii ... « the saddles shall not be fastened (for journey) except for»... As the exception is of the kind of al-istithnii' al-mufarragh in whichthe general term is not expressed - the partisans 'Abbasi: 'Umdat al-akhbiir fi madinat al-mukhtiir, ed. As'ad al-Tarabzflnl, Alexandria, n.d., p. 72; al-Nuwayri : Nihiiyat al-arab fi funun al-adab, Cairo 1925, I, 327; Ch. D. Matthews: 'l.'he Kit. Bii'i~u-n-nuliis of Ibnu-l-Firkiil,l, JPOS, xv (1935), p. 54 (id. : Palestine-Mohammedan Muthir Holy Land, New-Haven 1949, p. 10); Shihab al-Din al-Maqdisi: I·Qudsi uxi-l-Shiim, Ms. Damascus, ~ahiriyya, Ta'rikh al-qhariim. Ii ziyiirati 720, p. 133; Shams al-Din al-Suyut! : It?liil al-akhi§~ii bi-Ia4ii'ili l-masjidi l-aqsii, Ms. Hebrew Univ., f. 7a; Abu ,!,alib al-Makki: Qut al-qulicb, Cairo 1932, III, 182; Taqi al-Din 'Abd al-Malik b. Abi l-Muna, 'Ubayd al-Darlr : Nuzhatu l-OO~irin, Cairo 1308 AH, p. 98 sup.; Ibrahim al-wahhabiyyati l-irniimi l-Subki al-Samnudi al-Mansiir! : Sa'adat al-diirayn Ii l-radd 'alii l-lirqatayn l·~iihiriyya, Cairo 1319 AH, pp. 120-21, id. : Nusratu. Cairo, n.d., Matba'at al-jumhiir, pp. 36, wa-l-muqallidati bi-raddi l-I}iirimi l-munki, 161, 182, 191; al-Darimf : Sunan, al-Madina 1966, I, 271, no. 1428; al-KhaHabi: Ma'iilim al-sunan, ~lalab 1933, II, 222; al-Jarral;1i: Kashf al-khalii' wa-muzil al -ilbiis 'ammii 'shtahara min al-al,liidith 'alii alsinati l-niie, Cairo 1352 AH, II, 354, no. 3016.; al-Nasa'i: Sunan, Cairo 1930, II, 37; Shihab al-Din al-Khaffiji: Nasim al-Riyiiif, Ii sharf! shilii' l-qiirJ,i'IyiirJ" Istanbul, 2 1315 AH., III, 580; al-Ghaytf : Qil}l}atal-isrii' wa-l: Irshiid ol-siiri, Cairo 1326 AH, III, 239, 244. Halle 1890, II, 35-36; S.D. Goitein: History and im Islam, Calcutta nach Studien, mi'riij, Biilfiq 1295 AH, p. 18.; al-Qastallani I. Goldziher: Muhammedanische The sanctity 01 Jerusalem Institutions, University and Palestine in early Islam, Studies in Islamic ~iddiqi: Leiden 1966, pp. 135-148; J. Fiick: Die Rolle des Traditionalismus l;ladith Literature, und die Press, 1961, p. XXVI; W. Caskel: Der Felsendom ZDMG, XCIII (1939), pp. 23-24; Mul;1. Zubayr Walliahrt Jerusalem, Kiiln und Opladen 1936, pp. 25-26, notes 36, 38; A.A. Duri: al-Zuhri, BSOAS XIX, pp. 10-11; id. : Baf!th Ii nash'ati 'ilmi l-ta'rikhi Muh, 'Ajjaj al-Siba'i: al-Khapib : al-Sunna qabla l-tadwin, al-Sunna 'inda l-'arab, Beirut 1960, p. 99; Cairo 1963, pp. 501-514; Mu~taffi Cairo 1961, pp. 399-402. wamakiinatuhii Ii l-tashri'i l-islamiyyi, AN EARLY TRADITION 175 of the prohibition of journeys to the grave of the Prophet and to minor sanctuaries maintained that the ~adith should be interpreted as « do not set out for any place except for the three mosques I). Those who approved of such pilgrimages argued that the meaning of the phrase was « do not set out for any mosque except for the three mosques.» As they considered the general term from which exception is made to be « mosques » they concluded that the faithful should set out as regards mosques (for the purpose of prayer and devotion) - only for these three mosques; for other sanctuaries there is no reservation 3. 3 Al-Subki, op. cit., p. 118 seq ... Fa-'lam anna hadha 1-istithna'a mularraghun, taqdiruhu la tushaddu 1-ril!lilui1iimasjidin i1laila 1-masiijidi 1-thalathati,au la tushaddu l-ril)ii,lu i1ii makiinin illii ila 1-masiijidi 1-thalathati... , and see ib, p. 121 :... [a-naqala imamu l-{!aramayni 'an shaykhihi annahu kiina yufti bi-1-man'i 'an shaddi 1-ri{!iili ila ghayri hiidhihi 1-masiijidi. qiila : wa-rubbamii kiina yaqu1u. yukrahu~, wa-rubbamii JcanayaqUlu «yu{!arramu~ ... ; al-Ghasal], op. eit., I, 219 :... ua-qad dhahaba ba'rJu 1··u1amii'i ila 1-istidlali bi-hiidhii l-{!adithi Ii 1-man'i min a1-ri{!lati li-ziyiirati 1-mashahidi wa quburi l-'ulamii'i wa-1-~ula{!ii'i ; ib., II, 219 :... wa-yadkhu1u Ii jumlatihi ziyiiratu quburi ... 1-anbiyii'i 'alayhimu l-saliimu. wa-ziyiiratu quburi 1-lIa{!iibatiwa-1-tiibi'ina wa-8ii'iri 1·ulamii'i ....... wa-yajuzu shaddu l-ri{!iili li-hiidha l-ghararJi wa-la yamna'u min hiidha qauluhu 'alayhi l-saliimu: lii tushaddu. 1-ri{!iilu li-anna dhalika Ii l-masiijidi la-innaha mutamiithilatun ba'da hiidhihi 1-masiijidi... wa-ammii 1-biqii'u la-la ma'na li-ziyii. ratiha siwii l-masiijidi l-thalathati wa-siwii 1-thughUri 1i-1-ribiiti biha.. ,; Al,1mad b. ~ajar al-Haythami: al-Jauhar al-muna~~am Ii ziyiirati l-qabri l-sharili l-mu'a~~am, Cairo 1331 AH, pp. 13-14; al-'Abdari, a1-Madkha1, Cairo, 1929, I, 256; al-Shaukani op, cit., VIII, 212: ... wa-qad tamassaka bi-hiidha l-{!adithi man mana'a l-sajara wa-shadda l-ra{!liila ghayriha min ghayri farqin bayna jami'i l-biqii·i ... : Abu Bakr al-Turtashl i K itiib al-{!awiidithua-l-bida", ed. Muhammad al-l'alibi, Tunis 1959, p. 98 :... uia-liiyu'tii shay'un min al-masiijidi yu'taqadu lihi l-farflu ba'da l-thalathati masiijida illa masjidu Qubii'a... fa-ammii siwiihu min al-masiijidi fa-lam asma' 'an a{!adin annahu atiiha riikiban wa-la miishiyan kamii atii QUbii' , and see ib., p. 147-48 :... thumma ra'ii (i.e." Umar) al-niisa yadhha. a buna madhahiba la-qiila : ayna yadhhabu ha'ula'i, fa-qUa: yii amira l-mu'minina, masiidun 'lalla fihi l·nabiyyu (~)fa-hum yu§alluna lihi, la-qiila : innama halaka man Jcanaqablakum bi-mithli hiidha, kiinu yattabi'una iithara anbiyii'ihim wa-yattakhidhUnaha masiijida wa· biya·an ... ; and see the preceding tradition: Abu I-Mal,1asin Yusuf b. Musa al-Hanafi : al -M u'ta§ar min al-mukhtasa» min mU8hkilal-iithiir, Hyderabad 1362 AH, I, 26; Ibn Taymiyya: Minhaj al-sunnati al-nabawiyya, I, 336 and al-Sha~ibi: al-l'til!iim, Cairo, Ma~ba'at al-sa'ada, n.d., I, 346; Ibn Taymiyya: Talsir 8urati l-ikhla§, p. 120; id.: Maimu'at a1-rasii'il, II, 55 : ... wa-lau nadhara l-saiara ila qabri l-Khalili 'alayhi l-sal.iimu au qabri l-nabiyyi (I!) au ila l-,!,uri lladhi kallama llahu 'alayhi MiZsii 'a1ayhi 1-8aliimu, au ila jabali Jfirii'a lladhi kdna l-nabiyyu §alla llahu 'alayhi wa-sallama yata'abbadu liki wa.jii'ahu l-wa{!yu lihi, au al-ghari l-madhkUri Ii l-qur'iini, au ghayri dhalika min almaqiibiri wa-l-maqiimiiti wa-l-mashahidi l-muqiilati ila ba'rJi l-anbiyii'i wa-l-mashayikhi au ila ba'rJi l-maghariiti, au al-iibii1i - lam yajibi l-wafii'u bi-hadha 1-nadhri bi- 'ttiliiqi 1-a'immati l·arba·ati [a-inna l-eajara ila hiidhihi l·mawii4i·i manhiyyun 'anhu li-nahyi 176 They could in fact quote a ~adith in which they could find a convincing proof of their argument : lii tushaddu ri~iilu l-matiyyi ilii masjidin yudhkaru tuu« fihi illii ilii thaliithati masiijida ... « the saddles of the riding beasts shall not be fastened (for their journey) to a mosque in which God is invoked except to the three mosques »... 4 Even more explicit in favour of this view is another ~adith: u yanbaghi li-l-mu§alli an yashudda ri~iilahu ilii masjidin yabghi fihi l-§aliita ghayra l-masjidi l-~ariimi wa-l-masJ'idi l-aq§ii wa-masjidi hiidhii. « It is not proper that a man praying set out for a mosque in which he seeks to pray except the mosque of the Haram, the mosque al-Aqs;a and my mosque ».5 It is evident that these traditions confirm the view that the three mosques are to be preferred in comparison with other mosques; one shall set out for these mosques to gain the benefit of prayer and devotion; but he is permitted, and it is even recommended to him, to set out for other sanctuaries which are not mosques. The close observation of the ~adith about the three mosques is illustrated by a curious story reported by al-Wasiti 6 : Sa'Id b. 'Abd al-'Aziz used to visit the Mihrab Da'iid 7 on foot; only on his return he used to ride. When asked about it he answered: I was told that 'Abdallah b. 'Abdallah used to set out for the mosque of Quba" 8 riding a horse without a saddle; (this he used to do because) he considered that fastening the girth of the saddle of the horse was like fastening the saddles of the riding beasts which is mentioned (scil. as forbidden) according to the tradition: « you shall not fasten the saddles... except for three mosques»... G. E. von Grunebaum characterizes this ~adith as an « earlier battle, long since abandoned, which the theologians fought against the cult of those minor sanctuaries» 9. This battle was in fact an early one. l-nabiyyi (§) : Iii tushaddu ... etc.; al-Samniidi al-Mansiiri : Sa'iidat al-diirayn, p. 120 seq.; 'Ali Mal?iii:?: al-Ibdii' Ii maifiirri l-ibtidii', Cairo, Mapbe, 'at al-istiqama, 4th ed., pp. 194-96. 4 AI-Samniidi 5 al-Mansart : Sa'iidat al-diirayn, p. 121 sup. in al-Qastallani, lb.; but see the interpretation of this lJadith given by Ibn Taymiyya Irshiid al-siiri III, 240 (he forbids the journey to the grave of the Prophet on the ground of this lJadith). 6 7 AI-Wasiti, op. cit., f. 47a. Leiden 1938, op. cit., pp. 227, 302, 366-67, 407. op. cit., II, 16-28. Taha Husain, : The sacred character of Islamic cities, Melanges On MiJ:!.rab Da'iid see Ibn. Hauqal : $i1rat al-ard, ed. J.H. Kramers, See on the mosque of Quba' : al-Samhiidi, G.E. von Grunebaum Badawi, Cairo 1962, p. 27. I, 171; Mujir al-Din, 8 9 ed. Adburrahman AN EARLY TRADITION 177 Malik b. Anas records in his Muwatta'10 a story about a discussion between Abu Hurayra and Ka'b (al-Ahbar) concerning the question at what hour on Friday God fulfils the wishes of the faithful. This discussion took place when Abu Hurayra met Ka'b on his pilgrimage to al-Tfir. In a parenthetical passage Malik reports that Abu Hurayra on his return was rebuked by Basra b. Abi Basra 11 who told him: « Had I met you before you went out (scil. to al-Tiir) you would not have set out; I heard the Prophet saying: the riding beasts shall be driven only to three mosques ... etc. » 12. A similar tradition (in which the name of Abu Hurayra is however not mentioned) is recorded by 'Abd al-Razzaq 13 in his Mu~annaf14: a man who returned from a journey to al-Ttir was reproached and reminded of the utterance of the Prophet about the three mosques. Another tradition records a talk between 'Arfaja and Ibn 'Umar. Ibn 'Umar, when consulted by 'Arfaja about a journey to al-Tur, answered: You shall only set out for three mosques, the mosque of Mecca, the mosque of the Prophet (i.e. Medina) and the mosque al-Aq!?a; abandon al-Tur and do not go there 15. Commentators are agreed that by al-Ttir in these traditions Mt. Bina is meant 16. Mt. Bina was in fact regarded as a sacred place. 10 Malik B. Anas: al-Muwatta', Cairo, Matba'at Dar Ii).ya' l-Kutub l-'Arabiyya, n.d., I, 130-133. 11 See on him Ibn Hajar : al-Lsiiba, Cairo 1323 AH, I, 167, no. 713, 714 and II, 41, no. 1845 (recorded by 'Abd al-Razzaq as Nadra b. Abi Nadra ; see note I, above); al-Suyii td : Is'iif al-MubaUa' p. 8 (appended to Malik's MuwaUa' with Suyuti's Tanwir al-lJ,awiilik, quoted in the preceding note); al-Zurqjinl . SharlJ, 'ala Muwatta' Miilik, Cairo 1936, I, 224; AbU 'Ubayd: 12 Gharib al-lJ,adith, Hyderabad Sunan, Cairo 1930, III, 1966, III, 23, note 6. fihi Musii See this tradition Miilik, al-Nasa'L: 113-116; al-Zurqani : SharlJ, ed. Muh. al-Bijawi, 'ala Muwatta' I, 222-225 (about al-Tur : «ioa-hsuoa lladhi kullima »; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr : al-lsti'iib, Frankfurt wa-huwa lladhi 'anii Abu Hurayra Helga Hemgesberg: Abu Huraira, - Cairo, n.d., I, 184; 'Abd al-Qadir al-Jilani: al-Ghunya, Cairo 1322 AH, II, 70: and see am Main 1965, p. 105 (with references p. 1912, discussing an yusiifara l-~alJ,iibatu min nahyihi al-~aliit fi l-,!,ur. Geschichte des arabischen II, 609, no. 5044; given by the author); and see al-Samnfid i :Nu~ratu al-isniio: al-Subki, the following comment: ioa-li-hiidhii fahima ilii ghayri l-masiijidi l-thaliiihaii. anna l-sajara ilii '!'uri Sinii' a diikhilum fi l-nahyi wa-in lam yakun masjidan ... ; and see ib., p. 192: 13 See on him Brockelmann, GAL, S. I, 333; F. Sezgin: Schrifttums, Leiden 1967, I, 99; al-Dhahabi : Miziin al-i'tidiil, 14 'Abd al-Razzgq, op. cit., f. 39b. 15 16 I b., f. 40a. See e.g. note 12 above; but see al-Harawi : al-Tshiisii; ilii ma'rifati Damas 1953, p. 21, II. 16-17. l-ziyiiriit, ed. Janine Sourdel-Thomine, 178 According to Muslim tradition the Prophet was instructed by the angel Jibril to pray there during his night journey to Jerusalem 17. At the « laylat al-qadr» the angels will hoist their flags in four mosques: the mosque of Mecca, the mosque of the Prophet, the mosque of J erusalem and at 1'iir Sina. 18 Ibn Taymiyya stresses that the journey to Mt. Sina is forbidden on the ground of the utterance of the Prophet about the exclusiveness of the journey to the three mosques 19. By the beginning of the second century there seems to have already been a unanimity of the Muslim community about the sanctity of these three mosques and consequently about the sanctity of these three cities; this is later reflected in the rich literature concerning the virtues of these cities. There appear, however, to have existed earlier trends which aimed at emphasizing the sanctity of Mecca, or the sanctity of both Mecca and Medina, while minimizing that of Jerusalem. These trends are reflected in some early traditions, only partly preserved in the canonical collections of ~ad"ith. These traditions which probably preceded the Muslim consensus regarding the ~ad"ith of the three mosques will be viewed in the following pages. I A tradition recorded on the authority of '.A'isha, the wife of the Prophet, mentions only two mosques: the mosque of Mecca and the mosque of Medina. The Prophet said according to this tradition: « I am the seal (khatam) of the prophets and my mosque is the seal of the mosques of the prophets. The mosques which deserve mostly to be visited and towards which the riding beasts should be driven are the mosque of Mecca and my mosque (i.e. the mosque of Medina). The prayer in my mosque is better than a thousand prayers in any other mosque except that of Mecca » 20. 17 See e.g. al-Wasiti, op. cit., f. 49b, 1.6 and f. 60a, penult. : ... ~allayta bi-,/,uri Sinii' Tafsir alal-Zarkashi, op. cit., p. 298. '/'ahiirat al-quliib, nadhara t-saiara lJ,aythu kallama lliihu Musii ~allii lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallama ... ; Ibn. Kathir: Qur'iin al-'a~im, Beirut 1966, IV, 245,1.7; 18 'Abd aI-Qadir al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 14; 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Dirini: al-rasii'il II, 55, 1. 3: wa-l-tarhib min wa-lau Cairo 1354 AH, 124. 19 Ibn Taymiyya: Majmu'at ilii ...... 20 au ilii l-,/,uri lladhi kallama 'lliihu 'alayhi Miisii 'alayhi l-saliim. ,) al-Targhib al-lJ,adith al-shari], ed. Muhy! al-Din 233, al-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, al-Mundhiri: 'Abd al-l,Iamid, Cairo 1961, III, 50, no. 1732; aI-Muttaqi no. 1306; Ibn al-Najjar, op. cit., II, 357; al-Samhiidi, op. cit., I, 259; Ahmad b. 'Abd AN EARLY TRADITION 179 An almost identical tradition is reported on the authority of l'awlis 21 : « You shall set out for two mosques: the mosque of Mecca and the mosque of Medina» 22. The initial phrase of this tradition is almost identical with that of the tradition about the three mosques; mention is however made in this tradition of two mosques only, those of Mecca and Medina. A similar tradition is recorded by alMundhiri: « The best mosque towards which the riding beasts should be driven is the mosque of Ibrahim (i.e. the mosque of Mecca) and my mosque» 23. A significant tradition reported by Ibn Jurayj sheds some light on the attitude of certain Muslim scholars of the second century towards the pilgrimage to the three mosques. Ibn Jurayj records that Ibn 'Ata 24 reported a tradition recommending the pilgrimage to the three mosques and adds: « 'Atii: used to exclude (the mention of) the Aqr:;a,but he reverted later to counting it with them» (kana 'Ata'un yunkiru l-Aq§a thumma 'ada fa- 'addahu ma'aM) 25. It is 'Ata' who was asked by Ibn Jurayj : « What (is your opinion) about a man who vowed to walk from Basra to Jerusalem». He answered: « You were merely ordered (to pilgrimage to) this House (i.e. the Ka'ba) 26. l'awlis, on whose authority the tradition about the two mosques was transmitted, bade people who vowed to journey to Jerusalem to set out for Mecca 27. These traditions bear evidence to the fact that among scholars al-Hamld al-'Abbasi: op. cit., p. 73; Juz' Abi l-Jahm. a1-'Alii' b. Musii, Ms. Hebrew Univ., Majmu'a, p. 43, 1. 3 V. 8; al-Dhahabi : Tadhkirat a1-J;,uttii~ lJayiit a1-J;,ayawiin,Cairo 1963, II, 88-90; Ibn Khallikan: Wajayiit a1-a'yiin, ed. A.F. Rim'i, Cairo 1936, VI, 303-305; Ibn Sa'd: Tabaqiit, Beirut 1957, V, 21 See on him Ibn Hajar : Tahdhib al-tahdhib, I, 90; al-Damiri: 537-42. 22 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., f. 39b : yurJ;,a1u masjidayni, masjidi Makkata ioa-masjidi ilii 1-Madinati. 23 AI-Mundhiri, op. cit., III, 63, no. 1775 : Khayru rna rukibat i1ayhi 1-rawiiJ;,i1u masjidu lbriihima (~)wa-masjidi. Two variants are recorded: masjidi hiidha ioa-l-bagtu.1-ma'muru and masjidi hadha wa-1-baytu1'atiqu; and see the note of al-Mundhiri, ib., inf.; al-Suyu~i : a1-Jiimi' al-~aghir, II, 10 sup.; al-Samhudi, op. cit., I. 259; Al;tmad b. J;Iajar al-Haythami, op. cit., p. 41. 