ṣalāt
RajabEI.pdf Radjab, the seventh month of the Islamic calendar, was observed as a holy month in
the period of the DjÄhiliyya in spring. It was the month of the sacrifices of the Ê¿atÄʾir offered to the pagan deities as a token of gratitude for the augmentation of their flocks and herds. It was also the time of invocations of their deities to increase the number of their flocks. It was as well the month of the sacrifices of the furuÊ¿, the firstlings of the flocks and herds. The owner of the flock had to sacrifice one ewe out of fifty (or hundred) of his herd. The holy month of Radjab was also the month of peace in the Arab peninsula; the tribes refrained from raids and warfare. The month was called al-aá¹£amm âthe deafâ because no sound of weapons was heard during that month and al-aá¹£abb âthe pouringâ because the unbelievers of Mecca used to say that the mercy is pouring forth in this month. Another by-name of Radjab was al-radjm âthe stoningâ because the Satans were stoned in that month and were expelled from the dwellings of the tribes. Other bynames attached to Radjab were: al-muḳīm âthe constant,â because its sanctity was a firm one, since Radjab is one of the four ḥurum months; al-harim âthe agedâ because the sanctity of the month was an ancient one, dating from the time of Mu ar b. NizÄr; as the tribes of Mu ar venerated this month, it was also named radjab Muá¸ar. Because of the comprehensive peace among the tribes and their abstaining from hostilities, the month was called muná¹£il al-all and muná¹£il al-asinna, pointing to the fact that the spearheads were removed, weapons laid down and no fighting among tribes was launched. The name al-muÊ¿allÄ âthe elevatedâ was attached to Radjab because it was a month highly respected among the Arab tribes. The name al-mubriʾ âthe clearing [from fault]â was given to the month because warlike activity was given up, no iniquity was committed and no act of hypocrisy was perpetrated during the month. A peculiar name granted to Radjab was al-muḳashḳish âthe exonerating,â denoting that Radjab distinguished between the people who stuck to the tenets enjoining abstention from
fighting during the month and those who violated the sanctity of the month by fighting. Finally, the month was called al-Ê¿atÄ«ra because the sacrifices of the Ê¿atÄ«ra were carried out during this month. According to tradition, the month of Radjab was a time of devotional practices, exertions and fasting. Invocations against the iniquitous and the wrong-doers in this month were especially efficacious. The opinions of the scholars of Islam as to the permission to continue these practices in Islam were divergent, controversial and even contradictory. The differences in their opinions are clearly exposed in the utterances attributed to the Prophet in the collections of ḥadÄ«th. An utterance attributed to the Prophet and recorded in the early collection of ÉAbd alRazzÄḳ (d. 211/826) says that the Prophet approved of the sacrifice of the Ê¿atÄ«ra which the people used to practice in Radjab. The Prophet said, âDo it, and name it al-radjÄ«ba.â The utterance of the Prophet enjoining sacrifice of the Ê¿atÄ«ra and naming it the radjÄ«ba is opposed by an utterance attributed to the Prophet enjoining annulment of the sacrifice of the firstlings and the sacrifice of the RadjabÄ« Ê¿atÄ«ra. It is recorded in the same collection and is formulated plainly: lÄ faraÊ¿a wa-lÄ Ê¿atÄ«ra âthere is no [sacrifice] of the firstlings nor of the Ê¿atÄ«ra.â This prohibitive tradition was, however, changed by the interpretation given to it by alShÄfiÉÄ«: there is no sacrifice of the Ê¿atÄ«ra nor of the faraÊ¿a âas an obligatory practiceâ, adds al-ShÄfiÉÄ«. This comment of his changes, of course, the meaning of the tradition and its significance.
In the same way was interpreted the utterance of the Prophet Ê¿alÄ ahl kull bayt an yad̲h̲baḥū shÄt fÄ« kull radjab wa-fÄ« kull aá¸á¸¥Ä shÄt . The expression Ê¿alÄ kull ahl bayt
an i in i an i i in
i
i
in
is, however, interpreted not as an enjoinment but only as a recommendation. The utterance has to be understood as recommendation for every family group to sacrifice a ewe during every month of Radjab and to sacrifice a ewe on every aá¸á¸¥Ä celebration. An utterance of the Prophet about the Ê¿atÄ«ra permits the sacrifice of the Ê¿atÄ«ra in any month of the year and enjoins the practice of charity, dividing among the poor the meat of the slaughtered beasts. It is obvious that the sanctity of Radjab was, according to this tradition, fairly limited, or even abolished, while the advice of charity was especially stressed. A tradition reported on the authority of ÉÄÉisha says that the Prophet enjoined the slaughter of the firstling of the herd numbering fifty, which tallies with the prevalent DjÄhilÄ« practice. But another tradition attributed to the Prophet says, âPractice the sacrifice of the faraÊ¿a if you wantâ. Thus the sacrifice was left to the discretion of the believer. A peculiar utterance of the Prophet turns the sacrifice of the faraÊ¿a into a voluntary practice, with a special reservation of the Prophet changing the aim of the practice. The Prophet permitted the practice but remarked that it would be preferable to feed the camel until it grows up and to ride it on expeditions and raids for the cause of God; similarly, it is preferable to feed the ewe until it grows up, to sacrifice it and to divide the meat among the poor. Similarly, the utterance of the Prophet in which he is said to have approved of the faraÊ¿a, saying al-faraÊ¿a ḥaḳḳ, was considerably changed by the added reservation that it would be better to feed the destined sacrificial animal until it grows up and can be used
to ride on it in a raid for the cause of God (in the case of a camel) or to slaughter it (in the case of a ewe) and give the meat as charity to a needy widow. Scholars of Islam stress that the slaughter of animals in Rad̲j̲ab was continued in the first period of Islam and was only later abrogated. Al-Ḵh̲aá¹á¹ÄbÄ« (d. 388/998) considered the Ê¿atÄ«ra compatible with the principles of Islam: it was in the period of Islam sacrificed to God in contradiction to the j̲ÄhilÄ« Ê¿atÄ«ra, which was sacrificed to the idols. There is
indeed a report saying that Ibn SÄ«rÄ«n (d. 110/729) used to slaughter the Ê¿atÄ«ra in Radjab. Strictly orthodox scholars stressed that there is no valid tradition concerning the virtues of Radjab. There were, however, scholars, especially from among the pious and devoted, who favoured the widely-circulated popular traditions allegedly uttered by the Prophet, emphasising the virtues of Radjab and encouraging the carrying out of the various practices considered laudable and right. The Prophet is said to have named Radjab âthe month of Godâ, s̲h̲ahr AllÄh, because it was the month of the people of the ḥaram (i.e. the people of Mecca) who were called Äl AllÄh. The problem of the sacrifices during the month of Radjab was only one aspect of the disputes among the Muslim scholars as to the ritual practices performed in the Muslim community in that month. A significant tradition ascribed to the Prophet singled out the peculiar sanctity of three months of the year: âRadjab is the month of God, ShaÉbÄn is my month and Rama Än is the month of my people.â As the month of Radjab was put on par with the two other months there was an obvious tendency to competition between these holy months regarding the rewards of the ritual practices performed during these months, the exceptional position of certain nights of the months and the prayers during these months. The competition between Radjab and ShaÉbÄn is clearly presented in a tradition reported on the authority of Zayd b. Aslam. The Prophet was informed about people fasting during Radjab. He remarked, âHow far are they from the virtues of the people
fasting during ShaÉbÄn!â Zayd observed, âMost of the fasting of the Prophet, except in Rama Än, was in ShaÉbÄn.â The partisans of Radjab quoted a report of Ibn al-ÉAbbÄs saying that the Prophet used to fast so many days in Radjab that his Companions did not think that he would break his fast; and he used to break his fast so that they doubted whether he would resume it. As against the people venerating ShaÉbÄn, the partisans of Radjab had recourse to utterances attributed to the Prophet in which the fasting of Radjab was recommended and very high rewards were promised to people who were fasting in it. The Prophet is said to have stated that the month of Radjab is of a high position and that the good deeds of the believer gain multiple rewards. He who fasts one day in Radjab is in the position of a believer who would fast a year. He who fasts nine days, for him the gates of Hell are closed; he who fasts eight days, for him the eight doors of Paradise are opened; he who fasts ten days, God will fulfill for him every wish; he who fasts fifteen days, a herald will announce from Heaven that god forgave him every sin which he had committed in the past. In the month of Radjab God carried Nūḥ (Noah) in the ark; he fasted during Radjab, and bade his people to fast during it, thus expressing their gratitude to God for their salvation. Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal said that he had in his possession a tradition recording the rewards for fasting of every day of Radjab; he considered, however, the ḥadÄ«th a forged one. The fasting of the whole month of Radjab was nevertheless frowned upon and sometimes forbidden in order not to create a similarity with Rama Än. The practices of fasting during Radjab were censured by AbÅ« Bakr, ÉUmar and people of the á¹£aḥÄba, says Ibn Taymiyya. Some nights of Radjab are considered to be replete with God's graces. In the first night of Radjab, God will grant every supplication of the believer. It is one of the five chosen
nights in the year. Another prayer strongly censured by Ibn Taymiyya was the prayer practised in the midst of Radjab called á¹£alÄt Umm DÄwÅ«d. A night highly praised by those who observed Radjab was the night of the á¹£alÄt alraghÄʾib âthe night of the prayer for extensive and desirable giftsâ; it starts on the eve of the first Friday of Radjab; the prayers and supplications contained hundreds of invocations, prostrations, rakÊ¿as and recitations of some sÅ«ras of the ḲurÉÄn. The believer is requested to fast on the Thursday preceding this night. A night of Radjab distinguished by the rich rewards is the night of the twenty-seventh of Radjab. The believer spending this night in vigils: praying; thanking God; repeating a hundred times the various phrases of gratitude, the oneness of God, invocations and supplications; performing prostrations and rakÊ¿as; and reading a sÅ«ra of the ḲurÉÄn and fasting the next day, will be highly rewarded by God; he will attain God's grace as if he fasted a hundred years and practiced vigils for a hundred years. On that night, Muḥammad was sent as a prophet. The significant events connected with the life of the Prophet which allegedly happened in Radjab turn the month into one of the most distinctive periods of the year. According to a tradition, the mother of the Prophet conceived him on the first evening of Radjab; another tradition claims that he was born in Radjab. Some traditions assert that the event of the laylat al-miÊ¿rÄdj occurred in Radjab. Other traditions claim that the date of the isrÄʾ was the twenty-seventh day of Radjab. The struggle of the orthodox scholars against those practices of Radjab widely approved by pious ascetics and ṢūfÄ«s was not entirely successful. These practices have survived and form until the present time an essential part of Muslim popular belief and ritual. (M. J. Kister)
Bibliography ÉAbd al-RazzÄḳ, al-Muá¹£annaf, ed. ḤabÄ«b al-RaḥmÄn al-AÉáºamÄ«, Beirut 1391/1972, iv, 342, no. 8000, iv, 341, no. 7998, iv, 341, no. 7999, iv, 340, no. 7997, iv, 337, no. 7989, iv, 337, nos. 7990-1, iv, 340, no. 7996, and see ibid., iv, 338, nos. 7992-3, iv, 292, no. 7858, iv, 317, no. 7927 Ibn AbÄ« Shayba, al-Muá¹£annaf fi ʾl-aḥÄdÄ«th wa ʾl-ÄthÄr, ed. ÉAbd al- Ḵh̲Äliḳ AfghÄnÄ«, repr., n.p. n.d., viii, 64-7 AbÅ« YaÉlÄ al-Mawá¹£ilÄ«, al-Musnad, ed. Ḥusayn SalÄ«m Asad, Damascus-Beirut 1407/1987, x, 282, no. 5879 (and see the abundant references of the editor) SubkÄ«, ṬabaḳÄt al-shÄfiÊ¿iyya al-kubrÄ, ed. ÉAbd al-FattÄḥ Muḥammad Ḥulw and MaḥmÅ«d Muḥammad al-ṬannÄḥī, Cairo 1383/1964, ii, 111 MunÄwÄ«, FayḠal-ḳadÄ«r, sharḥ al-djÄmiÊ¿ al-á¹£aghÄ«r, Beirut 1391/1972, vi, 435, no. 9914, iv, 321, no. 5457, iv, 375, no. 5674, iii, 454, no. 3953 ÉAbd al-RaḥmÄn al-á¹¢affÅ«rÄ«, Nuzhat al-madjÄlis wa-muntakhab al-nafÄʾis, Beirut, n.d., 189-95 Ibn Taymiyya, Iḳtiá¸Äʾ al-á¹£irÄá¹ al-mustaḳīm mukhÄlafat aṣḥÄb al-djaḥīm, ed. Muḥammad ḤÄmid al-Fiḳī, Cairo, ÉÄbidÄ«n 1369/1950, 293, 302 AbÅ« ÉUbayd al-ḲÄsim b. SallÄm al-HarawÄ«, GharÄ«b al-ḥadÄ«th, ed. Muḥammad ÉAáºÄ«m alDÄ«n, Ḥaydarabad 1385/1966, ii, 4-6 ÉAbd AllÄh b. Muḥammad b. DjaÉfar b. ḤayyÄn, Abu Él-Shaykh al-Aná¹£ÄrÄ«, ṬabaḳÄt almuḥaddithÄ«n bi-Iá¹£bahÄn wa ʾl-wÄridÄ«n Ê¿alayhÄ, ed. ÉAbd al-GhafÅ«r ÉAbd al-Ḥaḳḳ Ḥusayn al-BalÅ«shÄ«, Beirut 1407/1987, i, 279-82, nos. 27-9 (and see the references of the editor)
ÉUmar b. Badr al-Mawá¹£ilÄ«, al-MughnÄ« Ê¿an al-ḥifẠwa ʾl-kitÄb, Cairo 1342, 33, 36 Ḳurá¹ubÄ«, al-DjamiÊ¿ li-aḥkÄm al-ḲurʾÄn = TafsÄ«r al-Ḳurá¹ubÄ«, Cairo 1387/1967, vi, 326 Ibn ÉAsÄkir, TaʾrÄ«kh DimÄshḳ, ed. ÉAbd al-ḲÄdir BadrÄn, Beirut 1399/1979, vi, 246, vii, 347 inf.-348 sup. Bayhaḳī, Faá¸Äʾil al-awḳÄt, ed. ÉAdnÄn ÉAbd al-RaḥmÄn MadjÄ«d al-ḲaysÄ«, Mecca 1410/1990, 89-90, no. 7, 106-7, 311-12, no. 149, 95-8, nos. 11, 12 WadjÄ«h al-DÄ«n ÉAbd al-RaḥmÄn b. KhalÄ«l al-AdhruÉÄ«, BishÄrat al-maḥbÅ«b bi-takfÄ«r aldhunÅ«b, ed. MadjdÄ« al-Sayyid IbrÄhÄ«m, Cairo n.d., 41, no. 98 Bayhaḳī, al-DjÄmiÊ¿ li-shuÊ¿ab al-Ä«mÄn = ShuÊ¿ab al-Ä«mÄn, ed. ÉAbd al-ÉAlÄ« ÉAbd al- ḤamÄ«d ḤÄmid, Bombay 1409/1988, vii, 382- 3, no. 3520, 390-3, no. 3529, 393-5, nos. 3530-1 Khaá¹Ä«b al-BaghdÄdÄ«, TaʾrÄ«kh Baghdad, Cairo-BaghdÄd 1349- 1931, viii, 331, no. 4421 ÉAbd al-RaḥmÄn al-SuhaylÄ«, al-RawḠal-unuf, ed. ÉAbd al-RaḥmÄn al-WakÄ«l, Cairo 1387/1967, i, 70 NÅ«r al-DÄ«n al-HaythamÄ«, MadjmaÊ¿ al-zawÄʾid wa-manbaÊ¿ al-fawÄʾid, Beirut 1967, iii, 188, 191 Murta Ä al-ZabÄ«dÄ«, ItḥÄf al-sÄda al-muttaḳīn bi-sharḥ asrÄr iḥyÄʾ Ê¿ulÅ«m al-dÄ«n, Beirut n.d., iii, 422-5 Ibn Ḥadjar al-ÉAsḳalÄnÄ«, TabyÄ«n al-Ê¿adjab bi-mÄ warada fÄ« faá¸l radjab, ed. AbÅ« AsmÄÉ IbrÄhÄ«m b. IsmÄÉÄ«l Äl ÉAá¹£r, Beirut 1408/1988 Ibn HimmÄt al-Dimashḳī, al-TankÄ«t wa ʾl-ifÄda fÄ« takhrÄ«dj aḥÄdÄ«th khÄtimat sifr al-saÊ¿Äda, ed. Aḥmad al-Bazra, Beirut 1407/1988, 96-7, 112-13
MaḳrÄ«zÄ«, al-Khabar Ê¿an al-bashar, ms. DÄr al-Kutub 947, TaÉrÄ«k̲h̲, p. 444 ÉIzz al-DÄ«n b. ÉAbd al-SalÄm al-SulamÄ«, KitÄb al- FatÄwÄ, ed. ÉAbd al-RaḥmÄn b. ÉAbd al-FattÄḥ, Beirut 1406/1986, 117 ÉAbd al-WÄsiÉ b. YaḥyÄ al-WÄsiÉÄ«, al- Mukhtaá¹£ar fÄ« targhÄ«b wa-tarhÄ«b ḥadÄ«th sayyid albashar, Cairo 1345, 26 ult.-27 al-Ḥasan b. Muḥammad al-KhallÄl, Faá¸Äʾil shahr radjab, ed. ÉAmr ÉAbd al-MunÉim, Ṭaná¹Ä 1412/1972 ÉAlÄ« b. Sulá¹Än al-ḲÄrÄ«, al-Adab fÄ« radjab, ed. ÉAmr ÉAbd al-MunÉim, Ṭaná¹Ä 1412/1992, also ed. ÉAbd AllÄh ÉAwda in JSAI, forthcoming Badr al-DÄ«n ShiblÄ«, MaḥÄsin al-wasÄʾil fÄ« maÊ¿rifat al-awÄʾil, ms. B.L., Or. 1530, fol. 56b ÉAlÄ« MaḥfÅ«áº, al-IbdÄÊ¿ fÄ« maá¸Ärr al-ibtidÄÊ¿, Cairo 1388/1968, 296-7 Muḥammad b. Aḥmad b. Djubayr al-KinÄnÄ«, Riḥla, Beirut 1388/1968, 98-104 Muḥammad b. ÉAlÄ« b. ṬūlÅ«n al- Dimashḳī, Faṣṣ al-KhawÄtim fÄ«-mÄ á¸³Ä«la fi ʾl-walÄʾim, ed. NizÄr AbÄáºa, Damascus 1402/1982, 92-4. For additional bibl., see M. J. Kister, Radjab is the month of God, in IOS, i (1971), repr. Variorum, London 1980, Studies in JÄhiliyya and early Islam, no. XII. [Print Version: Volume VIII, page 373, column 2] Citation: Kister, M. J. âRad̲j̲ab.â Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman; Th. Bianquis; C. E. Bosworth; E. van Donzel; and W. P. Heinrichs.
sanctity.pdf SANCTITY JOINT AND DIVIDED: ON HOLY PLACES IN THE ISLAMIC TRADITION M.J. Kister
For Professor P. Shinar, with esteem and friendship.
At the end of the first century of the hijra there was an almost unanimous consensus of the Muslim community as to the three distinguished mosques which were recommended as sanctuaries to be visited by the believers. It is noteworthy that the consent of the Muslim orthodox scholars to grant validity to the famous utterance of the Prophet: "You shall set out only for the three mosques .... " 1 was reached after a period of discussion among the scholars of Muslim law, after a close scrutiny of the tradition of the Prophet, and after the approval of the orthodox
1 Diya' al-Din Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Wahid al-Maqdisi, Fada'il bayti I-maqdis, ed. Muhammad MutT' al-l:Iafi~(Damascus, 1404/1983), 39-44, nos. 1-7. See the different versions of the tradition. Muhammad N~ir al-Din al-Albani (= al-AlbanI), Silsilat al-af,ladrthi 1-~af,ll/.Ia(Beirut, 1405/1985), II, 732-34, no. 997. Al-l:Iasan b. Muhammad al-$aghani, Mabariq al-azhar /f sharf,li mashariqi l-anwar (sharf,lu bni malik) (Ankara, 1328), I, 219. AI-FakihI, Ta'n"kh Makka, MS Leiden Or. 463, fols. 352a-54b. Abu TaUb Muhammad b. Muhammad b. IbrahIm, al-Ghaylaniyyat, [al-muntaqa], MS Hebrew University, Ar. 8*, 273, p. 7 inf. MS Br. Mus. Or. 3059, fol. 3a. Muhibb al-Din al-Tabari, al-Qira li-qallidi ummi l-qura, ed. Mu~a.Ia I-Saqqa (Cairo, 1390/1970), 655-56. Nur al-Dln al-HaythamI, Mawaridu l-~am'an ila zawa'idi bni f,libban, eel. Muhammad 'Abd al-Razzliq l:Iamza (Cairo, n.d.), 256-57, nos. 1035-42. AI-Tabarani, al·Mu'jamu l-kabrr, ed. l:Iamdi 'Abd al-Majid al-Silafi (n.p., 1404/1983), II, 276-77, nos. 2158-61. AI-Mundhiri, al-Targhrb wa-l-tarhrb, eel. Muhammad Muhyi I-Din 'Abd al-l:Iamid (Cairo, 1380/1961), III, 51-54, nos. 1734, 1737, 1739. And see esp. no. 1740: lIalatun /f masjidr khayrun min alft lIaliitin /fma siwahu mina I-masajidi ilia I-masjida l·aq~a. But the tradition recorded in al-Kattllni; Na~m al-mutanathir mina I-f,ladrthi I-mutawatir (Cairo, 1983), 78, no. 58: lIalatun /f
=
masjidr hiidha khayrun min alft lIalatin /fma siwahu mina I-masajidi ilia I-masjida 1f,larama. AI-Fasawi, al·Ma'riJa wa-l-ta'n"kh, ed. Diya' al-Din al-'Umari (Beirut, 1401/ 1981), II, 294-95. See the different versions. Al-SuyutI, Jam'u I-jawami' (Cairo, 1978), I, 893. See the different versions. Idem, Fakihat al-lIayJ wa·anis al-dayJ, ed.
Mul,lammad Ibrahim Salim (Cairo, 1408/1988), 215. 'Abdallah b. Mul,1ammadb. Abi Shayba [= Ibn AbI Shayba), al-MuliannaJ /f l-a~adfthi wa-l-athar, ed. 'Abd al-Kha.iiq al-AfghllnI, [reprint) (n.p., n.d.), II, 374 inf.-375 sup. AI-QuI1ubi, TaJsfr [= al-Jami' li~kami l-qur'an], eel. MIlliI~a.fll-Saqqa(Cairo, 1387/1967), XIX, 21. AI-Musharraf b. Murajja, Fa4a'il bayti I-maqdis wa-l-khalll, MS Tiibingen 27, fol. 32a inf.-32b. This work has now been publisheel in Ofer Livne-Kafri, ed., Fada'il Bayt al-Maqdis wa al- Khalil wa al-Sham by Abu al-Ma'a.iI al-Musharraf b. al-Murajja b. IbrahIm al-MaqdisI (Shefaram, Israel: al-Mashriq Press, 1995). See also M.J. Kister, "You shall only set out for three mosques: A Study of an Early Tradition." Le Museon 82(1969), 173-96.
1~
Sanctity Joint and Divided
19
heads of the community. Weighing cautiously the opinions of the scholars in the different regions of the Muslim empire, the influential religious leaders, after hesitations and doubts, gradually consented to extend the tradition recommending to set out only to the sanctuary of the Ka'ba/' so as to include the mosque of the Prophet in Medina. 3 There seems to have been a strong tendency among orthodox scholars to discourage believers from journeys to sanctuaries honored and revered before Islam where they would perform ritual practices. Tradition says that the Aus and Khazraj used to pray in the direction of Jerusalem two years before the hijra of the Prophet" and it is plausible that they intended to continue to set out to Jerusalem after they had embraced Islam. The opposition to journeys to sanctuaries other than those in Mecca and Medina, journeys undertaken on the authority of certain early traditions, is manifest in reports on the authority of the Prophet, in which he dissuaded believers from carrying out their oath to set out to Jerusalem, and convinced them to perform the planned ritual in the mosque of Medina.P Finally, after the consolidation of Umayyad power and the growth of the influence of Syria, the utterance concerning the three mosques quoted above gained almost unanimous approval. As in the case of the former tradition limiting the recommended journey to two mosques (Mecca and Medina), orthodox scholars tried to dissuade the believers from journeys to sanctuaries other than these three mosques. This can be seen in the widely circulated tradition in which the Companions are enjoined not to journey to the mount of Sinai and to perform their ritual practices in the three recommended mosques." The believers however persisted in their veneration of Tiir Stna: commentaries of the Qur'an report many stories
2 Ibn AbI Shayba, al-Mu~annaf, II, 375, ll. 2-3: 'an 'abdi Ilahi bni aM I-hudhayl qiiia: la tashuddu l-rihiila ilia ila I-bayti I-'atfq. 3Niir al-Dm al-Haythamt, Mawarid al-q:am'an, 252, no. 1023: inn a khayra ma rukibat ilayhi I-rawal}ilu masjidf hadhii wa-I-baytu I-'atfq. 'Ala' al-Din 'All b. Balaban al-Farisr, al-Ihsiin. bi-tartfbi ~al}fl}i bni I}ibban, ed. Kamal. Yusuf al-Hut (Beirut, 1407/ 1987), III, 70, no. 1614. AI-MundhirI, al-Targhfb wa-I-tarhfb, ed. Muhammad Muhyi l-DIn 'Abd al-Hamid (Cairo, 1379/1960), III, 63, no. 1775. 4 Mahmtid Ibrahim, Faq.a'il bayti I-maqdis /f makhtutat 'arabiyya qadfma (alKuwayt, 1406/1985), 365, 1. 3. 5Niir al-Din al-Haythaml, Mawarid al-q:am'an, 256, no. 1035. Al-Tabarant, alMu'jam al-kabfr, VII, 320, no. 7258. Ibn al-Athtr, Jiimi' al-u~Ul min al}adfthi I-rasul [::;1, ed. Muhammad Hamid al-FaqqI (Cairo, 1374/1955), XII, 183, nos. 9092-95. 6Niir al-Dtn al-HaythamI, Mawarid al-q:am' an, 252-53, no. 1024. Al-Tabaranl, al-Mu'jam al-kabfr, II, 276, no. 2157. Al-Zurqanl, SharI} al-muwaHa' (Cairo, 1381/ 1961), I, 329-30, 332. AI-Kha~Ib al-Baghdadr, Talkhf~u I-mutashabih /f I-rasm waI}imayatu ma ashkala minhu 'an bawadiri l-ta~l}ffi wa-I-wahm, ed. Sukayna al-Shihabi (Damascus, 1985), II, 866-67, no. 1422. Ibn AbI Shayba, al-Mu~annaf, II, 274 ult.275 1. 1: sa'altu 'umara: atf I-tura? qala: dati I-tura wa-Ia ta'tiha, wa-qala: Iii tashuddu I-ril}ala ilia ila thalathati masajida. I;>iya' al-Dln al-Maqdist, Faq.a'il bayti I-maqdis, 41. Al-Albant, Silsilat al-a1,ladfthi 1-~al}fI],a,II, 733.