24 See on him: Ibn J;Iajar: Tahdhib al-tahdhib, VII, 483-84; al-Dhahabi: Tadhkirat a1-J;,ujjii~,, 98: 'A~a' b. Abi Rabal;t (died 115 AH; Ibn Jurayj transmitted his I traditions); Ibn Sa'd: Tabaqiit, Beirut 1957, V, 467-70. 25 'Abd al·Razzaq, op. eit., f. 39b. 26 Id., op. cit., Murad MoIla 606, f. 40b, info 27 ti; f. 41 b. 180 of Islam in the first half of the second century there was some reluctance to give full recognition of sanctity to the third mosque and to grant Jerusalem an equal position with the two holy cities of Islam, Mecca and Medina. This reluctance is plainly brought out in a series of traditions in which the Prophet is said to have advised the faithful to refrain from the journey to Jerusalem for prayer and to perform the prayer either in Mecca or in Medina. A tradition told on the authority of Jabir b. 'Abdallah 28 reports: A man 29 approached the Prophet at the day of the conquest of Mecca and said « 0 Messenger of God, I vowed to pray in Jerusalem if you conquer Mecca». The Prophet then said: « Pray here». The man asked him another time and the Prophet gave the same answer. He asked him a third time and the Prophet said: « Then the matter is at your disposal» (fa-sha'naka idhan) 30. A very similar tradition is recorded on the authority of Abu Sa'Id (al-Khudri) 31. But whereas the preceding tradition stresses the preference of Mecca, this one puts Medina to the fore. A man came to the Prophet, it is told in the story, in order to take leave from him before setting out for his journey to Jerusalem. The Prophet told him that a prayer in his mosque (i.e. in Medina) would be better than a thousand prayers in another mosque except the mosque of Mecca. Some versions of this tradition mention the name of the man, al-Arqam, but do not record the phrase about the mosque of Mecca 32. 28 Jabir b. 'Abdallah (died 78 AH). See on him al-Dhahabi: al-talulhib, II, 42; al-Baliidhurl Siyar a'liim Tadhkirat al-nubalii', al-lJ,ujjii~, ed. As'ad I, 43; Ibn 1;Iajar : Tahdhib Hamldullah, 29 : Ansiib al-ashrii], ed. Mul).. Cairo 1959, I, 248-49; al-Dhahabi: 126-29. '!'alas, Cairo 1962, III, According to the report of 'Abd al-Razzaq, Majma' al-zawii'id, op. cit., Murad Molla 604, f. 37b, 41a Cairo 1353 AH, IV, 192, the name 'J'abaqiit V, 113; Ibn 1;Iajar : and Ibn 1;Iajar al-Haythami: of the man was al-Sharid. 30 About al-Sharid see Ibn Sa'd: al-Lsiiba III, 204, no. 3887. Ibn Hajar : Buliiqh. al-mariim, p. 287, no. 1407; Abu Da'iid : $alJ,ilJ,sunan al-mW}tajii, to pray two rak'a; ib, inf. another variant: kulla ~aliitin Cairo 1348 AH, II, 79 with a variant al-Shaukani, bayti l-maqdisi; al-Nabulsi: 31 « if ~; you would pray here it would be counted (ajza'a) as much as the prayer in Jerusalem op. cit., VIII, 210 with a variant: la-qaiJii 'anka dhiilika Ii al-Tibrizi : Mishkiit al-ma~iibilJ" Karachi 1350 AH, p. 298; 'Abd al-Razzjiq op. cit., f. 41a; al-Subki, op. eit., pp. 94-95; al-Bayhaqi, Dhakhii'ir al-mawiirith, diai, op. eii., p. 134. See his biography in Ibn Hajar's Isiiba, AI-Samhiidi, Siyar op. cit., X, 82; 'Abd al-Ghani Cairo 1943, I, 145, no. 1324; Shihab ai-Din al-MaqIII, 85, no. 2189; al-Dhahabi: Tadhkirat al-lJ,uttii~, I, 44. 32 op. cit., I, 295; Ahmad b. Hajar al-Haythami, a'liim al-nubalii', ed. al-Abyar), op. eit., p. 41; al- Dhahabi: Cairo 1957, II, 342. AN EARLY TRADITION 181 To this category of traditions belongs the story told about Maymi.i.na the wife of the Prophet. A woman became ill and vowed to perform a pilgrimage to Jerusalem if she recovered. Having recuperated and prepared provisions for her journey she came to Maymi.i.nato take her leave. Maymi.i.naadvised her to stay at Medina, to consume her provisions there and to fulfil her vow by praying in the mosque of the Prophet (in Medina). Maymi.i.naquoted in this connection the utterance of the Prophet that a prayer in his mosque was better than a thousand prayers in any other mosque except that of the Ka'ba 33. A story closely resembling the preceding tradition is told on the authority of Sa'id b. al-Musayyab 34. The story told about 'Umar is however in favour of Mecca, not of Medina. A man came to 'Umar asking permission to travel to Jerusalem. 'Umar ordered him to prepare his provisions. But when these were prepared 'Umar bade him to perform the 'umra instead of going to Jerusalem 35. The essential reason for the resistance of a group of Muslim scholars to grant license of pilgrimage to Jerusalem is plainly reflected in another story about 'Umar told on the authority of the same Sa'Id b. al-Musayyab, who transmitted the preceding story; it is recorded by the early scholar of ~adith, 'Abd al-Razzaq b. Hammam in his MUl}annaf. According to this story, when 'Umar was in an enclosure of camels of I}adaqa two men passed by. He asked them wherefrom they came and they answered that they had come from Jerusalem. 'Umar hit them with his whip and said: « (Have you performed) a pilgrimage like the pilgrimage of the Ka'ba »? They said: « No, o Commander of the faithful, we came from such and such a territory, we passed by it (scil, Jerusalem) and prayed there.» Then 'Umar said: « Then it is so», and let then go 36. 33 AI-Bayhaqi, op. cit., X, 83; al-Shaukani, op. cit., VIII, 210; Juz' Abi l-Jahm al-'Alii' b. lvIusa, Ms., p. 42; Shihab aI-Din al-Maqdisl, op. cit., Ms. p. 134. 34 See on him Ibn Khallikan, op. cit., VI, 136-143; Ibn I,Iajar: Tahdhib al·tahdhib, IV, 84-88; Abu Nu'aym 35 36 al-Isfahani : I.filyat al·auliyu', 'Abd al-Razzaq Cairo 1933, II, 161-173. 'Abd al-Razzaq, 'Abd al-Razzaq, op, cit., f. 39b. op. cit., f. 39b: » Ma'mar b. Rashid> 'Abd aI-Karim al-Jazari (died 127 AH; see on him Ibn I,Iajar: Tahdhib al-tahdhib, VI, 373-75; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr : Tajrid al-tamhid, Cairo 1350 AH, p. 107» Ibn al-Musayyab: Baynii 'Umaru fi na'amin min na'am'i l-sadaqaii marra bihi rajuliini, fa-qala: min ayna ji'tumii, qiilii : min al-bayti l-bayti, bihi fa-~allaynii l-muqaddasi, fa- 'aliihumii dorban. bi-l-dirrati fa-tarakahumii. wa-qiilii : lpajjun ka-lpajji [a-mararnii qiilii: yii amira l-mu'minina, innii ji'nii, min arrf,i kadhii uxi-kadhii fihi, [a-qida : lcadhiilika idhan, 182 The story shows clearly that Muslim scholars feared that Jerusalem might become a place of pilgrimage like Mecca and acquire a sanctity like that of Mecca. The two sanctuaries, that of Mecca and the one of Jerusalem are mentioned jointly in the verse of al-Farazdaq : Wa-baytiini baytu lliihi nalJnu wuliituhu : wa-baytun bi-a'lii Iliyii'a musharrafu (To us belong) two Houses: and the revered the House of God, of which we are the governors: (i.e. Jerusalem) 37. House in the upper (part of) Iliya'a This verse testifies to the veneration of these two sanctuaries at the end of the seventh century. It is significant that the two sanctuaries are referred to as being on the same level 38. This these scholars tried to prevent. Jerusalem could only be considered as a place of devotional prayer, a holy place endowed with special merits for pilgrims to Mecca; but it could not be awarded the rank of Mecca and it never got it. The reluctance to perform the pilgrimage to Jerusalem found its expression in some utterances reported on the authority of the Companions of the Prophet. (,Abdallah) b. Mas'tld is stated to have said: « If (the whole distance) between me and Jerusalem were two parasangs I would not go there 39. Malik (b. Anas) refrained from coming to Jerusalem for fear that this may become a sunna 40. The justification of this attitude which tried to diminish the importance of the pilgrimage to Jerusalem is found in a remarkable saying of al-Sha'bi 41 : « Mul;tammad, may God bless him, was only turned 37 AI-Farazdaq: Diiciin; ed. al-Saw], Cairo 1936, p. 566; Naqil'irJ Jarir wa-l-Farazdaq, Diwiln, p. 619, composed in the first decade bihi min quliibi l·mumtarina rJaliiluhii. Jabir> alal- ed. Bevan, Leiden 1905, p. 571. 38 Comp. another verse of al-Farazdaq, of the eighth century: uia-bi-l-masjidi l-aq~il l-imilmu 39 'lladhi 'htadil: 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., f. 39b, inf.: 'Abd al-Razzaq » al-Thauri> Sha 'bi> Shaqiq (see on him Ibn I,Iajar: ('Abdallah) l~ilba III, 225, no. 3977; id. : Tahdhib bayti tahdhib, IV, 361» b. Mas'fid : lau kiina bayni wa-bayna l-maqdisi /ar8akhiini mii ataytuhu. 40 Al-Shatibi, op. cit., I, 347: wa-qad kiina Miilikun yakrahu l-maji'a ilii bayti l-maqdisi khiiata an yuttakhadha 41 dhiilika eumnatan, Tadhkirat al·hultii?, I, 79-88: Ibn 'Asakir: Tu'rikh, V, al-tahdhib, See on him al-Dhahabi: ed. Ibn Badran, 69-61. Damascus, n.d., VII, 138-155; Ibn Hajar : Tahdhib AN EARLY TRADITION 183 away from Jerusalem (i.e. from his first qibla) because of his anger.» A gloss added to this tradition states: « he means (anger with regards to Jerusalem » 42. The son of Sa'd b. Abi Waqqii/?,'.Amir 43 and his daughter 'A'isha 44 reported on the authority of their father that he would like much more to pray in the mosque of Quba' than in Jerusalem. 45 'Umar is also said to have stated that he preferred one prayer in the mosque of Quba' than four prayers in Jerusalem 46. The superiority of the mosque of Medina over al-Aq/?iiwas expressed by the Prophet himself. According to a tradition reported on the authority of Abu Hurayra, the Prophet was asked whether prayer in al-Aq/?ii as better than prayer in his mosque (i.e. in Medina). w The Prophet answered: « A prayer in my mosque is better than four prayers in it». (i.e. in al-Aqsa) 47. A peculiar tradition attributed to the Prophet recommends to journey to three mosques only, exactly as in the tradition discussed 42 'Abd al-Razza.q, op. cit., f. 40a, sup. : 'Abd al-Razzaq yuqsimu bi- lliihi mii rudda MulJammadun See al-Thauri: Ta/sir » al-Thaurf » Jabir: al-Qur'iin al-karim, sami'tu illii 'an Rampur bi- lliihi I·Sha'biyya (~) 'an bayti l-maqdisi 8ukhtihi, ya'ni 'alii bayti l-maqdisi. 1965, ed. Imtiyaz l-Sha'biyyu 'Ali 'Arshi, p. 12: Sufyan > Jabir al-d u'f'i, qiila: aqsama : rna rudda l-nabiYY1t 'ala ahli bayti l-maqdisi illii li-sukhtihi The editor of al-Thaurr's Muh, Shakir, 'ala ahli bayti l-maqdisi. The text of this tradition to the record of al-Mu~anna/. ed. Mahmud wa-yukhiililu kana 'alayhi 43 44 45 is of course blurred and has to be corrected according Tuisir remarks that he could comp. Tabar! : 'I'aisir, 173: qiilo. Cairo, ca. 1960, III, not find this utterance in the compilations of talsir and hadith, Muh. Shakir and Ahmad ba'rJuhum : kariha qiblaia bayti l-maqdisi min ajli anna, l·yahuda qaZU: yattabi'u qiblaianii dinana ... , al-Nuwayr i, op. cit., I, 329:· wa- khtalalu Ii l-sababi lladhi l-saliiiu. ioa-l-saliimu. min ajlihi yakralm qiblata bayti l-maqdisi wa-yahwa V, 64 qiblata l-Ko'biui ... On him see Ibn Hajar : 'I'ahdib al-tahdhib, On her see Ibn Hajar : al-Lsiiba, VIII, AI-Bayhaqi, 141, no. 703 III, 12; Ahmad b. 'Abd al-J;lamid op. cit., V, 249; al-MundhirI, op. cii., III, 55, no. 1748; a.l-Samhfid i, Hyderabad, al-Qasta.lla.nl, op. cit., III, 242. Damascus op. cit., II, 19; al-J;lakim : al-M'uetadralc, al- 'Abbasi, 46 47 op. cit., p. 412 sup. (three versions); 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., f. 37b. Ibn 'Asakir: Ta'rikh madinat Dimashq, ed. f?alal,l al-Din al-Munajjid, al-manihilr, 1951, I, 163; Mujir al-Dln, op. cit., I, 206; aI-Wasiti, al-Din al-Suyupi, 24 info op. cit., f. 42a; Shihab al-Dtn IV, 161; Shams op. cit., I, al-Maqdisi, op. cit., Ms. pp. 130, 146; al-Suyiit.I : Al-Durr op. cit., f. 17a; Abii l-Mahasin Yiisuf b. Miisa al-Hanaf'i, 184 above. This tradition, however, places the mosque of al-Khayf 48 instead al-Aq~a as the third mosque 49. The traditions quoted above can be taken to represent an early stratum of lore in which the opposition displayed by certain circles of Muslim scholars at the beginning of the second century to the ranking of Jerusalem on the level of Mecca and Medina is reflected. They bring out quite clearly the tendency of those who tried to subdue the excessive veneration which was forming with regard to the sanctuary of Jerusalem. II Against the records in which an attempt is made to diminish the position of the sanctuary of Jerusalem one can notice quite well in 'be traditions the existence of a trend going in the opposite direction: it aims at granting Jerusalem the rank of Medina and emphasizes the peculiar features of sanctity of the mosque, of the city and of the region of Jerusalem. « The assignment of relative ratings of efficacy to prayer in different localities is a common method of ranking towns in terms of their holiness» stated G. von Grunebaum 50. This was indeed applied to Jerusalem in comparison to Mecca and Medina. A significant tradition granting the mosque of Jerusalem an unusually high rank is recorded on the authority of Abu Hurayra and 'A.'isha. « A prayer in my mosque (i.e. in Medina) - says the Prophet in this ly,adith - is better than a thousand prayers in any other mosque except al-Aq~a» 51. It is evident that this tradition contradicts the well-known tradition in which the concluding phrase reads: « except (prayer in) the mosque of Mecca» 52. The phrase « except (prayer in) 48 See on al-Khayf : al-Bakri: Mu'jarn Mu'jam al-buldiin, mii 'sta'jam, s.v, Khayf; Shila' ed. Mu~tafa al-Saqa, Cairo Abii l-Baqa": al-Manaqib al- 1945, II, 526; Yaqiit: mazyadiyya, 49 Ms. Br. Mus., f. 93a (the grave of Mudar in the mosque of al-Khayf). al-qhariim, I, 263 inf.; al-Dhahabi: al-Jiimi" al-laii] Al-Zarkashl, op. cit., p. 68; al-Fasi: Mizan al-i'tidiil, ed. al-Bijawl, Cairo 1963, I, 650, no. 2495; Ibn ~ahira: fi larJli Makkata wa-ahlihii wa-binii' i I-bayti l-shari], Cairo 1921, p. 334. 50 G.E. von Grunebaum, op. cit., p. 31. 51 al-Mundhiri, op. ci•., III, 53, no. 1740: $alatun fi masjidi khayrun min alii ~aliitin illii l-masjidi l-aqsii ; al-Samhildi: op. cit., I, 296 sup. Al-Samhiidi, op. cit., I, 296; al-Suyutt : al-Jiimi" al-~aghir, II, 47; 'Abd al-Razzaq, lima siwahu min al-masajidi 52 op. cit., f. 37b; al-Mundhiri, op. cit., III, 50, no. 1731; Al;tmad b. Hanbal : al-Musnad III, no. 1605, VII, no. 4838, 5153, 5155, 5358, VIII, no. 5778, XII, no. 7252; Mul;t. AN EARLY TRADITION 185 the mosque of Mecca»was in this ~adith replaced by the phrase « except (prayer in) al-Aq::;a». Another tradition reported on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas links the ~adith about the three mosques with the utterance of the Prophet about the value of the prayer in these mosques granting al-Aqi?a preference over the mosque of Medina. « A prayer in the mosque of Mecca(al-masjid al-~aram) - says the Prophet - is worth a hundred thousand prayers, a prayer in my mosque (i.e. in Medina) is worth a thousand prayers, and a prayer in al-Aqi?ais worth ten thousand prayers» 03. This tradition occurs with greater exaggeration in Muthir al-qhariim. 04: The Prophet states that a prayer in the mosque of Mecca is worth a hundred thousand prayers, a prayer in the mosque of Medina a thousand prayers and a prayer in Jerusalem twenty thousand prayers. More restrained are two traditions recorded by Ibn Majah. One of them states that the Prophet when asked about the mosque of Jerusalem recommended to come to Jerusalem, the land of the Resurrection and the place of assembly for the Final Judgement 00 and to pray there, as a prayer performed in it is worth a thousand prayers Fu'ad 'Abd al-Baql, op. cit., II, 97, no. 881; Abii Yiisuf al-Ansar! : al-Athar, op. cit., 115-119, Ibn Taymiyya: ed. Abii Majmii'at I-Wafii, Cairo 135.5AH, p. 65, no. 320; Ibn al-Najjar, op. cit., II, 357; Ibn ~ahira, op. cit., p. 193; al-Fasi, op. cit., I, 79-81; al-Zarkashi, al-rasii'il, II, 54, inf. ; Ahmad b. 'Abd al-Ham id al- 'Abbasi, op. cit., p. 72-73; Abii Talib al-Makki, op. cit., III, 182; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr : Tajrid al-tamhid, p. 99, no. 305; al-Dariml, op. cit., I, 270, no. 1425; al-Rabi' b. Hablb : al-Jiimi" al-~aJ;,i"J;" airo 1349 AH, I, 52; C Abii I-Mal).asin al-Hanaf'i, op. cit., I, 24; al-Nawawi : al-IrJiil}fi l-maniisik, p. 65; al-Jarrah], op. cit., II, 27, no. 1605; Mul).. b. al-Fattal Cairo 1298 AH, al-Najaf : Ranula; al·wii'i~in, 1966, p. 408; al-Qastallan], op. cit., III, 240 inf.; etc ... 03 Ch. D. Matthews: The Kit. Bii'i!1t-n-nu!,ts, JPOS, XV (1935), p. 54; idem: Palestine, p.4. 04 Shihab al-Din al-Maqdisi, op. cit., Ms. p. 129 with the following isniid: Miziin al-i'tidiil IV, 299» Ibn Jurayj> Hisham 'Ata'> b. Sulayman (see on him al-Dhahabi: Ibn 'Abbas> the Prophet. The hadith 00 For ardu. l-mahshar wa-l-manshar ed. ~alal). al-Din al-Munajjid, of Munajjid, al-Maqdisi, tadhkirat Kit. is evaluated as weak (wiihin). see al-Raba'i: FarJii'il al-Shiim. ioa-Dimashq, 1, p. 85, ed. no. 25; Shihab al-Wahhab al-Sha'ranl al-Din Damascus 1950, p. 15, no. 25; and see ib., the introduction : Mukhta~ar p. 10, note 2; and see ib., Appendix op. cit., pp. 12, 143; and see 'Abd Cairo 1935, p. 43; al-Wasiti, Leszynsky, Kirchhain al-Qurtubi, op. cit., f. 51b-53b, 57b; and see H. 1909 (JJIohammedanische Palestine, p. 120. Traditionen Busse, Der Islam und die biblischen Kultstiitten, al-Zuhd, ed. Rudolf Der Islam, 1966, p. 124; Asad b. Miisa : op. cit., VI, 411; al-Suyirt.l : iiber das jiingste Gericht) pp. XXI, 46, 49-50; Ibn Kathir, al-Durr al-manihdir VI, 110; Ch. D. Matthews: 186 elsewhere 56. The second tradition records the utterance of the Prophet assigning to the prayer in the mosque of Jerusalem the value of fifty thousand prayers, to the prayer in the mosque of Medina fifty thousand prayers and to the prayer in the mosque of Mecca a hundred thousand prayers 57. In another tradition, reported on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas, the Prophet assigned to a prayer in the mosque of Mecca the value of a hundred thousand prayers, to a prayer in the mosque of Medina fifty thousand prayers and to a prayer in the mosque of Jerusalem twenty thousand prayers 58. In another tradition reported as well on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas the value of a prayer in the mosque of Jerusalem is considerably reduced. The Prophet - according to this tradition - assigned to a prayer in the mosque of Medina the value of hundred thousand prayers, to a prayer in the mosque of Mecca a hundred thousand prayers and to a prayer in the mosque of Jerusalem a thousand prayers 59. Another tradition reported on the authority of Abu l-Darda' states that the Prophet assigned to a prayer in the mosque of Mecca the value of a hundred thousand prayers, to a prayer in the mosque of Medina the value of a thousand prayers and to a prayer in the mosque of Jerusalem the value of five hundred prayers 60. Ibn Taymiyya records as the number of prayers 56 Ibn Majah: Sunan al-Mu§tafa, Cairo 1349 AH, I, 429 (Abii I-Hasan Muh. b. 'Abd the Prophet was probably asked whether al-Hfidt remarks in his comment ib., that the prayer was permitted in the mosque of Jerusalem after the Qibla was diverted from it. He also remarks that only prayers in mosques other that those of Mecca and Medina are meant, as a prayer in the mosque of Jerusalem is like a prayer in Medina); al-Zarkashi, op. cit., p. 289; al- Wasiti, op. cit., f. 41b; al-Samhiidi, op. cit., I, 295; Ibn Babtiya : Thauxib al-o'm/il, Tehran 1375 AH, p. 30; Shiha.b al-Din al-Maqdisi, op. cit., Ms. p. 128; Abii l-Mahaein Yiisuf b. Miisa al-HanafI, op. cit., I, 25. 57 Ibn Majah, op. cit., I, 431; al-Zarkash i, op. eit., p. 287, ll8; Maqdisi, op. cit., Ms. p. 219; al-Tibrizi: Shihs.b al-Din al- Mishkat al-masiibih, p. 72. 58 Ch. D. Matthews: Kit. Ba'i~u-n·nufus, ib., p. 60 (Palestine, p. 11). 59 Al-Zarkasht, op. cit., p. ll8 (quoted from al-Tabardnf's al-llfu'jarn al-kabirv; al-Samhiidi, op. cit., I, 299 (quoted from al-Zarkasht) : Abii l'alib al-Makki, op. cit., III, 60 182. Al-'Abdari, op. cit., II, 39; al-Sarnhudl, op. cit., I, 298 (quoted from al-Tabarant}: al-Zarkashi, op. cit., XIII, op. cit., p. 117 (quoted from al-Bazzar's 168, no. 938 (on the authority Musnad); aI-Muttaqi al-Hindi, of Jabir), no. 939, 941 (on the authority Palestine, p. 10; Shihab al-Din al-Maqdisi, op. cit., op. cit., I, 25, 1.3; al-JarraJ:ti, op. cit., II, 27, no. 1605; al-Qastalldn], op. cit., III, 241. of Abu l-Darda'}: Ch. D. Matthews: Ms., p. 128; Abu l-Mahasin Yiisuf b. Musa al-Hanafi, AN EARLY TRADITION 187 corresponding to a prayer in the mosque of Jerusalem five hundred or fifty 61. lt is evident that the traditions which assign values to prayer in the mosque of Jerusalem are contradictory and mutually exclusive. They have to be seen against the background of a controversy concerning the weight to be accorded to prayer in the mosques of Mecca and Medina. These two cities contended for a long time for the superiority of their sanctuaries 62 and their merits 63. Quite early traditions reflecting this controversy are recorded in 'Abd al-Razzaq's Mu§annaf. When asked by a man whether to journey to Medina 'Ata' answered: 61 62 Ibn Taymiyya: l-Madinati Majmu'at al-rasi'i'il, II, 54 inf. ba'tjuhum bi-mi'nii ili'i anna l-eal/ito: §alatin); and see Makkata See for instance al-Samhiidi, op. cit., I, 296 (ua-dhahaba aftjalu min al-saliiii [i masjuii Ii masjidi ib. pp. 297-300 the discussion about the value of the prayer in Medina in comparison with the prayer in Mecca; al-Zarkashi, op. cit., pp. 186-190; Shihab al-Dm al-Khafaji, op. cit., III, 583. 63 See for instance al- 'Abdari, op. cit., II, 31; al-Samhudi, op. cit., I, 34, 52; The that a man was recorded tradition Prophet was created from the clay of Medina as reported in the tradition is buried in the earth from which he is created. A contradictory by al-Zubayr b. Bakkar. According to this tradition clay of the Ka'ba. See al-Shaukant, G. E. von Grunebaum: al-Haythami: al-Ni'ma al-kubrii Muhammadan Festivals, the Prophet was created from the New York 1951, p. 20. Ibn l;Iajar Ms. (in op. cit., V. 25; Ibn ~ahira, op. cit., p. 18; and see 'ala l-'i'ilam bi -maulid Sa,yyid bani Adam, (al-Samhudi, my possession) f. 7a. AI-Sha'bi disliked to stay in Mecca because the Prophet departed from Mecca; he considered Mecca « di'ir a'ri'ibiyya» expression « di'ir a'ri'ibiyya» I. 8); and see al-Kha.trb al-Bahgdadi : Taqyid 1949, p. 72: Marwan b. al-Hakam op. cit., I, 35; for the see Abu l-Mahasin Yusuf b. Musa al-Hanafi, op. cit., II, 203, al- 'ilm, ed. Yiisuf al-'Ushsh, Damascus mentioned in his speech the merits of Mecca, its sanctity and the merits of its people. Riifi' b. Khudayj reminded him of the sanctity of Medina, the merits of its people and mentioned the fact that it was declared as haram. by the Prophet al-'Abdari, yastadilluna and that the declaration was kept in Medina, written on a khauli'ini ba'tja dhiililea); Makkata op. cit., p. 58 :... waskin. Marwdn answered: '( I heard something about it.» (qad sami'tu op. cit., II, 34; Ahmad b. 'Abd al-Hamid al-'Abbasi, bihi 'ali'i aftjaliyyati hiidhihi l-baldati 'ali'i si'i'iri l-buldi'ini muilaqan, wa-ghayrihi'i ... ; and see ib., p. 61 about the doubled blessing of the Prophet granted Medina compared with the blessing of Abraham for Mecca.; and see al-Samhudi, op. cit., I, 26: al·Madinatu khayrun min Makkata; al-Suyiit.i : al-Ji'imi' al-§aghir, II, 184; al-Fas), op. cit., I, 79 seq.; al-Samhudi, op. cit., I, 24-26; Ahmad b. 'Abd al-Hamid al-'Abbasi, op. cit., p. 69 (muslimu l-Matlinati khayrun min muslimi Makkata,); al-Faai, op. cit., pp. 77-79; al-'Abdari, l-§alatu wa-l-sali'imu op, cit., I, 257 ( wa-qad taqaddama annahu 'alayhi op. cit., aftjalu min al-Ka'bati wa-ghayrihi'i ... ); and see ib., II, 38; about the partisans of the superiority of Medina and those of Mecca see al-Shaukani, al-Mawi'ihib al·ladunniyya, V, 24; Taqi al-Din 'Abd al-Malik b. Abi l-Muna, op. cit., p. 97; al-Zurqani : Shar];, Cairo 1329 AH, VIII, 322; Shihab al-Din al-Khaffiji, op. cit., III, 584·587. 188 « to circumambulate the Ka'ba seven times is better than your journey to Medina» 64. AI-Thauri is said to have answered when asked about a journey to Medina: « do not do it » (la taf'al) 65. 'Ata: reported that he heard 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr stating in his speech on the minbar (scil. of Mecca): « a prayer in the mosque of Mecca is better than a hundred prayers in any other of the mosques. » «It seems to me added 'Ata: - that he intended the mosque of Medina» 66. Qatada said it plainly: « A prayer in the mosque of Mecca is better than a hundred prayers in the mosque of Medina» 67. An identical utterance on the authority of 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr is reported by Abu 1'Aliya 68. These traditions, some of which are early ones, shed some light on the rivalry between Mecca and Medina 69. The idea of the sanctity of Jerusalem grew and developed within the framework of this contest. III As against the tendency of restriction and limitation one can notice the opposite one, which aims to extend the number of holy mosques by the addition of one or two mosques to the three mosques, about the pilgrimage to which a consensus of the Muslim community had been reached. « The most distinguished mosques are: the mosque of Mecca,then the mosque of the Prophet (i.e. Medina), then the mosque of Jerusalem, then - it has been said - the mosque of al-Kiifa because of the consent of the Companions of the Prophet about it; and people said: the mosque of Damascus» 70. The mosque of Damascus was ranked with the three mosques and the relative value of prayers in it was fixed in a saying attributed 64 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., f. 39b: 'Abd al-Razziiq inni uridu. an atiya l-Madinata; rajulun. [a-qiila lalru : lawafun op. eit., f. 39b. qiila akhbarani abi qdlo. qult« li·l'Ala'an min qdla saiarika Muthannii: wa-sa'alahu 65 66 67 68 69 qiila : la taj'al ; sami'tu sab'am. bi-l-bayti khayrun ilii l-Madinati. 'Abd al-Razzaq, lb., f. 37b. lb., f. 38a. Ib., f. 38a. For the sanctity cities, p. 31. ed. As'ad rajas, of Medina see G. E. von Grunebaum: The sacred character of Islamic 70 Yiisuf b. 'Abd al-Hadj : Thimiir ol-maqiieid fi dhikri l·masajid, Beirut 1943, p. 183. AN EARLY TRADITION 189 to Sufyan al-Thauri. When asked by a man about the value of a prayer in Mecca Sufyan answered: « the value of a prayer in Mecca is of a hundred thousand prayers, in the mosque of the Prophet fifty thousand prayers, in the mosque of Jerusalem forty thousand prayers and in the mosque of Damascus thirty thousand prayers» 71. The equality of the mosque of Damascus with the mosque of Jerusalem is stressed in a story of a conversation between Wathila b. al-Asqa' 72 and Ka'b al-Ahbar 73. Wathila intended to set out for Jerusalem, but Ka'b showed him a spot in the mosque of Damascus in which the prayer has the same value as the prayer in the mosque of Jerusalem 74. Shi'ite tradition put the mosque of al-KUfain the rank of the three mosques; Hudhayfa b. al-Yaman stated that it was the fourth mosque after Mecca, Medina and Jerusalem 75. The mosque of al-Ktifa is said to have been - like the mosques of Jerusalem and Mecca the mosque of Adam 76 the place of prayer of prophets 77 and the place where the Prophet (Muhammad) prayed 78 at the night of his 71 AI-Raba'i, op. cit., p. 36, no. 64 and p. 86 (ad no. 64); Ch. D. Matthews: The Kit. Bii'i!u-n-nufus, JPOS, XV, p. 61; Shams al-Din al Suyuti, op. cit., f. 17b.; al-Manini : oi-I'liim. bi-fa4a'il al-Shiim, ed. Ahmad Samil;t al-Khalidl, Jerusalem, n.d., pp. 84-85. 72 See on him Ibn Hajar : Tahdhib al-tahdhib, XI, 101; idem, al-Lsiiba VI, 310, no. 9088; al-Dhahabi: Siyar a'lam al-nubalii' III, 257-59. 73 See S. D. Goitein, op. cit., p. 144; and see on Ka'b; 1. Wolfensohn: Ka'b al-A?tbiir und seine Stellung im {ladi~ und in der islamischen Legendenliteratur, Gelnhausen, 1933. 74 AI-Raba'i, op. cit., p. 37, no. 65. 75 AI-Majlisi, Bi?tiir al-anwar, lithogr. ed., XXII, 88; al-Buraqi : Ta'rikh al-Kiifa, al-Najaf, 1960, p. 36. 76 See al-Wasiti, op. cit., f. 53b (the grave of Adam); Ch. D. Matthews: Palestine, pp. 32-33; Ibn ?,ahira, op. cit., p. 143 (the prayer of Adam in Mecca); and see G. E. von Grunebaum; Muhammadan Festivals, p. 20 (<

A Comment on the Antiquity of Traditions praising Jerusalem

The Jerusalem Cathedra-1981. Jerusalem: Yad Itzhak Ben Zvi (1981): 185-6

A Comment on the Antiquity of Traditions praising Jerusalem

Author:

M. J. Kister

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Jerusalem-traditions.pdf A Comment on the Antiquity of Traditions Praising] erusalem MEIR KISTER UR TOPIC of discussion is closely related to the hadiths of Fadd'il Bayt af-Maqdis. Two of the most important problems in the analysis of these hadiths are determining their dates of composition, and when they were committed to writing. We can say with cfcrtainty that they were well-known and widely circulated as early as the beginning of the second century after the hidjra. Decisive proof of this is the incl usion of a large chapter of hadiths extolling the merits of Jerusalem in the work of Muqatil (d. 150 A.H.1765 C.E.). I These l;adFths-about 60 in number-are transmitted without isndd [chain of authorities] and contain most of the elements known to us from later works in praise of Jerusalem. 2 Ibn al-Faqih transmits them in Muqatil's name in the chapter of his book devoted to praise of Jerusalem.' Examples of these hadiths are: "Jerusalem is the land God has chosen from among other lands"; "He who chose to die in Jerusalem, has died as if in heaven"; "All sweet water originates beneath the Rock [foundation stone of the Temple]"; "The Rock is the navel of the universe"; "God will destroy Yddjtid] lI'aMiidjudj (Gog and Magog) in Jerusalem"; "Before his death in India, Adam commanded that he be brought to Jerusalem for burial"; "The ingathering and resurrection of the dead will take place in Jerusalem." It seems to me that all these hadiths may be attributed without hesitation to the latter half of the first century of the hidjra (the end of seventh century C.E.). No less ancient, in my opinion, is the hadith, "The establishment of the site of the Temple will be the destruction of Yathrib." 4 I would ascribe it to the period of the building of Jerusalem, i.e. the seventh decade of the first century, along with other hadiths of a similar nature: the tradition that Muhammad's nation will build the "Temple", 5 the O l 2 3 4 5 See F. Sezgin, GAS I, p. 36-37. Muqatil, Tafsir, ms. Saray Ahmad III, 74, I, f. 2 lOa. Kitdb al-Bulddn, ed. De Goeje (Leiden, 1885), p. 93-95. Al-Djahiz, al-Baytin wa-l-Tabyin. II, ed. al-Sandubi, (Cairo 135111932), p. 28; Abu Dawud, Sa~rI:zSunan al-Mustafd, (Cairo 1348/1929), p. 209; al-Samhudi, Wafa' al-Wafd. I, ed. M. Muhyi al-Din 'Abd al-Hamid (Cairo 1375/1955), p. 120; Ibn Kathlr, Nihdyat al-Biddya wal-Nihdya. I, cd. M. Fahim AbuUbayd (Riyad 1968), p. 79; al-Munawi, Fayd al-Qadir, IV (Cairo 1391/1972), p. 360, no. 5612; al-Dhahabi, Mtzan aiI'riddl, II, ed. 'All M. al-Bidjawi (Cairo 1382/1963), p. 552, no. 4828; al-t Azizi, al-Sirddj al-Munir, II (Cairo 1377/1957), p. 460; al-Daylami, Musnad al-Firdaws, ms. Chester Beaty, no. 3037, f. 105a; al-Bukhari. alTa'rikh al-Kabir, III (Hyderabad 1377/1958), I, p. 193, no. 613. Ibn Nasir al-Din, Djdmi' al-Athdr fi Mawlid al-Nabi al-Mukhhar, ms. Cambridge, Or. 913, f. 48b. MEIR KISTE"R dispute over Muhammad's place of burial, in which a group of his friends demanded that he be brought to Jerusalem, the resting place of the prophets," the stories about the construction of the Temple 7 and the burning of the Temple, 8 about Israfil standing on the Rock on the Day of Resurrection, 9 or Jesus blessing Hebron, 10 and the tradition about the Ka'ba's journey to the Rock on Judgment Day.1I To summarize, Jerusalem praise literature emerged in the second half of the first century of the hidjra (the end of the seventh century C.E.) and was put into writing in the first half of the second century of the hidjra (eighth century C.E.}.lJadfths in praise of Jerusalem may be found in the earliest collections of hadiths and Qur'anic exegesis. Jewish converts to Islam played an important role in disseminating stories from the Bible and Midrash, and even held parties upon completion of reading the Torah." Although they had severed their ties with the Jewish community, they did not relinquish their heritage, passing this wealth on to Islam. These isrd'iliyydt were absorbed in the Islamic system of values and eventually became an integral part of it. It is only natural, then, that praise of Jerusalem should be of such importance in the body of isrd'Iliyyiit. The role played by the zuhhdd or pious ascetics has also been mentioned. There is evidence that these people did in fact circulate Jerusalem praise literature. I) It should also be noted that some of them served in the Umayyad government 14which was extremely interested in developing and promoting such literature. 6 7 8 9 10 II 12 13 14 Ibn Hadjar al-Haythami, al-Sawd' iq al-Muhriqa, ed. 'Abd al-Wahhab 'Abd al-Latif (Cairo 13751 1955), p. 32; Life of the Prophets. anon., ms. British Museum 1510. f. 250a. See 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf. V, ed. 'Abd al-Rahrnan al-A'zarni (Beirut 1392/1972j, pp. 426-428. AI-FakihI, Ta'rfkh Makka, ms. Leiden, Or. 463, f. 469b-470a. Muqatil, Tafsir. II, p. 169a. Nu'ayrn b. Harnmad, K. al-Fitan. ms. British Museum, Or. 9449, f. 65a (and compare ibid .. f. 65bj. Al-FakihI, ibid., f.416b. See Ibn Sad, Tabaqtit, VII (Beirut, 1960), pp. 110, 222. See for example Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Isti'tib, ed. 'All M. al-Bidjawi, III (Cairo 1380/1960j, p. 894. no. 1518 (wa-rawa /f fadli-l-shtim al-a~iidfth). See for example al-Minqari, Waq'at Siffin. ed. 'Abd al-Salarn Harun (Cairo 1382/1963), pp. 85-86, about the role of Abu Muslim al-Khawlani in the battle between 'All and Mu'awiya. 