20
M.J. Kister
about miracles that occurred on 'fur SIna when the Torah was given to Moses and describe how the mountain split out of awe for God. It was on this occasion that sections of 'fur SIna reached Mecca, Medina and other places; thus the mountains of Uhud, Thabir, Hira', Warqan and Thaur in the Hijaz are splinters of 'fur SIna.7 The traditions speaking of how splinters of 'fur SIna reached Mecca and Medina and how they eventually served as the material out of which the sanctuaries in these cities were built illustrate the idea of the transfer of sanctity and demonstrate its distribution among other holy places. The persistence of the reverence of al-'fur in the popular belief of pious circles is expressed in a question directed to Ibn Hajar al-HaytamI (d. 974 H.), whether Uhud is said to be more holy than Mount SIna.8 ~ufis seem to have continued to journey to Mount SInai al-Junayd is said to have journeyed with a group of ~ufis to 'fur SIna, climbed up the mountain, prayed there, invoked God and a qawwiil chanted such a moving song that the ~ufis who were present could not tell whether they were in heaven or on earth. A Christian monk who was on the mountain was so much impressed by the ritual that convinced by the arguments of the group of Sufis, converted to Islam." AI-'fur is counted among the three places of asylum: Damascus will serve as a refuge for the believers in the period of the bloody wars (maliif},im), Jerusalem will shelter them in the period of the false Messiah (dajjiil), al- 'fur will be their refuge in the time of Yajuj and Majuj.lO The status of a sanctuary was often enhanced by assigning it an additional name referring to a biblical personality or to a holy place already existing in the pre-Islamic period, or by giving it a second name borrowed from a celebrated Muslim sanctuary. The name of Medina, for example, is said to have been al-Makkatiinill or al-Masjid al-aq/?ii.12 Mecca, says a tradition, was called $ahyun;13 this name of course refers
7 See al-Suyutr, al-Durr ol-manthiir jf l-tofsir bi-I-ma'thn» (Cairo, 1314 [reprint Tehran]), III, 119. AI-MajlisT, Bil}ii.r al-anwii.r (Tehran, 1386), XIII, 217, 224, LX, 223, no. 56. 8 Ibn Hajar al-HaytamT, al-Fatii.wii. 1-l}adlthiyya (Cairo, 1390/1970), 187. 9Ibn al-'ArabT, al- Wa~ii.yii. (Beirut, n.d.), 282-83. 10 Al-Suyutr, Jam' al-jawii.mi', I, 744 sup. 11 Muhammad b. Yusuf al-Salihf l-Shaml, 8ubulu l-hudii. uia-l-rashiid jf strati khayri l-'ibii.d l= al-Sira al-shii.miyya], ed.'Abd al-'AzTz 'Abd al-Haqq Hilmi (Cairo, 1395/ 1975), ill, 424, no. 85. 12 Al-Samhndt, Wafii.'u l-wafii. bi-akhbii.ri dii.ri l-musiafii, ed. Muhammad Muhyi lDIn 'Abd al-Hamrd (Cairo, 1374/1975), I, 23, no. 77. Al-Saliht, ai-Stra al-shii.miyya, ill, 424, no. 78. 13 'AlI b. Burhan al-Dm al-Halabi, Insii.nu l-'uyun jf szmti l-amzni l-ma'mun l= alSira al-I}alabiyya] (Cairo, 1382/1962), I, 240 inf. 'AlI b. Rabban al-Tabart, al-Din wa-l-daula, ed. 'AlI Nuwayhid (Beirut, 1393/1973), 140 sup. And see Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Hidii.yat al-I}ayii.rii., 71: inna lliiha subl}ii.nahu a~hara min ~ahyun ikh/Uan
Sanctity
Joint and Divided
21
to the celebrated spot mentioned in the Psalms. Another locality identified with Mecca was Faran; it was the place which God provided as lodging for Hajar and her son Isma'I1.14 The mountains of Mecca are said to have been named Faran.15 An additional name attached to Mecca was Kutha, the name of Araham's birthplace.!" Damascus gained a prominent position among the cities frequented by the believers very early on in Islamic times, becoming in effect the fourth holy sanctuary. The status of Damascus and of al-Shiim was established in the opinion of the Muslim community through several predictions and utterances extolling al-Shiim attributed to the Prophet. He is said to have urged the believers to join the fighting forces during the conquest of al-Sluim, stressed the qualities of the people of Sham and the virtues of the various localities in Sham, and called upon the believers to settle in Sham, which, according to the definition of the period, included the area of Syria, Jordan and Filastrn.!" Some commentators of the Qur'an stated that the rabuia mentioned in the Quran (Sura 28, 50) refers to the Ghuta of Damascus.l" Other commentators ascribed the word rabuia to the locality Ramla in Sham, or more precisely in Filastrn.l? The virtues of this locality were further enhanced by stories concerning prophets who were persecuted and who tried to find refuge in Ramla. Such was the case of the prophet Salih , who sojourned for some time in Ramla.r'' the story of the seventy prophets who were driven out of Jerusalem in the period following the
refers to Muhammad: al-Kazaruni, Sira, fol. 19a, ll. 5-6. Al-Qurtubl, al-T'liim. bi-ma fi dfni I-na~ara mina I-fasadi wa-I- auham, ed. Ahmad I.IijazI al-Saqqa, 265: sua-Iii khtilafa anna farana makkatu wa-qad qiila fi l-touriiti: inn a llaha askana hajara uia-bnuhii isma'fla [iiriitui: and see 274. Yaqllt , Mu'jam al-buldiin; s.v. Faran. Ibn Taymiyya, al-Jauiiib al-~al}ll} Ii-man baddala dfna l-masih, iii, 300-1, 304-6, 312,326,331. 15 Yaqut, Mu'jam, s.v. Paran: qila: huwa ismun li-jibiili makka .. , wa-fi l-tauriiti:
mal}mudan
14
ja'a lliihu min sfna'a wa-ashraqa min sa'fr wa-sta'lana min farana; majf'uhu min sfna'a taklimutn: li-miisii 'alayhi l-saliim; uia-ishriiquliu min sa'fra, wa-hiya jibiilu jilas!fna, huwa inzaluhu l-injfla 'ala 'fsa 'alayhi l-saliim; uia-sti'Liinuh.u. min jibiili farana inzaluhu I-qur'ana 'ala mul}ammadin, sallii usn« 'alayhi wa-sal/am. qalii: wa-faran jibiilu makkata. 16 Al-'AynI, 'Umdat al-qiiri, short: ~al}fl} al-Inikhiiri (Cairo, [reprint Beirut]), IX, 214 inf.; Yaqflt , Mu'jam, s.V. Kutha.
'Izz al-Dtn Abu Muhammad 'Abd al-'Azlz b. 'Abd al-Salam al-Sulami, fi suknii I-sham, ed. Muhammad Shakur al-Mayadrnt, al-Zarqa' (1407/1987). 18 Muqatil b. Sulayman, Tafsir, MS Ahmet III, 74/2, fol. 30b. 'Izz al-Dtn, Tarqhib ahli I-islam, 39. Abu Hafs 'Urnar b. Muhammad b. al-Khidr al-Mausilr, Kitiib aluinsila (Hyderabad, 1399/1979), V/l, 187 inf.-188 sup. 19 Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa wa-I-ta'rfkh, ed. Diya' al-Din al-'VmarI (Beirut, 1401/ 1981), II, 299. Al-Majlisi, Bil}ar al-anwar, LX, 202. 20 Anonymous, History of the Prophets [Arabic], MS Br. Mus. Or. 1510, fol. 38a.
Targhfb ahli I-islam
17 See
22
M.J. Kister
death of Luqman, were stricken by hunger and died on one day provide another instance; their graves are in Hamla.P! Luqrnan is said to be buried between the mosque of Ramla and its market+' although another tradition says that he is buried near Tiberias.F' The high position of Ramla is reflected in a tradition recorded on the authority of Ka'b al-Ahbar: On the Day of Resurrection Ramla will argue, interceding on behalf of the people buried in its cemetery, complaining of their being punished even though they are buried in Ramla.24 The problem of the graves of prophets is noteworthy. The number of graves of prophets and saints in a given city serves as a measure of its status and position on the map of holy places as drawn by the Muslim community.r" This concept was deduced from the interpretation of a verse allegedly recorded in the Torah, saying that Sham is God's treasury on earth and in it is God's treasury of His servants; the "treasury of His servants" was said to mean the graves of the prophets: Ibrahim, Ishaq and Ya'qub.26 The stories of Ramla, a town founded in the period of the Umayyads, may serve as a good example for the sanctification of places which did not exist in the early period. Stories about their sanctity became current in the period following their foundation or their conquest. The Prophet is said to have prayed on his nocturnal journey, the isrii'; on the spot on which the mosque of Damascus was later built.27 This event endowed the area of the mosque with its sanctity. We may gain some notion of the beliefs and tenets of the people of Syria concerning the sanctity of the mosque of Damascus from a report about a dispute between two believers as to the value of a prayer in the Damascus mosque and as to the merits of pious deeds and ritual practices in Syria. The famous scholar Ibn Taymiyya (d. 728 H.) was asked his opinion as to
21
Ibid.,
fol. 133b, ult.
Al-Mazandarant,
Maniiqib
salman
(n.p.,
1285 [lithograph]),
17.
22 Anonymous, History of the Prophets,' [Arabic], MS Br. Mus. Or. 1510, fol. 133b inf. 23 Al-Mazandarani, Manaqib salman, 17. 24 Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa uia-l-ta'rtkh, II, 299. 25 Al-Fakihi, Tti'rikh. Makka, MS Leiden, Or. 463, fol. 357a: dhikru mauq.i'i qubiir 'adhara baniiti ismiiiil 'alayhi l-saliim min masjidi t-hariim ... ; but see al-kalbf'an abf ~alilJ, 'ani bni 'abbasin [r] qiila: fi l-masjidi l-tiariimi qabriini laysa fihi ghayruhuma: qabru isma'fla wa-shu'aybin. AI-FasI, Shifa'u l-gharam bi-okhbiiri l-baladi l-harii (Beirut, [reprint], n.d.), I, 199. Ibn al-Faqlh al-Hamadhant, Kitiib al-buldiin, ed. M.J. De Goeje (Leiden, 1885), 17: uia-qiila 'alayhi l-saliimu inn a qabra hiida washu'aybin wa-~alilJ,in fimii bayna zamzama wa-l-maqiimi wa-inna fi l-ka'bati qabra iholiithi mi'ati nabiyyin wa-ma bayna l-rukni l-yamanf ilii l-rukni l-aswadi qabrii sab'fna nabiyyan. 26 Al-Suyiitf', al-Durr al-manthiir, III, 112 sup.: Ka'b: maktiibun fi l-tauriiti: inn a l-shiima kanzu llahi 'azza wa-jalla min arq.ihi, biha kanzu lliih» min 'ibadihi, ya'nf bihii qubiira l-anbiya'i: ibriihisru: wa-islJ,aqa wa-ya'qiiba .... 27 Abu Hafs 'Urnar al-Mausili, al- Wasfla, V /1, 188.
Sanctity
Joint and Divided
23
whether one prayer in the mosque of the Umayyads in Damascus equals ninety prayers [elsewhere], whether it is true that three hundred prophets are buried in this mosque, that a believer who passes a night sleeping in Syria gets the same reward as a believer who passes a night in vigilance in 'Iraq, that a believer who observes a voluntary fast in 'Iraq is like a believer who does not observe such a fast in Syria, and whether God, in blessing the two places, placed seventy parts of the blessing in Syria and only one part in 'Iraq. Ibn Taymiyya denied the tradition about the special value of prayer in the mosque of the Umayyads in Damascus; he did however uphold the view that God is much better praised in this mosque than in any other. He denied the tradition about the three hundred prophets buried in the Damascus mosque and about special rewards for the performance of ritual practices in Syria; but he confirmed that the Prophet praised Syria and set store by the pious deeds of the people of Syria.28 In another of his writings Ibn Taymiyya took exception to the practice of "falsifying" tombs, i.e., falsely ascribing graves to eminent Islamic personages.P" The famous scholar of I},adfth 'Abd al-'Azlz al-Kattant''? made plain his opinion about the graves of prophets: none of the graves is certified except the tomb of the Prophet. Others maintained that the grave of Abraham was also assured. The early author Ibn Sa'd counted as certain the graves of Isma'il under the spout of the Ka'ba, the grave of Hud in Yemen, as well as the grave of the Prophet."! Ibn Taymiyya records as spurious the tomb of Ubayy b. Ka'b in Damascus (he died in Medina), the tombs of Umm Habtba and Umm Salama and the tombs of other wives of the Prophet outside Damascus. It is however probable that there is a tomb of the $al},abiyya Umm Salama bint Yazid b. al-Sakan, who indeed died in Syria. It is probable too that the tomb of Bilal, (the Prophet's mU'adhdhin), is situated at the biib al-~aghfr in Damascus.V Of special interest are the data given by Ibn Taymiyya as to the tombs of caliphs and governors allegedly buried in Damascus. The tomb of Hud in the mosque of Damascus is not genuine; Hiid was sent as prophet in the Yemen and performed the pilgrimage to Mecca; he did not go to Syria. This tomb is in fact that of the pious Mu'awiya b. Yazld b. Mu'awiya, who was Caliph for a short time and died without appointing an heir. The tomb of Khalid (obviously b. WalId) in Hims is
Ibn Taymiyya, al-Faiiiuiii l-kubrii, ed. Hasanayn Muhammad Makhluf (Beirut, [reprint]), I, 371, no. 226. 29 Ibn Taymiyya, Iqtiq.ii'u l-siriiii l-mustaqim mukhiilafatu a~lJiibi l-jalJfm, ed. Muhammad Hamid al-FiqT (Cairo, 1369), 316-20. 30 Called al-Katabt in the text, see al-DhahabT, Tadhkirat al-lJuffii:; (Hyderabad, 1376/1957), III, 1170, no. 1024 . . 1 Ibn Taymiyya, al-Faiiiuiii l-kubrii, IV, 449. 3
28
1386/1966,
32
Ibid.
24
M.J, Kister
said to be that of Khalid b. Yazid b. Mu'awiya, the brother of Mu'awiya b. Yazid b. Mu'awiya mentioned above. 'All's tomb is in the government hall (qa/fr al-imiirq,) in Kiifa (not in Najaf), Mu'awiya was buried in the government hall in Damascus and 'Amr (b. al-'A~) was buried in the government hall in Egypt; they were buried there out of fear that the Khawarij would exhume their graves.P Another author, Ibn Junghul (d. 951 H.), identifies some of these spurious tombs.i" We find traditions greatly exaggerating the value of prayers in Damascus; one such tradition says that a prayer in the mosque of Damascus is worth thirty thousand prayers performed in another mosque.V' Damascus was included in the list of the four cities of Paradise on earth, the others being Mecca, Medina, and Jerusalem. 36 A peculiar list of the cities of Paradise is recorded on the authority of Ka'b alAhbar; it includes Jerusalem, Hims, Damascus, Bayt Jibrln and ~aIar in Yemen.P" A different tradition, said to have been transmitted by Yarnani historians, records Damascus, Marw, and ~an'a'.38 A ShI'Y source records another list of Paradise cities: Mecca, Medina, Jerusalem, and "a city between Sayhan and Jayhan called al-Mansiira and guarded by angels, which is in fact Ma~Y~a."39 The particular flavor of traditions dedicated to the praises of Syria and Damascus is reflected in a tradition ascribed to the Companion 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud: when God created the world He divided Good
Ibid., 450-451. Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh, MS Br. Library, Or. 5912/1, fol. 36b (the tomb of Hud in the mosque of Damascus is the tomb of Mu'awiya; and see ibid. on the tombs of 'Amr b. al-'A:;;and 'AlI). 35 Al-Safftirf, Nuzhat al-majiilis wa-muntakhab al-nafii'is (Beirut, n.d.), 341 inf. 36 Muhammad b. Tulun al-Salihl, al-Qalii'id al-jauhariyya If ta'rfkhi l-~iilil}iyya, ed. Muhammad Ahmad Dahman (Damascus, 1401/1981), II, 513. Isma'tl Muhammad al-'Ajliinf l-Jarrahr l= al-Jarraht], Kashf al-khafii' wa-muzflu l-ilbiis 'ammii shtaham mina l-al}iidfthi 'alii alsinati l-niis (Beirut, 1351), I, 450 sup., no. 1466. 'AlI b. Muhammad b. 'Araq al-Kinanf l= Ibn 'Araq], Tanzihs: I-shari'ati l-marfii'a 'ani l-al}iidzthi l-shani'ati l-mau(lii'a, ed. 'Abd al-Wahhab 'Abd al-Latrf and 'Abdallah Muhammad al-Sadlq (Beirut, 1399/1979), II, 48, no. 7. Al-Dhahabi, Mfziin ali'tidiil If naqdi l-rijnl, ed. 'All Muhammad al-Bijawt (Cairo, 1382/1963), IV, 346, no. 9400. Ibn al-Jauzt, Kitiibu l-mau(lii'iit, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman "Uthman, al-Madtna al-munawwara (1386/1966), II, 51. Al-Shaukant, al-Fawii'id al-majmii'a If l-al}iidzthi l-mau(lii'a, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Yahya l-Mu'allarnr l-Yamanr (Beirut, 1392),428, no. 1229, and see the editor's comments. 37 Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa uia-l-ta'rikh, II, 304. Al-Shaukanr, al-Fawii'id al-majmii'a, 428, no. 1229, and see al-Fasawr, ibid,. the cities of Hell: Qustantrniyya, al-Tuwana, Antakiyya, Tadmur and ~an'a' in Yemen; al-Shaukanf however stresses that by ~an'a' of Hell the city ~an'a' in Rum is meant. 38 Al-Shaukani, al-Fawii'id al-majmii'a, p. 428, no. 1230. 39 Muhammad b. al-Fattal al-Naysaburt, Roudatu. l-wii'i~fn, ed. Muhammad MahdI l-Sayyid Hasan al-Kharsan (Najaf, 1386/1966), 409: arba'u madii'in min a l-janna:
33 34
makkatu wa-I-madznatu wa-baytu l-maqdis wa-madfnatun bayna sayl}iin wa-jayl}iin yuqiilu lahii mansiira wa-hiya masisa maMii~atun bi-I-malii'ikati.
Sanctity
Joint and Divided
25
(al-khayr) into ten parts; nine-tenths He placed in Syria, and one part in the rest of the world. Similarly God divided Evil (al-sharr) into ten parts: one part He placed in Syria, and nine parts in the rest of the world.t" The location of the bad things of the rest of the world were located deduced from a tradition about a conversation 'Umar held with Ka'b al-Al)bar when they established the place of the mosque of Jerusalem. 'Umar was invited on that occasion by the people of 'Iraq to visit them in the same way as he visited the people of Jerusalem, but was swayed by Ka'b to refuse the invitation; Ka'b argued that 'Iraq contained the rebellious jinn, that Hartlt and Marilt taught people witchcraft in 'Iraq and that 'Iraq harbored nine tenths of the world's evil (shan,); the people of 'Iraq, in addition, were affected by an incurable disease: they were too wealthy.'! Needless to say, this is a manifest Syrian anti-Traqi tradition. It is only to be expected that there should be a widely circulated prophetic tradition forbidding the performing of prayers in the "Land of Babil," because the land of Babil is cursed.v' The people of Shiim, says an utterance ascribed to the Prophet, will continue to fight their enemies for a just cause until the last of them will fight the Dajja1.43 The Prophet predicted that Sham would be conquered and summoned the believers to move to the conquered territories, as Shiim was the best of the lands and its people would be the chosen
40 Al-Tabarani, al-Mu'jam al-kabir, IX, 198, no. 8881. Nnr al-Din al-Haythamt, Majma' al-zawa'id wa-manba' al-fawa'id (Beirut, 1967), X, 60. Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa, II, 295. 41 Al-Muttaqi l-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal fi sunan al-aquiiil wa-I-af'al (Hyderabad, 1390/1970), XVII, 120, no. 376. 42 Ibn Tayrniyya, al-Iqtitf,a', 81. Ibn AbI Shayba, cl-Musanna], II, 377: 'AlI: ... mii kuntu u~alli bi-ardia khusifa biha thaliuha marratin. And see ib.: 'an 'aliyyin annahu kariha l-saliita fi l-khusii]. And see ib.: anna' aliyyan marra bi-janibin min babil falam yu~alli biha. Al-'AynT, 'Umdat al-qiiri; IV, 189. Al-Suyutt, al-Durr al-manthiir, I, 96. L 'A, s.v. bbl. Al-Bayhaqt, al-Sunan al-kubrii (Hyderabad, 1346), II, 451: 'AlI inn a I],abfbi sall« lliilu» 'alayhi wa-sallam nohiini an u~alliya fi l-maqburati wanahanz an u~alliya fi ardi biibila [a-innahii mal'iinatun. Mubarak b. Muhammad Ibn al-Athrr, Jiimi' al-usiil min al],adithi l-rasiil [~], ed. Muhammad Hamid al-FiqT (Cairo, 1370/1951), VI, 314, no. 3673. 'Abdallah b. Ahmad b. Hanbal, Masa'ilu 1imam ahmad b. hanbol, ed. 'AlI b. Sulayrnan al-Muhanna (al-Madlna al-rnunawwara, 1406/1986), I, 228-29, no. 309 and see the references of the editor. 43 Nnr al-Dtn al-Haythamt, Majma' al-zawa'id, X, 60-61 sup. Abu 'AlI Hanbal b. Is/:laq al-Shaybanr, Kitiib al-fitan [al-juz' al-rabi'], MS ~ahiriyya, rnajmu'a 38/4, fol. 46b. Ibn Hajar al-fAsqalant, Listitu: l-mzzan (Hyderabad, 1331 [reprint]), VI, 223, no. 785: 'an abi hurayrata marfii'an: tn taziilu 'i~abatun min ummati yuqatiliina 'ala nbuuibi dimashqa uia-mii I],aulaha wa-'ala abwabi bayti l-maqdisi uia-mii I],aulaha la yatf,urruhum khidhliinu man khadhalahum ~ahirzna 'ala l-haqqi ilii an taqiima l-sii=atu. AI-BukharT, al-Ta'rzkh al-kabir (Hyderabad, 1384/1964), IV, 248, no. 2691 [II, 2 of the MSj. Diya' al-Dfn al-Maqdisr, Fatf,a'il bayt al-maqdis, 72-3. Al-Fasawt, al-Ma'rifa uia-l-ia'rikli, II, 297-98.
26
M.J. Kister
among the believers.v' The Prophet said that no good could be expected among the believers if the people of al-Shiitti were corrupted.t" According to another version the Prophet stated that there would be no good in his community if the people of al-Shiim perished: 'ani l-nabiyyi, sollii llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam, qiila: idha halaka ahlu l-shami [a-lii khayra fi ummatf.46 During the bloody war with Syria no less a person than 'All prohibited cursing its people because among them were the saintly abdal.47 An eminent holy place in Syria, the mountain of Qasiyiin, was ordered by God to give up its shade and blessing in favor of the mountain of Jerusalem (jabal bayt al-maqdis). As a reward God will order to erect on this mountain a House in which He will be worshipped for forty years after the devastation (kharab) of the world.j" It is evident that this tradition gives us an instance of the idea current in popular Islamic tradition about the mutual dependence and coordination of sanctuaries in the Muslim world. This belief is clearly reflected in the stories of the holy places and their virtues. The mountain of Qasiyun is also the place where Jesus and his mother found refuge when they escaped the persecution of the Jews; on this mountain the son of Adam killed his brother, and on the slopes of this mountain Abraham was born.f? This is an innovative tradition about the birthplace of Abraham. The traditions mentioned above are often denied; the story saying that Abraham was born on this spot is firmly rejected.I'" The cave in this mountain was famous for the efficacy of prayers and invocations; the prophet Ilyas sought refuge in this place; Ibrahim, Musa, elsa and Ayyub prayed and made invocations in this cave;51 the place was known as the mustaghath al-anbiya' and is, in connection with this virtue, linked with the story of the Prophet. When the Prophet faced a plot of the unbelievers against him in Mecca and suffered from their persecution, he wished to set out to this cave in order to invoke God to damn them; JibrIl however persuaded him to seek refuge from his people in one of the caves of Mecca.52
Nflr al-Drn al-HaythamI, Majma' al-zawa'id, X, 58-59. Al-Suyutt, al-Durr al-manthur, III, 112-13. Al-Fasawt, al-Ma'rifa wa-I-ta'rikh, II,295-96. 46 Nu'aym b. Hammad, Kitiib ai-fit an, MS Br. Mus. Or. 9449, fo!. 61b. 47 Al-Mazandarant, Manaqib Salman, 17. Nu'aym b. Hammad, Kitiib al-fitan, fo!' 62a. Al-Fasawl, al-Ma'rifa wa-I-ta'rfkh, II, 305 inf. 48 Ibn Tultm, al-Qala'id al-jav.hariyya, I, 88. 49 Ibn Tultm, al-Qala'id al-jav.hariyya, I, 89. AI-MuttaqI l-Hindt, Kanz al-'v.mmal, XVII, 121, no. 378. 50 Ibn Tulun, al-Qala'id al-jav.hariyya, I, 90 sup.; see the different versions about the place in which Abraham was born. 51 Muhammad Nasir al-Dtn al-Albanl, Takhr'ij al}adfth faga'ili I-sham wa-dimashq, 43, no. 19. 52 AI-MuttaqI l-Hindt, Kanz al-'v.mmal, XVII, 121, no. 378. Ibn TIilfln, al-Qala'id
44 45
Sanctity
Joint and Divided
27
The stories about the virtues of holy places stress, as mentioned above, the coordination of sanctuaries with each other, a fact that increases the efficacy of the ritual practices. Thus anyone who begins a pilgrimage to Mecca, or an 'umra, from the mosque of al-Aqsa, God will forgive him the sins he committed in the past.53 The Prophet stated that a pilgrimage performed from 'Uman has the value of two pilgrimages. 54 He who visits both the tomb of the Prophet in Medina and the tomb of Abraham in Hebron in the same year will enter Paradise.P'' In a later period of Islam, in the stormy times of revolts in the Muslim empire, during which the journey to Mecca and Medina was impeded or even made impossible, Hebron became a substitute for Medina. According to a tradition ascribed to the Jewish convert Ka'b al-Ahbar, a believer who is impeded from visiting the tomb of the Prophet in Medina should visit the tomb of Abraham in Hebron.P" Another Jewish convert, 'Abdallah b. Salam, is said to have stated that a visit to the grave of Abraham and a prayer performed at the tomb is "pilgrimage of the poOr."57 The Prophet predicted that Hebron would become a place of refuge. Unfortunately a certain Companion of the Prophet, one of the leaders of the revolt against 'Uthman, who sought refuge in Hebron at the time of Mu'awiya, was caught there by a man of Mu'awiya's forces. He asked for his life, arguing that he was one of the "People of the Tree" (i.e., the Companions who swore allegiance to the Prophet at Hudaybiyya, ashiib al-shajara); the rude soldier responded, however, that there were plenty of trees in Hebron and killed him. 58 The
al-jauhariyya, I, 93-95. Al-Mausili, al- Waslla, V/1, 188. Muhammad Nasir al-Dtn al-Albanl, Takhrlj al}adlth ... , 45-46, no. 21. 53 Al-'A.qillI, 'Arf al-tib min akhbiiri makkata wa-madinati l-hobtb, MS Leiden Or. 493, fol. 79a inf. Al-Dhahabi, Mfzan al-i'Lidiil, III, 483, no. 7236. Ntir al-Dln alHaythamr, Mnuiiiridu. l-~am'an, 251-52, no. 1021. Nasir al-Dtn al-Albanr, Silsilatu l-al}adfthi l-tf.a'ifa wa-I-maw!u'a (Beirut, 1405/1985), I, 248, no. 211; and see the comments of al-Albant. Diya'u I-DIn al-Maqdisi, Fatf.a'il bayti l-maqdis, 88, no. 59; and see ibid. 89-90, nos. 60-62. AI-Wasip, Fatf.a'ilu l-bayti l-muqaddas, ed. I. Hasson (Jerusalem, 1979),58-59, nos. 91-92; and see the references of the editor. AI-BayhaqT, al-Jiimi' li-shu'abi I-Iman, ed. 'Abd al-'Aliyy 'Abd al-Hamld Hamid (Bombay, 1409/ 1988), VII, 578-79, no. 3737; and see the references of the editor. 54 AI-MuttaqT l-Hindl, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 264, no. 1460. Nasir al-DTnal-Albani, Silsilatu l-alJad!thi 1-tf.a'lfa ... , I, 249, no. 213. 55 Ibn Taymiyya, Majmu'atu l-rasii' iii l-kubrii (Beirut, 1392/1972), II, 356: al-risiila fll-kalam 'ala l-qu~~a~; the tradition is marked by Ibn Taymiyya as lJadlth kadhib maudu'.