On 'Concessions' and Conduct. A Study in early Ḥadīth

Studies on the First Century of Islamic Society. Ed. G.H.A. Juynboll. Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press (1982): 89-107, 214-230

On 'Concessions' and Conduct. A Study in early Ḥadīth

Author:

M. J. Kister

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concessions.pdf On 'Concessions' and Conduct A Study in Early Hadith Traditions about early ritual practices and customs reported on the authority of the Prophet, of his Companions isahaba) or their Successors (tabi'un) are often divergent and even contradictory. Early compilations of haditb occasionally record these traditions in separate chapters with headings which point out their differences; they also enumerate the scholars who held these divergent views. So, for example, the chapter Man kana yutimmu l-takbir is followed by the chapter Man kana la yutimmu l-takbir ; the chapter Man qala laysa 'ala man nama sajidan wa-qa'idan w u d u' is followed by Man kana y aqisl u i d h a nama ta-t-yatawaddo'. Traditions arranged under headings Man kariha ... followed by Man rakhkhasa [i ... are of a similar type. It is obvious that these diverse traditions reflect differences in the opinions of various circles of Muslim scholars and indicate that in the early period of Islam many ritual prescriptions were not yet firmly established. The rukhas or "concessions," i.e., the changes in ritual prescriptions designed to soften their harshness, were indeed an efficient tool in adapting the prescriptions to the real conditions of life and its changing circumstances. They established practices that were in keeping with the new ideas of Islam. Yet it is evident that the concession, rukhsa, had to acquire authoritative sanction and legitimacy; this could be achieved only through an utterance of the Prophet. As a matter of fact, the following haditb is attributed to the Prophet: "Truly, God desires that His concessions be carried out [just] as He desires His injunctions to be observed" tinna llaha 2 yuhibbu an tu'ta rukhasuhu kama yuhibbu an tuta 'azaimuhui: This tradition was interpreted in manifold ways. According to one interpretation it implies a whole view of life; al-Shaybani (died 189/805) states that the believer who restricts himself to the most basic means of subsistence acts according to the prescriptions, whereas pleasant life and delights are for him a concession, a rukhsa? The purchase of the arable kharaj land in Iraq by Muslims was approved by 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz on the ground of a rukhsa interpretation of a Qur'anic verse; grants of land in the Sawiid, given to Muslims, were also based on rukhsa precedents? 'Abd al-Razzaq, al=Musanna], ed. Habib al-Rabman al-A'zami (Beirut: 11: 291, no. 20569 i=Liimi' Ma'rnar b. Riishid: ... an yu'mala bi-rukhasihi); Ibn Balban, al-Ihsan [i taqrib sahihi bni Hibban, MS. Br. Mus., Add. 27519, fol. 90a; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir [i l-taf sir bi=l=ma'thur (Cairo: 1314), 1: 193; Abu Nu'aym, Hilyat al=awliyh' (Beirut: 1387/1967, reprint), 6: 191 inf., 276, 2: 101 info C, an tuqbala rukhasuhu); al-Miiwardi, al-Amthal wa-l-bikam, MS Leiden, Or. 655, fol. 87b c.. an yu'khadha bi-rukhasihi kama yuhibbti an yu'khadha bi=farii'i dihi), al-Mundhiri, al-Targhib wa-l-tarhib, ed. Muhammad Muhyi l-Din 'Abd al-Hamid (Cairo: 1279/1960), 2: 261, no. 1541 (and see ibid. no. 1539: ._ an tu'ta rukhasuhu kama yakrahu an tu'ta masiyatuhu ; another version: ... kama yuhibbu an tutraka masiyatuhu); al-Muniiwi, Fayd al=qadlr; sharb al- jami' al-saghir (Beirut: 139111972),2: 292, no. 1879, 293, no. 1881(; an tuqbala rukhasuhu kama yuhibbu l+abdu maghfirat rabbihi ; 2: 296, no. 1894: ... Kama yakrahu an tu'ta ma'siyatuhu); al-Daylami, Firdaws al=akhbiir, Chester Beatty 4139, fo1. 53a; aI-Khatib al-Baghdiidi, M uq.ib awham at-jam' wa-l-tafriq (Hyderbad: 1379/1960), 2: 10 c.. an tu'ta mayasiruhu kama yuhibbu an tu'ta 'azdimuhu); cf. al-Kulayni al-Kiifi, ed. Najm al-Din al-Amuli (Tehran: 1388),1: 208-209, no. 4. 2 al-Shaybiini, al-Ikiisab [i l-rizqi l-mustaiab, Talkhis Muhammad b. Sama'a, ed. Mahrnud 'Arniis (Cairo: 1357/1938), p. 81: ... fa-sara l-basilu anna l-iqtisara 'ala adna ma yakfihi 'azimatun, wa-ma zada 'ala dhaiika min at-tana''umi wa-l-nayli min al-ladhdhiui rukhsatun, wa-qala sallii llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam: inna llaha yuhibbu an yu'ta bi-rukhasihi _. 3 Abu 'Ubayd, Kitab al-amwal, ed. Muhammad l:liimid al-Fiqi (Cairo: 1353), pp. 84-85; cf. al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra (Hyderabad: 1356), 9: 140-1: "... bab man kariha shiraa ardi l-khara] ._" And see the traditions against buying of khara] land: Ibn Zanjawayh, al-Amwat, MS. Burdur 183, fols. 1392/1972), 3 The Prophet is said to have denied believers perrmssion to enter baths, but later granted them a rukhsa to enter them, provided they wore loincloths, ma'iuir: There were in fact two contradictory attitudes in the matter of baths: the one disapproving' and the other 29a-32a (and see e.g. ibid., fol. 3Oa, inf., ''; sami'a l=hasana yaqidu: man khalda ribqata muiihidin fa-jdaiaha [i 'unuqihi [a-qad istaqala hijraiahu wa-walla l-islama zahrahu wa-man aqarra bi-shayin min al-jizyati [a-qad aqarra bi-babin min abwabi l-kufri'). 4 al-Shawkani, Nayl ai-awrar, sharb muntaqa l-akhbar min ahadithi sayyidi i-akhyar (Cairo: 1372/1953), 1: 299; Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, ed. 'Abd al-Khaliq Khan al-Atghani (Hyderabad: 1386/1966), 1: 109-110; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 1: 290-296, nos. 11l6-1136; l-Fakihi, Ta'rikh Makka, MS. Leiden a Or. 463, fol. 412a; al-Mundhiri, 1: 118-122,nos. 267-278; al-Sharishi, Sharb maqiimiu al-Hariri, ed. Muhammad 'Abd al-Mun'im Khafaji (Cairo: 1372/1952), 3: 74; aI-Muttaqi I-Hindi, K anz al-tummii! (Hyderabad: 138111962),9: 231-234, nos. 1978-2010;cf. al-Hakim, Marifai 'uiion ai-hadith, ed. Mu'azzam I;Iusayn (Cairo: 1937),p. 98. 5 See e.g. al-Munawi, 2: 54, no. 1311: ... uffin li-l-hammam ..." enjoins husbands " to forbid their wives to enter baths, stresses the filthiness of their water and confines the entrance of men to those wearing the ma'Iizir ; cf. al-Tayalisi, Musnad (Hyderabad: 1321), p. 212, no. 1518:'A'isha reproaches the women from Hirns for entering baths. And see Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, Majmd al-zawdid wa-manbd a/-fawa'id (Beirut: 1967, reprint), 1: 277-278 (the prohibition for women to enter baths; and see ibid., p. 114:the bath is the abode of the Devil); al-Tabari, Dhayl al-mudhayyal (Cairo: 1353/1934), 10: 246; al-Dhahabi, Mizan al-Itidal, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bajawi (Cairo: 1382/1963), 3: 631, no. 7889; al-Daylami, MS. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 90b (the prohibition to enter baths by women is preceded by a prediction of the Prophet that the Muslims will conquer the lands of the 'ajam and will find there "buildings called baths"; a concession at the end of the haditn is granted to women who are ill, or after confinement). And see al-Kattani, Juz', MS. Chester Beatty 4483, fol. 9b ("; bi'sa l-bayt al-hammam'; the Prophet permitted, however, men to enter the bath wearing the maazir, after being told of the importance of the bath for the cleanness of the body and the treatment of the sick). Cf. Ahmad b. I;Ianbal, al-Tlal wa-marifat ai-rijai, ed. Talat Kocyigit and Ismail Cerrahoglu (Ankara: 1963), I: 266, no. 1716 (the prayer in a bath is disliked), 271, no. 1745 ("ai-arq.u kulluha masjidun illa l-hammam wo-l-maqbara'), And see the story of Ibn 'Umar who was shocked when he saw the naked men in the bath (Ibn Sa'd, 4 recommending them," Accordingly scholars are divided in their opinion as to whether the water of the bath can be used for ritual washing, ghus/, or whether, on the contrary, ghusl has to be performed for cleaning oneself from the very water of the bath? The knowledge of rukhas granted by the Prophet is essential for the proper understanding of the faith and its injunctions. The misinterpretation of the verse: "Those who treasure up gold and Tabaqiu (Beirut: 1377/1957), 4: 153-154);and see the various Shi'i traditions in Yiisuf al-Bahrani's al-Haddiq ai-nadira [i ahkam al-'itra al-tahira, ed. Muhammad Taqiyy al-Ayrawani (Nadjaf: 1378),5: 528-540. 6 See al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, 2: 311, 11.4-5; Ibn al-Sunni, 'A mal ai-yawm wa-Hayla (Hyderabad: 1358),p. 85: "ni'ma l-bayt al-hammam yadkhuluhu l-rajulu l-muslim ..."; al-Daylarni, MS. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 174b; al-Wassabl al-Habashi, al-Baraka fi [adli l-sdyi wa-l-haraka (Cairo: n.d.), p. 268; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 1: 279 (a bath was built on the spot approved of by the Prophet). The tradition that the Prophet used to frequent the bath is vehemently refuted by al-Qastallanl, as recorded in a l-Zurqani's Shari) ai-mawiihib al-laduniy ya (Cairo: 1327), 4: 214. Al-Qastallanl, quoting the opinion of Ibn Kathir, states that there were no baths in the Arabian peninsula in the time of the Prophet. Al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, discussing the tradition of Umm al-Darda' about her entering a bath in Medina (Muq.ilJ 1: 359), states that there were no baths in Medina in the period of the Prophet; in that period baths existed only in Syria and Persia (Muq.ii) 1: 362-364). Cf. al-Suyiiti, al-Hiiwi li=l=i atiiwi, ed. Muhammad MulJyi I-Din 'Abd al-I:Iamid (Cairo: 1378/1959), 1: 526-528; Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rikn (Tahdhib) (Damascus: 1329), 3: 380; Murtada al-Zabidi, ItlJiif al-siida al-muttaqin bi-sharh asrar iIJy1i 'ulum al-din (Cairo: 1311) (reprinted Beirut), 2: 400. On the building of baths in Basra in the early period of Islam and the profits gained from them see al-Baladhuri, Ansiib al-ashra], 1, ed. Muhammad Hamidullah (Cairo: 1959): 502; al-Tha'alibl, Thimar al-quliib, ed. Abii l-Fadl Ibrahim (Cairo: 1384/1965), p. 318,no. 476. 7 See Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 107-108; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 1: 295-298 (see e.g. the answer of Ibn 'Abbas, "innama ja'ala llahu l-mii'a yutahhiru wa-la yutahharu.' ibid., no. 1142; and see the answer of al-Sha'bi when asked, on leaving the bath, whether one is obliged to perforn the ghusl (to clean oneself) from the water of the bath: "So why did I enter the bath?", ibid., no. 1146); and see the outspoken answer of Ibn 'Abbas when he entered a bath in the state of ihriim: "Mii ya'ba'u lliihu bi-awsakhinii shay'an.' al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 5: 63 info 5 silver, and do not expend them in the way of God -- give them good tidings of a painful chastisement ..." (Qur'an 9:34) by Abu Dharr is explained by the fact that Abu Dharr met the Prophet and heard from him some injunctions of a severe character (yasma'u min rasidi llahi [s] l-amra fihi l-shiddatur; he then left for the desert. The Prophet, in the meantime, alleviated the injunction (yurakhkhisu [ihi) and people adopted the concession. But Abu Dharr, unaware of this, came back and adhered to the first (scil, severe) injunction," In later periods of Islam the practice of rukhas was presented as the attitude of the first generations of Islam. The righteous predecessors (ai-saiat), argues Abu Talib al-Makki, were in the habit of alleviating (yurakhkhisitna) the rules of ritual impurity, but were strict in the matter of earning one's li ving by proper means alone as well as in the moral aspects of behavior like slander, futile talk, excessive indulgence in rhetoric etc., whereas contemporary scholars, Abu Talib continues, are heedless in problems of moral behavior, but are rigid tshaddadii) with regard to ritual impurity," Sufyan al-Thawri speaks about rukhsa in the following terms: "Knowledge in our opinion is merely [the knowledge of] a rukhsa [reported on the authority] of a reliable scholar; the rigid, rigoristic practice can be observed by everyone?" The pious 'Ata' al-Sulaymi asked for the traditions of rukhas ; they might relieve his grief, he said." The rukhas-traditions were of great importance for the strengthening of belief in God's mercy for the believers thusnu l-zanni bi-llah).12 Sulayman b. Tarkhan asked his son to tell him rukhas-traditions in order to come to the Presence of God (literally: to meet God) with hope for God's mercy," 8 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manihiir, 3: 243. 9 Abii Tiilib al-Makki, QUt al-quliib (Cairo: 1351/1932),2: 46. 10 Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, Jami' b ayii» ai-t ilm wa-f adlihi (a l+Mad ina al-munawwara: n.d., reprint), 2: 36: innama l-'ilmu 'indana l-rukhsatu min thiqatin ; [a-amma l-tashdidu [a-yuhsinuhu kullu ahadin. 11 Abii Nu'aym, 6: 217. 12 See Ibn Abi l-Dunya, Majmu'at al-rasiiil (Cairo: 1354/1935), pp. 39-72: kitabu husni l-zanni bi-llah. 13 Ibid., p. 45, no. 29; Abii Nu'ayrn, 3: 31. 6 In a wider sense rukhas represent in the opinion of Muslim scholars the characteristic way of Islam as opposed to Judaism and Christianity. The phrase "... and he will relieve them of their burden and the fetters that they used to wear" (Qur'an 7:157) is interpreted as referring to the Prophet, who removed the burden of excessively harsh practices of worship'? and of ritual purity," The rigid and excessive practices of worship refer to Jews and Christians alike. The Prophet forbade his believers to follow the harsh and strict way of people who brought upon themselves destruction. The remnants of these people can be found in the cells of monks and in monasteries; this, of course, refers to Christians." These very comments are coupled with the haditb about the rukhas mentioned earlier: inna llaha yuhibbu ... It is thus not surprising to find this rukhas tradition together with an additional phrase: ... ia-qbalic rukhasa llahi wa-Ia takiinic ka-bani israila hina shaddadii 'ala anfusihim ta-shaddada llahu 'alayhiml' The ruk hs a tradition is indeed recorded in chapters condemning hardship in the exertion of worship and ritual practices," stressing the benevolence of God for His creatures even if they commit grave sins, reproving cruelty even towards a cat," 14 ... al-t athqitu lladhi kana [i dinihim ... al-tashdl du fi l-'ibadati ... al-shadii'idu llati kiinat 'alayhim ... tashdidun shuddida 'ala l-qawmi, [a-iao Muhammadun (s) bi-l-taiawuzi 'anhum. 15 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthlir, 3: 135; al-Tabari, Taf sir, ed. Mahmiid and Ahmad Shakir (Cairo: 1958), 13: 167-168; al-Qurtubi, Tat sir. (Cairo: 1387/1967), 7: 300; Hashim b. Sulayman al-Bahrani al-Tawbali al-Katakani, al-Burhan [i tafsiri l-qur'an (Qumm: 1393),2: 40, no. 3. 16 al-Suyiitl, al-Durr ol-manthia, 1: 193. 17 al-'Amili, al-Kashkid, ed. Tahir Ahmad al-Zawi (Cairo: 1380/1960), 1: 221. 18 See Ibn Balban, fol. 90a-b, the headings: ... dhikru t-ikhbari 'amma yustahabbu li=lrmari min qubidi ma rukhkhisa lahu bi-tarki l-tahammuli 'ala l-naf si ma la tuiiqu min aHa'ati _ ; ai-ikhbaru bi-anna 'ala l-mar'i qubida rukhsati llahi lahu fi ta'atihi diina l-tahammuli 'ala l-najsi ma yashuqqu 'alayha hamluhu ... ; ... mii yustahabbu li-l-mar'i l-tarafiuqu bi-l-taiui wa-al-amru bi-l-qaSdi fi Ha'ati diina an yuhmala 'ala l-naisi ma la tutiqu. 19 See 'Abd al-Razzaq, 11, no. 20549. The authenticity of the story of the woman who was put in Hell because she caused the death of a cat, was 7 and recommending leniency, moderation and mildness towards the believers. Rukh sa is rukhsatu llah; God's concession for His community; it imposes on the believers kindness and moderation towards each other. Rukhsa is in this context associated with riiq, yusr, samaha and qasd?" In a different context a concession, rukhsa, is meant to ease the burden of the decreed prescription (al-hukm) for an excusable reason ilir'udhrin hasala); the acceptance of rukhsa is almost obligatory in such a case (yakiidu yulhaqu bi-l-wujub); the believer must act according to the rukh sa, subduing his pride and haughtiness." Breaking the fast of sawm al-dahr is such a rukhsa ; continuing the fast is stubborness." Commenting on the haditb "The best of my people are those who act according to the rukhas,' al-Munawi stresses that the rukhas apply to specific times only; otherwise one should follow the incumbent prescription." The haditb "He who does not accept the concession of God will bear a sin as heavy as the mountains of 'Arafat" 24 was quoted in connection with a concession according to which it is recommended 20 21 22 23 14 questioned by 'A'lsha, She asserted that the woman was an unbeliever, a kalira. The believer is more respected by God iakramu 'inda [[jihi) than that He would chastise him because of a cat, she argued. She rebuked Abii Hurayra, the transmitter of the hadlth, and bade him to transmit the tradition more accurately. See al-Zarkashi, al+l jaba li-Iriidi rna st adrakat-hu 'A'ishatu 'ala I-sahaba (Cairo: n.d.), p. 61; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 1: 116; and see Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, Futuh misr, ed. C. Torrey (Leiden; 1920), p. 292; Hanniid b. al-Sariyy, Kitab al-suhd, MS. Princeton, Garret 1419,fo!. lOla, inf. -lOlb. See 'Abd al-Razziiq, 11: 282-288, nos. 20546; 20559 (Bab al-rukhas wa-l-shadiiid) and 11:290-292, nos. 20566-20574 (Bab al-rukhas [i l-'amal wa-l-qasd). al-Muniiwi, 2: 296-297; and see ibid., pp. 292-293 (see the commentary: the 'azima, injunction, order, has an equal standing with the rukhsa. According to the circumstances the ordained wu4u' is as obligatory as the rukhsa 0 f tayammum). And see ibid., p. 293: the concessions have to be carried out according to the circumstances for which they were given. Abii Tiilib al-Makki, 1: 11l. al-Muniiwi, 2: 51, no. 1300;al-Daylami, MS. Chester Beatty 4139, fo!. 94b. Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, p. 292; al-Muniiwi, 6: 225, no. 9031; al-Daylami, MS. 8 to break the fast when on a journey. The core of the discussion was whether the breaking of the fast during a journey is obligatory or merely permitted. Some scholars considered it as a rukhsai? The phrase in Qur'an 2:187 "... and seek what God had prescribed for you" (fa-i-i.zna bashiriihunna wa-btaghii ma kataba llahu lakum) indicates, according to one interpretation, God's concession concerning the nights of Ramadan." The phrase in Qur'an 2:158 .,. io-ta junaha 'alayhi an yattawwaja bihima ... ("... it is no fault in him to circumambulate them ..."), referring to the circumambulation of al-Safa and Marwa, gave rise to the discussion whether it indicated an order or a concession." The bewailing of the dead by hired women, the niyaha, is forbidden; but the Prophet granted the afflicted relatives the rukhsa to mourn the dead and to weep over a dead person's grave," Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 158b. 25 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir, 1: 193; Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, p. 265; Ahmad b. Hanbal, Musnad, ed. Shakir (Cairo: l368/1949), 8: 238, no. 5392; al-Dhahabi, 2: 483; Ibn Kathir, Taf sir (Beirut: l385/1966), 1: 382; cf. al-Tabari, Tafsir 3: 461-469 (see p. 460: al-iftaru [i l-maradi 'azmatun min alliihi wajibatun wa-laysa bi-tarkhis ; and see p. 464: al-iitaru fi l-saf ari rukhsatun min allahi tdala dhikruhu, rakhkhasaha li=ibadihi wa-l-fardu l-sawmu ...); Ibn Balban, fol. 9Ob, sup; al-Sha'rani, Lawaqin al-anwar (Cairo: 138111961), p. p 716-717; al-Mundhiri, 2: 258-262; Ibn Qutayba, Ta'wil mukht ali] al-badith (Cairo: 1326), pp. 307-308; al-Zurqani, Sharb al-muwatta (Cairo: 1381/1961), 2: 415-420. 26 al-Tabari, Tafsir, 3: 500 ult., 508; Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, 1: 390, line 5 from bottom; al-Suyiitl, al-Durr al-manthiir, 1: 199, line l. 27 See al-Tabarl, Tafsir, 3: 230-246; al-Qurtubi, 2: 182 (and see ibid., about the reading: fa-lii junaha 'alayhi an la yattawwaf ar; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-anwar (Tehran: 1388),99: 235, 237-8, 239 line 2; al-Zarkashi, al-/ jaba, pp. 78-9; al-Fakihi, fols. 374b-380a; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrii, 5: 96-8; Amin Mahmiid Khattjib, Fatb al-malik at-mabiid, takmilat al-manhal al-'adhb al-mawriid, sharh. sunan abi dawitd (Cairo: 1394/1974), 1: 243-50, 2: 15-16. 28 al-l;Iakim, al=Mustadrak (Hyderabad: 1342), 1: 203; aI-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Mit(j.ih, 2: 12 sup.; al-Zajjjiji, Amali, ed. 'Abd aI-Salam Hariin (Cairo: 1382), p. 181 L wa-kadhalika al-naqu: raf'u l-sawti bi-l-bukiii ; wa-hadha kana manhiyyan 'anhu [i awwali l-islami+ani l-bukita 'ala l-mayyit, thumma rukhkhisa [ihi ... ; al-Raghib al-Isfahanl, MuhMarat al-udabd (Beirut: 1961), 9 In some cases the choice between the prescription and the rukhsa has been left to the believer: such is the case of the ablution of the junub. Three traditions about how the Prophet practised wudu' ablution, when in the state of janaba contain contradictory details: two of them state that he, being a junub, performed the wudu' before he went to sleep, while the third one says that he went to sleep without performing wudu'. Ibn Qutayba, trying to bridge between the contradictory traditions, states that in a state of janaba washing before one goes to sleep is the preferred practice (afejal); by not washing the Prophet pointed to the rukhsa?" The believer may choose one of the two practices. In some cases the rukhsa completely reverses a former prohibition. The Prophet forbade the visiting of graves, but later changed his decision and granted a rukhsa to visit them: naha rasidu llahi [S] 'an ziyaraii l-qubkri thumma rakhkhasa fihlz bddu/" Cupping during a fast was forbidden by the Prophet; both the cupper and the person whose blood was drawn were considered to have broken their fast. The Prophet, however, changed his decision and granted a rukhsa ; cupping did not stop the fast," Lengthy chapters contain discussions of the problem as to whether kissing one's wife while fasting is permitted. Some scholars considered kissing or touching the body of the wife as breaking the fast, others considered it permissible. Both parties quote traditions in support of their arguments. The wives of the Prophet, who 4: 506; Ibn Abi Shayba, 3: 389-395; al-Tabarani, al-Mujam al-saghir, ed. 'Abd al-Rahrnan Muhammad 'Uthman (al-Madina al-munawwara: 1388/1968), 2: 82 (noteworthy is the report of Ibn Abi Shayba 3: 391 about the faqih Abu I-Bakhtari: ... kana rajulan [aqihan wa-kana yasmau l-nawh); Mahrniid Muhammad Khattab al-Subki, al-Manhal alradhb al-mawriid, 8: 281-4; al-Zarkashi, al-/ jaba, pp. 34, 50-1. 29 Ibn Qutayba, pp. 305-6. 30 a l+Hji z i m I, at-F't ibiir f i b a yiini l=niisikh' wa-l=mansickk min al-akhbar (Hyderabad: 1359),pp. 130-1, 228; al-Fakihi, fol. 478b, 479 penult. 31 Ibn Daqiq al-'Id, al-Ilmam bi-ahadithi l-ahkam, ed. Muhammad Sa'Id al-Mawlawi (Damascus: 1383/1963), p. 244, no. 592; al-Zurqani, Shorb al-muwatta, 2: 428-30; al-Hazimi, pp. 137-42. 10 testified as to their experience, were not unanimous about the problem. 'A'isha's evidence was in favor of kissing. The statement that old and weak people may kiss their wives, while men may not, is an obvious attempt at harmonization." A similar problem was whether kissing one's wife imposes wudu, Scholars were divided in their opinions. 'A'isha testified that the Prophet used to kiss his wives and set out to pray without performing ablution. Many scholars stated that kissing or touching one's wife does not require wudu', but others argued that it does. Some scholars found a compromise: wucj.u' is required if the kiss is accompanied by a feeling of lust," The rukhas, apparently, were exploited by scholars attached to rulers and governors. As usual precedents of wicked court-scholars in the period of banii isra'il were quoted: they frequented the courts of kings, granted them the required rukhas and, of course, got rewards for their deeds. They were happy to receive the rewards and to have the kings accept their 32 al-Tahawl, Sharb maani l-iuhar, ed. Muhammad Zuhri l-Najjir (Cairo: 2: 88-96; Ibn Abi Shayba, 3: 59-64; al-Bayhaqi, Mc'rif at al-sunan wa-l-iuhar, ed. Ahmad Saqr (Cairo: 1969), 1: 21 sup.; Ibn Qutayba, pp. 308-9; al-Dhahabi 2: 398 sup.; Abu Nu'aym, 7: 138;al-Zarkashi, al-[ jaba, p. 54; al-Zurqanl, Sharh al-muwatta, 2: 410-15; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 4: 182-94, nos. 8406-8456. See e.g. nos. 8412, 8418; kissing during the fast was considered as rukhsa ; against the rigid prohibition to look at a woman (see e.g. nos. 8452-8453) there are traditions permitting much more than kissing (see e.g. no. 8444 and the extremely permissive tradition no. 8439); and see Abu Nu'ayrn, 9: 309 (kuliu shay'in laka min ahlika haliilun [i l-siyami ilia ma bayna l-rijlayn); and see this tradition al-Daylami, MS. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 120b, 1.1;al-Muttaqi I-Hindi, 8: 384-5, nos. 2787-2793; Ibn Daqiq aI-'id, pp. 243-4, nos. 590-1; al-Kattiini, MS. Chester Beatty 4483, fol. 3a; al-Shafi'I, al-Umm (Cairo: 1321 reprint), 2: 84 sup.; Mahmiid Muhammad al-Subki, al-Man hal al-tadhb al-mawrisd, sharb sunan abi dawud (Cairo: 1390), 10: 109-13, 115-16;Ibn Abi l:liitim, 'Ilal al-I;!adith (Cairo: 1343 reprint), 1: 47, no. 108. 33 Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 44 (man qala: laysa fi l-qubla wu4u'), 45 (man qala: fiha l-wudli'); 'Abd al-Razziiq, 1: 132-6, nos. 496-515; al-Hakirn, al+Must adrak, 1: 135; al-Shawkani, Nayl, 1: 230-3; al-Zurqani, Sharh ai-muwauo', 1: 129-30; Ibn Abi l:liitim, 1: 48, nos. 109-110,63 no. 166. 1388/1968), 11 concessions. The verse in Qur'an 3:189 "Reckon not that those who rejoice in what they have brought, and love to be praised for what they have not done -- do not reckon them secure from chastisement ..." refers, according to one tradition, to these scholars," Orthodox, pious scholars fiercely criticized the Umayyad court-jurists and muhaddithiin= The [uqaha' seem to have been liberal in granting rukhas, as can be gauged from a remark of the pious Sulayman b. Tarkhan (who himself very much appreciated the granted rukhas, see above note 13) that anyone who would adopt every rukhsa of the [uqaha would turn out a libertine." In order to assess the actions of rulers it became quite important to find out to what extent they made use of rukhas. 'Umar is said to have asked Muhajirs and Ansaris in his council what their opinion would be if he applied rukhas in some problems. Those attending remained silent for a time and then Bishr b. Sa'id said: "We would make you straight as we make straight an arrow." 'Umar then said with approval: "You are as you are" (i,e, you are the proper menl.'? When al-Mansur bade Malik b. Anas to compile the Muwatta' he advised him to stick to the tenets agreed upon the Muslim community and to beware of the rigoristic opinions of Ibn 'Umar, the rukhas of Ibn 'Abbas and shawadhdh (readings of the Qur'an) of Ibn Mas'iid.38 34 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr ai-manthia, 2: 109 inf. 35 Ibn 'Asakir, 6: 218: ... [a-ataw l-umara'a [a-haddathiihum [a-rakhkhasii lahum, wa-atawhum [a-qabilii minhum ...; al-Qadi 'Iyiid, Tartib al-madarik, ed. Ahmad Bakir Mahmiid (Beirut: 1387/1967), 1-2, 616 (Sahniin): ... wa-baiaghani annahum yuhaddithunahum min al-rukhas ma yuhibbiina, mimma laysa 'alayhi l-'amalu ...; al-Dhahabi, 1: 14 inf.: '" ila kam tuhaddithu l-nasa bi-l-rukhasil ... and see al-Suyiiti, al-Durr ol-mamhia, 3, 139. ; 36 Abii Nu'aym, 3:32; al-Raghib al-Isfahani, 1: 133:... man akhadha bi-rukhsati kulli [aqihin kharaja minhu fasiq. And See Ahmad b. Hanbal, 'Ilal, 1: 238, no. 1499: Malik, asked about the rukhas of singing granted by some people of Medina, said: "In our place the libertines behave in this way." 37 Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, Hadith, MS. Chester Beatty 3849/4 (majmu'a), fol. 44b, inf.-45a (the text: antum idhan antum); al-Muttaqi al-Hindi, 5: 405 inf., no. 2414 (the text: antum idhan antum idhan). 38 'Abd al-Malik b. Habib, Tarikh, MS. Bodley. Marsh. 288, p. 167: ... wa-qala 12 Many a rukhsa indeed served to regulate relations between people, establish certain privileges for the weak and disabled, to alleviate some rigorous practices and finally, in some cases, to turn Jahili practices into Muslim ones by providing them with a new theoretical basis. Al-Hakim al-Naysabiiri" says that the Prophet's command to Zayd b. Thabit to learn the writing of the Jews ikitaba; al-yahiui) in order to be able to answer their letters, serves as the only rukhsa permitting the study of the writings of the People of the Book. Weak and disabled people were given special instructions on how more easily to perform certain practices during the pilgrimage.'? The Prophet enjoined that the ritual ablution (wutju') should start with the right hand; but a rukhsa was granted to start from the left." The cutting of trees and plants was forbidden in the haram of Mecca, but the Prophet allowed as a rukhsa the idhkhir rush ischoenanium) to be cut since it was used in graves and for purification." A special rukhsa was given by the Prophet to take freely the meat of animals sacrificed by him; the nuhba (plunder) of sugar and nuts at weddings was also permitted by the Prophet," A rukhsa was issued by the Prophet allowing use of gold and silver for the embellishment of swords, for the repair and fastening of damaged cups and vessels, for a treatment in 39 40 41 42 43 abi: ja'farin al-mansiiru li-maliki bni anasin hina amarahu bi-wad'i muwauaihi: ya abii 'abdi lliihi ttaqi shaddida bni 'umara wa-rukhasa bni 'abbasin wa-shawadhdha bni mas'iidin wa+alayka bi-l-amri l-mujtamdi 'alayhi. al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, 1: 75. al-Tahawi, Sharb mdani, 2: 215-218. al-Bayhaqi, ai-Sunan al-kubra, 1: 86-87. al-Baliidhuri, Futul; al-buldiin, ed. 'Abdallah and 'Umar al-Tabba' (Beirut: 1377/1958), p. 58, 1.3. Abu 'Ubayd, Gharibu l-hadltl: (Hyderabad: 1384/1965), 2: 54; al-Tai)iiwi, Sharb mdani, 3: 49-50; al-Zurqani, Sharb al-mawahib ; 4: 325 inf. -326; al-Fasawi, al-Mdrifa wa-l-tarikh; MS. Esad Ef. 2391, fol. 32a, sup. ('an ibni mas'iidin annahu kariha nihaba l-sukkar). 13 dentistry and for the restitution of a cut nose." The Prophet uttered a r uk h s a about the nabi dh of jars;45 the use of jars for nabidh (steeping of dates) was forbidden before that. The muttering of healing incantations, the ruqya, a current practice in the Jahiliyya period, was forbidden by the Prophet. Later he fixed the formulae of these healing incantations for various kinds of illnesses, bites from snakes and scorpions, and the evil eye, giving them an Islamic character." This was, of course, a rukhsa of the Prophet. It is also a rukhsa to denounce Islam in case of danger to one's life. Two Muslims were captured by a troop of Musaylima and were ordered to attest the prophethood of Musaylima. One of them refused and was killed; the other complied and saved his life. When he came to the Prophet, the Prophet said that he had chosen the way of the rukhsa:" The discussion of a rukhsa could, in certain circumstances, turn into a bitter dispute. 'Uthman disapproved of the tamattu' pilgrimage." 'Ali, who was at the council of 'Uthman, opposed this opinion fiercely, arguing that tamattu' was a sunna of the Prophet and a rukhsa granted by God to his servants. 'uthmdn 44 al-Tahawl, Mushkil al-iuhiir (Hyderabad: 1333), 2: 166-179; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 5: 147-151;al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 1: 28-30. 45 al-Hakim, Ma'rifat 'uliim, p. 196 sup.; al-Hazimi, pp. 228-230. 46 Ibn Wahb, Jami, ed. 1. David-Weill (Cairo: 1939), pp. 103-106; al-Tahawl, Sharb mdiini, 4: 326-329; Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, 5: 109-114;al-Zurqani, Shorb ai-muwatta', 6: 348-350; idem, Sharb al-mawahib, 7: 68-82; al-Wa$$iibi, al-Baraka; pp. 268-270; Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, al-Tibb al-nabawi, ed. 'Abd aI-Ghani 'Abd al-Khaliq, 'Adil al-Azharl, Mahrniid Faraj al-'Uqda (Cairo: 1377/1957), pp. 127, 131 inf.-147; idem, Zad al-ma'Iid (Beirut: n.d.), 3: 116-125; al-Damiri, Hayiu. al-I;ayawan (Cairo: 1383/1963), 2: 139-140;al-Tha'alibi, Thimar oi-quliib, pp. 126, no. 672, 431, no. 690. 47 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manihiir, 4: 133. 48 On the tamauu pilgrimage see e.g. Ibn Hazm, Haj]at al-wada', ed. Mamdiib Baqqi (Beirut: 1966), pp. 49, 89, 90, 102; Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, 3: 236; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 5: 15-26. . 14 excused himself saying that he had merely expressed his personal opinion which anybody could accept or reject. A man from Syria who attended the council and disliked 'Ali's argument said that he would be ready to kill 'Ali, if ordered to do so by the Caliph, 'Uthman, He was silenced by Habib b. Maslama'" who explained to him that the Companions of the Prophet knew better the matter in which they differed." This remark of Habib b. Maslama is a projection of later discussions and represents the attitude of orthodox circles which recommend refraining from passing judgement on the contradictory arguments of the sahaba. However the passage also reflects the contrasting ways in which the pilgrimage was performed. It is noteworthy that Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya wrote lengthy passages in which he examined in a thorough manner the contradictory opinions of the scholars about the tamattu' pilgrimage," Close to the concept of rukhsa was the idea of naskh. abrogation, total change, referring to hadith. Such a case of naskh is the practice of wudii' after the consumption of food prepared on fire. The Prophet is said to have uttered a hadith: tawadda'ii mimma massat al=nar. A great number of traditions assert that the Prophet later used to eat cooked food and immediately afterwards prayed without performing the wudii, The traditions concerning this subject are found in some of the compendia arranged in two separate chapters, recording the opinions and deeds of the righteous predecessors who respectively practised wudu' or objected to it.52 49 See on him al-Fasi, al-T qd al-thamin [i tarikhi l-baladi l-am in, ed. Fu'ad Sayyid (Cairo: 1384/1965), 4: 49-52; Nasr b. Muzahim, Waq'at Siffin, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Harlin (Cairo: 1382), index; Ibn Hajar, al-Lsiiba, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bajiwi (Cairo: 1392/1972), 2: 24-26, no. 1602. 50 Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, Jiimi' bayan, 2: 30; cf. al-Zurqani, Sharb al-muwaua; 3: 52 (and see pp. 48-51); ai-Muttaqi l-Hindi, 5: 83, no. 678, 88, no. 704. 51 Zad ol-maad. 1: 188-191,203-18. 52 'Abd al-Razzaq 1: 163-171(man qala ia yutawaddau mimma massat al-nar), pp. 172-174 (ma ja'a fimi: massat al-nar min al-shidda); Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 46-52 (man kana ia yatawadddu mimma massat ai-nar ; man kana yara lrwudiia mimma ghayyarat al-nar); al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 1: 153-158; al-Hazimi, pp. 46-52; Nlir ai-Din al-Haythami, 1: 248-249 (ai-wu4u' 15 The arguments brought forth by the partisans of both groups and toe traditions reported by them may elucidate some aspects of the problem under discussion. According to a tradition, reported by al-Hasan b. 'Ali, the Prophet was invited by Fatima and was served the shoulder of a ewe. He ate and immediately afterwards started to pray. Fatima asked him why he had not performed the wudii' and the Prophet answered, obviously surprised, "[To wash] after what, 0 my daughter?" She said, "[To wash] after a meal touched by fire." Then he said, "The purest food is that touched by fire."53 A similar tradition is recorded on the authority of 'A'isha, When she asked the Prophet why he did not perform the wudu' after eating meat and bread he answered, "Shall I perform the wudis' after the two best things: bread and meat?"54 There is a tradition on the authority of Umm Habiba, the wife of the Prophet, who had ordered the performance of wudii' after having eaten gruel of parched barley tsawiq) on the grounds of the hadith: Tawaddaii mimma massat al-nari? but traditions recorded on the authority of Safiyya, Umm Salama and the Companions of the Prophet affirm that the Prophet prayed after eating cooked food without performing the wu4it'.56 The scholars who deny the obligation of wudis' after the consumption of meals state that the principle established by the Prophet was that wudii' is obligatory 53 54 55 56 mimma massat al-nar), pp. 251-254 (tarku I-wut/u' mimma massat al-nar); al-Tahawi, Sharb maani, 1: 62-70; Ahmad b. Hanbal, al+Llal, 1: 305, nos. 1984-1985, 317, no. 2062, 366, no. 2424; al-Shawkani, N ayl, 1: 245-247, al-Fasawi, fo1. 229a; Abu Yiisuf, Kiiab al-iuhar, ed. Abu I-Wafii (Cairo: 1355), pp. 9-11, nos. 41-50; al-Hakim, Ma'rifat 'uliim, pp. 30, 217; al-Bayhaqi, Mo'rif at al=sunan, 1: 401; Ibn Sa'd, 7: 158; al-Bukhiiri, at-Ta'ri kb al-kabir (reprint), I, 2 no. 1543, III, 2 nos. 2361, 2805; Abu Nu'ayrn, 5: 363; Ibn 'Asakir, 6: 125, 174, 321;al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Tarikh Baghdad (Cairo: 135111931), 3: 100; Ibn l;Iajar, al-Isaba, 3: 263, no. 3701, 8: 248, no. 12125;Ibn 1 l;Iibbiin, Kitab al-majriihin; ed. 'Aziz aI-Qiidiri (Hyderabad: 1390/1970), 2: 173. Nur aI-Din al-Haythami, 1: 252 inf.-253. al-Dhahabi, 3: 243, no. 6270. Ibn Abi l-Jawsa', Hadith; al-Zahiriyya, Majmii'a 60, fo1. 64b. al-Tabiiwi, Shark mdiini, 1: 65. 16 after what comes out (of the body) not after food taken in.57 Ibn 'Abbas, who authoritatively stated that there is no injunction of wuqil after food prepared on fire, argued that fire is a blessing; fire does not make anything either forbidden or permitted." On the authority of Mu'adh b. Jabal, a Companion of the Prophet and a very indulgent person in matters of ablutions, who stated that no ablution is needed in case of vomiting, bleeding of the nose or when touching the genitalia, the following philological explanation is given: people had indeed heard from the Prophet the utterance: tawaddaii mimma massat ai-niir, but they did not understand the Prophet's meaning. In the time of the Prophet people called the washing of hands and mouth wudk' ; the Prophet's words simply imply the washing of hands and mouth for cleanliness (ii-i-tan?if); this washing is by no means obligatory (wiijib) in the sense of ritual ablution." There are in fact traditions stating that the Prophet ate meat, then rinsed his mouth, washed his hands and started to pray." Another tradition links the abolition of the Prophet's injunction of this wudu' with the person of Anas b. Malik, the servant of the Prophet, and puts the blame for the persistence of wudii' after the consumption of cooked food on authorities outside Medina. Anas b. Malik returned from al-Iraq and sat down to have his meal with two men of Medina. After the meal he came forth to perform the wudii'. His companions blamed him, asking: "Are you 57 Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 1: 252; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan ai-kubra, 1: 157 inf.; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 1: 170-171,nos. 658, 663; al-Tabawi, Sharb maiini, 1: 69. S8 'Abd al-Razzjiq, 1: 168-169, nos. 653, 655-656; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrii, 1: 158, lines 4-5; al-Tahawi, Sharb mdimi, 1: 70 sup. 59 al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra; 1: 141; Niir ai-Din al-Haytharni, 1: 252 ult.-253, line 1; al-Sharif al-Murtada, Amali, ed. Muhammad Abii l-Fadl Ibrahim (Cairo: 1373/1954), 1: 395-3%. 60 al-Tahawi, Sharb maiini, 1: 66, 68; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 1: 157; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 1: 252, lines 12-15, 254, line 8 and line 18; Muhammad b. Sinan al-Qazzaz, Hadith, al-Zahiriyya, Majmii'a 18, fol. 2a; Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Qattan, al-Fawdid, al-Zahiriyya, Majrnii'a 18, fol. 24a info 17 following the Iraqi way?,,61This story implies that in the practice of Medina no wudii' was observed after eating cooked meals. The emphasis that Anas's practice was Iraqi is noteworthy. It can hardly be conceived that the Iraqis stuck to the earlier practice of the Prophet which was later abrogated by him. It is more plausible to assume that Anas adopted an Iraqi usage observed there since the Sasanian period. The severe reproach which Anas faced seems to indicate that it was a foreign custom, considered as a reprehensible innovation by the Muslim communityf? The lenient character of the abrogation of wu(jil after eating food prepared on fire is exposed in a tradition reporting that the Prophet ate roast meat, performed the wu(ju' and prayed; later he turned to eat the meat that was left over, consumed it and set to pray the afternoon prayer without performing wu(ju' at all.63 It is evident that his later action (akhiru amrayhi) is the one to be adopted by the community, as it constitutes an abrogation, naskh, of the former tradition, although some scholars consider it as rukhsa. The problem of wudii' mimma massat al-nar was left in fact to the inventiveness of the [uqaha' of later centuries; it becomes still more complicated by an additional hadith according to which the Prophet enjoined wu(ju' after the consumption of the meat of camels, but did not regard wudii as necessary after eating the meat of small cattle (ghanam).64 The two chapters in the Musannai of Ibn Abi Shayba about wuQ.u' after consuming meat of 61 al-Tahawi, Sharf) maani, 1: 69; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrii, 1: 158 (Anas regrets his mistake and wishes he had not done it: laytani lam af'al); 'Abd al-Razzaq, 1: 170, no. 659; al-Zurqiini, Sharf) al-muwaud, 1: 88 inf.-89. 62 See 'Abd al-Razzaq, 1: 170, no. 659: ... ma hiidhihi l-'iraqiyyatu llatl ahdathtaha ._? 63 al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 1: 247; al-Hakim, Marif at 'uliim, p. 85; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrii, 1: 156; al-Tahawi, Sharf) mo'ani, 1: 67; al-Bayhaqi, Marifai al-sunan, 1: 395, 401, lines 1-2; Ibn 'Asakir, 6: 321. 64 Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 46-7; al-Tahawi, Sharf) maani, 1: 70-1; al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 1: 237-9; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 1: 158-9; idem, Ma'rifat al-sunan, 1: 402-6; Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, I'lam al-muwaqqiin 'an rabbi l-'alamin, ed. Tiihii 'Abd al-Ra'iif Sa'd (Cairo: 1973), 2: 15-16, 106; Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, 1: 250. 18 camels, contradictory as they are, bear additional evidence to the diversity of practice and usage, and to the divergencies in opinions held by the scholars of hadith. 'No less divergent are the views of the scholars about the wuq.u: before the consumption of food, 65 the confinement of wudii', as an obligatory act, before prayer only, the question whether ablution before every prayer was obligatory for the Prophet only,66 and whether the wuq.u' may be replaced as a concession by cleaning the mouth with a toothpicks? The great number of diverse traditions, merely hinted at above, clearly indicate that the formation of a normative code of ritual and usage began relatively late. A survey of some traditions about the t aw at, the circumambulation of the Ka'ba, and certain practices of the haji may shed some light on the peculiar observances and customs followed in the early period and may explain how they were later regulated, transformed or established. The tawaf was equated by the Prophet with prayer isaliu). In an utterance attributed to him the Prophet said, ''The tawai is indeed like a prayer; when you circumambulate diminish your talk."" In another version of this haditb the Prophet, making 65 See al-Zurqani, Shorb al-mawahib, 4: 352 barakat al-tdiim al-wuq,u' qablahu ; and see the interpretation). 66 See al-Zurqani, Sharb al-mawahib, 7: 247, lines 24-30 [aaltuhu ya 'umaru-rydni li-bayani I-jawazi Ii-I-nasi wa-khawfa an yu'taqada wujiibu mii kana yaf'alu min al-wudiii li-kulli saiiuin ; wa=qila innaha nasikhun li-wujiibi dhiilika, wa-taaqqaba bi-qawli anasin: kana khassan bihi diina ummatihi wa-annahu kana ya(aluhu li-I-faq,ila _). 67 Ibid., 7: 248, line 1 seq. Concerning the concept of Sufi rukhas cf. M. Milson, A Sufi Rule for Novices, Kitab adab al-muridin (Harvard: 1975), pp. 72-82; and see his discussion on the subject in the Introduction, pp. 19-20. 68 'Abd al-Razzaq, 5: 496; al-Qastallani, [rshad al-sari, (Cairo: 1323),3: 173-4; al-Nasa'I, Sunan, ed. Hasan al-Mas'iidi (Beirut: n.d.), 5: 222; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra; 5: 85; Yiisuf b. Miisii al-Hanafi, al-Mu'tasar min al-mukhtasar (Hyderabad: 1362), 1: 174; al-Muniiwi, 4: 292-3, nos. 5345-5347; al-Muttaqi l-Hindi, 5: 24, nos. 220-222; cf. al-Azraqi, Akhbar Makka, ed. F. Wiistenfeld, p. 258; Muhibb al-Dln al-Tabari, al-Qira li-qasidi ummi l-qura, ed. Mustafa I-Saqii (Cairo: 1390/1970), pp. 306, 331;al-Tabiiwi, SharI) c.. c.. 19 tawat equal to prayer, bade the faithful confine their conversation to good talk. During the tawai the Prophet invoked God saying, "Our Lord, give to us in this world and in the world to come and guard us against the chastisement of Fire" (Qur'an 2:201).This verse was recited as an invocation by some of the Companions," Some of the invocations were extended and included praises of God, assertion of His oneness and omnipotence as they were uttered by the angels, by Adam, Abraham and the Prophet while they went past various parts of the Ka'ba during the tawai?" The pious Ibn 'Umar and Ibn 'Abbas are said to have performed the tawat refraining from talk altogether." Tawfis and Mujahid circumambulated in solemnity and awe "as if there were birds on their heads."> This was, of course, in the spirit of the imitatio prophetarum; Wahb b. Munabbih reported on the authority of Ka'b that three hundred Messengers (the last among whom was Muhammad) and twelve thousand chosen people tmustaian) prayed in the hi jr facing the maqam, none of them speaking during the tawa], except to mention the name of God.73 When 'Urwa b. al-Zubayr approached Ibn 'Umar during the tawat, asking him to give him his daughter in marriage, Ibn 'Umar did not reply. After some time 'Urwa came to Medina and met 'Abdallah b. 'Umar. The latter explained that he had not been able to answer him because mdiini , 2: 178 info 69 al-Azraqi, p. 258; al-Fiikihi, fols. 292a, 296a; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 5: 50, 52; al-Muttaqi I-Hindi, 5: 90, nos. 717-719, 722; al-Waqidi, Maghazi, ed. M. Jones (London: 1966), p. 1098; al-Bayhaqi, at-Sun an al-kubra, 5: 84; Ibn Zuhayra, al-Jiimi' al-latif (Cairo: 1357/1938), p. 124; Ibn Kathir, Tajsir, 1: 432-3. 70 See e.g. al-Fiikihi, fo. 296a, sup. (The Prophet urges the people to praise God and to extol Him during the tawiif ; and see ibid., similar reports about some Companions); al-Azraqi, pp. 259 inf.-26O; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 5: 51, nos. 8964-8965; al-Qastallani 3: 170; al-Harbl, ai-Manasik wa-amakin turuqi l-haj], ed. Hamad al-Jasir (al-Riyiid: 1389/1969), pp. 431-3; Mubibb ai-Din al-Tabari, pp. 305-6; al-Shawkiini, Nayi, 5: 53-4. 71 al-Fiikihi, fol. 292a; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 5: 50, no. 8962. 72 al-Fiikihi, fol. 292a-b; cf. Mubibb ai-Din al-Tabari, p. 271. 73 al-Fiikihi, fol. 292a, inf. 20 he "conceived that he faced God" during the tawat (wa-nahnu natakhayalu llaha 'azza wa-ialla bayna dyunina). Now he replied and gave him his daughter in marriage." Merriment and joviality were, of course, forbidden and considered as demeaning. Wahb b. al-Ward," while staying in the hiir of the mosque of Mecca, heard the Ka'ba complain to God and Jibril against people who speak frivolous words around it.76 The Prophet foretold that Abii Hurayra would remain alive until he saw heedless people playing; they would come to circumambulate the Ka'ba, their iawat would, however, not be accepted." The concession in the matter oj speech granted during the tawai was "good talk."" Pious scholars used to give guidance, exhort, edify and recount hadiths of the Prophet." Common people made supplications during the tawai, asking God to forgive them their sins and to grant them Paradise, children, and wealth. It was, however, forbidden to stand up during the (awiif, and to raise one's hands while supplicating. "Jews in the synagogues practise it in this way," said 'Abdallah b. 'Amr (b. al-'As) and advised the man who did it to utter his invocation in his council, not to do it during the fawiif.80 The fact that large crowds were gathered during the t awat was, however, exploited by the political leaders. Ibn al-Zubayr stood up in front of the door of the Ka'ba and recounted before the people the evil deeds of the Umayyads, stressing 74 al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Jamharat nasab quraysh, MS. Bodley, Marsh 384, fol. 160b; al-Fakihi, fol. 292b; Mubibb ai-Din al-Tabari, p. 270. 75 See on him Abii Nu'aym, 8: 140-61; al-Pasl, al-Tqd, 7: 417, no. 2678. 76 al-Azraqi, p. 259; Abii Nu'aym, 8: 155 (the tafakkuh is explained as talking about women and describing their bodies during the (awaf); Muhibb al-Din al-Tabari, p. 271. 77 al-Fakihi, fol. 292b. 78 See Muhibb al-Din al-Tabarl, p. 271, line 1: ... wa-anna hukmahu hukmu l-saliui, ilia fima waradat [ihi l-rukhsaiu min al-kalam. 79 See e.g. al-Fakihi, fols. 311a-312a;'Abd al-Razzaq, 3: 377, no. 6021. &0 al-Fakihi, fol. 296b; and see al-Azraqi, p. 257; Amin Mahrniid Khattab, Fat/:! al-malik al-mdbiid, 1: 200-2; Ibn Abi Shayba, 4:96; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 5: 72-3. 21 especially the fact that they withheld their payment of fay'.8! 'Ali b. al-Husayn cursed al-Mukhtar, after his death, at the door of the Ka'ba.82 Some traditions narrate details of the behavior of certain persons in the tawat who did not conform to this requirement of awe and solemnity in the holy place. Sa'id b. Jubayr used to talk during the (awllf and even to laugh," 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Awf was seen to perform the tawaf wearing boots and singing hida' tunes. When rebuked by 'V mar he replied that he had done the same at the time of the Prophet and so 'V mar let him gO.84 Al-Fakihi records certain frivolous conversations which took place during the tawat, which may indeed be considered coarse and were certainly out of place in the sanctuary." But groups of people engaged in idle talk during the tawat were reprimanded. 'Abd al-Karim b. Abi Mukhariq" strongly reproved such talk; al-Muttalib b. Abi Wada'a" was surprised when he came to Mecca after a period of stay in the desert and saw people talk during the tawat. "Did you turn the tawaf into a meeting place," he asked," The "arabization" of the tawat is evident from an utterance attributed to the Prophet making it unlawful to talk in Persian during circumambulation. 'Vmar gently requested two men who held a conversation in Persian during the tawat to turn to Arabic," Reciting verses of the 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 al-Fiikihi, fol. 296b. al-Fakihi, fol. 296b. al-Azraqi, p. 259; Mubibb aI-Din al-Tabari p. 273; al-Fakihi, fol. 293b, sup. Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 3: 244. See al-Fakihi, fol. 293a (the remark of Husayn b. 'Ali about the buttocks of Mu'awiya during the (awaf ; and see fol. 294a: al-Sa'ib b. Sayfi and his talk with Mu'awiya about Hind). See on him Ibn I:Iajar, Tahdhlb, 6: 376-378, no. 716; aI-Fast, al-Tqd, 5: 480, no. 1856. See on him al-Fasi, al-'/qd, 7: 218, no. 2469. al-Azraqi, p. 260; Mubibb al-Din al-Tabari, p. 278. al-Fakihi fol. 291b (dhikru karahiyati l-kaliimi bi-l-farisiyyati [i l-(awaf); see the tradition about 'Umar: 'Abd al-Razzaq, 5: 496, no. 9793; cf. al-Turtiishl, al-Hawaditb wll-l-bida', ed. Muhammad Talbi (Tunis: 1959), p. 104. 22 Qur'an during the t awaf in a loud voice was disliked and considered a bad innovation tmuhdath): the Prophet is said to have asked 'Uthman to turn to dhikru llah from his qirixa. Nevertheless certain groups of scholars permitted the recitation of verses from the Qur'an.?" The problem of the reciting of poetry during the tawat is complicated. The Prophet is said to have told Abii Bakr who recited rajaz verses during the circumambulation to utter allahu akbar instead. This injunction of the Prophet seems to have been disregarded. Ibn 'Abbas, Abii Sa'id al-Khudri and Jabir b. 