56 Anonymous, History of the Prophets [Arabic], MS Br. Mus. Or. 15lO, fol. 54b. Al-Khuwarizmr, Mukhiasar ithiiraii l-targhlb wa-I-tashwlq ua l-masiijidi l-thaliithati wa-ilii. l-bayti l-i aiiq, MS Br. Mus. Or. 4584, fols. 21b, 27b. 57 Anonymous, History of the Prophets, MS Br. Mus. Or. 15lO, fol. 55a. 58 Ibn al-Athtr, Usd al-qhiiba fI ma'rifati l-sahiiba (Cairo, 1280 [repr. Tehran]), III, 3lO sup.; and see ibid. the prediction of the Prophet: sa-yakhruju nasun min ummatl
yuqtaluna
bi-jabali
l-khalil.
28
M.J. Kister
Prophet stated that the mountain of Hebron was sacred and was revealed by God to the prophets of the Banii Isra'il in olden times as a place of refuge to which they might escape in a period of sedition (fitna) in order to preserve their belief (dmuhum).59 Jesus, when he passed by Hebron, is said to have asked God to bestow on that town the following graces: he asked to turn the mountain of Hebron into a secure asylum for every frightened person (khii.'if), to make the people of the mountain secure from wild beasts, and to remain fertile when all other places would be affected by drought.f" A miraculous story links the building of the tomb of Abraham in Hebron with the person of Sulayman. Sulayman was ordered in a dream to build a tomb on the grave of God's Friend, Abraham, in order that he may be known by it. The dream repeated itself three times during three nights; but Sulayman did not know the place. He asked God about it and was guided by Him to the required spot, from which light rises to heaven. When Sulayrnan got up in the morning he saw the place, put a mark on it and the jinn built the tomb for him at this spot. One can see how huge the stones of the tomb are: ten men or more cannot carry a single stone. When the tomb was about to be finished Sulayrnan left the tomb through its top part; the building was then closed from all sides and none could enter it. The visitors to the tomb could perform the ritual practices of the ziyii.ra from outside the building only. When the Crusaders captured the city they opened a door in the building and turned it into a church; they made drawings of the graves of the ancestors inside the building assigning them individually to Abraham, Ishaq, Ya'qub etc. Things went on unchanged in this manner until the time of the author.v' A tradition ascribed to Ibn 'Abbas reports how God sanctified the place of the grave of Abraham. When God decided that Abraham was to die He announced this to the world. The hilly plain of Hibra stood humbly up in the Presence of God and He addressed Hibra: "You are my chosen one, you are my holy one, you are my sanctuary (anti baytu maqdisf), in you I placed the treasury of my knowledge, upon you I shall let down my mercy and my blessings, and to you I shall gather my servants (on the Day of Resurrection). Therefore blessed is the man who puts his forehead on you (i.e., on the tomb erected upon you), prostrating himself in front of Me; I shall let him drink from the Presence of my
59 Nu'aym b. Harnmad, Kitab ol-fitan, MS Br. Mus., fol. 65b: qiila rasiilu lliihi: jabalu l-khalUi jabalun muqaddasun wa-inna l-fitnata lamma zaharat fi banI isra'lla aul}a llahu ta'ala ila anbiya'ihim an yafirru bi-dlnihim ila jabali l-khalili. AI-MuttaqI l-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 260, no. 1429 (from Nu'aym's Fitan); and see this tradition ibid., XIII, 247, no. 1370. 60 Nu'aym b. Hammad, Kitab al-fitan, fol. 65a. 61 Al-'AbdarI l= Ibn al-Hajj], al-Madkhal (Beirut, 1972), IV, 258.
Sanctity
Joint and Divided
29
Holiness, and shall grant him security from the horrors of the Day of Resurrection and shall lodge him in Paradise by my Mercy. Therefore blessed are you, blessed are you, blessed are you, I shall bury my Friend (Abraham) in you.,,62 According to AbU Bakr Ahmad b.'Amr b. Jabir, scholars of the Prophetic tradition (ahl al-'ilm al-sharif) have unanimously endorsed the validity of the location of the graves of Abraham', Ishaq, and Ya'qub, and their wives. Any believer who goes against this is a man of evil innovations, one who embraces deviations or who is in error: mii yat'anu fi dhiilika illa mjulun min ahli l-bida'i wa-l-zayghi wa-l-¢alalati, na'iidhu bi-lliihi min dhalika.63 The texts of the invocations and prayers said at the tomb were prescribed in great detail and the order of the visit, including the visit to the tombs of the patriarchs and their wives, was carefully planned. After visiting the tombs of the patriarchs and their wives, the believers were urged to go down to the grave of Joseph (yiisuf [!D in the valley (al-wad'l [!D and make an invocation there. Believers who visited the tomb in the past claimed that their prayers, invocations, and supplications were answered.P" Ibn al-Hajj warns visitors to the grave not to attend the vicious innovative practices of the people of Hebron who dance and sing in groups after the afternoon prayer (~alat al-' a$1"). He recommends that believers refrain from taking part in the afternoon performances, when drums and trumpets are beaten; such a performance they call naubat al-kholil. Another reprehensible innovation is the distribution of lentils which they call al-' adas cl-ibriihimi. Ibn al- J.Iajj points out that the designation al'adas al-ibriihimi is incorrect, as Abraham did not entertain his guests with lentils.P'' It was once again Ibn Taymiyya, that stalwart opponent of the tomb worship, who was adamant in denying the legendary stories about the building of the tomb. These stories he ,branded as unfounded inventions. He also rejected the tradition that Jibril bade the Prophet pray at the grave of his ancestor Abraham during his nocturnal journey, and perform a prayer at the birthplace of his brother Jesus. People of knowledge unanimously considered these traditions invented lies. Bayt Lahm was a church of the Christians, and there was no merit in visiting it by Muslims, whether it was the birthplace of Jesus or not. None of the
62 Al-Khuwarizrnl , Mukhiasur ithiirat al-targhlb, MS fol. 28b. Baha' al-Drn 'Asakir, Hisiila /f jaq.a'il bayti l-maqdis, MS Hebrew University, fol. 13a-b. 63 Baha' al-Dln Ibn 'Asakir, Hisiila /f jaq.a'il bayti l-maqdis, MS fol. 14a. Khuwarizrnl, Muklitasar ithiirat al-tarqhib, MS fol. 14a. 64 Baha' al-Din Ibn 'Asakir, Ristila /f jaq.a'ili bayti l-maqdis, MS fol. 13b-14a. Khuwarizrnl , Muklitasar ithiirati l-iarqhib, MS fol. 40b. 65 Al-'AbdarI, al-Madkhal, IV, 259.
Ibn AlAl-
30
M.J. Kister
Companions nor any of the successors of the Companions, the tiibi' un, went to pray or make invocations at the grave, or even to visit it. The believers had come more than once with 'Umar to ol-Sluim, and some of the Companions settled there but none of them had practiced things of this kind, and no mosque had been built on the grave at all. Only when the Christians captured Syria because of the impious rafiq,a (ShrI extremists) who ruled Egypt, and gained control of the coastal territories and other localities, did they cut through Abraham's sepulchral chamber and set up a door over the tomb. It was the Christians who turned it into a place of worship, not the ancestors of the believers or pious Muslims.P" Places and localities are rewarded according to their sympathy and help for sanctuaries and saintly believers afflicted by distress; vicious places and sinful groups are accordingly punished. According to a report of Ka'b (al-Ahbar}, Qustantiniyya rejoiced at the devastation of Jerusalem (kharab bayt al-maqdis); God reproached the vicious city and predicted that He would severely punish the sinful city.67 In contrast to Qustantiniyya, the attitude of Kaskar was sympathetic: when Bukhtanassar destroyed Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis) all the places on earth wept; but Kaskar surpassed all other places in weeping. As a reward, God promised that a mosque would be built there, where there would be abundant supplications and invocations to which God would respond favorably. People explained the prediction as a reference to the mosque of Wasit.68 Even birds are rewarded or punished according to their feelings towards the ruined sanctuaries dear to the hearts of the believers: the Prophet forbade killing swallows (al-khatt.Wi:j) because they wept for the destruction of the temple of Jerusalem.P'' Sometime there is an evident political tendency in this kind of traditions. ShrI stories concerning the role of Basra belong to this category: Heaven and Earth are said to have wept when Husayn was killed. The only ones who did not weep were Basra, Damascus and the family of al-Hakam b. al-'A~.7o
66 Ibn Taymiyya, /qtiq.a' al-~irat, 319, 331, 438-39; see e.g. 438: wa-/lhi ma huuia mina l-mauq.u'ati l-rnukhtolioiit. mithlu mii yarwihi ba'q.uhum /lhi: "anna l-nabiyya scllii lliiln: 'alayhi wa-sallam qiila lahs: jibril: hii.dha qabrw abika ibrahima, inzil [asolli /fhi, ura-hiidhii baytu la~.min maulidu akhika 'tsa, inzil [a-solli /fhi." And see 439: wa-baytu lahmit: kanisatun min kana'isi l-na$ara, laysa /f ityaniha /aq.ilatun 'inda l-muslimina, sawa'an kana maulida 'isa au lam yakun .... 67 Abu Bakr Muhammad b. al-Husayn al-Naqqash , Shi/a'u l-$udur al-muhadhdhab
/f
iafsiri l-qur'tin; MS Chester Beatty 3389, fol. 40a sup. Ibn al-FaqIh al-Hamadhanr, Kiiiib al-buldan, ed. M.J. De Goeje (Leiden, 1885), 146. Abu Nu'aym al-Isfahant, lfilyat al-auliya' (Beirut, 1387/1967), VI, 45. 68 Bahshal, Ta'rikh. wasit, ed. Kurkts 'Awwad (Baghdad, 1387/1967), 35. 69 Al-Daylami, Firdaus al-akhbiir, MS Chester Beatty 3037, fo1. 187b sup. 70 AI-MajlisT, BilJ,ar al-anwar, LX, 205; but 211: baka 'alayhi jami'u ma khalaqa
Sanctity
Joint and Divided
31
The imam Ja'far b. Muhammad recorded sixteen groups of people hostile to the ShfI belief and the shrr community, among them the people of Sijistan, Rayy, Mausil, and Baghdad,"! 'AlI enumerated the vices of Basra, to which he added a forceful curse on the city. 72 Hudhayfa is stated to have said that the people of Basra would not open the gate of righteousness [bab al-huda] or leave the gate of error. The flood had been removed from all the places on earth except Basra.?" To 'Abdallah [b. 'Amr] is attributed the saying that the footprints of Ibiis are extant in Basra, but that he hatched his eggs in Egypt.I" The Prophet is said to have prohibited the believers to enter the city of Basra itself, warning them from earthquakes; he recommended however that they should visit the suburbs of Basra.?" As against the ShrI descriptions of the vices of Basra and the predictions about its gloomy fate there are however traditions in praise of the city, The Prophet is said to have stated: "I know a place named al-Basra; it is a locality most direct in the position of the qibla, it has the greatest number of mosques and callers for prayer (mu'adhdhinun) and it will be better protected from distress than other places."?" It is evident that these contradictory utterances reflect of the political struggles of the early Islamic period. The assignment of varying degrees of sanctity to various sanctuaries brought about competition between them, in contrast to the idea of coordination between them. This is seen clearly in the literature of the faq,a'il. The rivalry was often prompted by political struggles in the Muslim empire, by ethnic rivalry and by the contests between the religious factions. In a very early period of Islam the sanctity of Damascus was confronted with that of al-Kiifa. 'All marked al-Kufa as the treasure of belief, the convincing argument of Islam, the sword of God and His spear; God will aid the victory of the believers in the easternmost as well as in the westernmost parts of the earth through the people of KIifa as
lliihs:
ut«
thaliithata
ashyli'a:
al-basra wa-dimashq
wa-lilu 'uthmlina.
Bihnr, LX, 206, no. 5. 72 Al-Majlisr, Bihiir, LX, 204; and see the lengthy speech of 'AlI and his curse of Basra: ibid. 224, 226. 73 AI-MuttaqI l-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummlil, XI, 207, no. 973. 74 Yahya b. Ma'In, Ta'rikh, ed. Ahmad Muhammad NOr Yiisuf (Mecca, 1399/1979), II, 323, no. 3541. 75 Ibn 'Araq, Tanzfh al-short' o, II, 51, no. 15. Al-Muttaqt l-Hindr, Kanz, XIII, 264, no. 1457. Al-Shaukanl, al-Fawii'id al-majmii'a, 434, no. 1241. 76 Al-Daylami, Firdaus, MS Chester Beatty 3037, fo1. 90a: sa-yu~lbu ahla I-kiifati
balli' un shadId wa-sli' ira l-amstiri illii ahla l-basrati fa-innahli aqwamuha qiblatan ....
71 Al-Majlisr,
Ibn Hajar al-IAsqalant, al-Matiilibi: l-'aliya, IV, 163, no. 4240; Abo Dharr transmits an utterance of the Prophet: [a-ammii ahlu l-basrati fa-aqwamu l-amsiiri qiblatan waaktharuhu mu'adhdhinan, yadfa'u lliihs: 'anhum mii yakrahiina. Abo Nu'aym, lfilya, VI, 349. AI-MuttaqI l-Hindt, Kanz, XIII, 264, nos. 1458-59. Ibn 'Araq, Tanzlh al-sharii a, II, 58, no. 33.
32
M,J. Kister
He did through the people of the ~ijaz.77 The Companion 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud reported the following utterance of the Prophet: when the Prophet was engaged in his isrii' to the lowest heaven (al-sama' al-dunya), Jibril showed him the mosque of Kiifa. The Prophet asked about the place and Jibril explained that it was a blessed mosque, containing an abundance of good (kathfru lkhayri) and possessing great blessing ('a?i"mu l-baraka). God chose it for His people and it will intercede for them on the Day of Resurrection.I'' According to another utterance of the Prophet, Jibril showed him the place of the mosque of Ktifa during his mi'raj to Heaven (lamma u'rija bi" u« l-sama'), and explained that that was the mosque of his ancestor Adam; he enjoined him to go down and pray two rake as there; the Prophet went down and performed the two rak'as there.I? Needless to say, the story of Kufa as a "station" for the Prophet's prayer during his nocturnal journey corresponds to the pro-Syrian story of the station of the Prophet's prayer in Damascus.f? We find indeed an authoritative utterance of the imam AbU Ja'far (al-Baqir) stating that the four distinguished mosques are the mosque in Mecca (al-masjid al-lJ,aram), the mosque of the Prophet, the mosque of Jerusalem and the mosque of Kufa, A prescribed prayer (al-fari"~a) in them has the value of a pilgrimage; a supererogatory prayer (al-nafila) has the value of an 'umra "the minor lJ,ajj.,,81 'All, according to one story, told a believer who was about to set out for a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, to sell his camel, to consume his provisions, and to pray in the mosque of Kufa.'AlI's recommendation is formulated in the same way as Prophet recommendation to perform the prayers in the mosque of Medina instead of making the journey to Jerusalem.V The mosque of Kufa is one of the four distinguished mosques; a rake a in this mosque has the value of ten rake as in any other mosque; the blessing (al-baraka) of the mosque extends for twelve miles; in the corner of the mosque there burned the oven of the flood; Abraham prayed at the fifth column of the mosque; a thousand prophets and a thousand "trustees" (wa$i") prayed there. The mosque harbors the rod of Moses and the gourd-plant (yaqti"n). Ya'uq and Yaghiith (two idols worshipped in ancient times) perished there; the mosque is the Fiiriiq (that which
77Yaqut, Mv.'jam al-bv.ldiin, s.v. al-Kufa, 78Abu 'Abdallah Muhammad b.'AlI b. al-Hasan al-'Alawf al-Hasant, Fatf.lv. l-ku.Ja wa-fatf.lv. ahlihii, MS :r;ahiriyya, rnajami' 93, fol. 282b. Muhammad b. al-Fattal alNaysaburt, Rauda: al-wii'i~7:n, 336-37. 79Al-Hasani, Fatf.lv. l-ku.Ja, MS fol. 283b. 80See above, note 28. 81See Ibn Babnyah, Man Iii ya~tf.v.rv.hv. l-jaqih; ed. Hasan al-Musawt l-Kharsan (Beirut, 1401/1981), I, 148, no. 683 (and the four mosques chosen by God: Mecca, Medina, Jerusalem and Kiifa; al-Majlisi, Bi~iir, LX, 204, ult.-205). 82See above, note 5.
Sanctity
Joint and Divided
33
distinguishes between right and wrong); from the mosque there is a path to the mountain of Ahwaz, In this mosque is the Nuh's place of prayer (mu!fallii). From this mosque there will be gathered seventy thousand of the believers who will enter Paradise without being interrogated or judged (laysa 'alayhim lJ,isiib). Its center rests in one of the gardens of Paradise, it contains three of the wells of Paradise which remove the filth and purify the believers. If the people would know the virtue of the mosque they would come crawling towards it.83 Some of the commentators of the Qur'an used their freedom to interpret the word rabwa (Sura 23:50) as denoting Kiifa, and the word ma'fn as denoting the Euphrates.t" It is evident that this is a Shi'I interpretation of the words of the Qur'an which was meant to confront the Umayyad, pro-Syrian interpretation mentioned above.f" Since ancient times the Jews used the outskirts of Kilfa as a burial ground for their dead; they believed that seventy thousand dead would be raised from this cemetery on the Day of Resurrection and would enter Paradise without being subjected to questioning and judgment. When 'All heard this opinion from the Ra's Jalut he countered that the seventy thousand to be raised on the Day of Resurrection and introduced to Paradise would be believing Muslims. 'AlI asserted that the grave just outside al-Kufa was that of Yahudha b. Ya'qiib, as well as the grave of Hud.86 'All bought the territory between Najaf and al-Htra as far as al-Kiifa from the dihqiins and paid forty thousand dirhams for it. The purpose of the transaction was to enable the believers to rise on the Day of Resurrection from land belonging to 'AlIP A similar transaction was carried out in ancient times by Ibrahim: he acquired these very lands from the people of Baniqiya, paying a hundred sheep (ghanam); Baniqiya in Aramaic means a hundred sheep. He consecrated the place whose sanctity was revealed to him and named it al-Qadisiyya. This territory thus became the point from which Ibrahim set out for his hijra.88 At the end of time, during the unjust wars (jitan), when the mahdf will be sent, the happiest people will be the people of Kiifa.89 Never will a tyrant (jabbiir) set out to annihilate it without being afflicted by God with a mortal blow.P?
83Yaqllt, Mu'jam al-buldiin, s.v. al-Kiifa. Muhammad b. al-Fattal, Rau4at alwa'i~fn, 410 inf. 84 AI-I:IasanT, Fa41u l-kiifo; MS fols. 289a-b. AI-MajlisT, Bii}iir, LX, 202. Muhammad b. al-Fattal, Raudat al-wa'i~fn, 408. 85 See above at notes 19-20. 86 AI-I:IasanT,Fa41u l-kiifa, MS fols. 286b, 287a-b, 288a. 87 AI-I:IasanT,Fa41u I-ku/a, MS fo1. 286a. 88AI-I:IasanT,Fa41u l-kiija, fols. 284b.-85a. 89 Ibn Babuyah al-Qummr, Man Iii yai}4uruhu I-/aqfh, I, 150 inf. (the mahdi will pray in the mosque of Kiifa). AI-I:IasanT,Fa41u I-ku/a, fo1. 283a. 90 AI-I:IasanT,Fa41u I-ku/a, fo1. 283b. AI-MajlisI, Bii}iir al-anwiir, LX, 211, no. 18.
34
M.J. Kister
Ibrahim is said to have intended to utter an invocation against the people of 'Iraq; but God forbade him to do so because He had placed among the people of 'Iraq the treasures of His knowledge and located mercy in their hearts.P! In a significant tradition attributed to Ja'far al-Sadiq he is said to have defined the values of the three distinguished mosques and counted the rewards for ritual practices performed in them: Mecca, Medina, and Kufa are the harosn of God, of the Prophet and of 'All; one prayer in Mecca has the value of a hundred thousand prayers elsewhere, and one dirham given there as charity (~adaqa) has the value of a hundred thousand dirhams. In Medina one prayer has the value of ten thousand prayers and one dirham has the value of ten thousand dirhams. In Kilfa one prayer has the value of a thousand prayers, but the value of one dirham given as charity is not mentioned.F The sanctity of the haram of Kufa is here explicitly and authoritatively confirmed as a distinguished third sanctuary approved of by God, the Prophet and 'Ali; Jerusalem is not mentioned at all, but is replaced by Kilfa.93 A concise utterance by 'All records clearly the tradition of the three distinguished mosques: the believers shall set out only to the three mosques of Mecca, Medina, and Kufa (... wa-qiila amiru l-rnu'rninis: 'alayhi l-saliimu: Iii tush addu l-rilJ,iilu ut« ilii thaliithati masiijida: almasjidi l-hartimi, wa-masjidi rasuli lliihi ~allii lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallama, wa-masjidi l-kufati). 94 Kilfa is the only place which expressed loyalty to 'Ali's authority and upheld the legitimacy of 'Ail's inheritance, the wiliiya.95 Kufa's loyalty to 'AlI's authority (wiliiya) was the reason why it was put on the cosmic map of virtues of the various distinguished places. This was reported in a Shn tradition recorded on the authority of the Companion Anas b. Malik (usually marked as a hypocrite, muniifiq, who denied the rights of 'All). When 'All came to the Prophet he embraced him and kissed him between his eyes; then the Prophet told him that God proposed the Heavens to accept the wiliiya of 'All. The seventh Heaven preceded them and God therefore adorned this Heaven by establishing His Throne in it. Then the fourth Heaven outstripped the others and God embellished it by locating in it the bayt al-ma'vniir (the
Jam' al-jawiimi', I, 218. Ibn Babtlyah, Man Iii ya~q.uruhu I-faqfh, I, 147, no. 679. Muhammad b. al-Fattal, Roudo: al-wii'i~fn, 410. 93 Al-Buraqt, Ta'rikh. al-ku.fa, ed. Muhammad Sadiq A.l Bahr al-'ulilm (Najaf, 1379/ 1960), 32: 'ani I-madii'inf qiila: sami'tu aM 'abdi l/iihi ('alayhi I-saliimu) yaqii./u: makkatu haramu lliihi, wa-I-madfnatu horams: mu~ammadin msuli lliihi wa-I-kufatu ~aramu 'aliyyi bni abqiilibin ('alayhi I-saliimu); inn a 'aliyyan ~arrama mina l-kufati mii harrama ibriihfmu min makkata wa-mii harrama muhammadun min a I-madfna. 94 ibn Babnyah, Man Iii ya~q.uruhu, I, 150,' no. 695. . 95 AI-MajlisI, Bi~iir, LX, 209.
92 91 Al-Suytitr,
Sanctity
Joint and Divided
35
heavenly Ka'ba). Then the lowest Heaven followed and God rewarded it by adorning it with stars. Then God offered 'AlI's wilaya to the lands of the Earth: Mecca came forth first and God adorned it with the Ka'ba, It was followed by Medina, which God beautified by the presence of the Prophet. Medina was in turn followed by Kiifa and God adorned it by the person of 'All. Finally Qumm arrived and God embellished it by the Arabs and opened the doors of Paradise.P" Kiifa is thus the chosen, perfect place of belief in Heaven and on earth, the perfect location of the true religion which champions the wilaya of 'All. Qumm follows it in this belief; snrr compendia accord it a great many virtues and qualities.P? As mentioned above, the sanctity of the holy places is enhanced by their mutual cooperation. Abu Qubays sheltered the Black Stone during the Flood; when Abraham came to Mecca in order to build the Ka'ba, Abu Qubays announced that it sheltered the Black Stone.P" Ta'if was part of the Holy Land transferred by God to Hijaz; it performed the circumambulation of the Ka 'ba seven times and remained in the region of Hijaz named al- Ta'if, 99 Qumm was originally part of Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis) and was moved to its place during the Flood.lOO Such is the case of the mosque of Kiifa as well: in due time the Black Stone will be moved by God to the mosque of K Ufa.101 This will certainly be the perfection of the sanctity of this holy place. A nice example of intricate sanctity, combined from a variety of elements of veneration for the ancestors and snrr imams is shown by a story concerning the visit, maziir, of the grave of 'All b. AbI Talib. An adherent of the Shra came to the imam Abu 'Abdallah and informed him that he intended to set out to the ghariyy in order to visit the grave of 'All b. AbI Talib, The imam remarked that he was in fact going to visit the bones of Adam, the body (badan) of Nul) and the
Bil}iir, LX, 212, no. 21. Bi~liir, LX, 213-218. 98 Abu l-Baqa' Muhammad Baha'u I-DIn b. al-Diya' al-Makkt al-Hanafi al-QurashI al-'UmarI al-'AdawI, Al}wiil makkata wa-I-madzna, MS Br. Mus. Or. 11865, fol. 138a. AI-Kala'I, al-Iktifii' fi maghiizz rasiili lliihi uia-l-thaliithati l-khulajii", ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wahid (Cairo, 1387/1968), I, 59-60. Abu Bakr al-Bakrr b. Muhammad Shata alDimyatr, I'iinatll. l-tiiliMn 'alii I}alli alfii~i I-fatl}i l-mll.bfn (Cairo, 1319 [repr. Beirut]), II, 275 inf. Al-Azraqi, Akhbiir makkata, ed. Rushdt 1-~aliJ:.:tMalhas (Beirut-Makka al-mukarrama, 1399/1979), I, 65. Sulayrnan b. Dawud al-Saqstnt, Zahrat al-riyiiq. uui-nuzha: al-qll.liib al-miriid, MS Hebrew Univ., Coli. Yahudah Ar. 571, 222 inf, [Abu Qubays was a mountain from the mountains of Khurasan; it was moved to Mecca and sheltered the Black Stone]. 99 Al-Mazandaranr, Maniiqib salmiin, p. 17. Nflr al-Dln al-Haythami, Majma' alzawii'id, X, 53-54. Al-Suytiti, al-Durr al-manthur, I, 124 inf. 100 Al-Majlisi, Bil}iir, LX, 213, no. 24. 101 Muhammad b. al-Fattal, Raudat al-wii'i~zn, 337. AI-I:IasanI, Faq.11l.l-kiifa, MS fol. 287b. AI-MajlisI, Bihiir, XXII, 86 inf.
96
AI-MajlisI,
97 Al-Majlisl,
36
M.J. Kister
corpse (jism) of 'All b. AbI Talib, The believer asked how it was possible that the bones of Adam are in Ktifa since he descended in Sarandib and people believe that his bones are placed in the mosque of Mecca (baytu llahi I-lJ,aram). The imam replied that God ordered Ni11;t n the i ark to go around the Ka'ba seven times, which he did. Afterwards he went into the water, which reached up to his knees, and pulled out a coffin which contained the bones of Adam. He carried the coffin in the ark and it went round the Ka'ba several times. He continued the journey in the ark until he arrived at the gate of KUfa, in the middle of which was the mosque. God ordered the water to be swallowed by the earth (ibla' 'l mii' aki) and the mosque became dry. The people who accompanied Ni11;t ispersed; Ni11;t ook the coffin and buried it in the d t ghariyy. This was part of the mountain on which God addressed Moses, on which He consecrated Jesus, on which He took Abraham to Himself as Friend (khal'll), and on which He took Muhammad to Himself as His Dear One (lJ,abib); God turned the place into an abode of the prophets. The amir al-mu'min'ln, 'All b. AbI Talib is buried next to his two noble ancestors, Adam and Ni1I;t. "Therefore while visiting alNajaf you are visiting the bones of Adam, the body of Ni1I;t,the corpse of 'All b. AbI Talib; you are visiting the ancestors, Muhammad the Seal of the prophets and 'All the Lord of the Trustees (sayyid al-wa$iYY'ln). The gates of Heaven will be opened for the invocations of the visitor; act thus and be not heedless of that which is good" (fa-la takun 'ani l-khayri nawwaman) .102 The status of Medina in comparison with Mecca was secondary, in the opinion of the orthodox community. According to an utterance recorded on the authority of 'A'isha, God created Mecca and encompassed it by angels a thousand years before He created anything on Earth; then He attached Medina to it and eventually paired Medina with Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis); then a thousand years later He created the Earth with one stroke (khalqan walJ,idan) .103 According to some utterances ascribed to the Prophet Medina will be singled out in the fateful period of the false messiahs, the dajjal. The dajjal will be barred from entering the city, which will be guarded by angels.l'" According to another tradition Mecca and Medina will share this privilege: the dajjal will enter every locality but Mecca and Medina.l?"