'Abdalliih used to talk during the (awaf and recite verses," A report on the authority of 'Abdallah b. 'Umar says that the Companions used to recite poetry to each other ty at an ash adicn) during the circumambulation/" The argument in favor of the lawfulness of the recitation of poetry during (a wa] was based on the precedent of 'Abdallah b. Rawaha who had recited his verses during the Prophet's tawat in the year A.H. 7 ('umrat al-qadii): Khallii bani Lrkutfiu: 'an sabilih ...3 Also during the fawaf 'A'isha discussed with 9 some women of Quraysh the position of Hassan b. Thiibit and spoke in his favor, mentioning his verses in defense of the Prophet; 94 Hassan, some traditions say, was aided by the angel Jibril in composing seventy verses in praise of the Prophet." Al-Nabigha al-Ja'di recited his verses in the mosque of Mecca, praising Ibn al-Zubayr and asking for his help at a time of drought." Ibn al-Zubayr asked, during the tawat, a son of Khiilid 90 Ibn Abi Shayba, 4: 10; Al-Azraqi, p. 258; al-Fakihi, fols, 295b-296a; and see the survey of the different opinions: Ibn Zuhayra, pp. 129-30; al-Majlisi, 99: 209, no. 19. 91 al-Fiikihi, Col.307b. 92 al-Fakihi, Col.307b. 93 al-Wiiqidi, p. 736; Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, 8: 130; al-Fiikihi, Col. 307a; al-Muttaqi l-Hindi, 5: 95, no. 745. 94 al-Azraqi, p. 257; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al=l stl'ab, ed. 'Ali al-Bajiwi (Cairo: 1380/1960), 1: 347; al-Fiikihi, Col.307b. 95 al-Fiikihi, Col.307b. 96 Maria Nallino, Le Poesie di an-Niibigah al-Ga'di (Rome: 1953), p. 137 (IX) (and see the references of the editor); al-Fakihi, Col.307b inf, 308a. 23 L. Ja'far al-Kilabi to recite some verses of his father against Zuhayr (b. Jadhima al-'AbsD. "But I am in a state of ihram; argued the son of Khiilid. "And so am I," said Ibn al-Zubayr and urged him to recite the verses. He responded and quoted the verse: "And if you catch me, kill me _" tPa-tmma takhudhiini ja-qtuliini: wa-in aslam [a-laysa ilii l-khuliaii). Ibn al-Zubayr sadly remarked that this verse suited his position in relation to the Banii Umayya,?? Sa'id b. Jubayr recalled having heard during the iawa] the verses of a drunkard who prided himself on the fact that he would not refrain from drinking wine even in old age," An old woman recalled verses composed about her beauty in her youth." There are moving verses composed by devoted sons, who carried on their backs their old mothers during the tawat and supplications by women asking God to forgive them their sins. Poets had the opportunity to watch women doing their tawa] and composed verses extolling their beauty.l'" The wearing of a veil by women performing the fawiit was the subject of a heated discussion among scholars who used as arguments the contradictory utterances attributed to the Prophet and quoted as precedents the fawiit of his wives.'?' Another important problem was whether men and women could lawfully perform the tawat together. According to one tradition women used to perform the fawiit together with men in the early period. The separation of women from men was first ordered by Khiilid b. 'Abdallah al-Qasri.l'? Al-Fakihi remarks that this injunction was aI-Fiikihi, fo1. 307b; and see a different version of this verse Aghani (Biiliiq), 10: 12. 98 al-Fakihi, fo1. 308a; and see the verses: Yiiqiit, Mu'jam al-buldan, s.v. Amaj; and see Ibn Abi l-Dunya, Dhamm al-muskir, al-Zahiriyya, Majmii'a 60, fo1. 8a (Sa'Id b. Jubayr changes the text of the verse from wa-kana kariman fa-lam yanzi into wa-kana shaqiyyan fa-lam yanzi). 99 aI-Fiikihi, fo1. 308a. 100 aI-Fiikihi, fols. 307b-3IOa. 101 al-Shiifi'i, 2: 127; al-Azraqi, p. 260; aI-Fiikihi, fols. 296a-297a; Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, 3: 219-20; Ibn Zuhayra, pp. 133 uIl-I34. 102 aI-Azraqi, pp. 265-6; aI-Fiikihi, fols. 299a ult.-299b; Muhibb al-Din al-Tabari, pp. 319-20; al-Qastallani, 3: 172-3; Ibn Hajar, Fath al-bari, 3: 384-5; Ibn Zuhayra, p. 127; al-Fasi, al-T qd, 4: 273. 97 24 received with approval and people conformed to it until al-Fakihi's own time. Two other decrees of al-Qasri continued to be observed by the people of Mecca: takbir during the ceremony of tawai in the month of Ramadan and a special arrangement of rows of men around the Ka'ba.103 The separation between men and women in the mosque of Mecca was carried out by the governor 'Ali b. al-Hasan al-Hashimi as late as the middle of the third century by drawing ropes between the columns of the mosque; the women sat behind the ropes,'?' At the beginning of the third century (about 209) the governor of Mecca under al-Ma'miin, 'Ubaydallah b. al-Hasan al-Tiilibi.l'" ordered a special time to be set apart for the women's tawilf after the afternoon prayer; men were not allowed to perform the tawa] at that time. This regulation was implemented again by the governor of Mecca, Ibrahim b. Muhammad about A.H. 260.106 These changes in the ceremony of the iawat seem to point to a considerable fluctuation of ideas and attitudes among the rulers and the orthodox in connection with the sanctuary and the form of the tawa]. The new arrangements, which were apparently meant to grant the haram more religious dignity and sanctity and to turn the tawilf into a solemn ceremony with fixed rules, may be compared with some peculiar customs practised in the early t awa], as recorded by al-Fakihi, The passage given by al-Fakihi begins with 103 al-Fakihi, fol. 432a (and see ibid., fol. 439b, lines 5-7 and fol. 354b: dhikru idiirati l-saffi [i shahri ramadana wa-awwalu man [dalahu wa-awwalu man ahdatha l-takbira bayna t-t ariiwibi hawla l-bayti fi shahri ramadana wa-tatsiru dhiilika); al-Zarkashi, I'lamu l-saiid bi-ahkami l-masiiiid, ed. Abii I-Wafii Mustafa I-Mariighi (Cairo: 1385),p. 98; al-Fiisi, al-'Jqd, 4: 272, 276 sup; al-Shibli, Mal;lasin al-wasdll [i mdrifaii I-awa'il, MS. Br. Mus., Or. 1530,fols.38b-39a, 41b-42a. 104 al-Fakihl, fol. 443a; al-Fiisi, al-'J qd, 6; 151, no. 2050 (quoted from al-Fiikihi); idem, Shifa' al-gharam (Cairo), 2: 188 (quoted from al-Fiikihi); Ibn Zuhayra, p. 300 inf. (quoted from al-Fakihi), 1J5 See on him Waki', Akhbiir al=qudiu, ed. 'Abd al-'Aziz Mustafa al-Mariighi (Cairo: 1366/1947), 1: 257-258; Ibn Zuhayra, p. 297. 106 al-Fiikihi, fol. 443a; al-Fasi, al-Tqd, 3: 247-8, no. 720 (quoted from al-Fiikihn. 25 a rather cautious phrase: wa-qad zaama badu ahli makkata, which clearly expresses a reservation on the part of the compiler. In the old times (kanu fima mada) when a girl reached the age of womanhood her people used to dress her up in the nicest clothes they could afford, and if they were in possession of jewels they adorned her with them; then they introduced her into the mosque of Mecca, her face uncovered; she circumambulated the Ka'ba while people looked at her and asked about her. They were then told "This is Miss so and so, the daughter of so and so," if she was a free-born person. If she was a muwallada they said: "She is a muwallada of this or that clan." Al-Fakihi remarks in a parenthetical phrase that people in those times had religious conviction and trustworthiness iahlu dinin wa-amanatin) unlike people of his day, whose manner of belief is obnoxious (laysu 'ala ma hum 'alayhi min al-madhahibi l+makriiha), After the girl had finished her tawat she would go out in the same way, while people were watching her. The purpose of this practice was to arouse in the people the desire to marry the girl (if she was free-born) or to buy her (if she was a muwallada). Then the girl returned to her home and was locked up in her apartment until she was brought out and led to her husband. They acted in the same way with slave-maidens: they led them in the tawa; around the Ka'ba clad in precious dresses, but with their faces uncovered. People used to come, look at them and buy them. Al-Awza'I asked 'Ala' (apparently Ibn Abi Rabah) whether it was lawful to look at maidens who were led in tawaf around the Ka'ba for sale; 'Ala' objected to this practice except for people who wanted to buy slave-girls,"? This report is corroborated by a story recorded by Ibn Abi Shayba, according to which 'A'isha dressed up a maiden, performed the iawat with her and remarked: "We may perhaps succeed in catching (literally: hunting) a youth of Quraysh" (scil, for 107 al-Fiikihi. fol. 309b. 26 the girO.los 'Umar is said to have encouraged the selling of slave-maidens in this manner.l'" All these reports - al-Fakihi's reference to "people with religious conviction and trustworthiness," al-Awza'i's inquiry, 'Ata"s answer, 'A'isha's story - seem to reflect t awai customs prevailing in the early period of Islam, in all likelihood during the first century of the Hijra. The reports indicate a certain informality and ease of manners. All this was bound to change if the haram was to acquire an atmosphere of sanctity and veneration. The early informality and intimacy can be gauged from a number of traditions concerned with the daily behaviour of the faithful in the mosque of Mecca. Ibn al-Zubayr passed by a group of people who were eating their meal in the mosque and invoked upon them his benediction. Abu Nawfal b. Abi 'Aqrab"? saw Ibn 'Abbas there eating roasted meat with thin bread; the fat dripped from his hands. A broth of crumbled bread used to be brought to Ibn al-Zubayr in the mosque. One day a boy crawled towards it and ate from it; 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr ordered the boy to be flogged. The people in the mosque, in their rage, cursed Ibn al-Zubayt/" A similar problem was whether it is lawful to sleep in the mosque of Mecca. Scholars arguing for it quoted the precedent of the Prophet whose isrii took place (according to the report of Anas b. Malik) from the mosque of Mecca where he had slept'" Another 108 al-Musannaf, 4: 410; Lisan al+Arab, s.v. sh-w-f; Ibn al-Athir, al-Nihaya, s.v. sh-w-f. 109 Ibn Abi Shayba, 4: 411 ('Umar remarks, however, that girls should not be compelled to marry ugly [or mean; in text dhamim ; but probably damiml men; "the girls Iike in this matter what you like," he said}, cf. Ibn Ra's Ghanama, Maniiqil al-durar Ii mana bit al-zahar, MS. Chester Beatty 4254, fol. 19b: qala 'umaru: ia yuzawwijanna l-rajulu bnatahu l-qablha [a-innahunna yarghabna lima targhabiin. 110 See on him Ibn I:Iajar, Tahdhib, 12: 260. Ill al-Fiikihi, fo!. 355b: dhikru l-akli fi l- masjidi l-harami wa-l-ghada flhi ; and see al-Turtfishl, pp. 106-8; al-Zarkashi, l'liim al-sajid, pp. 329-30. 112 al-Fiikihi, fol. 355b. 27 argument in favor of sleeping in mosques was mentioned by Sulayman b. Yasar,"" when questioned by al-Harith b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Abi Dhubab: 114 "How do you ask about it, said Sulayman, knowing that the ashab al-suita slept in the mosque of the Prophet and prayed in it." 115 Ibn 'Umar used to sleep in the mosque (of Medina) in the Prophet's Iifetime.'" When Thabit (al-Bunani) consulted 'Abdallah b. 'Ubayd b. 'Umayr"? whether to turn to the amir in the matter of the people sleeping in the mosque of Mecca, 'Abdallah bade him not to do that, quoting the opinion of Ibn 'Umar who considered these people as 'akifun, people praying in seclusion. The pious Sa'id b. Jubayr used to sleep in the mosque of Mecca. 'Ata' b. Abi Rabah spent forty years in the mosque of Mecca, sleeping there, performing the tawat, and prayingJ" In a conversation with his student Ibn Jurayj he expressed a very favourable opinion about sleeping in mosques. When 'Ata' and Sa'id b. Jubayr were asked about people sleeping in the mosque of Mecca who have night-pollutions they nevertheless gave a positive answer and advised them to continue to sleep in the mosque. In the morning, says a tradition, Sa'id b. Jubayr used to perform the tawiif, wake up the sleepers in the mosque, and bid them recite the talbiya. These reports quoted from a chapter of al-Fakihi entitled Dhikru l-nawmi fi I-masjidi l-harami wa-man rakhkhasa iihi wa-man karihahu'" give some insight into the practices in the 113 114 115 116 See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, 4: 228, no. 381. See on him ibid.• 2: 147, no. 249; al-Dhahabi, 1: 437, no. 1629. al-Turtiishi, p. 105. al-Zarkashi, l'liim al-sajid, p. 307; al-Turtiishi, p. 105;al-Mariighi, Tahqiq ai-nusra bi-talkhis mdiilim diiri l-hijra, MS. Br. Mus.• Or. 3615, fo1. 50a. 117 See on him al-Bukhiiri, al-To'rikn al=kablr, 31, no. 430; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, 5: 308, no. 524. 118 Cf. al- Turtiishi, p. 105. 119 Ta'rikh Makka, fo1. 355b-356a; al-Zarkashi, I'liim al-saiid, pp. 306-8, 317-18; Mubibb al Din al-Tabari, pp. 659-60, nos. 30-31; al-Majlisi, 99: 240, no. 1; about the odious impurity which causes bad smells see al-Fakihi, fo1. 357b, ult.-358a idhikru irsiili l=rihi [i l-masiidi l-harami); al-Zarkashi, l'lam ai-sajid, pp. 313-14; cf. about a superstitious belief 28 mosque of Mecca in the early period of Islam and help us to understand the ideas about ritual and the sanctity of the haram current at the time. Of special interest are some customs of t aw a] and include hardships, rigid self-exertion and self-castigation. Tradition tells about people who vowed to perform the fawaf while crawling's? or fastened to each other by a rope,'?' or being led with a rope threaded through a nose-ring.F' Tradition reports that the Prophet and his Companions unequivocally condemned these practices, prohibited them and prevented the people from performing the tawat in this way. It is obvious that these usages reflected the Jahiliyya ideas of self-imposed harshness, of vows of hardship and severe practices. These went contrary to the spirit of Islam which, while transforming it into an Islamic ritual, aimed to give the tawat its own religious values. Ibn Hajar is right in tracing back the prohibited forms of (awat to their Jahili source,'> Similar to these vows of self-exertion during the tawa! are the vows of hardship during the hajj. The traditions tell about men who vowed to perform the hajj on foot. Some women vowed to perform the hajj walking, or with faces uncovered, or wearing coarse garments, or keeping silent.124 The Prophet passed censure on h a i j which 120 121 122 123 124 among common people in Egypt: 'Ali Mahffiz, al-Ibdii' fi (Cairo: 1388/1968), p. 454. al-Fakihi, fol, 297a; al-Azraqi, p. 261; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 8: 457, no. 15895. al-Pakihi, fol, 297b; al-Azraqi, p. 261; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 8: 448, no. 15862; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 5:88; al-Qastallani, 3: 173-4; al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, 1: 460; Ibn l;Iajar, Fath al-bari, 3: 386-7; Muhibb aI-Din al-Tabari, p. 319, no. 73. al-Fakihi, fo!. 297b; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 8: 448, nos. 15860-15861,11:292, no. 20572; Lisan al-'Arab, s.v. z-m-m-, kh-z-m. Fath al-bari, 3: 386. al-Tabawi, Sharb maani, 3: 128-132; Yiisuf b. Miisii al-l;Ianafi, 1: 260-2; al-Suyfiti, al-Durr al-manthiir, 1: 351-2; idem, Ta'rikn al-khulaia', ed. Muhammad Muhyi I-Din 'Abd al-Hamid (Cairo: 1371/1952), p. 99; al-Shatibl, al-I'tisam (Cairo: n.d.), 2: 52; Bahshal, Ta'rikn Wasil, ed. current madarr al-ibtidii 29 these practices, emphasizing that God does not heed (literally: does Lot need) vows by which people cause harm and suffering to themselves. These practices recall certain customs observed by the Bums which therefore had to be abolished in Islam. It may however be remarked that some early Muslim ascetics or pious men used to perform the hajj on foot, or vowed not to walk under a shade during their hajj.125 It is true that the outer form of these practices recalls the old Jahiliyya ones; there is however a clear line which has to be drawn between them: the devotional practices of the pious Muslims are different in their content and intention; they are undertaken out of a deep faith and performed for God's sake. These practices of the pious gained the approval of the orthodox circles and were considered virtuous. This attitude is clearly reflected in a haditb attributed to the Prophet: 'The advantage of the people performing the hajj walking over those who ride is like the advantage of the full moon over the stars."126 Fasting on the Day of 'Arata gave rise to another important controversy. The contradictory traditions and reports are arranged in Fakihi's compilation in two chapters: the one encouraging the Gurguis 'Awwiid (Baghdad, 1387/1967), p. 231; Ibn Sa'd, 8: 470; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 10: 76; al-Fasawi, fol. 157b; Ibn 'Abd al-Hakarn, p. 294; aI-Muttaqi l-Hindi, 5: 341, no. 2265, 449, no. 2507; Ahmad b. Hanbal, Musnad, 11: 7, no. 6714; al-Tayalisi, p. 112, no. 836; al-Tahawl, Mushkil at-iuhar, 3: 37-41; 'Abd al-Razziiq, 8: 438, no. 15825, 448, no. 15863; al-Fiikihi, fols. 315a-b; Ibn Daqiq al-'ld, pp. 310-11,nos. 791-793. (And see al-Fiikihi, fol. 511b:the story of the woman who vowed to perform the pilgrimage in silence if God would help to reconcile the fighting factions of her tribe. Abu Bakr, ordering her to discontinue her silence, remarked: takallami, fa-inna I-islam a hadama ma kana qabla dhalika); al-Tusi, Amali (Najaf: 1384/1964),1: 369. 