102
gharr fi ta'yrn qabri amrri l-mu'minrn
59-60.
Al-Majlisl,
Bihiir,
C, 258. Ghiyath
al-Dln 'Abd al-Karjrn b. Tawils, Farho: al'air b. aM talib 'alayhi I-salam (Najaf, 1368), Qiya'
103 Al-Daylamt, Firdaus al-ckhbtir, MS Chester Beatty 3037, fo1. 77a, penult. al-Din al-Maqdisl, Fadti'i! bayti l-maqdis, p. 49, no. 14. 104 105
Abu Ya'la, Musnad, V, 318, no. 2940; 369, no. 3016; 390, no. 3051; 402, no. 3073. Al-'AynI, 'Umdat al-qiiri, X, 244 sup. Ibn Hazm , al-MuiJ,alla, VII, 281.
Sanctity
Joint and Divided
37
Another version, however, records two other places: the Ka'ba and Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis). 106 A third version extends the number of places from which the dajjal will be barred: Mecca, Medina, Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis), and al- 'filr.107 Tradition pointed out the virtues of Medina: it was the place of the hijra of the Prophet, the center from which he propagated his religion, the place where he died and in which he was buried. The sincere sympathy of the Prophet and his affection for Medina is manifest in his declaration of Medina as a haram; he acted as counterpart to Abraham: just as Abraham proclaimed Mecca as a harem; so did the Prophet with Medina.l'" A peculiar tradition, obviously anti-Shi'tte, contains a denial attributed to 'All, in which he declares that there is no privilege granted him by the Prophet which he is supposed to keep in the sheath of his sword; in the sheath of his sword, 'AlI says, he only keeps the document of tahrim al-madfna.109 It is indeed these virtues and qualities, which gained wide circulation among the Muslim community, that stimulated the rivalry between these two highly revered localities. Against the background of ethnic differences, diverse economic interests, and social and political contests, the disputes as to the relative merits attached to these localities grew more vociferous. In his thorough going study, Materiaua: pour l'etude du conftit de preseance entre la M ekke et M edine,110 A. Arazi provides a detailed and
106' Umdat al-qiiri; X, 244 sup. Comp. Diys;' al-Din al-Maqdisi, Fadti'i! bayti 1maqdis, p. 60, no. 34. 107Al-'AynT, 'Umdat al-qiiri, X, 244 sup. Diya' al-Dtn al-Maqdisi, Faga'il, 62-63, no. 36. And comp. al-Suyutt, Jam' l-jauuimi", I, 744: ... ma'qilu l-muslimlna mina l-rnaliihini dimashq wa-ma'qiluhum mina l-dajjali baytu l-maqdis wa-ma'qiluhum min yajuj wa-majuj ai-tur. 108Al-Suyutr, al-Durr al-manthur, I, 121-122. Nur al-Din al-HaythamT, Majma' alzawii'id, III, 301-302. AI-AynT, 'Umdat al-qiiri, X, 227-231. Al-'AbdarT, al-Madkhal, II, 39. AI-BayhaqT, al-Sunan al-kubrii, V, 196-201. AmIn Mahmild Khattab, Fatliu l-maliki l-moibiid, takmilatu l-manhali l-'adhbi l-mauriid, sharb. sunan abl dawud (Cairo, 1394/1974), II, 239-49. Al-Sinjarl, Mana'il}u l-karam bi-akhbiiri makkata uui-l-luiram, MS Leiden Or. 7018, fol. 7a inf. (but comp. ibid., fol. 7b sup.: thumma qiila (ay rasulu llahi, s.) inna makkata lJarramaha lliihu wa-lam yul}arrimha l-nasu [a-lii yalJillu li-mri'in yu'minu bi-lIiihi wa-I-yaumi l-iikhiri an yasfika biha daman. And see Abu Ya'Ia, al-Ahkiin: al-sultaniyya, ed. Muhammad Hamid al-FiqI (Cairo, 1386/1966), 192. AI-MundhirI, al-Tarqhib uia-l-tarhib, III, 62, no. 1771. 109Mul,lammad b. 'A~im al-Thaqafi al-Isfahant, Juz', ed. Mufid Khalid 'Ayyid, (Riyad , 1409), 125-26, no. 42; and see the editor's references. Ibrahrm b. Tahman, Mashyakha, ed. Muhammad Tahir Malik (Damascus, 1403/1983), 104-107, no. 51: [a-qiila [i.e., 'AlI]: mii 'ahida ilayya rasiili: llahi 'ahdan lam ya'had hu ila I-nasi, ghayra anna fi qiriibi sayfi ~al}fjatan, fa-idha fiha: inna ibrahfma horrama makkata wa-ana uharrimu l-madi:nata, wa-innaha lJaramun mii bayna lJarratayha, and see the editor's abundant references there. 110 JSAI, 5 (1984), 177-235.
38
M.J. Kister
richly documented scrutiny of the ideological rivalry between Mecca and Medina. Traditions touching upon the fundamental events of the life of the Prophet often conflict. Such is the case of the hijra, a crucial issue in the life and career of the Prophet. According to a widely circulated report the Prophet was deeply grieved when he was compelled to escape from Mecca, persecuted as he was by his Qurashi enemies. When in the Hazawwara (the former market of Mecca) on his way to Medina, the Prophet is said to have uttered a moving declaration of sympathy for Mecca. He expressed his love for the city and said that had he not been forced to leave he would gladly remain in Mecca.U! This is, of course, a pro-Meccan tradition. A pro-Medinan tradition records the following utterance of the Prophet when on the hijra: "0 God, Thou evicted me from the plot of land most dear to me; therefore put me up in the spot most beloved to Thee." 112 The Prophet's wish was fulfilled and he alighted in Medina; this was indeed the spot dear to God. Medina's favored position is emphasized when the dissemination of the precepts of the nascent Islamic religion is discussed. The Prophet is said to have stated that cities and localities were conquered for Islam by the force of the sword; but Medina was conquered by the force of the Qur'an.113 Muslim lawyers asserted that Mecca was conquered by sword; they considered however that imposing khariij on Mecca was implausible.U! Muslim lawyers who attempted to mitigate the dispute pointed out that the majority of Medinan people who brought about the conversion of various localities to Islam, including Mecca, were former
111 Ibn Hazm, al-Mul].allii, VII, 289. Ibn Taymiyya, '11m al-I].adith, ed. Musa Muhammad 'AlI (Beirut, 1405/1984), 361. Yaqut, Mu'jam al-buldiin, s.v. hazwara, Nur al-Dln al-Haythami, Mawiirid al-~am'iin, 254, no. 1026. Al-Sinjarr, Manii'il]. al-kara, MS fol. 9a. Al-Shaukani, Nayl al-autiir (Cairo, 1372/1953), V, 32a-39. AlZurqant, Sharh. cl-rnauuihib al-laduniyya, VIII, 322. Ibn AbI Hatim, 'llal al-I].adlth (Cairo, 1343), I, 282, no. 836. 112 Al-Albanl, Silsilat al-al].iidithi 1-q.a'lfa wa-I-mauq.u'a (al-Riyad, 1408/1987), III, 639-40, no. 1445. Albanf marks the tradition as maw;lu', a forged one. Ibn Taymiyya, Majmu'at al-rasii'il al-kubrii, II, 356. Ibn Taymiyya marks the tradition as biitil; see ibid., for his arguments. Al-Shaukani, Nayl al-autiir, V, 34; and see the discussion of the subject in ibid. Al-Qayrawanr, Kitiib al-jiimi', 139. 113 Al-'Abdarf, al-Madkhal, II, 35 inf. Abu l-Hasan 'All b.'Umar b. Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Sukkarr, Juz", MS al-Zahiriyya, majmu'a 18, fol. 248b. 'Abdallah b. Abf Zayd al-Qayrawani, Kitiibu I-jiimi' fi I-sunan wa-l-iidiib wa-l-maghiizl wa-I-ta'r'ikh, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Ajfan and 'Uthrnan Bitttkh (Beirut-Tunis, 1402/1982), 138: wa-uftutil].at al-qurii bi-l-sayf I].attii makkatu, wa-uftutil].at al-mad'inatu bi-l-qur'iini; and see ibid. note 3. Ibn al-Jauzr, al-Maw;lii'iit, II, 216-17. Ahmad b. Hanbal marks the tradition as munkar. Ibn Hazm, al-Mul].allii, VII, 286. Ibn Hajar, al-Matiilibu l-'iiliya, I, 369, no. 1246. 114 Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Al].kiim ahli l-dhimma, I, 126 ult.-127.
Sanctity
Joint and Divided
39
Meccans.U" Medina was considered more honorable and dignified than Mecca, which was flooded by streams of pilgrims from all areas of the Muslim empire. This can be seen from a story about 'Umar, who was informed of a man who had the intention of giving the oath of allegiance after the death of 'Umar to a certain person. 'Umar had the idea of standing up in Mecca and warning the believers against people who were about to rob the umma of their rights (viz. by deciding about 'Umar's successor). He was however dissuaded from delivering his warning in Mecca because of the mob that used to attend his council, and he made up his mind to convey his admonition in Medina, the abode of the hijra and of the sunna.1l6 A place to which special honor was accorded was the grave of the Prophet in Medina. Several traditions emphasized the qualities of this revered spot, linking the veneration of the grave with that of the Prophet himself. The place in which he was buried was chosen by the Prophet himself. Scholars argued that God does not cause a prophet to die except in a place he likesY 7 This assumption was corroborated by a tradition saying that prophets should be buried in the place where they die; but both traditions are countered by others according to which it is undesirable to bury people in their abode, as a grave turns the house into a cemetery in which prayer is disagreeable. Needless to say, the burial of the Prophet in this place is considered a special distinction.U" The grave itself was closely connected with the Prophet from the beginning of his existence. The Prophet is said to have been created from the dust of the grave in which he was buried. God sent Jibrrl to bring him a handful of white clay out of the heart of the earth and its light in order to create Muhammad, Jibril set out with seventy thousand angels and took a handful of earth from the place of the Prophet's grave, which was then white and pure. It was kneaded with the nectar of paradise (mii'u l-tasnfm), with the wine of Paradise (al-raMq) and with water from the well of Paradise (salsabrl). Then it was plunged into the water of the rivers of Paradise and was carried towards the earth and the sea; the angels learned to know the quality of Muhammad before they knew the virtues of AdamY9 A well known utterance states that the Prophet was buried in the clay from which he was created (dufina bi-l-iinati uau khuliqa minha)j the tradition is provided with several utterances which
Al-Shaukant, Nayl al-autar, V, 34. Al-Fasawt, al-Ma'rifa wa-I-ta'rlkh, I, 351. 117 Al-Munawt, FayrJu l-qadir, V, 459, no. 7956. Al-'AbdarI, al-Madkhal, II, 39 inf. Abu Ya'la, Musnad, I, 45, no. 45. 118 Al-Munawi, FayrJu l-qtulir, V, 459, no. 7956; and see the comments of al-Munawr, 119 Al-Saqslni, Zahrot al-riyarJ, MS Hebrew Univ., Coli. Yahudah 571, 8, 11 sup., ll. 1-3. Al-IAbdarr, al-Madkhal, II, 32. 'All b. Burhan al-Dtn, al-Sira al-lJalabiyya, I, 163.
115 116
40
M,]. Kister
extol the idea that the dust of the grave should be the dust from which the person is born.12o According to a tradition there is a special angel called malak al-crluim, who is entrusted with the burial of the dead in their proper graves.P! It is not surprising to find a parallel tradition according to which the clay of which the Prophet was created was Meccan, but it was blended with clay from Medina.P'' The extreme veneration of the tomb of the Prophet is shown by the opinion of a group of zealots who claimed that a visit to the grave of the Prophet is more meritorious than a pilgrimage to Mecca and a visit to the Ka'ba.123 The pilgrimage to Mecca was linked with a visit to the grave of the Prophet; the Prophet is reported to have said that he who performs the f},ajj without visiting his grave treats him harshly indeed.124 The grave of the Prophet was considered to surpass in its virtue the sanctity of the Ka'ba: wa-in'aqada l-ijmii'u 'alii annahumii ajdol min sii'iri l-buldiin; wa-idhii nazarta ilii l-tafrl,fli baynahumii qiima li-kullin minhumii an$iirun wa-a'wiin wa-dalfl wa-burhiin f},iishii I-buq'ata l-mu'a~~ama l-mukarrama l-zakiyya l-ziihira l-iiihira l-sharfJa l-munfJa 1-'iiliya l-ghiiliya l-tayyiba l-mutayyaba l-muqaddasa l-mu'nasa llati dammat jasadahu l-ni zam wa-khuliqa minhii badanuhu l-akram $allii lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallam, Ja-innahii afrl,alu l-biqii'i min ghay,ri khiliifin wa-lii nizii'in; bal hiya afrl,alu mina l-ka'bati wa-mutaqaddimatun 'alayhii jf l-rutba. bal naqala ibn al-' aqfl al-f},anbalf annahii aNal mina 1-'arshi l-' azim .... 125
120 Al-Qurtubi, al-Tadhkira fi alJ.wali l-mauta wa-umilri l-iikhira, ed. Ahmad Muhammad MursI (Cairo, n.d.), I, 83. Al-Qurtubt, Tofstr, VI, 388 sup. Al-Munawt, Fayq.u l-qcdir, III, 533, no. 4230. 121 Al-Saqsinr, Zahrat al-riyaq., MS. 11 sup. Al-Qurtubi, al-Tadhkira, 84-88. 122 Al-SamhiidI, WaJa' al-waJa, I, 73-74. Ibn Zuhayra al-QurashI al-MakhziimI, al-Jami' al-latiJ fi Jaq.li makkata wa-ahliha wa-bina'i l-bayti l-shanJ (Cairo, 1357/ 1938), 18-19. Muhibb al-Din al-Tabarr, al-Qira li-qa~idi ummi l-qurii, ed. Mustafa l-Saqqa (Cairo, 1390/1970), 337: uia-qtiia bnu 'abbiisin: a~lu tfnati l-nabiyyi ~alla usn« 'alayhi wa-sallama min surrati l-arq.i bi-makkata; uia-qiila ba'q.u I-'ulama'i: fihi idhanun bi-annaha llati ajaba min a I-arq.i. wa-min mauq.i'i l-ka'bati d'l.llJ.iyat al-ardu, [a-siira rasillu llahi [~l iuuua l-asla fi l-takwfni, wa-l-ka'inat'l.l taba''I.In lahu. uia-qila: li-dhalika s'l.lmmiya "ummiyyan" Ii-anna makkata 'I.Immu l-q'l.lrawa-tfnat'l.lh'l.l 'I.Imm'l.l 123
I-khaliqati.
Ibn Taymiyya, Iqtiq.a''I.Il-~irat, 382. 124 Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kamil fi q.'I.I'aJa'il-rijal (Beirut, 1405/1985), VII, 2480. Ibn Hajar al-IAsqalanr, Lisiins: l-mfzan, VI, 167, no. 585. Ibn al-JauzI, al-Ma'l.lq.il'at, II, 217. 125 Al-Suyutt, Saji'atu l-haram. fi Jaq.li makkata wa-l-madfnati wa-I-lJ.aram, MS Leiden Or. 1526, 227. Comp. al-Zurqant, SharlJ. al-mawahib, VIII, 324-25.
Sanctity
Joint and Divided
41
Orthodox circles censored in vain the invocations and supplications at the grave of the Prophet.P" But popular belief was persistent in holding that Medina surpasses Mecca in its merits: ol-madino. afr!.alu min makka.127 There was however a special feeling of awe towards Mecca. Some pious people were afraid to commit a sin in Mecca because one perpetrated there was punished by God more severely than elsewhere.P" It was thus wise to settle outside Mecca and to set out towards it in order to perform the prescribed ritual practices.P? The deteriorating political and economic situation in Medina in the period of the Umayyad caliphate is reflected in a prediction of the Prophet in which he foretold that people of Medina would be summoned by their relatives to leave the city and would set out to territories where they would find an easy life (the prediction refers obviously to the conquered territories), but it was better for them to remain in Medina.l '? A significant discussion arose in connection with the interpretation of the luuliih. known as al-imiinu yamiinin. The tradition says that the Prophet pointed with his finger towards Yemen uttering this luulith. Transmitters of the /fadzth were however not unanimous about the place in which the Prophet uttered it. Some of them said that it was uttered
Ibn Taymiyya, Iqtiq,a'u I-~irat, 365. Al-Munawt, Fayq,u l-qadir, VI, 264, no. 9185. AI-DaylamI, Firdaus ol-akhbiir, MS Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 173a. Al-Zurqant, Sharh. al-mawahib, VIII, 323. Al'Aynr, 'Umdat al-qiiri; X, 235 inf. Al-Dhahabt, Mizan al-i'tidal, III, 623. Al-Sinjari, Mana'ilJ al-karam, MS fo1.9a-9b. Al-Albant, Silsilat al-alJadithi I-q,a'ffa ... , III, 638, no. 1444: the tradition is marked by Albant as biitil. 128 Al-'AqulI, 'Arf al-tfb, MS Leiden, Or. 493, fo1. 75b. Al-Sinjarf, Mana'ilJ alkaram, MS fo1.8b: wa-ruwiya 'an aM 'amr wa-I-zajjaj min a I-~iifiyya annahu aqiima bi-makkata arba'ina sanatan lam yabul wa-Iam yataghawwat /f l-harom; uia-qiila: inn a mina l-illJadi /f l-horam. an taqiila "kallii wa-llahi" wa- "balii uia-lliihi," And see ibid.: uia-uuqiilu inn a I-dhuniiba tataq,a'afu /fhi kama tataq,a'afu I-lJasanatu wa-inna I-insana yu'akhadhu bi-hammihi /f l-sayyi'iiti bi-makkata wa-Iau kana na'iyan 'anha. And see ibid.: wa-'an 'umara raq,iya lliihs: 'anhu: la-'an uktiti:« sab'fna khatf'atan bi-rukbata alJabbu ilayya min an ukhWa khat!' atan walJidatan bi-makkata. See this tradition recorded by Yaqnt in Mu'jam al-buldan, s,u. rukba. Al-Bayhaqt, Shu'ab al-fman, VII, 570, no. 3729: akhbarana abii 'abd al-ralJman al-sulamf /f dhikri abf 'amrin mulJammadi bni ibrahfma I-zajjaji qata yaqiilu: innahu lam yabul wa-Iam yataghawwat /f l-hnram arba'fna sonatan; kana yakhruju kulla yaumin bi-'umrata khiirija l-haromi fa-yabiilu wa-yataghawwatu, thumma yarji'u, [a-lii yabiilu wa-Ia yataghawwatu illa 'inda dhiilika I-waqti /f I-yaumi I-thanf; see references. 129 Al-Sinjart, Mana'ilJ al-karam, MS fol. l l b: qala I-qaq,f/f "jami'ihi" ba'da l-kaliimi 'ala l-mujawarati, uia-hiidhii l-kaliimu /f I-mujawarati faqat min ghayri sukna, waammii I-sukna wa-l-inqita'u fa-huwa bi-I-madfnati aJq,alu. See the favorable opinion of al-Zamakhshart about dwelling (sukna) in Mecca, ibid., fols. l Ob-Ll a and fo1.12b sup. 1.30 Ibn Tahman, MashyaklJa, 84, no. 32. See references. 'All b. Burhan al-Dtn, alStra al-lJalabiyya, II, 62 inf. Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa uia-l-ta'rtkh, I, 349. Al-Qurtubi, al- Tadhkira, 603. AI-ZabIdI, ItlJafu l-siidoti l-muttaqin bi-sharlii asrtiri ilJya'i 'uliimi I-din, I, 206-207. Al-Mundhirt, al-Targhfb uia-l-tarhib, III, 57, no. 1755; and see no. 1756. Ibn Hazm, al-Muhnllii, VII, 281.
126 127
42
M.J. Kister
in Tabuk, according to others when he was staying in Medina. One interpretation has it that the Prophet referred to Mecca and Medina, two cities between Tabuk and the Yemen; according to others the Prophet meant the Ansar: they were of Yerneni origin, they sheltered him in Medina, and helped to spread the religion of Islam. Some scholars argued that the Prophet referred to Mecca: the religion of Islam originated in Mecca and Mecca belongs to the region of Tihama, which is part of the Yemen. Yet a different interpretation says that the people to whom the Prophet referred were in fact those of the Yemen, and he referred to their true belief in Islam.l+' The expansion of Islam and the rise of the Muslim empire encouraged the establishment of local sanctuaries, places of ziyarat, venerated graves and places of ritual practices. The virtue of the conquest of a locality and the fact that one of the Companions of the Prophet sojourned in this place is exposed in the following I}adzth: mii min aluulu: min a~l}abz yamiitu bi-crdir; ilia bu'itha qa'idan - (ya'nz li-ahlihii) uui-niiran yauma l_qiyama.132 A similar idea is inherent in an utterance recorded in FasawI's alMa'rifa wa-l-ta'rzkh,'referring to a pious scholar of tradition: '" sami'tu aM ma'sharin liadhZyarwz'an ibriihima l-nakha'iyyi qiila: mii min qaryatin ilia wa-fZhii man yudfa'u 'an ahlihii bihi, [a-inni la-arjii an yakiina abii wa'ilin minhum.133 As already mentioned, the number of graves of prophets in a city or a locality was a source of pride and served as a measure of its merits. Lists were made of the tombs in every city and province. According to a tradition of Ka'b (al-Ahbar) there are ten tombs of prophets in Tarsus, five in Masisa, a thousand in the fortified cities (thughiir) and sea-coasts of Syria; in Antiochia there is one tomb, of Habib the carpenter; in Hims there are thirty tombs of prophets, in Damascus five hundred; in Filastin there is a similar number. In Jerusalem there are a thousand tombs, in al- 'Arish there are ten, and in Damascus there is also the tomb of Moses.P" Muslim tradition naturally transmitted utterances containing praises of these places; the collections relating to the virtues of these localities were sometimes put together in special treatises of faq,a'il. The Prophet is said to have predicted the military expedition against Khurasan, and enjoined the believers to participate and to settle in
131 Ibn Mandah, al-Imiin, ed. 'All b. Muhammad b. Nasir al-Faqthr (Beirut, 1406/ 1985), I, 523-32, and see editor's comments. Al-'AynI,' Umdat al-qiirf, XV, 192, XVI, 72. Al-Saghant, Mabiiriq al-azhiir, II, 95 sup. Al-Bayhaqt, Ma'rifatu l-sunan wa-l-iithiir, ed. Ahmad Saqr (Cairo, 1390/1970), I, 67 sup., 73 inf., 137 sup. 132 Al-Jarrahi, Kashf al-khafii', II, 193, no. 2243. Al-Munawt, Fay~ al-qadir, V, 470, no. 7994. 133 Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa uia-t-ta'rikh; II, 112; and see references. 134 Al-Mausill, Kitiib al-wasua, V /1, 190.
Sanctity
Joint and Divided
43
Marw. Marw was built by Dhu l-Qarnayn, who asked God to bless the city. The people of Marw will never be afflicted by any calamityJ35 Among the cities of Persia a high position was accorded to Qazwin, The Prophet predicted that at the "end of the days" there would be people "whose true belief would be blended with their blood and flesh"; they would fight the unbelievers in a city called Qazwin. Paradise would desire them and yearn for them like a she-camel who yearns for her foa1.136 In another tradition the Prophet says that the courageous people dwelling in Qazwin, who read the Qur 'an and fight with their swords, will appear on the Day of Resurrection with their jugular veins dripping with blood. They love God and God loves them. The eight gates of Paradise will be opened for them and they will be allowed to enter by any gate they wish.137 Another tradition says that God watches the people of Qazwln twice every day as they let the sinners go unpunished and accept the good deeds of the beneficent.l " A peculiar tradition says that a man who dwells in Qazwin is superior to one who dwells in one of the two harems, Mecca or Medina.P? In some of the traditions Qazwin is coupled with 'Asqalan: both are marked as the two cities of paradise.v'" Other traditions place Qazwln in another list of paradise cities: Alexandria, 'Asqalan, 'Abbadan and Qazwln.141 A tradition attributed to the Prophet emphasizes the high rank of Alexandria: a person sojourning in Alexandria for three days without harboring hypocritical thoughts will have the same status as a believer from among the Rum and the 'Arabs who worships God for sixty thousand years.142
135 Al-Munawi, Fayq, al-qadir, IV, 130, no. 4774. AI-MuttaqT l-Hindr, Kanz al'ummal, XIII, 2.57, nos. 1418-19. Al-Dhahabi, Mi:zan al-i'tidal, II, 239, no. 3586. Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kiimil, I, 401 inf.-402 sup. But see Abu Ya'Ia, Musnad, I, 39, no. 33: the dajjal will set out from Khurasan; and see ibid. references. Ibn 'Araq, Tanzitu: /·sharl'a l-marfil':«, II, 47, no. 6; and see ibid. the virtues of other cities of Khurasan. Ibn Hajar al-f.Asqalanr, Lisiiri al-mi:zan, III, 120, no. 415. 136 Abu l-Qasim al-Rafi'r, al-Tadwi:n fi dhikri ahli l-'ilmi bi-qazuiin, MS Laleli 2010, 1'01.3a. Al-Munawl, Fayq, ol-qadir, IV, 30, no. 4444. AI-MuttaqT l-Hindi, Kanz al'llmmal, XIII, 253, no. 1399. 137 AI-Rafi'I, al- Taduiin; MS fol. 3a. AI-MuttaqT I-HindI, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 256, 110. 1412. 138 AI-Rafi'T, al-Tadwln, MS fol. 3b. AI-MuttaqT l-Hindt, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 256, 110. 1416. 139 AI-MuttaqI I-HindI, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 257, no. 1417. 140 AI-Rafi'T, al-Tadwln, MS fol. 7a. 141 AI-MuttaqT I-HindI, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 257, no. 1420. But comp. a different list of the minbars of Paradise: Anon., Masa'il 'abdi I-salam li-nabiyyina, MS Hebrew Univ., ColI. S.M. Stern, 34.: Qayrawan, Bab at-abwab, 'Abbadan and Khurasan. 142 Ibn Hajar al-t.Asqalan'I, Lisiin al-mlzan, VI, 219 inf., no. 768.