125 Ibn Abi I-Dunyii, al-Tawba, MS. Chester Beatty 3863, fol. 17b; Bahshal, p. 167; al-Khuwiirizmi, Mukhtasar ithiirati l-targhib wa-l-tashwiq ila l-masiijidi l-thaliuhati wa-ila l-bayti l-'atiq, MS. Br. Mus., Or. 4584, fol. 8a-b. 126 al-Fiikihi, fols. 321b-322a idhikru l-mashyi fi I-hajji wa-f adlihi): al-Khuwiirizmi, fol. 8b: wa-li-l-mashi [adlun 'ala l-rakibi ka-fadli laylati l-qadri 'ala sa'iri l-layali, 30 faithful to fast on this day, the other reporting about Companions who refrained from fasting,'?" According to a tradition of the Prophet the sins of a man who fasts on the Day of 'Arafa will be remitted for a year;128 another version says two years,"? a third version a thousand days.130The list of persons who did fast includes also 'A'isha, who emphasized the merits of fasting on that day. The opponents who forbade fasting on that day based their argument on accounts and evidence that the Prophet had broken the fast on the Day of 'Arafa,!" 'Umar,132 his son 'Abdallah and Ibn 'Abbas prohibited fasting.l" In another version Ibn 'Umar stressed that he performed the pilgrimage with the Prophet and the three first caliphs; none of them fasted on the Day of 'Arafa, He himself did not fast, but did not explicitly enjoin either eating or fasting.P' The 127 aI-Fiikihi, fois. 528a-529a (dhikru sawmi yawmi 'araf a wa-f adli siyamihi ; dhikru man lam yasum yawma 'arafa makhiifata l-du'fi 'ani l-du'a); Ibn Abi Shayba, 4: 1-3, 21, 3: 104; al-Tahawi, Mushkil, 4: lll. 128 aI-Fiikihi, fol. 528a, ult.; al-Mundhiri, 2: 236, no. 1463; Ibn Abi Shayba, 3: 97; al-Tahawi, Shorb maiini, 2: 72; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 4: 283. 129 aI-Fiikihi, fois. 528a, inf., 528b; al-Tabaranl, I: 255, 2: 71; Bahshal, p. 276; al-Mundhiri, 2: 236; 7 nos. 1461-1462,1464-1465, 1467-1468; Muhibb aI-Din al-Tabari, p. 403; Ibn Abi Shayba, 3: 96-97; al-Tahawl, Sharb maiini, 2: 72; idem, Mushkil, 4: 112; al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 4: 267, no. 2; al-Bayhaqi, ai-Sunan al-kubra, 4: 283, 130 al-Mundhiri, 2: 237, no. 1466; aI-Fiikihi, fol. 528b; al-Suyiltl, al-Durr ai-manthia, 1: 231 (another version 1,000 years). 131 Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, Hadith, MS. Chester Beatty 3849/4, fol. 4Oa; Abu 'Umar, GhuIiim Tha'Iab, Juz', MS. Chester Beatty 3495, fol. 97a; aI-Fiikihi, fol. 528b; al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 4: 267, no. 4; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 4: 283-4; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthia, 1: 231. 132 al-Bukhiiri, al-Ta'rikh al-kabir, 32, no. 1600. 133 al-Fakihi, fol. 529a; Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Tlal, 1: 286, nos. 1849, 1852; aI-Khatib al-Baghdiidi, Mudil), 2: 338-9; al-Pasawi, fol. 61a; cf. Abu Nu'aym, 7: 164; Mubibb aI-Din al-Tabari, p. 404. 134 Abu 'Ubayd, Gharib al-haditn 3: 4; aI-Khatib al-Baghdiidi, Mudil), 1: 434; al-Tahawl, Shorb mdiini. 2: 72; Muhibb al-Din al-Tabarl, p. 404 (and see ibid., p. 405 inf.); al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 4: 268; al-Suyiitl, al-Durr al-manthiir, 1: 231; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya wa-l-nihaya (Beirut, al-Riyad: 1966), 5: 174. 31 conciliatory interpretation assumed that the prohibition of fasting referred to the people attending 'Arafa; but people not present on that Day of 'Arafa may fast, and are even encouraged to fast.!35 The reason given for not fasting on that day in 'Arafa was the care for the pilgrims, who might be weakened by the fast and prevented from properly performing the du'ji' and dhikr, which are the most important aims of the pilgrims staying at 'Arafa.136 The transfer of some rites performed at 'Arafa to the cities conquered by the Muslims is of special interest. This practice was introduced in Basra by 'Abdallah b. 'Abbas'" and by 'Abd al-'Aziz b. Marwan in Fustat.138 the Day of 'Arafa people used to gather On in the mosques to invoke and to supplicate. When Ibn 'Abbas summoned the people to gather in the mosque he argued that he wished that the supplications of the people may be associated with those attendant at 'Arata and that God may respond to these supplications; thus they would share God's grace with the attendants 135 al-Tahawi, Sharb mdimi, 2: 72; idem, Mushkil 4: 112; Abii Nu'ayrn, 3: 347; al-Fasawi, fol. 32b; al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 4: 267, no. 3; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra 4: 289; Yiisuf b. Miisii al-Hanafi, 1: 152; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir, I: 231. 136 al-Fakihl, fol. 529a; cf. Muhibb al-Dln al-Tabari, p. 405, lines 3-7 '(fasting on the Day of 'Arafa is not favored for people performing the pilgrimage; it is however encouraged for people not performing the hajj. See the compromise-recommendations of al-Mundhiri, 2: 238: "; there is nothing wrong in fasting, if it does not weaken him in his du'a' ... for the pilgrims it is preferable to break the fast ...•.See the story of Ibn Wahb, who broke the fast at 'Arafa because he was occupied by the thought of breaking the fast: al-Qadi 'Iyiid, Tartib al-madiuik, 1, 430; and see on this subject: al-Shawkiini, Nayl 4: 269). 137 See al-Quda'i, Ta'rikh, MS. Bodley, Pococke 270, fol. 67b (quoted from al-Jahiz's Nazm al-qur'iinr; al-Qalqashandi, Ma'athir ai-inaia [i maalim al-khilafa, ed. 'Abd al-Sattiir Ahmad Farriij (Kuwait: 1964), 1: 129; Muhibb al-Dln al-Tabarl, pp. 387 inf.-388 sup; al-Fasawi, fol. 16a: ._ haddathanii abu 'awana, qiil a: ra'aytu I-has an a kharaja yawma 'oraf a min al-maqsiirau ba'da I-'asri [a-qaada fa-'arrafa; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra 5: 117 inf.; see S.D. Goitein, Studies in Islamic History and Institutions (Leiden; 1966),-p. 137. 138 al-Kindi, Wulat ut», ed. Husayn Nassar (Beirut: 1379/1959),p. 72. 32 at 'Arafa.P" Mus'ab b. al-Zubayr introduced this innovation in Kiifa.140 Some pious Muslims participated in these gatherings, others considered them as bid'ar" The tarit in Jerusalem is linked in some sources with 'Abd al-Malik, who is accused of having built the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem in order to divert the pilgrimage from Mecca to Jerusalem, since 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr, the rival caliph in Mecca, forced the pilgrims to give the oath of allegiance. When the Dome of the Rock was built people used to gather there on the Day of 'Arafa and performed there the wuqufr" So the bid'a of wuqid in Jerusalem arose. Al-Turtiishi describes a gathering of the people of Jerusalem and of its villages in the mosque, raising their voices in supplications. They believed that four "standings" twaqafiu) in Jerusalem were equal to a pilgrimage to Mecca.r" Ibn Taymiyya, of course, strongly censured this innovation.r" It is evident that the idea behind the ta'rit is that it is possible to transfer sanctity from 'Arafa to another sanctuary where the rites of 'Arata are being performed on the same day, or that one may share in the blessing of 'Arafa through the performance of certain devotions at the same time as they are done at 'Arafa (as is the case with the supplications in the tdrit mentioned in note 139 above), or the notion that two sanctities may be combined as indicated in the tradition about Zamzam visiting Sulwan on the night of 'Arafa.!" The idea of transfer of sanctity is clearly reflected in a 139 al-Mawsili, Ghiiyat al-wasiiil ila mdrifati l-awail, MS. Cambridge Qq 33 (10), fol. 153a. 140 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthia, 1: 231 inf. 141 Ibn Kathir, al-Bidiiya, 9: 307; al-Turtiishi, pp. 115-16;al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir, 1: 231 info 142 al-Quda'I, fol. 67b; al-Qalqashandi, 1: 129. 143 al-Turtiishi, pp. 116-17. 144 Majmu'at al-rasall al-kubrii (Cairo: 1323), 2: 57; Jamiil a-Din al-Qiisimi, I slab- al-masaiid min al-bidd wa-l-'awa'id (Cairo: 1341), p. 215 (from Ibn Taymiyya), 145 al-Muqaddasi, line 11. Ab-san al-taqasim, ed. M.J. de Goeje (Leiden: 1906), p. 171, 33 Shi'i tradition in which a Shi'i adherent asks the imam Ja'far al-Sadiq whether he may perform the to'rii on the grave of Husayn if the opportunity to perform the hajj (scil, to Mecca) escapes him. The imam enumerates in his answer the rewards for visiting the grave of al-Husayn on common days and those for visits on feasts, emphasizing that these rewards are multiplied for a visit on the Day of 'Arafa, This visit is equal in rewards with a thousand pious pilgrimages to Mecca and a thousand 'umr a accepted by God and a thousand military campaigns fought on the side of a prophet or a just imam. The adherent then asked, how he could get a reward similar to that of the mawqii (of 'Arata), The imam looked at him as if roused to anger and said: "The believer who comes to the grave of al-Husayn on the Day of 'Arafa, washes in the Euphrates and directs himself to the grave, he will be rewarded for every step as if he had performed a hajj with all due rites." The transmitter recalls that the imam did say: "and [took part in] a military campaignr" Some changes of ritual were attributed to the Umayyads and sharply criticized by orthodox scholars. A number of innovations of this kind are said to have been introduced by Mu'awiya, It was he who refrained from the takbir on the Day of 'Arafa, because 'Ali used to practise it.147 He forbade the loud recitation of the talbiya at 'Arafat, and people obeyed his order; then Ibn 'Abbas ostentatiously came forth and uttered the talbiya loudly,':" It was Mu'awiya who transformed a place where the Prophet had urinated into a place of prayer.v" and invented iahdatha) the adhan in the saliu a[-'idayn.150 He changed the order of the ceremony of the 'id peculiar 146 Ibn Biibawayh, Amali i-sadiu; (Najaf: 1389/1970),pp. 126-7. 147 aI-Fiikihi, fol. 529a. 148 Mubibb al-Din al-Tabari, p. 403; al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, 1: 464 inf.-465; al-Muttaqi aI-Hindi, 5: 79, nos. 646, 648. 149 Muhibb al-Din al-Tabari, p. 417; Amin Mahmiid Khattab, Fatb al-malik al-mdbisd, 2: 59 inf.-60, lines. 1-7; aI-Fiikihi, ·fol. 531a,sup. 150 al-Suyiiti, Ta'rikh al-khulafa', p. 200. 34 al-adha and ordered the khutba to be delivered before the prayer.P' He was also the one who banned the tamattu' pilgrimages.P? Changes of this kind were recorded as wicked innovations of the impious Umayyad rulers. The inconsistencies of the usages, customs and ritual practices of the early period of Islam are reflected in almost every subject dealt with in the early sources of hadith. Opinions divergent and contradictory are expressed about the sutra which has to be put in front of the praying Muslim and whether a dog or a donkey or a woman passing by invalidates the prayer-" Scholars differ in their opinions as to whether the form of sitting during the prayer called iq'a' is permitted.P' whether the prayer by a believer clad in one garment ithawb) is valid.!" and whether counting of the tasbib by pebbles is allowed!" Some of the subjects dealt with in the early hadiths lost their actuality and relevance. It is however a special feature of Muslim haditn literature and haditn criticism that some of these themes reappear and are discussed even in our days. Thus, for instance, the contemporary scholar Nasir al-Din al-Albani examines 151 al-Shibli, Maf)asin al-wasdil, fol. 120a; al-Suyiiti, Ta'rikh al-khulafd, p. 200. 152 al-Muttaqi aI-Hindi, 5: 88, no. 708; al-Shibli, MahQsin al-wasdil, fol. 119b (and see above notes 48, 50); and cf. the wicked innovations of al-Hajjij Abii Tiilib al-Makki, 2: 53-4. 153 al-Hakirn, al=Mustadrak, 1: 251-2; Niir al-Din al-Haytharni, 2: 59-62; al-Fakihi, fol. 481a inf.; al-Fasawi, fol. 217b; Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 276-83; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 2: 9-38, nos. 2272-2396; al-Tahawi, Sharf) maani, 1: 458-64; al-Muttaqi l-Hindi, 8: 132-8, nos. 946-989; al-Zarkashi, al=l iaba, pp. 66, 84. 154 Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 285; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 2: 190-7, nos. 3024-3053; and see Ibn al-Athir, al-Nihiiya, s.v. q-'-a, '-q-b. 155 al-Tal)iiwi, Sharf) maani, 1: 377-83; al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 2: 83-4; Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 310-15. 156 Ibn Abi Shayba, 2: 389-91; Ibn Abi I-ijadid, Sharf) nah] al-balagha, ed. Muhammad Abii l-Fadl Ibriihim (Cairo: 1964), 18: 164; and cf. Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Ttal, 1: 325, no. 2122; Sa'Id b. Jubayr throws out the pebbles with which a woman counted her circlings during the the tawa]. 35 the tradition prohibiting fasting on the Day of 'Arafa for people attending 'Arata,"? He carefully analyzes the isnads, finding out their faults; he harshly reprimands al-Hakim for his heedlessness in considering the haditb sound and states that the haditb is in fact weak. He argues that the haditb about the forgiveness of sins for a period of two years for him who fasts on the Day of 'Arafa is a sound tradition; but the attached phrase about the rewards for fasting on every day of Muharram is a forged one.ISS An exhaustive scrutiny of hadiths about the counting of tasbih by pebbles is included by al-Albani in the examination of the haditb about the rosary (ai-subha).IS9 Of interest are certain traditions in which some social and cultural, as well as religious, trends are exposed. Of this kind are the traditions in which the Prophet predicted that his community would erect sumptuous mosques in the manner of Jewish synagogues and Christian churches, adorn them richly and embellish them with inscriptions. This will be the sign of decline of the Muslim community and portend the End of the Days. Traditions of the very early period of Islam reflect the opposition against arched mihrab« "Beware these altars" tittaqii hadhihi l-madhabih), followed by an explanatory comment, "he meant the mahiirib' (ya'ni l-maharib), says a tradition attributed to the Prophet,"? "My people will fare well as long as they will not build in their mosques altars 157 Na s ir aI-Din aI-AIbiini, Silsilat al=ah a d i t n al+d a'Lf a wa-l-mawdiia (Damascus: 1384),no. 404. 158 Ibid., no. 412. 159 Ibid., no. 83. 160 al-Daylami, MS. Chester Beatty 4139, fo1. 27a (al-Daylami adds: wa-kana ibriihlmu l-taymi la yusalli [i (aqi l-mihrab); al-Suyiiti, ai-Khasii'is ai-kubrii; 3: 189; al-Muniiwi, 1: 144-5, no. 153 reviews the different meanings of the word mihrab. And see the peculiar story of the Christian youth in the mihrab: al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, To'rikh Baghdad, 9: 45; al-Turtiishl, p. 94; al-Bahranl, 7: 281-5; Mahmiid Mahdi al-Miisawi al-Khawansiiri, Tuhfat al-siijid fi ahkiim al-masiijid (Baghdad: 1376), pp. 111-16.And see R.B. Serjeant, "Mii)riib," BSOAS (1959):pp. 439-53. 36 like the altars of the Christians," the Prophet foretold/?' Pious men usually refrained from praying in these mihrabs.162 Of the same kind were traditions against the adornment of mosques.'" prayers in the maqsiaa of the mosque,164 and against writing Qur'an verses on the walls of the mosque, or in the qibla of the mosque.'" These traditions should, of course, be studied against the background of the reports about the sumptuous buildings which were erected by the impious rulers and their governors and the richly decorated [ami' mosques in which delegates of the rulers led the prayer. Many a time a pious Muslim had to ask himself whether he should pray behind them, as can be deduced from the numerous traditions dealing with this subject. The few traditions reviewed in this paper clearly demonstrate the fluidity of certain religious and socio-political ideas reflected in the early compilations of hadith; as already proved by I. Goldziher. The diversity and divergence of traditions expose the different opinions of various groups of Muslim scholars. The divergent traditions are faithfully recorded in the compilations 161 al-Suyiiti, al-Khasdis al-kubra; 3: 188-9; Ibn Abi Shayba, 2: 59; and see the careful evaluation of this hadith' by Albiini, Silsila, no. 448. 162 'Abd al-Razzaq, 2: 412, no. 3898-3902; the tradition about the altars of the Christians, no. 3903; Ibn Abi Shayba, 2: 59-60 (ai-saiat Ii i-taq, man rakhkhasa l-saliu Ii Haq); Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Tlal, 1: 64, no. 373. 163 al-Suyiiti, al-Khasdis al-kubrii, 3: 56-7; Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 309; al-Suyiitl, al-Durr ai-manihiir, 3: 217 inf.; al-Shaybani, pp. 77-8; Abii 'Ubayd, Gharib al-hadlth, 4: 225; al-Shawkanl, No yl, 2: 167-70; idem, al-Fawii'id al-majmiia, ed. 'Abd al-Wahhab 'Abd al-Latif (Cairo: 1960), pp. 25-7; Abii Talib al-Makki, 2: 51 inf; Ibn Abi Jamra, Bahjat al-nufiis (Beirut: 1972 reprint), 1: 183; al-Sarnarqandl, Bustan ai-'arilin (on margin of Tanbih al-ghafilin) (Cairo: 1347), pp. 127-8; Yiisuf b. 'Abd al-Radi, Thimar al-maqasid [i dhikri t-masaiid, ed. As'ad Talas (Beirut: 1943), pp. 166, 170; al-Bahrani, 7: 277; al-Zarkashi, I'liim al-siijid pp. 335-8; Muhammad Mahdi al-Miisawi, pp. 87-92. 164 See 'Abd al-Razzaq, 2: 414-16, nos. 3907-3913; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 3: 238; Abii Talib al-Makki, 2: 51 inf.; Ibn Sa'd, 7: %. 165 Ibn Abi Shayba, 2: 46; al-Turtiishi, p. 97; al-Zarkashi, I'lam al-saiid, p. 337; cf. Yiisuf b. 'Abd al-Hadi, p. 170. 37 of the second century of the Hijra with no obligatory conclusions imposed and no prescriptions issued. This activity reflects a sincere effort to establish the true path of the Prophet, the Sunna, which the believer should follow.