44
M.J. Kister
When the Prophet stated that there were two gates open to Paradise: 'Abbadan and Qazwin, he was asked whether 'Abbadan was not a newly built place; he answered in the affirmative, but added that it was the first place which believed in Jesus the son of Maryam.l+' The lengthy chapter of fa#'il qazwfn in al-Muttaqi al-Hindr's Kanz al-'ummiil144 bears evidence to the wide currency given to traditions concerning the virtues of Qazwin. These traditions give us the opportunity to follow the process of sanctification of a newly conquered locality, and shows how new sanctuary was coupled with well established sanctuaries held in high esteem, often situated in far regions. A frequent tendency in the farJii'illiterature is to restrict or withdraw part of the sanctity of a locality, by attributing similar virtues to smaller places adjacent to a main locality or on the way to it. Judda, a well-known place in the vicinity of Mecca, is recorded as a distinguished locality sharing virtues with Mecca. The Prophet is said to have stated: makkatu ribiitun wa-juddatu jihiidun.145 When a man in a council in Mecca prided himself on being a member of one of the most distinguished councils in the city, 'Abbad b. Kathlr146 said that he was far removed from the virtues of Judda: a prayer in Judda has the value of seventeen million prayers elsewhere, a dirham spent in charity in Judda is worth a hundred thousand dirhams, and good deeds done there are rewarded in the same measure. God will forgive the sins of a man who merely looks at Judda from a distance.l+? The tradition about the four cities of Paradise, Alexandria, Qazwin, 'Abbadan, and 'Asqalan, was duly modified by an additional significant phrase: "and the superiority of Judda to all these cities is like the superiority of the House of God in relation to other houses (wa- farJlu judda 'alii hii' -us: i ka-farJli bayti lliihi l-hariimi 'alii sii'iri l-buyiit.) 148 Some scholars claimed to have read in "books" (i.e., collections of apocalyptic predictions attributed to the Prophet or to pious persons of the first generation of Islam; sometimes these predictions can be traced
AI-Rafi'T, al- Taduiin; MS fol. 3a. XIII, 252-57, nos. 1394-1417. 145 Al-Faklhr, Tti'rikh: MS fol. 413b. inf. Ibn Zuhayra, al-Jiimi' al-lati], 81, from al-Fakihl. AI-FasT, Shi!a'u l-qhariim, I, 87, from al-Fakiht. Ibn Fahd, Risiila fZ !af!li judda, ed. 'Abd al-Hasan Mud'ij, in Majallat ma'had al-makhtii.tat al-'arabiyya (al-Kuwayt, 1987), XXXI, 199. 'Abd al-Qadir b. Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Juddr al-Hijazr, al-SilalJ wa-l-'udda fZ ta'rikhi judda, ed. Mustafa l-Hadrt (Damascus-alMadlna al-munawwara, 1408/1988), 78. 146 See Ibn Hajar al- 'Asqalani, Tahdhi:b al-tahdhi:b, V, 100-102, no. 169. 147 Al-Fakihr, Ta'rikh; MS fol. 413b inf. AI-FasT, Shi!a'u l-qhariim; I, 87, from alFakihi. Ibn Zuhayra, al-Jiimi' ol-laii], 81, from al-Fakiht. 'Abd al-Qadir b. Ahmad al-Juddi, al-Siliib. wa-l-'udda, 78-79. 148 AI-MuttaqT l-Hindr, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII,257, no. 1420. 'Abd al-Qadir b. Ahmad al-Juddt, al-Siliil; wa-l-'udda, p. 78.
143 144
Sanctity
Joint and Divided
45
back to Jewish or Christian scriptures) that there would be a bloody encounter (mal~ama, between believers and unbelievers) in J udda and the believers killed in Judda would be the best among the martyrs.l+? Some traditions claimed that Hawwa, the biblical Eve, died in Judda and that her grave is there toO.150 The position of the mosque of Quba' was similar to that of the Prophet. There were discussions among scholars whether the verse in t.he Qur'an: al-masjidu lladM ussisa 'alii l-taqwii {siirat al-tauba 108) referred to the mosque of the Prophet or to that of Quba';151 the Prophet was asked about it, according to one tradition, and said that the verse referred to the great mosque of the Prophet in Medina.P? According t.o another tradition the verse of the Quran fihi rijiilun yu~ibbuna an yatatahharu wa-lliihu yu~ibbu l-muitohharina (surat al-tauba 108) refers to the people of Quba' .153 The mosque of Quba' maintained a very high position; traditions traced back to the Prophet say that anyone who prays in the mosque of Quba' and performs the prescribed ritual practices, will be rewarded as if he performed an 'umra.154 One of the Companions of the Prophet stated frankly that he preferred a prayer in the mosque of Quba' to one ill Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis ).155 The Companion Sa'd b. AbI Waqqas is even more outspoken: a prayer of two rak'as in the mosque of Quba' is more to his liking (a~abbu ilayya) than setting out twice towards .lerusalem. The merits of worship in Quba', according to him, are numerous and significant.P" Needless to say, there is a series of other mosques in Medina which are also recorded as virtuous sanctuaries in which the Prophet used to pray and which deserve to be frequented in order to perform prayers and
149 Al-Fakihi, Ta'rikh, MS fol. 414a. Ibn Fahd, Risiila, p. 200, from al-Fakihl. Ibn 0uhayra, al-Jtimi' al-latif, p. 81, from al-Fakihr, AI-FasT, Shifa'u. l-qhcriim, I, 87, from al-FakihT. Ir,olbn Fahd, Risiila, p. 203. 'Abd al-Qadir b. Ahmad, al-SilalJ, wa-l-'u.dda, p. 102. Ifi1See e.g., al-Mausilt, al- Wasfla, V /1, 182. Al-Samhudi, Wafa'u. l-wafa, pp. 250, ~ 14-15, 797-800. Al-'AyyashT, Tafsir, ed. Hashim al-Rasulr I-MaJ:tallatT, (Qumm, 1:171), II, 111, no. 135: sa'altu.hu. 'alayhi l-salamu. 'ani l-masjidi lladlii u.ssis a 'ala l-Laquiti min awwali yau.min [a-qiil«: masjidu. quba' .... Al-Warthflant, Nu.zhatu. 1I1n~arfZ faq,li l-ta'rfkhi wa-l-akhbiir (Beirut, 1394/1974), p. 468. 152 Ibn Abr Shayba, ai-Musannaf, II, 372-73. 153 AI-MuttaqT l-Hindi, Kanz al-'u.mmal, XIII, 228, no. 1271. 'Urnar b. Shabba, 'l'a'rikh. al-madfna al-mu.nawwara, ed. Fahfrn Muhammad Shaltfit (n.p.), I, 48-50. 154Ibn AbT Shayba, al-Musanna], II, 373. AI-Muttaqi l-Hindt, Kanz al-'u.mmal, XIII, 227-29, nos. 1269-70, 1274-83. Al-Samhiidf, Wafa'u. l-uiaf«, pp. 800-806. Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanT, Lisiinu l-mfzan, VI, 324 ult., no. 1157. Al-Warthtlant, Nuzhat al-an~ar, p.468. \ 55 Ibn AbT Shayba, ol-Musanno], II, 373, ult. 156 'Urnar b. Shabba, Ta'rikh, I, 42: Sa'd b. abf uiaqqiis: la-an u.~allffZmasjidi qu.bii'a
mk'atayni aliabtn: ilayya min an atiya bayta l-maqdisi marratayni. lau. ya'lamiina ma fZ qu.bii'a la-darabii ilayhi akbiida l-ibil. Al- Warthtlant, Nu.zhat al-an~ar, p. 468.
46
M.J. Kister
ritual practices. 157 A similar development by which small sanctuaries around, or on the way to the main sanctuary are given great importance can be observed in Palestine. A place which gained a high position in this way was 'Asqalan. The Prophet named 'Asqalan one of the two brides of Paradise'P" and predicted that seventy thousand martyrs would stand up from the cemetery of 'Asqalan on the Day of Hesurrection.P? The Prophet is said to have promised that these martyrs will be led to Paradise like a bride to her husband.l''" The Prophet says further that there are two tomb-sites that will shine for the people of Heaven as the light of the sun shines for the people on earth: the graves of Baqi' al-Gharqad and those of ,Asqalan.l''! The Prophet urged the believers to stay in 'Asqalan, promising its people security and calm in a time of troubles and contests.P? 'Iradition says that in 'Asqalan there are still graves of the pious and of the successors to the Companions of the Prophet (al-tiibi'un) which remain unknown. 'Asqalan contains the well which Abraham dug with his own hand. There are also utterances of the Prophet as to the merits of 'Asqalan as a ribiit.163 According to a tradition a believer who spends a day and a night in 'Asqalan as a muriibit will die as a martyr (shahZd) even if his death occurs sixty years later and even if he dies in a land of unbelievers. 164 Tabariyya was a distinguished city too. In the vicinity of the Lake of Tabariyya was the grave of Sulayman b. Dawud.165 To the east of the lake are the graves of Luqman and his son.166 In Tabariyya are buried the Companion Abu 'Ubayda b. al-Jarrah and his wife.167 A grave of another Companion, Abu Hurayra, is on the slope of the mountain of Tabariyya.U" Tabariyya has a well which was visited by
b. Shabba, Ta'rtkh; I, 57-79. to another tradition the two brides are 'Asqalan and Ghazza. See al-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 250, no. 1384. 159 Ibn 'Adi, al-Kiimil, I, 294 sup. Muhammad b. Hibban al-Bustr, Kitiib almajriilJ,7:n,ed. Mahmud Ibrahim Zayid (Beirut, n.d.), I, 270, III, 58. 160 Abu Ya'Ia, Musnad, I, 160, no. 175. Al-Dhahabt, M7:zan al-i'tidal, I, 330 ult., no. 1245. AI-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal, XVII, 134, no. 426. 161 Al-Mausili, al- Was7:1a,V /1, 193. 162 AI-Muttaqi l-Hindi, Kanz al-"tmmal, XIII, 250, no. 1385, XVII, 133-34, nos. 423-25. 163 See al-Harawi, al-Lshiiriit: ilii ma'ri/ati l-ziyariit, ed. J. Sourdel-Thoumine (Damascus, 1953), p. 32. 164 AI-Muttaqi l-Hindr, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 251, no. 1387. 165 Al-Harawt, al-Lsluiriit, p. 19. The author rejects however this tradition. 166 Ibid., p. 19. The author mentions however that another tomb of Luqman is said to exist in Yemen in a mountain named La'at 'Adan. 167 Ibid., p. 19. The author records other tombs ascribed to Abu 'Ubayda b. al-Jarrah in the area of al-Urdunn or in Baysan. 168 Ibid., p. 19. Other traditions say that his tomb is in Baqi' or in 'Aqlq, or in
158 According 157 'Umar
Sanctity
Joint and Divided
47
elsa b. Maryam; he is said to have performed a miracle there.169 Outside Tabariyya is the grave of 'Abdallah b. al-'Abbas b.'AlI b. Abt Talib and the mashhad of Sukayna bint al-Husayn.U" The Lake of Tabariyya will playa significant role when the false Messiah (the Dajjiil) will appear; the Dajjiil is said to have inquired about this Lake when he happened to meet some believers.l"! The rod of Moses, the one given him by Jibril when Moses set out for Madyan, and the ark of Adam are at the bottom of the Lake and will be pulled out by the Qii'im when he will be raised.l"? A city distinguished by the most favorable utterances of the Prophet was 'Akka (Acre). Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalanf records the following utterance of the Prophet concerning 'Akka: "There is a city between two mountains named 'Akka. If anyone enters it out of desire for it (raghbatan jfhii), God will forgive him his former and future sins. Anyone who turns away from 'Akka with aversion will not get God's blessing for going away from it. There is a well in 'Akka, named 'Ayn al-baqar; God will fill with light the inside space of anyone who drinks from it. Anyone who pours the water of this well upon himself will remain pure until the Day of Resurrection." 173 A lengthy J;,adfth transmitted by 'A'isha exposes a lucid pattern of the growth of the fa~ii'illiterature. A deputation of the people of Syria came to Yathrib.U" One of them visited 'A'isha; she asked where they were from, and he told her that they were from Syria, from Urdunn, from the region of 'Akka, from the city itself. 'A'isha then lifted the screen which separated her from the people in the room and fell down prostrating herself to God. She lifted her head and said: "I have seen a man from the people of Paradise. Have you drunk from the well of 'Ayn al-Baqar in 'Akka?" When he answered "yes" she asked whether he had noticed the smell of camphor of the water. He said "yes" again and 'A'isha exclaimed "Blessed art thou, blessed art thou" (tubiika, thumma tubiika) and quoted an utterance of the Prophet according to which the ~lu1"fsof Paradise sprinkle camphor from Paradise in the well of 'Ayn al-Baqar. She said that if the man from 'Akka had not been a stranger
Yubna,
169Ibid., p. 19. 170Ibid., p. 19. 171 Mughultay, al-Zahr al-basim fi strai aM l-qasim, MS Leiden Or. 370, fol. 158b inf.-159a sup. 172 Al-Mazandarani, Manaqib salman, p. 17. But see al-BustI, al-Majrul}fn, II, 34: the Torah, Moses' rod, and the remainder of the broken Tablets are in Antakia. 173 Ibn Hajar al-IAsqalanr, al-Khi$al al-mukaffira li-I-dhunub, ed. Muhammad Riyad al-Malik (Damascus, 1383/1963), p. 33. 174 Ibn Tahman, Mashyakha, p. 95, no. 43. The Prophet forbade to call the city "Yathrib"; it had to be called "al-Madiria." The Umayyads, however, continued to call the locality "Yathrib" or "al-Muntina."
48
M.J. Kister
with whom she was not allowed to be in contact (innaka rajulun lasta minnf bi-malJ,ramin) she would ask him to spit in her mouth, thus hoping to attain Paradise. She quoted the utterance of the Prophet according to which drinking and washing at the well of 'Ayn Baqar, and drinking from 'Ayn al-Fulus in Baysan, or from the well of Silwan in Jerusalem, or from Zamzam in Mecca, will keep a man's body from the fire of Hell. Then she turned to the man from 'Akka and continued to quote the utterances of the Prophet about 'Akka.175 The Prophet said that walking in the streets of 'Akka carries with it more merit than prayer in some mosques. The Prophet touched upon the rewards of those who would be stationed in 'Akka as a military force ready to meet the enemy (al-muriibitiin): he who stayed in 'Akka as a muriibit. for one night would be considered as one who would fight with his spear for the cause of God; he who stayed for two nights would be considered as one who fought with his sword for the cause of God; he who stayed for three nights would be considered as one who came floundering in his blood; he who stayed for forty days would be given seventy Badri warriors and would not forfeit his pay (ajr) neither in this world or in the next one (/f l-dunyii wa-liikhira). 'A'isha attests having heard the Prophet announce that one prayer in the mosque of 'Akka on Friday has the value of eight thousand two hundred prayers elsewhere. In another utterance the Prophet states that Jibril stretches his wing above 'Akka; God guards it with His eye and the city is kept from every damage and harm.176 'Akka is coupled with another city as regards merits of performing ritual practices. The Prophet is said to have stated that two bendings (rak'atiini) in Qaysariyya and 'Akka are more to God's liking than a thousand bendings (rak'a) in Jerusalem.l"? The tradition, obviously a forged one, is a convincing case of the rise and growth of small local religious centers and their rivalry with the established great localities. A tradition in which the virtues of these small centers are emphasized says that the Prophet was asked whether there was a city in Paradise reminiscent of a city in this world. The Prophet stated that there were
175 Al-Mausilt, Wasila V /1, 192, records an additional utterance: "Blessed is he from among my people who saw 'Akka and blessed is he who saw the man who saw 'Akka"; he said it seven times. 176 AI-NazwI, al-Musomnaf, XI, 14-15; and see a fragment of the tradition ib. p. 52. And see al-Mausilr, al-Wastla V/l, 192-193. I am indebted to the late Dr. Suliman Bashear who made available to me a copy of the MS Princeton, Yahudah 4183 (Fa~l If farJ.a'il 'akka) in which this tradition is recorded and which contains many details about the virtues of Acre. He made as well available to me a refutation of the virtues of Acre written by Muhammad b. Muhammad al-Maghribi al-AzharI and entitled:
al-Raqfm bi-tal].dMri a'/am a/-bashar min al].adtthi 'akkii. wa-'aynihii. a/-musammii.t bi-'ayni l-baqar (Princeton, MS Yahudah 5923). 177 Al-Mausilt, al- Wasila, V /1, 193.
Sanctity
Joint and Divided
49
four such cities in Paradise: 'Akka, 'Asqalan, Judda and 'Abbadan. Further the Prophet stressed the special virtues of 'Abbadan: a takMra in 'Abbadan is more meritorious than a thousand bendings (rak'a) in another mosque; he who visits 'Abbadan and who anticipates by this the reward of God (mu1J,tasiban), God will forgive him his sins and will reward him with an 'umra; he who prays two bendings in 'Abbadan will get the reward as if he prayed forty bendings (rak' a) elsewhere and as if he had attended the battle of Badr with the Prophet.l " The case of 'Abbadan serves as an example of the rise of a holy place frequented by ascetics and sufis; a web of miraculous stories and abundant utterances of the Prophet about the virtues of the place enhanced the position of the locality. The sanctity of the isle of 'Abbadan was divulged by Jibrtl himself; he revealed to the Prophet on the night of the mi'raj the unknown details about the creation of the place. The Prophet saw a light on the earth ascending to the sky and asked Jibrtl about it. Jibrtl explained that 'Abbadan was created from four places: from 'fur Stna, from bayt al-maqdis, from the masjid al-hariitri and from the mosque of Medina. Jibril then stated that he who prayed two rak'as in 'Abbadan would be like a man who prayed in the four places. Jibril assured the Prophet that he who visited 'Abbadan and spent one night in it, God would grant him the reward as if he visited Mecca, Jerusalem, 'fur SIna and the mosque of Medina. God would respond to the invocat.ions and supplications in 'Abbadan.F" The story of 'Abbadan is an example of the creation of a combined sanctity based on the blending of well known and venerated elements of sanctity. The firm belief of the Muslim community in the sanctity of the holy places in Islam was weakened to some extent by the orthodox circles t.hemselves who raised considerable doubts as to the soundness of tradit.ions which were widely accepted. A subject of contention of this kind was the problem whether the Prophet did perform a prayer in the mosque of al-Aqsa during his isrii', The scholars were divided in their opinions: some asserted that he had indeed prayed at al-Aqsa, but others denied this, saying that had he prayed there the believers would be obliged to pray in Jerusalem, for they would have to act according to the ritual practice performed by the Prophet; his prayer would have become an obliging sunna.180 As early as in the Umayyad period some members of the ruling family reduced the sanctity of Jerusalem: 'an ibni shihabin: kana sulasnniir:
Al-Mausilr, al- Wasfla, V/1, 193 inf.-194. Al-Mausilt, al- Wasfla, V/1, 194. 180 Al-Tabart, Tahdhlb al-iithiir, I (Musnad 'abdal/ah b. al-'abbiis), 443-70, nos. 728-46. AI-TayalisI, Musnad (Hyderabad, 1321), p. 55, no. 411. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jiimi' bay an al-'ilm wa-farf,lihi (al-Madma al-munawwara, n.d.), II, 103.
178 179
50
M.J. Kister
b. 'abd al-malik lii yu' azzims: fliyii kamii yu' azzimuhii ahlu baytihi. qiila: Ja-sirtu ma'ahu wa-huwa waliyyu 'ahdin wa-ma'ahu khiilid b. yazfd b. mu'iiwiya .... Khalid b. Yazid said that he had read the Torah and the Book revealed by God to Muhammad, The Rock of the sanctuary of Jerusalem was not enjoined by God to the Jews as qibla in their Scripture; the decision to take the Rock as qibla was a result of an historical development: the Ark of the Sakina (tiibut al-sakfna) was placed on the Rock. When God became angry with the Jews He removed the Ark from the Rock. Then the Jews consulted among themselves and decided to pray in the direction of the Rock and established it as their qibla. Thus the Rock itself had no sanctity at all. Abu l_'A.liya181 could indeed convince a Jew who claimed that the Rock was the qibla of Moses, that Moses prayed in the direction of the Ka'ba; he merely performed the prayer at the Rock: kiina YUi?allf'inda l-sakhra wa-yastaqbilu l-bayt al-horiim, Ja-kiinat al-ka' batu qiblatahu wa-kiinat al-sokhratn: bayna yadayhi.182 Al-'AbdarI records in his al-Madkhal a significant opinion concerning the practice of bad innovations (bid' a) which occurred in some virtuous and distinguished places. The bid' a under consideration was the controversial saliit al-ragha'ib which started in Jerusalem. The virtuous places have no influence on the deeds and practices performed in them: [a-aqiiiu: inna hadhihi ol-souit [i.e., saliit al-ragha' ib 1 shii' at bayna l-niis ba'da l-mi' ati l-riibi' ati wa-lam takun tu'raJu; [a-lajzuhs: hiidhii yadullu 'alii annahii bid' atun. Further he argues: Ja-hiidhii l-laJ~u ay¢an minhu yadullu 'alii annahii bid' atun, idh anna mabda' a fi'lihii ft bayti l-maqdisi diino. ghayrihi. wal-buqa 'u wa-in kiinat mimmii laha Ja¢flatun ft naJsihii Ja-laysa lohii ta'thfrun [ittui hcdathc fthii; wa-lau kiina kadhiilika ladhahaba kathfrun min al-shari' a wa-l-'iyiidhu bi-lliihi, wa-qad lJ,afi~ahii lliihu wa-l-lJ,amdu li-lliihi.183
See Ibn Hajar al-t.Asqalani, Toluihib al-tahdhfb, XII, 143, no. 685. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Badii/i' al-fawCi'id (Beirut [reprint], n.d.), IV, 170 inf.> 171. Additionally the Jew was persuaded of the argument of Abu l-'Aliya by the fact that the qibla of the mosque of the prophet $ali\:l was in the direction of the Ka'ba. The Christians too were not ordered by Jesus to face East in their prayers, nor was such injunction given to them in the Evangelium or in any of their Scriptures. An instructive passage (ibid., pp. 171 inf>- 172 sup.) about the qibla of the Samaritans, a mountain in the district of Nabulus, attempts to prove the worthlessness of their claim that that qibla was enjoined in the Torah. Ibn Qayyim himself checked the text and failed to find the alleged Samaritan qibla in this Scripture. On the qibla of Jerusalem and the attitude of some of the Umayyads towards it; see Suliman Bashear, "Qur 'an II, 114 and Jerusalem," BSOAS, 52 (1989), p. 237; and see the reference in note 158. 183 Al-'AbdarI, al-Madkhal, IV, 267 inf.~268.
181 182
Sanctity
Joint and Divided
51
Al-'AbdarI explains that Jerusalem cannot be blamed for the bad innovations. Jerusalem is in fact the third city as to its virtues; Mecca and Medina are superior to Jerusalem in virtue and in these two cities there occurred events which the shari:« is reluctant to accept.P" It is precisely this inferior position of Jerusalem, being third in rank among the dignified cities, that caused Jerusalem to be mindful of the claims of other cities. Such was the case of the competition of Jerusalem with Damascus, which according to some scholars is the fourth sanctuary to which one should set out for ritual practices.J'" In a detailed, comprehensive and exhaustive study, Professor Joseph Sadan subjects the competition between Jerusalem and Damascus to an illuminating scrutiny.V" The pivot of discussion in Sadan's two articles is the location of maqiim nabf miisii: whether it is to be sought in the vicinity of Jerusalem or of Damascus. Sadan dealt with the philological elements and analyzed the arguments of the opponents, basing himself on a huge bibliographical array. Even the indication of the common word al-shiim was heatedly discussed and variously interpreted by different groups. The hadith. qudsi: anii rabbu l-shiimi man a'T"iidahii hi-su'in qa$amtuhu187 "I am the Lord of al-Sham and shall break anyone who wishes it ill" was differently explicated by scholars according to their opinion whether al-shiim refers to the whole territory of Syria or merely to Damascus.l'" In some cases al-shiim was said to apply to .lcrusalern.P? Sadan points out that the treatise of al-Timurtashf (d. 1054 H.), alKluibar al-tiimm fZ J;,udud al-a'T"~iI-muqaddasati uia-jiiastin. wa-I-shiim as well as that of Muhammad b. Habib (d. 1649), Du'T"'T"u l-niziim fZ mahosini I-sham, were both composed at the instigation and encouragement of some official dignitaries in Egypt and in Syria.190 The treatise of Muhammad b. Habib, Du'T"'T"U l-niziirn, which is based Oil Iuulitl, material combined with some historical traditions, reflects the
IH1Al-'AbdarT, al-Madkhal, IV, 268 sup. 1 He, ee above, at note 35; and see Muhammad S b. !:Iabib , Durru l-ni~am fI malJasini l-shiim, MS Princeton, Yahudah 1862 (4427), fols. 3b-4a. IHf;.!. Sadan, "Maqiitt: nabf miisii between .!ericho and Damascus: On the History of the Rivalry between Two Holy Places" (in Hebrew), Hamizrab. hehadost, (1979), PI'. '22-38 and idem, "The Conflict Concerning the maqiim nabf miisii in the Muslim Sources" (in Hebrew), Hamizrah heluuiasli (1979), pp. 220-38. 1"7 See this tradition assessed in al-Jarraht's Kashf al-khafii', I, 202, no. 612; and see ilsul.: wa-shtahara ayq.an: wayka umma l-jabiibira man ammaka bi-su'in qasamtutiu, ina-l-khiiiib li-dimashq .... And see Muhammad b. Hablb, Durru l-ni~iim, fol. 6b, I. 3: lliilvu rabbii l-shiimi Iii udfmu f1hii ~ulma l-~iilimi .... 1 HH See e.g., J. Sadan, "Moqiim nabf miisii between .!ericho and Damascus," p. 26. IH!ISee Muhammad b. Hablb, Durru l-ni~iim, fol. 6b, I. 8, qiila rasulu lliihi, qiila llulu: ta'iilii li-l-shiimi wa-huwa baytu l-maqdisi: anti jannatf wa-qudsf wa-~afwatf min biliidf, man sakanaki fa-bi-ralJmatin minnf .... I!IO.!. Sadan, Maqiim nabi"musii, pp. 26-27.
,,,,,I
52
M.J. Kister
rivalry between the two religious centers in Islam. Another aspect of the struggle of Jerusalem to gain a proper status in the competition between the holy places in Islam is exposed in an interesting treatise written by Burhan al-Din b. Jama'a (d. 790 H)191 named Kiiiiin: stiqbali l-qiblatayan.192 As in the case of the treatises of Muhammad b. Habib and alTimurtashi, the treatise of Ibn .Iama'a was inspired by a discussion between two scholars as to the qibla of the prophets who preceded the prophet Muhammad; it was held in the presence of a dignitary who got the high rank of combining "the sword and the pen" and "word and deed." The pivot of the dispute was the disparity in the opinions of the two scholars: one of them maintained that none of the prophets of the past (i.e., before the emergence of Islam) turned his face towards the Rock as a qibla except Muhammad. His opponent held the view that all the prophets turned their faces towards the Rock; only Muhammad turned his face towards the Ka'ba.193 Ibn Jama'a states that both scholars have a right to their views. The disputant who claimed that none of the prophets turned his face towards the Rock had in mind, according to Ibn Jama'a, the l},adfth transmitted by Abu l_'.Aliya194 that the Ka'ba is the qibla of all the prophets: alka'batu qiblatu l-anbiya'i kullihim. The one who claimed that all the prophets turned their faces towards the Rock except Muhammad based his opinion on the utterance of the Prophet transmitted by al-ZuhrI195 saying that since .Adam descended on earth God did not send a prophet without appointing as his qibla the Rock of bayt al-maqdis: lam yab'ath allahu mundhu ohbata iidasna u« l-dunya nabiyyan illa ja' ala qiblatahu $akhrata bayti l-maqdis. The tradition of al-Zuhri is indeed transmitted by Yiinus b. Yazid alAylI,196 a faithful student of al-Zuhrt, and is recorded by al-Musharraf b. al-Murajja.P"
191 See C. Brockelmann, GAL, II, 112. And see the fatwa of Burhan al-DIn b. Jama'a on the problem of sama', MS Hebrew University AP. Ar. 158, fols. 11a-20a: hadha su'alun sa'alahu shakhsut: mina l-fuqara'i ghafara llahu lalvu amfn amfn li-
maulana qarf,'1I-qurf,atiburhani l-dini bni jama'a taghammadahu llahu bi-ral].matihi ami"n lamma kana khati"ban bi-bayti l-maqdisi wa-dhalika fi sanati ithnatayni wasab''1na wa-sab'imi'atin.
192 MS Hebrew
University,
Yahudah
Col., Ar. 318.
193 MS Yah. Ar. 318, fol. 89a.
al-Tabaqiit al-kubra (Beirut, 1377/1957), VII, 112-17. GAS, I, 280-83. 196 See Ibn Hajar al-IAsqalant, TahdMb al-tahdMb, XI, 450-52, no. 869. 197 AI-Musharraf b. al-Murajja, Farf,a'il bayti l-maqdis wa-l-khali"l wa-farf,a'il ol-shiim; MS Tiibingen 1, fol. 36a inf. Mahmud Ibrahlrn, Farf,a'il bayti l-maqdis (Kuwayt, 1406/ 1985), p. 306 (from al-Miknasi's Farf,a'il bayti l-maqdis). Al-Wasitt, Farf,a'il al-bayti l-muqaddas, ed. I. Hasson (Jerusalem, 1979), p. 51, no. 78 (and see the references of
194 See Ibn Sa'd , 195 See F. Sezgin,
Sanctity
Joint and Divided
53
There are several traditions attributing the virtue of prophethood to Jerusalem or to al-shiini in general. A peculiar utterance transmitted by Damra b. Rabra198 stated: "Never was a prophet sent except from Syria [Sham l; if he was not from Syria, he was moved to Syria": lam yub' ath nabiyyun illa mina l-shiimi, fa-in lam yakun minhii usriya bihi ilayhii.199 The idea that the prophets turned their faces towards the Ka'ba as their qibla was also popular. "Never did God send a prophet without enjoining him to pray in the direction of the Ka'ba. The Jews and the Christians were ordered to do so but strayed from the right path.,,200 A tradition recorded on the authority of 'Urwa says that every prophet performed the pilgrimage to Mecca except Hiid and Salih; Niih too performed the pilgrimage. Hiid was sent by God to perform the pilgrimage, but he was impeded by the troubles of his people and could not carry out his mission. After Ibrahim every prophet without exception performed the pilgrimage to Mecca and performed the rites of the circumambulation of the Ka'ba.201 According to another tradition traced back to Mujahid, seventy prophets performed the hajj to Mecca; among them was Moses clad in a Qatwani woolen striped cloak, and Yunus, who uttered the talbiya: labbayka kiishifa l_kurab.202
the editor). Ibn al-JauzT, Falja'il al-quds, p. 114. 1985ee MTzan al-i'tidal, I, 330, no. 3959. 199 Al-Suyutr, al-Durr al-manthur, III, 112. 200 Al-Suyutt, Saji'at al-haram, MS Leiden, Or. 1526, p. 225 sup.: wa-qad ruwiya: rna ba'atha ilahu nabiyya~ iI/a qfla'iahu: ila I-ka'bati ~allu, wa-anna I-yahuda wa-Inasara umiru biha wa-Iakinnahum 'anha dalli; .... 20i Al-Suyutt, al-Durr al-manthur, I, '129. Al-Sayyid al-BakrT b. al-Sayyid Muhammad Shata al-Dimyati, ['anat al-talibfn 'ala fatlJi alfa~ fatlJi I-mu'fn, II, 277: Illm yab'ath al/ahu nllbiYYlln ba'da ibrahi:ma 'alayhi I-~alatu wa-I-salam ilia lJajja; llIa-l/adhi: sorroho bihi ghayruhu annahu mii min nabiyyin ilia lJajja khilafan Ii-man istaitmii hiidon. wa-~alilJan ... qala l-r olliim« 'abd al-ra'uf: wa-qa'iluhu 'urwatu bnu 1zubayr raljiya lliihi: 'anhuma qiila: balaghanf anna adama wll-nulJan lJajja duna hudin 1lI1l-~alilJin li-shtighalihima bi-amri qaumihima, thummll ba'atha lliihsi ibrahi:mll fa!llljjahu wa-'allama manasikahu, thumma Illm yab'ath al/ahu nabiyyan ba'dahu uts !lIljjllhu. wa-yujabu 'an qauli 'urwata bi-anna I-lJadftha 'ala farlji ~ilJlJatihi mu'araljun bi-lllJadftha kathi:ratin annahuma lJajja, minhii qaulu l-hosani /I risiilatihs anna rasiila Ilt1hi [~l qiila: inna qabra nulJin uia-hiidin. wa-shu'aybin wa-~alilJin /lma bayna 1"ukni wa-I-maqami wa-zamzama. wa-mina I-ma'/iimi annahum 10. ya'tiina I-bayta Ili-ghayri lJajjin .... Further the author discusses the problem whether the prayer in t.he barom of Mecca is permitted, as the locality contains the tombs of the prophets. III! says it is permissible, arguing: wa-Ia tukrahu I-~alatu bayna I-rukni wa-l-maqami Illtl-zamzama tawahhuman min ~adfthi l-hasat: li-kaunihima maqburatan, li-annaha maqburatu I-anbiya'i wa-hum alJya'u /I qubiirihim. The author attempts to prove that the tradition of the Prophet, 10. tattakhidhu qubilra anbiya'ikum masajida, can1I0t. be applied in case of the tombs in the court of the horam. of Mecca. And see IHI.I:l.q b. Bishr, Kitab al-mubtada' (al-juz' al-khamis), MS ;:;ahiriyya 359 (majmu'a), 1"01. 132a. '1II2 Al-Suyutt, al-Durr al-manthur, I, 129.
54
M.J. Kister
Another view as to the sojourn of the prophets in Mecca is seen in several traditions stressing that the prophets used to set out to Mecca either when persecuted by their people203 or when their people perished; the prophets then stayed in Mecca worshipping God until they died. Nuh, Hud, Shu'ayb and Salih are buried in the sanctuary of Mecca, between Zamzam and the I,Iijr.204 Ibn Jama'a, aware of the contradiction in the opinions of the two scholars, states that the way chosen by him in his scrutiny is to follow the path of explication which may result in a harmonization; if this is hard to achieve another way should be chosen: the two opinions are to be considered as if they were two buildings in danger of collapse; sound, searching scholars have to be consulted. Ibn Jama'a promises to base himself on the opinions of these scholars and provide a historical outline of the subject chronologically arranged. The first man chosen by God for the rank of prophecy was Adam. We do not know however whether the Temple of Jerusalem existed in his time, except in God's preconceived knowledge, says Ibn Jama'a. It is essential for Ibn Jama'a to establish when the Temple of Jerusalem was built. He quotes Abu Muhammad al-Qasim Ibn 'Asakir who recorded in his al-Musiaqsii fi farJ,ii'ili l-masjidi l-aqsii the opinion of Ka'b al-Ahbar saying that the ancient foundation of the Temple was laid by Sam b. Niih; later Dawiid and Sulayrnan built upon this base. As it is stated in the reliable ~.adfth collection that between Adam and Niih there were ten generations (qurun), the earliest date for the building of the foundation of the Temple was that of Sam b. Nuh. There are however other traditions claiming that some of the sons of Adam laid the foundation of the Temple; another tradition claims that it was the angels who established its foundation after they had built the Ka'ba.205
203 Al-Mausili, al- Wasua, III/2, 309: mii min nabiyyin haraba min qaumihi illii haraba lliihi. bi-makkata fa-'abada lliilu: f!ha batu: miita. 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud b. 'Abd al-Rahrnan al-Marakashi, al-Raud al-mughtanam f! farjli ma'i zamzam, MS Firenze, Biblioteca Laurenziana, Or. 178, fol. 20a: kana l-nabiyyu mina l-anbiya'i idhii kadhdhabahu qaumuhu wa-halakat ummatuhu lahiqa bi-makkata sharrafahii lliihsi fa-ya'budu lliiha f!ha huwa wa-man ma'ahu ~atta yamii.ta. See A. ArazT, "Conflit de preseance entre la Mekke et Medine," JSAI 5(1984), pp. 212-13. 204 Al-'AqiilI, 'Arf al-!fb, MS Leiden Or. 493, fol. 70a: kana l-nabiyyu min a 1anbiya'i idhii halakat ummatuhu lahiqa bi-makkata yata'abbadu f!ha al-nabiyyu waman ma'ahu ~atta l-mauti; [a-miiia biha nii.~ um-hiid wa-shu'ayb wa-~ali~ waqubii.ruhum bayna zamzam uia-l-liijr. Ibn AbT I-Dunya, al-Lshriif f! maniizil al-oshrti], MS Chester Beatty 4427, fol. 80a sup.: 'an ibni "abbnsin: f! masjidi l-huriimi qabriini, qabru shu'ayb mustaqbal al-~ijr wa-qabru isma'u f! l-~ijr. Muhammad b. Yiisuf alGharnatr l-Jiyanl, Tafsir al-bahr al-mu~f! (Cairo, 1328), I, 140: wa-li-dhii.lika summiya wasa!uhii bakkata Ii-anna l-orda bukkat min ta~tihii; uia-khtussat bi-l-dhikr liann aha maqarru man halaka qaumuhu min a l-anbiya'i wa-dufina bihii nii~ wa-hii.d wa-~ali~ bayna l-maqiim wa-l-rukn .... 205 Ibn Jarna'a, Istiqbtil, MS Yah. Ar. 318, fol. 89b. And see Nasir al-Drn b. Khadir, al-Mustaqsii, MS Escorial 1767, fol. 5b: f! muthfri l-gharami 'an abf l-'abbiisi 1-
un
Sanctity
Joint and Divided
55
As to the Ka'ba, the sanctuary existed and was frequented by the people who came either for pilgrimage or for a visit . .Adam performed the I},ajj and the circumambulation of the Ka'ba. According to a tradition recorded by al-Shafi'I in his Umm the angels met Adam on his return from the I},ajj and greeted him with the greeting burra I},ajjuka; they told him that they used to perform the pilgrimage two thousand years before his pilgrimage. Ibn Jama'a quotes other sources as to Adam's stay in Mecca and the ritual practices performed by him, or performed in his time. He is said to have performed forty pilgrimages from India to Mecca on foot (from Tabari's Ta'rzkh). According to another tradition he sojourned in Mecca until his death; he used to circumambulate the Ka'ba seven times a night and five times a day (from al-Azraqi's, Ta'rzkh). Ibn Jama'a emphasizes that these traditions cannot be rejected except by people who assume that the first to build the Ka'ba was Abraham and that it did not exist before him. This opinion is shared by some people in later times, but the majority of scholars opposes it. Ibn Jama'a is of the opinion that the prayer (al-~aliit) was a legally binding practice (kiinat al-saliiis: mashrii: atan) already at the time of Adam, The tradition of Adam's request on his deathbed to have a bunch of grapes from heaven mentions that Adam was washed and clad with a shroud; Jibrll performed the prayer at his grave and he was buried (from 'Abdallah b. Ahmad's Ziyiidiit al-musnad).206 Another tradition says that the angels carried the body of .Adam and placed it at the door of the Ka'ba; then Jibril performed the prayer (from FakihI's Ta'rzkh Makka). A tradition that goes back to Ibn 'Abbas says that Jibril refused to pray on the grave of .Adam, but instructed Shlth to pray on his father's grave thirty tokbiras: five as a prayer (~aliit), twenty-five as a distinctive, supererogatory practice in honor of Adam (taf¢zlan li-iidam) (from Ibn 'Asakir's Ta'rzkh). These traditions, maintains Ibn Jama'a, support each other to establish the fact that the prayer for the dead (~aliit al-janiiza) was mandatory at the time of Adam, He assumes that other prayers were probably established at that period and quotes from the commentary of al-Rafi'I to the Musnad of al-Shafi'I that the morning prayer was the prayer of Adam, the prayer of midday (al-?uhr) was the prayer of Dawud, the afternoon prayer (~aliit al-'a~r) was the prayer of Sulayman, the prayer of sunset was the prayer of Ya'qub and the prayer of the evening ('ishii') was that of Yunus. There are no explicit traditions about the qibla of the pre-Islamic prophets, Ibn Jama'a admits; but he assumes that the qibla of .Adam was the Ka'ba; it was already mentioned earlier, says Ibn Jarna'a, that Adam circumambulated the Ka'ba and performed the
quriubi: yajiizu an yakiina banat-hu l-malii'ikatu 206 Ibn .Iama'a, Istiqbiil, fol. 8gb. ba' da binii'i l-bayti bi-idhni lliihi.
56
M.J. Kister
pilgrimage to it and it is therefore plausible that he also prayed in the direction of the Ka'ba.207 In a special passage dealing with the qibla of the prophets Ibn Jama'a remarks that there is no explicit mention of the qibla of the prophets who lived in the period between Adam and Abraham, but it is well known that they revered the House, performed the pilgrimage to Mecca, performed the circumambulation, prayed at the House and made invocations there. Stories about the pilgrimage of Nilh , Hiid, Salil; , Shu'ayb and 'Ad are widely circulated. Ibn Jama'a reiterates the tradition about the prophets who moved to Mecca after their people perished and who stayed there worshipping God until their death (see above, notes 203-204). The graves of these prophets are found around the House and it is not far fetched to assume that they faced it in their prayers (fa-muqtarja hiidha alta yub'ada annahum kanu YUljaltuna ilayhi). Additionally AbU l-'Aliya reported that he saw the grave of $alil} with the qibla in the direction of the Ka'ba; that was also the qibla of the grave of Daniyal. As to the question how one can know it, since the tradition says that the Deluge ruined the House and erased it, Ibn Jama'a adopts Mujahid's view according to which the place of the Ka'ba became erased by the flood and hidden, but there remained nevertheless a red hill which the flood did not submerge. People knew that that was the place of the Ka'ba, and those who suffered from ill-treatment used to frequent this spot and mentioned their grievances in their invocations; they were answered and got help. Ibn Jama'a states that this tradition is sounder than the one transmitted by Hudhayfa saying that the House was lifted (rufi' a) and nobody performed the Ij,ajj in the period between Nuh and Ibrahim. (recorded by al-FakihI).208 A later chapter is dedicated to the elucidation of the direction of the qibla of Abraham and his descendants. Abraham, rescued from the ruse and deceit of Namrud in Babil, set out (hajam) to Syria (ai-sham) and settled in the Holy Land (al- arrj al-muqaddasa); he dedicated himself to the worship of God. People of the Book claim that he set up his tent to the East of Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis). In that period Hajar became pregnant and bore his son Isma'Il. Then happened the famous event between her and Sarah, as a result of which Abraham moved Hajar and her son to the wadz of Mecca. Abraham used to visit them from time to time riding the beast named al-Buraq and would return to the Holy Land. We have no information, says Ibn Jama'a, what his qibla at that time was. After he set out to Mecca on the order of God and built the Ka'ba at His order, the Ka'ba became his qibla and that of his descendants; so things continued until the time of Moses. The Muslim
207 208
Ibn Jama'a, Istiqbiil, fol. gOa. Ibn Jama'a, Istiqbiil, fol. gOb.
Sanctity
Joint and Divided
57
community is unanimous concerning this matter; only the Jews have a different opinion about it. The qibla of the descendants of Abraham seems to have been a subject of controversy. Ibn Jama'a quotes the commentary of al-Wal;tidI in which the suffixed personal pronoun in the word qiblatihim and kanu 'alayha in the phrase: mii wallahum 'an qiblatihim uou kii,nu 'alayhii (Qur'an 2:143) refers to Ibrahim, Isma'Il, Ishaq, Ya'qub and the tribes, because they claimed (falsely) that the qibla of Abraham was the Temple of Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis). But that is not the first case of their slander (this obviously refers to the unbelievers and the People of the Book). Ibn 'Abbas is said to have interpreted the phrase fa-Ia-nuwalliyannaka qiblatan tanJ,aha as referring to the qibla of Ibrahim, i.e., to the Ka'ba. The question of some believers why the faces of the patriarchs in their graves are not turned in the direction of the Ka'ba is answered that they remain in the position in which they threw themselves down at their decease. 209 The traditions about the qibla of Moses are confused. Ibn Jarna'a states that according to what he could gather Moses prayed in the direction of the Rock. Ibn Jama'a mentions a story which corroborates this view: when 'Umar consulted Ka'b al-Ahbar as to where to establish the place of the Aql?a mosque he advised him to put it behind the Rock. In that case the mosque would combine two qibla: that of Moses and that of Muhammad. 'Umar rebuked him, accusing him of trying to imitate the Jewish ritual practice. A different tradition says however that Moses' qibla was the Ka'ba. Some scholars championed this tradition, interpreting in this way the verse uia-kadhalika ja'alnakum ummatan wasatan [Qur'an 2:143]. Ibn Jama'a considers the two opinions plausible, as Moses revered both the Temple and the Ka'ba. His reverence of the Ka'ba is proved by the fact that he performed the pilgrimage to the Ka'ba. The reverence of the Temple can be deduced from the fact that before his death he prayed that he might be brought close to the Holy Land to a "stone-throwing" distance. A third opinion says that Moses observed the prayer towards the Tent of the Time (qubbat aI-zaman) also called the Tent of the Covenant (qubbat al-' ahd) which God ordered to make from wood of shamsluid and to embellish it with gold, silver and silk. After the death of Moses, when Yusha' b. Nun took control of Jerusalem, he put the Tent on the Rock; he and the people of Israel prayed in the direction of the Tent and they were followed in their practice by succeeding generations. When the Tent was worn out after long use people prayed in the direction of the Rock, the spot where the Tent had been placed. Ibn Jama'a points out that it is obvious that this way of prayer was
209
Ibn Jama'a,
Istiqbal,
fols. 90b-91a.
58
M.J. Kister
observed according to a revelation of God; were it not so the Prophet would not have agreed with praying in the direction of Jerusalem. The Rock thus remained the qibla of the prophets who dwelt in the Holy Land (al-arrf, al-muqaddasa); but these prophets revered the Ka'ba as well and performed the pilgrimage to Mecca. Ibn Ishaq stated that after Abraham all the prophets sent by God performed the pilgrimage to Mecca. Many sources report the pilgrimage of Moses, Jesus and Jonah (Yunus): in some reports the talbiyat of the prophets are recorded.U" Ibn Jama'a dedicated a lengthy passage to the discussion of the qibla of the Prophet in the various periods of his prophetical career and provided a scrutiny of the different traditions concerned with this subject. It is the unanimous opinion of the scholars of Islam that God combined the two qiblas for the Prophet. The differences between them refer to the particular circumstances (kayfiyya) of the event. According to the opinion of Ibn 'Abd al-Barr (al-Qurtubr), the Prophet prayed during the period of his stay in Mecca in the direction of the Ka 'ba When he went out to Medina on his hijra, he prayed in the direction of Jerusalem. Later he turned to the Ka'ba and prayed in the direction of the Ka'ba. Thus the abrogation of God's injunction as to the qibla took place twice. AI-Tabari records in his TaNir the opinion of Ibn Jurayj stating that the Prophet prayed during the first period in Mecca in the direction of the Ka'ba, and then turned away from it (~urifa 'anha) towards Jerusalem. The Ansar thus prayed in Medina towards Jerusalem for three years. AlTabari also records the opinion of Qatada saying that they prayed for two years towards Jerusalem. When the Prophet arrived in Medina after his hijra they prayed with him towards Jerusalem; then they changed direction and prayed towards the Ka'ba. Ibn Jama'a expresses his reservation: the majority of scholars assume that the Prophet prayed in Mecca only in the direction of Jerusalem. He used however to perform the prayer between the Yam anI Column and the Black Stone (bayna l-rukni l-yamanf uia-l-luijari l-aswad); in this position the Ka'ba was in front of him and the person behind him could think that he prayed towards the Ka'ba. There is, however, the possibility, says Ibn Jama'a, that he did it out of preference for facing the Ka'ba, since the Ka'ba was the qibla of his ancestor Ibrahim, and in order to gain the sympathy of Quraysh (li-kauniha qiblata abfhi ibriihima wa-ta'allufan li-qurayshin). When the Prophet came to Medina - in which it was impossible to combine between the two qiblas - he prayed in the direction of Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis) in order to gain the sympathy of the Jews. When he realized that they did not abstain from their wrong course he turned while praying in the direction of the Ka'ba.
210
Ibn Jama'a,
Istiqbiil,
fol. 91a-b.
Sanctity
Joint and Divided
59
The scholars who adopted these opinions differed as to the question of what caused the Prophet to turn towards Jerusalem in his prayer while he was staying in Medina. Some of them assumed that it was a firm decree imposed on the Prophet (lJ,atman); this is indicated by the verse uia-mii ja' alna l-qiblata llat'i kunta 'alayha (Qur'an 2; 144). Another group of scholars assumed that God granted the Prophet the option between the two qiblas at his arrival in Medina. Others say that he was given the free choice of the four sides and was permitted to turn in his prayer in whatever direction he wanted, and he opted for the Temple of Jerusalem (fa-khtara bayta l-maqdisi). Later he turned to the Ka'ba. As evidence for this opinion, Ibn Zayd quoted the verse wa-li-llahi l-mashriqu wa-lmaghribu fa-aynama tuwallu fa-thamma wajhu tui« (Qur'an 2:115) There is now general consensus that members of the community should turn their faces towards the Ka'ba, except in the case of great fear or when one performs a supererogatory prayer (nafila), as is indicated in the books of fiqh. Scholars were unanimous as to the verse dealing with the change of qibla: qad narii taqalluba wajhika fi l-sama'i (Quran 2:145), but they differed as to the date of the revelation. Some of them gave as the date of the revelation Rajab of the second year of the hijra; others established the date as Sha'ban of that year. That was the reason why some doubts were raised as to the length of period during which the Prophet prayed in Medina in the direction of Jerusalemwhether it was sixteen or seventeen months. Ibn Abr Hatim assumed that he prayed in the direction of Jerusalem for seventeen months and three days and that the change of qibla took place in the middle of Sha'ban. Al-Waqidi stated that it happened on a Tuesday. As to the time of the change, there are different traditions: some say that the first prayer in Medina in the direction of the Ka'ba was the afternoon prayer (al-' aF) - this is the tradition recorded in al- Bukhari's $alJ,fl;,on the authority of al-Bara', Others say that the revelation of the change was granted before the midday prayer (al-?uhr) and that that was the first prayer performed in the direction of Mecca - this tradition was recorded by al-Nasa'I on the authority of Abu Sa'Id b. alMu'alla, A third tradition says that the revelation was released after the first two rak'as of the midday prayer were performed by the Prophet (wa-qad sollii rasiih: llahi sollii usn« 'alayhi wa-sallam mina l-zuhri rak'atayni) in the mosque of the Banii Sulayrn; the believers in the mosque turned around (istadaru) and the Prophet completed the prayer with them. Therefore, the mosque of the Banii Sulaym was called masjid al-qiblatayn.211
211
Ibn Jama'a, Istiqbiil, fo1. 92a.
60
M.J. Kister
Ibn Jama'a finally touches upon the interpretation of the tradition recorded on the authority of al-Zuhri after finishing the treatise of "Facing the Two Qiblas" ("Kitiibu stiqbiili l-qiblatayn") written in haste. The tradition saying that all the prophets prayed in the direction of the Temple of Jerusalem cannot be explicated in the way conceived by al-Zuhrt, It has to be interpreted in connection with the tradition of the isrii', During this event, all the prophets were gathered for the Prophet and he headed the prayer; they stood behind him. This event took place before the hijra and, of course, before the change of the qibla. In connection with the Prophet's prayer during the isrii', Ibn Jama'a notes the tradition recorded in the Mustaq~ii according to which the Prophet performed the prayer standing to the north of the Rock (waqafa min shiimi l-~akhra); in this way he combined the two qiblos. That, remarks Ibn Jarna'a, does not invalidate the claim that the Prophet was enjoined to pray in the direction of the Temple of Jerusalem and that all the prophets prayed behind him. This problem of facing the two qiblas belongs to the problems of transmitted lore (al-masii'il al-naqliyya) and cannot be treated by logical analysis (llatz Iii tnajiila li-l-' aqli fihii). Ibn J ama'a ends the treatise by calling for a cautious approach to the lJ,adzth and by urging that the soundness of the transmitted traditions be established. The attempts to raise Jerusalem to a position of importance comparable to other religious centers in the Muslim empire are reflected in some reports and stories depicting the marvels of Jerusalem in ancient times, relating the tales of the prophets in Jerusalem and virtues of the holy places in this city, and recording the utterances of the Prophet about its virtues. The unfortunate conditions in Medina are reflected in the following report: Medina was in a sad situation at the Prophet's arrival (on his hijra-k). The report says that the people of the city were in a poor state: they did not ride horses, nor did they gain booty. After the arrival of the Prophet, they obtained sufficient means of subsistence. It is evident that the improvement in the economic situation in Medina was due to the raids and expeditions of the Prophet's troops against the hostile tribes.212 The superiority of Jerusalem to Medina is reflected in the following utterance of the Prophet, issued by him after his return from his nocturnal journey isrii' to Jerusalem. When 'Imran b. Husayn expressed his
212 Al-Sarnarqandi, Tajsir, MS Chester Beatty 3668, I, fol. 277b: wa-dhiilika anna 1nabiyya, ~allii lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallam, qadima l-madlnata wa-kiina ahlu I-madlnati fi shiddatin min 'ayshihim Iii yarkabuna l-khayla wa-lii yal],uzuna l-qhanimata [a-lammii qadima I-nabiyyu l-truuiinata staghnau.
Sanctity
Joint and Divided
61
high opinion about the beauty of Medina, the Prophet remarked: "But what if you had seen Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis)? And how not, added the Prophet, as everyone in this city is visited, but does not set out to visit [other places-k]; the souls al-arwiilJ, are dispatched to Jerusalem, but the soul of Jerusalem is directed only to God." God honored Medina, said the Prophet, and made it pleasant by his stay in this city. "I shall stay in it, [i.e., in Medina-k] he said, in my lifetime and after my death. Were it not for this reason, I would not have performed the hijra from Mecca [sci1. to Medina-k], as the moon in Mecca looks more beautiful than in any other place.,,213 The stories about the virtues of the sanctuary of Jerusalem were embellished by the legends of the building of the Temple by David and Solomon and the miracles witnessed by the people during the centuries on the Temple precincts and on the Rock.214 Several stories record the discussions between the Jews and the Muslims as to whether Jerusalem surpassed Mecca or whether Mecca surpassed Jerusalem in virtues and distinctive features. The Jews claimed that the Temple surpassed the Ka'ba in excellence and greatness (wa-qiilat al-yahudu: baytu l-maqdisi aJ4alu um-n' zamu. mina l-ka'bati) because it was the place of refuge of the prophets (muhiijar al-anbiyii') in the Holy Land; the Muslims stated that the Ka'ba surpassed the Temple in excellence.P!" It was in connection with disputes of this kind that God revealed the verse: Surely the first House founded for mankind is that at Bacca, abounding in blessings and a guidance for all peoples.r!" God created it two thousand years before He created earth.217 The following widely circulated utterance of the Prophet seems to have been a final solution to the question under discussion: the first House created by God for worship was the Ka'ba; and forty years later the Temple in Jerusalem was built.218 The high position of Jerusalem is reflected in another utterance of the Prophet, in which he allotted to Jerusalem the second place in rank after Mecca; Jerusalem follows Mecca as a sanctuary and is not preceded by any other holy place. The Prophet is said to have stated: ~aliitun fi
213 Shams al-Dt al-Suyfitr, Itl}ii./ al-okhissii, I, 99. 214 See e.g., al-Wasitr, Faq,ii.'il, pp. 6-11, 19-20. 215 See al-Martzr, Kitii.b fihi dhikru mii. warada fi bunyii.ni l-ka'bati l-muaHama, MS Leiden Or. 560, fo1. 165a; and see al-Saqsmi, Zahrat al-riyii.q" MS Hebrew Univ. Yah Ar. 571, p. 221. 216 Qur'an 3:97. 217 See al-Tabari, Tajsir, ed. Shakir, VII, 19-22; and see al-Bayhaqt, Shu'ab al-fmii.n, VII, 542-43, no. 3697. 218See al-Tabarr, Tajsir, VII, 22, no. 7434; Diya' al-Din al-Maqdisr, Faq,ii.'il, p. 47, no. 13; al-Bayhaqt, Shu'ab al-imii.n, VII, 541, no. 3696 (and see ib., p. 542, notes); al-Suyutr, Fii.kihat ol-sau], p. 213; al-Tahawr, Mushkil al-iiihiir, (Hyderabad, 1333), repr., I, 32-33.
62
M.J. Kister
bayti l-maqdisi khayrun min alfi saliitin. fi ghayrihii illa l-ka'bata.219 This utterance is obviously a transformation of the utterance saliitus: fi masjidr hadhii afrl,alu min alfi ~alatin fima siwahu mina l-masajidi illa l-masjida l-hariima. 220 It was probably current and widely circulated in the early period, when the journey to the distinguished mosques was recommended only to the two sanctuaries: Mecca and Medina.P! Jerusalem, put in place of Medina, could take pride in spots of unsurpassed sanctity like the Rock which God had chosen as His throne and from which He ascended to Heavan.222 On this Rock, God will judge mankind (on the Day of Judgment-k) and on this Rock, the Scales will be placed. Jerusalem gained its high position concurrently with the decrease in the authority of Medina. Orthodox scholars admitted that Medina had surpassed other centers of knowledge of the prophetic tradition until the period of Malik b. Anas. But already in the first period of Islam the great majority of the Companions left Medina and settled in different regions of the Islamic Empire. They created new centers of knowledge which did not lag behind Medina.223 Ibn Hazm was outspoken on the subject of the ijma' of the scholars of Medina: people of Basra, Ktifa, Syria, Mecca and Yemen adopted the tradition of the Prophet from his Companions. They transmitted the traditions of the Prophet told by the Companions of Medina who either emigrated to other cities or remained in Medina. The Qur'an is one, and is the same both in Medina and in other places; the sunan of the Prophet are well know in Medina and outside Medina. The people in the various localities of the Muslim Empire are as knowledgeable as those of Medina. Ibn Hazm further stresses that Malik, Shafi'f and Abu Hanifa did not practice taqlrd, nor did they bid anyone to imitate the sunna of Medina or of any other place.224 It is against the background of these ideological contentions that there grew the tradition of the virtues of Jerusalem and arose the inquisitiveness as to the change in the direction of the prayer and the
219Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa uia-l-ta'rikh; II, 292-93; al-Khattb al-Baghdadi, al-Rihla fi talabi I-I].adfth, ed. NUr al-Drn 'Itr (Beirut, 1395/1975), 134-38. 220 See e.g., al-Munawt, Fayg, IV, 226-27, nos. 5104-5108 with different versions of the hadfth. 221See note 3 above. 222 See Diya' al-Din al-Madisl, Faga'il, 57-59, nos. 27-33. 223 See e.g., Ibn Taymiyya, fiil].l].at u~ul madhhab ahli l-madfna, ed. Ahmad Hijasi l-Saqqa (Cairo, 1988), 44, 48. 224Ibn Hazm, al-Il].kam fi u~uli l-al].kam, ed. Muhammad Ahmad 'Abd al-'Aziz (Cairo, 1398/1978), 1139-47.
Sanctity
Joint and Divided
63
sojourn of the prophets in Jerusalem, as exposed in the treatise of Ibn Jama'a, the preacher of the Aqf?a.
The treatise of Ibn Jama'a concerning the direction of the prayer of the Prophet and the tale of the Rock was preceded by a significant treatise by a preacher in the Aqsa mosque, Abu Hafs 'Umar b. Badr alMausili (d. 627 AH). In a series of concise assertions, the author refuted the validity of prophetic traditions relating to various topics of beliefs, tenets, religious practices and ritual prescriptions. The subjects refuted in the treatise are usually preceded by a headline: ... Iii ya~ilJ,lJ,u hiidhii fi l-biibi 'an rasuli lliihi ~alla llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam shay' un. The short treatise entitled al-Mughnf 'ani I-lJ,if? wa-I-kitab (Cairo, 1342), was "absorbed" by Majd aI-DIn Muhammad b. Ya'qub alFayruzabadi, the author of the Qamus (d. 1175 AH) wrote a critical commentary on the last chapter of Fayriizabadi's Sifr ol-so' ada, entitled al- Tankii um-l-ijiida fi takhrfji alJ,adfthi khiitimati sifri l-sa: ada (ed. Ahmad al-Barza [Beirut, 1407/1987]). Another scrutiny of the treatise of 'Umar b. Badr al-Mausilr al-Hanafi was written by Husarn al-Dl alMaqdisI and entitled, Fasl al-khitiib bi-naqdi kitabi l-muqhni ' ani I-lJ,if?i um-l-kitiib, The book was edited as a critical edition with an introduction and abundant comments and references by Abu Ishaq al-Huwayni al-Athari ~ijazI b. Muhammad b. Sharif (Beirut, 1405/1985).
The treatise of 'Umar b. Badr al-Mausili, the preacher of the Aqsa mosque, contains a significant passage with which we are concerned here. This passage was, of course, transmitted in the treatises mentioned above and thoroughly commented upon: Biib faq,a'il bayti l-maqdis uia-l-sokhra uia-t asqaliin waqazuiin. qiila l-musanni]: lii ya~ilJ,lJ,u hiidhii l-biibi shay'un fi 'an rasiili sallii lliihn: 'alayhi wa-sallam ghayra ihaliithati alJ,adftha fi bayti l-maqdis, ahaduhii: "la tushaddu l-rilJ,alu uta u« thalathati masiijida," uia-l-iikharu annahu su'ila 'an awwali bay tin wuq,i' a ff l-arq,i [a-qala: "al-masjidu lhariimu:" thumma qua "miidhii?" qiila: "al-masjidu l-aqsii." qua: "karn kana baynahuma?" qiila: "arba'una 'iiman." wal-iikhiru: "inna l-saliita fihi ta'dilu sab' ami' ati saliitin. ,,225
tuu«
225 'Umar b. Badr al-Mausilr, al-Mughnf 'ani I-I}if~ uia-l-kitiib, 25; al-Fayruaabadt, Sifr al-sa'ada (Beirut, 1398/1978), 149; Ibn Himmat , al-Tankit wa-I-ifiida, 53-63 (with the head line: biib fatf.a'il bayti I-maqdis uia-l-sakhra um-i asqaltin. uia-qazuiin. wa-I-andalus wa-dimashq); al-Huwayni, Kitab [asl ol-khiiiib bi-naqdi kitiib al-muqhru 'ani I-I}if~i uia-l-kitiib, 42-45.
64
M,]. Kister
Authors of collections of weak and forged traditions did not refrain from severe censure of the l},adfths about the virtues of Jerusalem and the Rock. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya (d. 751 AH) marked in his al-Maniir al-munf/ if l-$al},fl},wa-l-q,a'f/ all the traditions in praise of the Rock as deliberately invented lies. The footprint in the Rock is an obvious lie, invented by forgers in order to increase the number of visitors to the place. The most favorable thing which may be said about the Rock is that it was the qibla of the Jews. It corresponds in its location to the Sabbath in time; God gave the Muhammadan people the Ka'ba in exchange: ... kullu l},adfthin /f l-sakhrati /a-huwa kadhibun wa-l-qadamu lladhf ifhii kadhibun mauq,ii'un .... muftaran,
. . . wa-ar/a'u shay'in if l-$akhrati annahii kiinat qiblata lyahiidi, wa-hiya if l-makiini ka-yaumi l-sabti if l-zamiini; abdala llahu bihii hiidhihi l-ummata l-mul},ammadiyya l-ka'bata l-bayta l-l},ariima.226 The author records some sound traditions about Jerusalem (ibid., p. 86, nos. 159-161). However, he assesses as "confused" the tradition recorded by Ibn Majah, according to which the prayer in al-Aq~a has the value of fifty thousand prayers in another mosque.227 Ibn Qayyim considers the tradition about the isrii' to Jerusalem, the tying of the Buraq to the door of the mosque and the mi'riij from the mosques as sound traditions.v" Ibn Qayyim marks also the tradition saying that the believers will seek protection from Yajuj and Majuj in the sacred precincts of Jerusalem, as a sound one.229
The severe verdict of the collections of forged traditions on the /aq,a'il of Jerusalem, Hebron, Acre and other places in the Holy Land did not stop the incessant flow of these larJ,a'il. The lengthy chapter on the virtues of the holy places in Jerusalem in the work of Jalal al-Din al-Suyutl (d. 911 AH), Fiikihat al-$ayl wa-anfs al-rJ,ayl [pp. 213-25]' the abundant quotations on the virtues of the sanctuaries in Jerusalem recorded in his al-Durr al-manihiir If l-tofsir bi-l-ma'thiir bear evidence to the vitality of these traditions.
226 Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, al-Maniir, ed. Ahmad 1988), 85, nos. 156-7. 227 Ibid., 86, no. 162 ... wa-huwa tuuiitliut: miuitarib 228 Ibn Qayyim, ibid., 87, no. 164. 229Ibn Qayyim, ibid., 87, no. 165.
'Abd ....
al-Shafl
(Beirut,
1408/
Sanctity
Joint and Divided
65
At the end of the ninth century, MujIr al-D'in al-'UlaymI al-Hanbali (d. 928 AH) wrote his comprehensive work al-Uns al-jalzl bi-ta'rikhi 1qudsi wa-l-khalU.23o The work is indeed a treasure of traditions on the virtues of Jerusalem and Hebron. But despite the revival of the traditions in praise of Jerusalem, conditions in the Aql'!a mosque in the eleventh century AH, as described by Abu l-Fath Shams al-Din al-Dajjani al-QudsI al-Shafi'I in his treatise Jawiihir ol-qalii' id fi [adli l-masajid,231 were rather gloomy and disheartening. The recent revival of research on the historical, social, and religious aspects of the customs, beliefs and ritual practices in the early Islamic period and the incessant flow of editions of early Arabic sources may bring about a revaluation and an elucidation of some hitherto overlooked or insufficiently scrutinized details concerning the ideas on holy places in the first centuries of Isiam and their development during the following centuries.
230 (,Amma.n, 1973), see the detailed indices of the book prepared by Ishaq Miisa al-Husaynt, Hasan 'Abd al-Rahman al-Silwadi, Munlra Muhammad al-Daghlawl and Muyassar lsma't Ghannarn (Jerusalem, 1988). 231 Edited by MOBhe Perlmann, IDS 3 (1973), 261-92.
rajab.pdf "RAJAB
IS THE MONTH OF GOD ... "
A Study in the Persistence of an Early Tradition
M. J. KISTER
in memory ofmy student
DAVID
S.
ELLER
The holy month of Rajab was observed during the period of the Jahiliyya in spring.1 It was the month of the `umra and of offering of the sacrifices of the `ata'ir to the pagan deities.2 The people of the Jahiliyya kept the sanctity of the month by refraining from raids and warfare.3It is said to have been a month of devotional practices and of fasting.4 According to some traditions swearing
1 See EI, s.v. "Radjab" (M. Plessner); S. D. Goitein, Studies in Islamic History and Institutions (Leiden 1966), pp. 92-93; J. Wellhausen, Reste arabischen Heidenturns (Skizzen und Vorarbeiten) (Berlin 1887), pp. 74, 93; G. E. von Grunebaum, Muhammadan Festivals (New York 1951), p. 36; W. Gottschalk, Das Geliibde nach iilterer arabischer Auffassung (Berlin 1919), pp. 106-107; K. Wagtendonk, Fasting in the Koran (Leiden 1968), p. 106; M. Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Le Pelerinage ala Mekke (Paris 1923), pp. IV, 192-198; C. Rathjens, Die Pilgerlahrt nach Mekka (Hamburg 1948), p. 66. [The above books are quoted by the names of their authors.] 2 See EI2 s.v. '''Atira'' (Ch. Pellat); F. BuhI, Das Leben Muhammeds (Heidelberg 1955), p. 88 (and see note 246, ibid.); al-Anbiirl, Shar/.l al-q~ii'id al-sab' al-(iwiil, ed. 'Abd al-Saliim Hdriin (Cairo 1963), pp. 294, 484; Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'iinl al-kahlr (Hyderabad 1949), I, 67; al-NuwaYrl, Nihiiyat ai-arab (repr. Cairo 1964), III, 120; Ibn Durayd, al-Ishtiqiiq, ed. 'Abd aI-Salam Hdriin (Cairo 1958), p. 280 (with a divergent version: inna 'alii kulli muslimin Ii kulli 'iimin 'atiratan, wa-hiya shiitun kiinat tudhba/.lu Ii I-mu/.larrami la-nasakha dhalika I-at/bii. The month of sacrifice here is Mul;larram, not Rajab); J. Wellhausen, pp. 94, 115-116; W. Gottschalk, p. 119; W. Robertson Smith, Lectures on the Religion 01 the Semites (London 1914), pp. 227-228; K. Wagtendonk, p. 36; al-Jal;liz, Kit. al-lzayawiin, ed. 'Abd al-Saliim Hariin (Cairo 1965), I, 18. 3 See J. Wellhausen, p. 94; al-Farra', al-Ayyiim wa-I-Iayiill wa-I-shuhur, ed. Ibrahim alIbyiirl (Cairo 1956), pp. 12-13; al-Marziiql, al-Azmina wa-I-amkina (Hyderabad 1332 AH), 1,282,90,278; al-Jumal;lI, Tabaqiit lu/.lul al-shu'arii', ed. MaJ;unud Mul;l. Shakir (Cairo 1952), p. 61; VA,s.v. "~mm, ~/, rjb"; al-Turtushl, Kit. al-/.Iawiidith wa-I-bida', ed. Mul;l. al-Tiilibl (Tunis 1959), pp. 123, 125; 'All al-Qari', al-Adab Ii rajah, Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Ms. Arabe 6084, Majmu'a, fol. 65a (wa-yuqiilu rajabun al-~ammu li-annahu Iii yuniidii lihi "yii qaumiih" wa-"yii ~abiibiih" wa-li-annahu Iii yusma'u lihi /.Iissu I-silii/.li Iii Ii I-~abiibi wa-lii Ii I-rawii/.li); Ibn Qutayba, Tatsir gharib al-Qur'iin, ed. Al;lmad ~aqr (Cairo 1958), p. 185. 4 See S. D. Goitein, pp. 92-93; K. Wagtendonk, pp. 117, 120-122.
191
M. 1. Kister
against the iniquitous and wrong-doers in this month was especially efficacious. 5 The veneration of this month seems to have continued in the period of Islam and to have survived until recent times. Contradictory traditions attributed to the Prophet, recommending some practices of Rajab or interdicting it, bear evidence of divergent opinion on this subject in the Muslim community during the early centuries of Islam. Heated discussions among Muslim scholars concerning different aspects of these practices make it possible to understand them better. These Rajab traditions are to be surveyed in the following pages of this paper.
I
The widely circulated utterance of the Prophet Iii fara'a wa-lii "atirata, "no sacrifice of the firstlings (of the flock) nor of the animals slaughtered in Rajab",« indicates explicitly the interdiction to perform the sacrifices of Rajab. This hadith is however contradicted by a tradition reported by 'Amr b. Shu'ayb.? The Prophet, when asked about the 'aqiqa, the fara'a and the 'atira, stated concerning the "atira: al-' atiratu haqqun, "the "atira is 0bligatory" (verbatim: the 'atira is an obligation). The word "atira is explained in the tradition as a sacrifice of a ewe, which the people of the Jahiliyya used in Rajab to slaughter, cook, and whose meat they used to consume and feed from (scil. the needy and poor).s More explicit about the obligatory character of the 'atira, the sacrifice of Rajab, is the tradition reported on the authority of Mikhnaf b. Sulaym.? "Upon the people of every house, stated the Prophet, there is an obligation every
5 See al-Kala'I, al-Iktifii' maghiizi l-mustafd wa-l-thaliithati l-khulafd'; ed. H. Masse (Alger 1931), I, 123-124; al-Jtlant, al-Ghunya li-fiilibi tariqi l-haqqi 'azza wa-jalla (Cairo 1322 AH), I, 196. 6 Ahmad b. Hanbal, Musnad, ed. Ahmad Muh. Shakir (Cairo 1949-1956), XII, 104, No. 7135 and XIV, 171, No. 7737; al-Suyutl, al-Jiimi' al·~aghir (Cairo 1320 AH), II, 202; L 'A, s.v. "fr'"; comp, W. Robertson Smith, pp. 227, note 3, and pp. 462-465; al-Shaukiini, Nayl al·aufar(Cairo 1347 AH), V, 119; AbU I-Mabiisinal-:aaniifI,al-Mu'ta~ar min al-mukhtasar (Hyderabad 1362 AH), I, 274; Abu Da'ud, $a/;li/;l unan al-mustafii (Cairo 1348 AH), II, 8; s al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak (Hyderabad 1342 AH), IV, 236; al-Muttaql al-Hindl, Kanz al'ummiil (Hyderabad 1954), V, 48, No. 428; al-Tirmidhi, $al;li/;l(Cairo 1931), VI, 311-312; Muslim, $a/;li/;l(Cairo 1285 AH), II, 159; al-'Azizi, al-Siriij al-munir (Cairo 1957), III, 473, ult.; al- Tibrizi, Mishkdt al-masdbib (Karachi), p. 129. 7 See on him al-Dhahabl, Miziin al-i'tiddl, ed. 'Ali Muh, al-Bijiiwi (Cairo 1963), III, 263268, No. 6383; Ibn I;iajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib (Hyderabad 1326 AH), VIII, 48-55, No. 80. S Ahmad b. Hanbal, XI, 4-7, No. 6713; al-Shaukani, Nayl, V, 119; al-Suytltl, al-Jiimi' al-saghir, II, 67; al-Muttaqi al·Hindi, V, 48, No. 427; al- 'Azizi, II, 467, info 9 See on him Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Istt'ab, ed. 'Ali Muh, al-Bijawi (Cairo, n.d.), p. 1467. No. 2534; Ibn I;iajar, Tahdhib, X, 78; idem, al-Isiiba, VI, 72, No. 7842.
n
192
"Rajab is the Month of God ... "
year (to slaughter) a victim (scil. of the Sacrificial Feast) and a "atira", The "atira is glossed in the tradition as "al-rajabiyya", ('Alii kulli ahli bay tin fi kulli 'iimin UfJ/.liyyatun10 wa- "atiratun: hal tadriina mii 1-'atiratu? hiya l-rajabiyyatu).l1
It is evident that these traditions are contradictory and reflect two diverse attitudes towards the continuation of the practices of the sacrifices of Rajab in Islam: the one approving of the rajabiyya and incorporating it into the body of Islamic sacrifices, authorized by the utterance of the Prophet; the other one aiming at the abolition of the Rajab sacrifice, it too basing its arguments on the utterances of the Prophet. The two contradictory traditions tld fara'a wa-lii 'atirata and inna 'alii kulli ahli bay tin) are discussed by AbU 'Ubayd (d. 224 AH). Stressing the Jahill character of the 'atira, he remarks that this sacrifice was abolished by Islam. In his opinion, the hadith of "Iii fara'a" abrogates the hadith of "'alii kulli ahli bay tin ... " iwa-l-hadithu l-awwalu niisikhun li-hiidhii}.12 Al-Khattabi (d. 388 AH) records the opinion of AbU Da'ud (d. 275 AH) about the tradition of Mikhnaf b. Sulaym, which is identical with the opinion of Abu 'Ubayd, "The "atira, says Abu Da'ud, is (an) abrogated (practice)", al- 'atiratu mansiikhatun.tt Al-Khattabi emphasizes the difference between the meaning of 'atira in the times of the Jahiliyya and that of Islam. In the period of the Jahiliyya "atira denoted a ewe sacrificed for the idol; its blood was poured on the head of the idol - argues al-Khattabi. But in this hadith (i.e. in the hadith of Mikhnaf b. Sulaym) it denotes the sacrifices of an animal in Rajab. This, says al-Khattabt, fits the intent of the hadith and is compatible with the prescription of the religion.t+ Al Khattabi does not consider the
In some traditions "ar/./:Iiitun". Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba, VI, 72; AbU Nu'aym, Akhbiir Isfahan, ed. S. Dedering (Leiden 1931). 1,73; al-Shaukani, Nayl, V, 117; L'A, s.v. '''atr''; AbU l-Mahasin al-l;IanafI, I, 274; 'Abd al-Ghant al-Nabulsi, Dhakhii'ir al-mawdrtth (Cairo 1934), III, 95; al-Suyiitl, al-Jdmi' alsaghtr, II, 60 (with a slightly different version: 'alii ahli kulli bay tin an yadhbahu shdtan ft kulli rajabin wa-ft kulli ar/./:Iiihtitan); al-Muttaql al-Hindl, V, 48, No. 429 and V, 57, No. s 500-502; al-Bayhaql, al-Sunan al-kubrii (Hyderabad 1356 AH), IX, 260; Muslim, II, 159; Abu Da'ud, II, 2; Ibn al-Athlr, al-Nihdya, ed. al-Tana1).i (Cairo 1963), III, 178 ('alii kulli muslimin at!/:Iatun wa-'atiratun); Ibn al-Athlr, Jiimi' al-usa; min al;liidith al-rasid, ed. MuI;1. l;Iiimid al-Fiqql (Cairo 1950), IV, 121, No. 1624. 12 Abu 'Ubayd, Gharib al-hadith, ed. MuI;1. 'Azim al-Dln (Hyderabad 1964), I, 194-195; VA, s.v. "tatr" (where the opinion of Abu 'Ubayd is recorded differently: wa-l-hadithu I-awwalu a~a/:l/:lu); nd see the note of the editor in Ibn al-Athlr's Jiimi' al-usid IV, 122 (Abu a 'Ubayda stated that the hadlth: "ld faraa ... " abrogated the hadlth: '''alii ahli kulli baytin ... "). 13 Hamd b. MuI;1.al-Khattabt, Ma'iilim al-sunan (Balab 1933), II, 226. 14 lb., ( ... al- "atiratu tafsiruhd Ii l-hadithi annahd shdtun tudhbahu Ii rajabin wa-hddhii huwa lladhi yushbihu ma'nd l-hadithi wa-yaliqu bi-hukmi l-dtn: [in text: l-tadayyunii); L'A, s.v. "'atr" (correctly: l-dini}; Ibn al-Athlr, al-Nihdya, III, 178 (correctly: l-dini).
10 11
193
M.J. Kister
'atira as abrogated; he seems to consider it lawful, although he has some reservations in connection with one of the transmitters of the hadith.t> The opinion that the "atira was abrogated by the Sacrificial Feast is plainly reflected in the hadith reported on the authority of This date is given as well by some ShI'I sources.46 Some traditions assert that the event of laylat al-mi'riij occurred in Rajab.s? The Prophet gathered the people in Rajab, according to a tradition reported
Ibid., p. 29. See Muh. b. Pattal, Raudat al-wa'iztn (Najaf 1966), p. 396; Ibn Babuyah, p. 52. 40 G. E. von Grunebaum, "The Sacred Character of Islamic Cities", Melanges Taha Husain, ed. Abdurrahman Badawi (Cairo 1962), pp. 26-27. 41 Al-Zurqant, Sharh 'ala l-mawdhib al-Iadunniyya (Cairo 1325 AH), I, 131, line 4; Ibn Hajar al-Haythaml, al-Ni'ma al-kubrii 'alii 1-'iilam bi-maulidi sayyidi bani Adam, Ms (in my possession), fol. 19a, line 1. 42 Al-Zurqant, I, 132, line 19 (quoted from 'Abdari's Mudkhal); and see Ibn Hajar alHaythamI, al-Ni'ma al-kubrii, fol. 19a, lines 3-6; al-Majlisl, Bibiir al-anwiir, XX, 113, line 25 (lithogr. ed.); and comp. al-Suyiitl, al-Hiiwi, I, 305 sup. 43 Ibn l,Iajar al-Haythamt, al-Ni'ma al-kubrd, fol. 12b; al-Shatibl, al-Jumdn It akhbar al-zamdn, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3008, fol. 48a. 44 Al-Halabt, Insiin al-'uyun (Cairo 1932), I, 68; al-Zurqanl, 1,105, line 10. 45 Al-Suyutl, al-Durr al-manthiir (Cairo 1314 AH), II, 235 ult.; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Zad al-ma'iid (on margin of Zurqanl's Sharb I, 58); Ibn al-Jauzl, Sifat al-safwa (Hyderabad 1355 AR), I, 27; al-Ghazall, Ibya' 'ulum al-din, (Cairo 1933), I, 328. 46 Ibn Babiiyah, p. 57; al-Tiisi, Amdli (Najaf 1964), I, 44; al-Bahranl, al-Hadii'iq anniit/ira ft ahkdm al- 'itra al-tdhira (Najaf 1384 AH), XIII, 362-363; al-Majlisl (Teheran 1386 AH), XVIII, 189. 47 Al-Zurqanl, I, 306, 308; al·'Abdari, al-Mudkhal (Cairo 1929), I, 294, line 10; see alDirini, Taharat al-quliib (Kafr al-Zaghara 1354 AH), p. 93, line 11; EI, s.v. "Mi'radj"; Abii Talib al-Makkt, I, 93; al-Ghazzall, I, 328; 'Ali al-Qari', al-Adab, fol. 66a.
38 39
197
M. J. Kister
on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas, and informed them about the virtues of his All the rivers of the world visit in Rajab the well of Zamzam according to a tradition reported by Wahb b. Munabbih.s? The sanctity of Rajab was assessed in comparison with that of the other months in a peculiar utterance attributed to the Prophet. The Prophet said: "Rajab is the month of God, Sha 'ban is my month, Ramadan is the month of my people. "50 Close to this tradition is a hadith counting the rewards for the believers observing Rajab, Sha'ban and Ramadan and reported on the authority of Anas b. Malik. It is recorded in al-Bayhaqi's (d. 458 AH) Fadd'll al-auqdt and quoted by Ibn Hajar, "The month chosen by God is Rajab" - says the Prophet. "He who honours the month of Rajab - honours the order of God and he who honours the order of God - God will introduce him into the Gardens of Paradise and grant him His favour", etc.S1 Al-Bayhaqi marks the hadith as munkar, but Ibn Hajar differs, classifying it as "forged with obvious features of forgery" (bal huwa maudii'un ziihiru l-wad'i) and attributes the forgery to one of the transmitters, Nul). al-Jami', "Nul). the Collector", about whom people used to say that "he collected everything except truth."s2 Nevertheless al-Suyutl (d. 911 AH) recorded this tradition in his commentary of the Qur'an.53 A peculiar sun tradition sheds some light on the similarity of growth of pro-Rajab tenets in Sunni and Shi'I societies as well as on the manner of casting of the Shi'I traditions in this matter. 'Ali, says the tradition, used to fast the whole month of Rajab, and he used to say: "Rajab is my month, Sha'ban is the month of the Messenger of God, Ramadan is the month of God."S4 It is evident that this is a Shi'i re-moulding of the hadith "Rajab is the month
pedigree.sf
al-Qandilzl, Yandbi' al-mawadda (Najaf 1965), p. 16. Al-Dlrinl, p. 93. 50 AI-SahmI, Ta'rikh Jurjdn (Hyderabad 1950), p. 184; al-Sakhiiwi, al-Maqdsid al-hasana fi bayiin kathir min al-a/;liidith al-mushtahira, ed. 'Abdallah Muh, al-Sadlq (Cairo 1956), p. 224, No. 510; al-Jarrahl, Kashf al-khafii' wa-muzil al-ilbds (Cairo 1351 AH), I, 423, No. 1358; al-Suyutl, al-Jiimi' al-saghir, II, 21 inf.; Ibn Hajar, Tabyin al- 'ajab, p. 10 sup.; alJllanl, I, 200; al-Shaukanl, al-Fawii'id al-majmu'a fi l-ahddtth al-maudii'a, ed. 'Abd alRahman al-Mu'allamt al-Yamant (Cairo 1960), p. 439, ult.; idem, Nayl, IV, 210; Ibn Biibiiyah, p. 52; al-Pattanl, Tadhkirat al-maudii'iit (Cairo 1343 AH), p. 116 inf.; and see a divergent tradition: sha'biin shahrt wa-ramaddn shahru lliihi... , in al-Jarraht's Kashf II, 9, No. 1551 and in Ibn Biibiiyah's Amalt, p. 13; and see 'Ali al-Qari', al-Adab, fol. 65a inf.; idem, Risdlat al-a~iidith al-maudii'a, Majmu'a, fol. 61a. 51 Ibn Hajar, Tabyin al- "ajab, p. 13. 52 See on Nub al-Jami": a1-Dhahabi, Mizdn al-i'tiddl, IV, 279, No. 9143. 53 Al-Durr al-manthiir, 111,236 sup.; (and see Qasim al-Qaysl, Ta'rikh al-tafsir (Baghdad 1966), p. 132, about weak: and forged traditions in the commentaries of al-Suyiitl). 54 Al-Bahrant, XIII, 381 inf.; cp, Ja'far Mansnr a1-Yaman, Ta'wil al-zakdt, Ms. Leiden
48 49
198
"Rajab is the Month of God ... " of God, Sha 'ban is my month (i.e. of the Prophet), Ramadan is the month of my people". Another assessment of Rajab in relation to other months is reported in a hadith recorded on the authority of Anas b. Malik. The Prophet said: "The superiority of Rajab over other months is like the superiority of the Qur'an over other speech; the superiority of'Sha'ban over other months is like my superiority over other prophets; the superiority of Ramadan over other months is like the superiority of God over (His) believers."55 The scale of qualities is, in this hadith, rather different. The highest rank is, like in the Shi'I tradition mentioned above, given to Ramadan,
III One of the most controversial practices of Rajab was the practice of fasting. Just as in the case of the sacrifices of Rajab, the partisans of fasting in Rajab took recourse to alleged utterances of the Prophet56 pointing to the merits of fasting and the efficacy of fasting during some particular days in this month. The antagonists rejected the sanctity of the month altogether, basing their arguments again on alleged utterances of the Prophet and marking the traditions in favour of fasting in Rajab as weak, untrustworthy or even forged. The lines of discussion on fasting resemble those of the discussion about the sacrifices. "In Paradise there is a river called Rajab" - says a tradition attributed to the Prophet. "This river is whiter than milk and sweeter than honey.
Or. 1971, fol. 38a: wa-qdla rajabun shahru lldhi wa-sha'biinu shahri wa-ramadanu shahru "aliyyin. 55 Al-Samarqandi, Tanbth al·ghiifilin (Cairo 1347 AH), p. 116; Ibn Hajar, Tabyln al-'ajab, p. 14; al-Pattanl, p. 116 inf.; al-Sakhawi, p. 299, No. 740; Ibn al-Dayba', Tamyiz al-tayyib min al-khabtth flma yadiiru 'alii alsinati l-ndsi min al-I;zadith (Cairo 1324 AH), p. 137; alShaukanl, al-Fawii'id, p. 440 sup.; and see an interesting shrt tradition in al-MajlisI's Bi/:liir XXXVII, 53 (newed.): Muhammad among his believers is like Ramadan in relation to other months, the family of Muhammad among the believers is like Sha'ban in relation to other months, "Ali among the family of Muhammad is like the best of the days of Sha "ban, i.e. the fifteenth day of this month. The believers of the family of Muhammad are like Rajab in relation to Sha 'ban. 56 Comp. J. Goldziher, "Neue Materialien zur Litteratur des Oberlieferungwesens bei den Muhammedanem", ZDMG L (1896), p. 482: "allerdings haben die Theologen mit seltener Ktihnheit in jedem auftauchenden Falle, den sie zu entscheiden hatten, ihre eigene Ansicht oder die der Lehrpartei der sie angeherten als Spruch des Propheten ausgegeben, zuweilen Spruche die lange Zeit als Urtheile angesehener Leute aus der Gemeinde des Islam bekannt waren, an den Propheten selbst angelehnt urn dadurch grossere Authoritiit fUr dieselben zu erlangen."
199
M. I. Kister
He who fasts one day of the month of Rajab - God will give him to drink from that river."57 "In Paradise" - asserts another tradition - "there is a palace (prepared) for the people fasting in Rajab."58 The obligation of fasting in Rajab is motivated by miracles of God, His aid and deliverance of the righteous after plight and distress and His favour and grace granted to His believers in this month. Fasting is in fact an act of gratitude. God bade Nuh to set out on his ark in Rajab. He fasted this month, thanking God for His grace and ordered the people of the ark to fast this month according to some traditions. 59In Rajab God split the sea for Moses; Ibrahim and 'Isa were born during Rajab. God forgave the people of Yiinus their sins in Rajab; in this month too God forgave Adam.6o Rajab is nicknamed "the Deaf" (al-asammy; because the wrath of God was never heard of during this month; God punished peoples in other months, but never in Rajab.s! Rajab was also nicknamed al-asabb, "the Pouring", because the mercy of God poured forth during this month and flooded His servants; God bestows on them in this month graces and rewards which never an eye has seen, nor an ear heard, nor had it occurred to the mind of a man.62 Special rewards were promised, according to some traditions, for fasting on some particular days in Rajab. One of these especially venerated days is the twenty-seventh day of Rajab. On this day Muhammad was granted his prophethood. "He who fasts on the twenty-seventh day of Rajab will be granted by God the reward (otherwise) due for fasting sixty months", says a tradition reported on the authority of Abii Hurayra and attributed to the Prophet.O In another version of this hadith, he who fasts the twenty-seventh day of Rajab, and spends the preceding night awake (praying) will be rewarded just
57 Al-Jllanl, I, 200; al-Suytitl, al-Jami' al-saghir, I, 91 inf.; aI-'AzizI, I, 513; al-Dhahabl, Miziin al-i'tidiil, IV, 189, No. 8797; al-Bahrani, XIII, 381; Ibn Biibiiyah, p. 52; Ibn l;Iajar, Tabyin al-iajab, pp. 5-8; MuQ.. b. FattiiI, p. 401; al-Muttaql aI-Hindi, VIII, 360, No. 2646; al-Zurqanl, VIII, 128; al-Turttlshl, p. 125; 'Ali al-Qari', al-Adab, fol. 65a; al-Suyntt, alHdwt li-l-fatiiwl, ed. MuQ.. Muhyl l-Dln 'Abd al-Hamld (Cairo 1959), I, 145; and comp, alAsyiiti, al-Kanz al-madfiin (Cairo 1288 AH), p. 74. 58 Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rikh (Tahdhib), ed. Ahmad 'Ubayd (Damascus 1351 AH), VII, 137; al- 'Azrzr, I, 513; al-Suyutt, al-Durr al-manthiir ,III, 235; al-Muttaql al-Hindl, VIII, 409, No. 2967-2968; al-Dlrlnl, p. 93, line 3; al-Zurqanl, VIII, 128; AbU Shama, al-Bd'ith. 'ala inkari l-bida'i wa-l-hawiidith; ed. Mahmud Fu'iid Minqara al-Tarabulsi (Cairo 1955), p. 55. 59 Al-Jtlant, I, 197; Ibn Hajar, Tabyin al- "ajab, p. 17; al-Suyutt, al-Durr al-manthiir, III, 235; and see aI-ShaukiinI, al-Fawii'id, p. 440, line 12; 'All al-Qari', al-Adab, fol. 65a. 60 Ibn Hajar, Tabyin al-'ajab, p. 17. 61 Al-Jiliini, I, 196 info 62 Ibid., I, 197. 63 Ibn Hajar, Tabyin al- "ajab, p. 28; aI-Jiliini, I, 205.
200
"Rajab is the Month of God ... " as if he fasted one hundred years and spent the nights of a hundred years awake.s+ According to a tradition reported on the authority of 'Ali b. Abl Talib, the Prophet promised forgiveness of ten years (of sins) to the man who would fast that day and would supplicate at the breaking of the fast (da'ti 'inda l-if!tir).65 It is noteworthy that 'Abdallah b. 'Abbas - according to a tradition reported on the authority of al-Hasan al-Basrl - used to practice the i'tikiif on the twenty-seventh day of Rajab, and recite (among other sura's of the Qur'an) the sura of Laylat al-Qadr.66 This may, of course, point to the continuity of the Jahiliyya practice of i'tikiif during Rajab in the period of Islam and support the proposition of Wagtendonk about the link between the laylat al-qadr and the twenty-seventh day of Rajab.s" The link between laylat al-qadr and the month of Rajab is indicated in some comments on Sura XIII, 39. Mujahid relates this verse to the former, while Qays b. 'Ubad refers it to the tenth of Rajab.67a Of special merit was also fasting on the first day of Rajab. The Prophet, according to a tradition reported by Abu Dharr, said: "He who fasts the first day of Rajab, will get the reward equivalent to the fasting of a month." The seven gates of Hell will remain closed - continues the tradition - for a man who fasts seven days of Rajab; he who fasts eight days - the eight gates of Paradise will be opened for him. God will turn into good deeds the wrong ones of a man who would fast ten days of Rajab. He who fasts eighteen days - a herald will call from Heaven: "God already forgave you (your sins), so start work (soil, of worship) again".68 Slightly different is the scale of rewards in a Shi'I tradition. Nub embarked on his ark on the first day of Rajab and ordered the people of the ship to fast this day. The fire of Hell will keep a distance of one year's journey from a man who fasted this day. The seven fires of Hell will be closed to a man who fasted seven days of Rajab. The eight gates of Paradise will be opened in the face of a man who fasted eight days of Rajab. The wishes of a man who fasts ten days of this month will be fulfilled. The sins of a man who fasted twenty five days will be forgiven and he will be told: "start again your (Pious) work". He who adds (days of) fasting - his rewards will be augmented.69 A tradition reported on the
64 Ibn I,Iajar, Tabyin al-tajab, p. 27; al·Suyuti, al-Durr al-manthar, III, 235 inf.; al-Jtlant, 1,205; 'All al-Qiiri', al-Adab, fol. 65a. 6S Ibn I,Iajar, Tabyin al- 'ajab, p. 28. 66 Al-Jtlanl, I, 205. 67 K. Wagtendonk, pp. 117-118. 67a AI-TabarI, Ta!sir, ed. Mahmud Mul,l. Shakir, XVI, p. 479, No. 20471 and p. 489, No. 20505. 68 AI·JUiini, I, 201. 69 Al-Bahranl, XIII, 381; al-Suytltl, aI-La'iili I-masnu'aft l-a/,liidlthi l-mauda:« (Cairo n.d.) II, 115; see Ibn I,Iajar, Tabyin al-tajab, p. 23.
201
M.l. Kister authority of Ibn 'Umar records as reward for fasting on the first day of Rajab the equivalent of fasting a year. If the believer would fast seven days, the seven gates of Hell would be closed for him. If we hould fast ten days, a herald would announce from Heaven: "Ask (anything you like) and you will be granted (it)"70. A gradually decreasing list of rewards is given in a tradition reported on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas: God will forgive the sins of three years for fasting on the first day of Rajab, two years for fasting on the second day of Rajab, one year for fasting on the third day of Rajab, then fasting on every following day will be counted with reward of one month."! A considerable reward is promised for fasting on the first day of Rajab in another tradition: God will forgive sixty years' sins to the man who fasts on the first day of Rajab; God will bring a mild judgment upon a man (I;zasabahu hisiiban yasiran) who fasts fifteen days; God will grant His favour to a man (kataba lliihu lahu rir}wanahu) who fasts thirty days of Rajab and He will not punish him.72 Some versions of the traditions quoted above do not mention the first day of Rajab, but mention only the rewards of fasting "a day of Rajab". Unusual in its generosity is a list of rewards reported on the authority of 'Ali. The Prophet said: "The month of Rajab is a great month; he who fasts one day of this month - God will count for him (the reward of) fasting a thousand years. He who fasts two days - God will count for him (the reward of) fasting two thousand years. He who fasts three days of this month God will count for him (the reward of) fasting three thousand years. He who fasts seven days - the gates of Hell will be closed for him ... "73 Among the fourteen nights of the year, which the faithful are urged to spend awake, there are three nights of Rajab: the eves of the first, of the fifteenth and of the twenty seventh of Rajab.74 The eve of the first day of Rajab is counted among the five nights in the year; if its practices are properly observed by the believer he will enter Paradise.T' Of special merit is also fasting on the first Thursday of Rajab (connected with the vigils of the eve of Friday and saldt al-raghd'ib], the fifteenth and the last day of Rajab.76
AI·Muttaqi al-Hindt, VIII, 360, No. 2648. Ibid., VIII, 360, No. 2647; al-Suyutt, al-Jiimi' al-saghir, II, 45; al- 'Azizi, II, 391. 72 Al-Jtlant, I, 201 info 73 See Ibn al-Jauzl, Kit. al-maudu'at, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman MuQ.. 'Uthman (Cairo 1966), II, 206-207. 74 Al-Jllanl, I, 202; AbU Tiilib al-Makkl, I, 93; al-Ghazall, I, 328. 75 Al-Jiliini, I, 202. 76 Ibid., I, 204.
70 71
202
"Rajab
is the Month of God ... "
A current tradition about fasting in Rajab reported on the authority of Sa'id al-Khudri gives a detailed account of the rewards of fasting on every day of the month. "Rajab is the month of God, Sha'ban is my month, Ramadan is the month of my people" - says the Prophet. Therefore he who fasts one day?? of Rajab out of belief and piety (imdnan wa-htisdbany deserves God's greatest favour (istaujaba ridwdna lliihi l-akbara) and God will lodge him in the upper part of Paradise. He who fasts two days of Rajab will get a double reward; the weight of every single reward will be like the mountains of the world. He who fasts three days God will put between him and between the fire (of Hell) a ditch extending for a distance of a year's journey.78 He who fasts four days of Rajab, will be healed from madness, elephantiasis, leprosy, the trial of the false Messias (fitnat al-masihi l-dajjali) and the chastisement of the grave Cadhiib al-qabr). He who fasts five days, will be protected from the chastisement of the grave (wuqiya "adhiiba l-qabri).79 He who fasts six days, will step out from his grave, his face shining more than the moon at the night of full-moon. He who fasts seven days - God will close for him the seven gates of Hell (closing for every day of fasting one gate). He who fasts eight days of Rajab, God will open for him the eight gates of Paradise (opening for every day of fasting one gate). He who fasts nine days, he will step out from his grave proclaiming lii iliiha illd lliihu and his face will not be turned away from Paradise. He who fasts ten days - God will lay for him at every mile of the path to heaven bedding (fariish) on which he might rest. As for him who fasts eleven days - there will be at the Day of Resurrection no believer superior to him except a believer who would fast the same number of days or more. He who fasts twelve days - God will bestow upon him two garments, one of which would be better than the world and all that is in the world. He who fasts thirteen days - a table will be put up for him in the shade of the Throne (of God) and he will eat from it, while other people will remain in distress (wa-l-niisufi shiddatin shadidatin). He who fasts fourteen days - God will grant him a reward which no eye has seen, no ear has heard, and which has not occurred to the mind of men twa-ld khatara 'alii qalbi basharin). He who fasts fifteen days - God will raise him on the Day of Resurrection in the stand (mauqif) of the believers.w He who fasts sixteen days - he will be among the
"Youman" omitted in Ibn al-Jauzt's Maur!u'iit and in Suyfitf's La'iili. Compo MuQ.. b. al-Hasan al-'Amili, al-Jawiihir al-saniyya fi I-al)iidith al-qudsiyya (Najaf 1964), p. 140. 79 The reward of five days is not mentioned in Ibn Jauzi's Maur!u'iit and in SuyiitI's La'iili. 80 Here the tradition stops in Ibn al-Jauzl's Maur!u'iit II, 206, in Ibn Hajar's Tabyin p. 12 and in Suyiitt's La'ali II, 115, line 2 (there is however an additional phrase in Jnani's Ghunya I, 198: fa-ld yamurru bihi malakun muqarrabun wa-ld nabiyyun mursalun iIIii qdla ruba laka anta min al-iiminin); it is continued in Jllanl's Ghunya with the remark: wa-ft lafzin dkhara ziyiidatun 'alii khamsata 'ashara wa-hiya ... ; and see Ibn l;Iajar, Tabyin al- 'ajah, p.12 info
77 78
203
M. J. Kister first who would visit the Merciful, look at Him and hear His speech. He who fasts seventeen days - God will arrange for him at every mile of the path to Heaven a resting place.s! He who fasts eighteen days - God will build for him a palace opposite the palace of Ibrahim and Adam; they would greet him and he would greet them. He who fasts twenty days - a herald will proclaim for Heaven: "God has forgiven you what passed, begin thus anew your (Pious) work."82 Some descriptions of the rewards of people who fasted the whole month of Rajab are of the type of stories of the qu~~ii~ describe the palaces in Paradise, and the meals and the /:tiiris awaiting these people in Paradise.83 A Shi'I tradition gives the following vivid description of the Day of Resurrection. "At the Day of Resurrection - says the tradition reported on the authority of Ja'far al-Sadiq - a herald will call from the interior of the Throne: "Where are the Rajabis (people fasting in Rajab) 1" Then will stand up people with faces shining for the gathered (crowds), on their heads will be crowns of kingdom inlaid with sapphires and pearls. On the right side of every man of them will be a thousand angels and on the left side a thousand angels. They will say: "0 servant of God, mayest thou enjoy the grace of God". Then will follow the call from God, the Exalted: "My servants and My maidens, I swear by My majesty and power: I shall honour your residence and I shall bestow upon you gifts in bounty. I shall introduce you into apartments in Paradise under which rivers will flow and you will be for ever in it. How good is the reward of the pious. You volunteered to fast for Me a month which I sanctified and whose observance I bade. My angels, Introduce My servants and maidens into Paradise". Then Ja'far b. Muhammad said: "That concerns also people who fasted a part of Rajab, even one day at the beginning of the month, in its midst or at its end". 84 One of the most discussed topics involving the Rajab fast was fasting during the whole month.8s The opponents of fasting in Rajab based their argument
See above the reward for fasting ten days. AI-Jiliini, I, 198-199; al-Suyutl, al-La'iili, II, 114-115; Ibn I;Iajar, Tabyin al-lajab, pp. 10-12,29-30; comp. Ibn Biibiiyah, pp. 52-57 sup. (continued until the thirtieth of Rajab); Muh. b. Fattiil, 396-400 (continued until the thirtieth of Rajab); and see al-Sahml, pp. 56 inf., 302 info 83 J. Goldziher, Muh. Studien (Halle 1890), II, 160; al-Babrsnr, XIII, 400; al-ZajjiijI, Amiili (Cairo 1935), p. 134. 84 Al-Bahranl, XIII, 401 (and see ibid., pp. 381, 396 about rewards for fasting of the first and the fifteenth of Rajab). 8S See K. Wagtendonk, p. 121.
81 82
204
"Rajab is the Month of God ... " on the well-known hadith reported on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas: "The Prophet forbade fasting in Rajab".86 Later scholars transmitted this tradition with the addition of the word "whole" (nahii 'an saumi rajabin kullihi).87 Partisans of fasting in Rajab criticized this tradition, emphasizing that two of its transmitters were "weak". The two weak transmitters were Da'ud b. 'Ata'88 and Zayd b. 'Abd al-Hamtd.s? They argued further that the word "nahii" was erroneously inserted into the text, as the tradition referred originally to the actions of the Prophet; it was the transmitter who changed erroneously the word into prohibition twa-innamd l-riwdyatu fihi min fi'Ii I-nabiyyi salld lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallama fa-harrafa l-riiwi l-fi'la ilii l-nahyi). If this version (i.e. nahii) is correct, the interdiction indicates merely a preventive measure (thumma in $abIJafa-huwa mahmidun 'alii I-tanzihi). It has to be interpreted according to the opinion of al-Shafi't. AI-Shari'i stated that he would disapprove of fasting a whole month like the fasting of Ramadan, or fasting on a peculiar day. He was afraid that some ignorant person might imitate such practices considering it obligatory.w This opinion of al-Shafi'I is quoted by al-Subki (d. 771 AH),91 (like by Ibn Hajar), from al-Bayhaqi's (d. 458 AH) Fa(lii'il al-auqdt. Al-Bayhaqi records the opinion of al-Shafi'I with a remarkable phrase: "wa-in fa'ala fa-hasanun", and comments that as it is common knowledge among the Muslims that the only obligatory fast is Ramadan, the idea of reprehensibility (connected with fasting a whole month, in this case Rajab) is accordingly lifted (fa-'rtaja'a bi-dhdlika ma'nd /kariihiyyati). Consequently it can be deduced from the arguments of al-Bayhaqi that the tradition of Ibn Majah merely expresses disapproval of fasting the whole of Rajab if this fast is put on an equal footing with Ramadan as obligatory. As the Muslim community is aware of the fact that the only month of mandatory fasting is Ramadan, there is no reprehensibility in fasting a whole month (in this case Rajab); if the believer fasts this month - it is a good deed. Although al-Subki could not find the additional phrase wa-in faala jabasanun in other sources - he accepts the version recorded by al-Bayhaqi
86 Ibn Miijah, I, 531 (anna I-nabiyya ~allti lldhu 'alayhi wa-sallama nahd 'an saumi rajabin); aI-Shaukiini, Nayl, IV, 210; comp, about the interdiction of fasting of the whole month of Rajab: Ahmad b. l;Ianbal, I, 231, No. 181; al-Turtushi, p. 130; ai-Khatib al-Baghdiidi, II, 227; K. Wagtendonk, p. 121 (and note 4). 87 Ibn Hajar, Tabyin al- 'ajab, p. 33; al-Dhahabl, Miziin al-i'tiddl, II, 104, No. 3015. 88 See on him Ibn l;Iajar, Tahdhib, III, 193, No, 370; al-Dhahabi, Mizdn, II, 12, No. 2631. 89 See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, III, 417, No. 764. 90 Ibn Hajar, Tabyin al- 'ajab, p. 31 inf.-32 sup.; and see al-Shaukani, Nayl, IV, 210, line 8 from bottom. 91 Tabaqdt al-Shdfi'iyya al-kubrii, ed. al-Hilw, al-Tanahl (Cairo 1966), IV, 12-13.
205
M.J. Kister
as sound. As the interdiction of fasting of the whole month of Rajab is not a sound one - it has to be considered, states al-Subki, as mustahabb, desirable (wa-idha lam yakun al-nahyu 'an takmili saumihi $abiban baqiya 'ala asl! l-istihbiib); the utterance of al-Shafi'I indicates that fasting the whole month of Rajab is good (hadha l-nassu lladhi rawiihu l-Bayhaqiyyu 'an alShaji'iyyi fihi daliilatun bayyinatun 'ala anna sauma rajabin bi-kamdlihi hasanuny. This, al-Subkl states, confirms the opinion of 'Izz al-Dln b. 'Abd al-SaHim92 that he who forbids to fast in Rajab is ignorant of the principles of the Law
(man nahii 'an saumi rajabin fa-huwa jdhilun bi-ma'khadhi ahkdmi l-shar'Ii. Al-Shaukanl (d. 1250 AH) discusses the problem of fasting in Rajab in
connection with fasting the whole month of Sha 'ban and concludes that the traditions enjoining fasting during the holy months (al-ashhur al-burum) include the recommendation of fasting of the month in Rajab. There are no traditions stating that fasting in Rajab is reprehensible (makruh).93 Al-Qastallani discusses the contradictory traditions about fasting during the whole month of Sha 'ban.94 The reference to fasting on Sha 'ban is indicated in the hadith reported on the authority of Usama b. Zayd in which the Prophet said: "That (i.e. Sha'ban) is a month neglected by the people, (a month) between Rajab and Ramadan, It is a month in which the deeds are brought before the Lord of the Worlds, and I want therefore that my deeds be brought before Him when I am fasting."95 Al-Qastallani remarks that many people think that fasting in Rajab is preferable to fasting in Sha 'ban, because Rajab is one of the holy months (al-ashhur al-hurumy; but it is not so (i.e. fasting of Rajab is not preferable to the fasting of Sha 'ban). Al-Zurqani supports the opinion of al-Qastallani, quoting the hadith reported on the authority of 'A'isha, that when people fasting Rajab were mentioned to the Prophet, he said: "How (poor are) they (in their reward compared to those fasting in) Sha 'ban."96 Nevertheless al-Qastallanl admits that some of the Shafi'tyya considered fasting of Rajab as more meritorious than fasting of other months. Fasting in Rajab is recommended as Rajab is one of the holy months; the fast of these months is indicated in the tradition recorded by AbU Da'ud. 'Abdallah b.
See below, p. 207. Al-Shaukanl, Nayl, IV, 209-210. 94 Al-Zurqanl, VIII, 124-125. 95 Ibid., VIII, 126; and see al-Shaukanl, Nayl, IV, 210 sup.; al-Haythaml, Majma' alzawa'id, III, 192. 96 Al-Zurqanl, VIII, 126; this tradition is recorded by Ibn Hajar, Tabyfn al- 'ajab, p. 33 with the following story: "A woman entered the home of 'A'isha and mentioned that she fasted Rajab. 'A'isha said: fast Sha'ban, as the merit is in (fasting) Sha'ban." She then quoted the utterance of the Prophet.
92 93
206
"Raiab
is the Month
of
God ... "
'Umar stated that the Prophet used to fast in Rajab and honoured this month. Although the hadith of Ibn Majah forbidding the fast of the whole month of Rajab is a weak one - the Hanbalis considered it as valid. They concluded on the basis of this tradition, says al-Zurqani, that it was reprehensible to single out the month of Rajab as a month of fasting (yukrahu ifrdduhu bi-l~aumi).97
A significant passage quoted from a book of al-Damlri (d. 808 AH) by 'Ali b. Ahmad al-'Azizi (d. 1070 AH)98 records the favourable opinion of two scholars of the seventh century of the Hijra towards fasting in Rajab. Abu 'Amr b. al-Sala1;t99was asked whether fasting the whole month of Rajab was a sin or whether it was a rewarded practice. He answered that there was no sin in it at all. None of the Muslim scholars, argued Abu 'Amr b. alSalah, considered it as sin. It is true that some scholars of hadith stated that there were no sound hadiths about the merits of fasting Rajab; that does not however imply any sin in fast; traditions about fasting in general and about fasting in the holy months in particular indicate that this fasting (i.e. in Rajab) is meritorious. The tradition of Ibn Dihya claiming that the fire of Hell is kindled every year for the people fasting Rajab is not sound and its transmission is unlawful.100 Tzz al-Dln b. 'Abd al-Salamlv! was asked about the opinion of scholars who denounce the fast of Rajab and its observance and whether fasting the whole month as a vow was lawful. 'Izz al-Dln gave permission to vow fasting the whole month arguing that none of the scholars of Islam included Rajab among the reprehensible periods of fasting (fima yukrahu saumuhuy; on the contrary: it is a pious deed (qurba) as indicated by sound traditions and it is recommended. He who honours Rajab in a different way than the people of the Jahiliyya, the argument says, does not imitate them. Besides, not everything practised by the people of the Jahiliyya is forbidden to follow (in Islam), unless it is interdicted by the Law (wa-laysa kullu md fa'alathu l-jdhiliyyatu manhiyyan 'an muldbasatihi illii idhii nahat al-shari'atu 'anhu wadallat...). Truth should not be abandoned on the ground that people of falsehood practised it, says 'Izz al-Dln. Furthermore, he gives his statement about the ignorant scholar who forbids fasting on Rajab as quoted above from Subki's Tabaqat. Al-Damirl sums up the two fatwds in a poem of ten verses, concluding that
Al-Zurqanl, VIII, 127. Al-Sirii] al-munir, II, 391-392. 99 See on him al-Dhahabl, Tadhkirat a/-l;lUffa?, IV, 1430, No. 1141. 100 See this fatwd in Fatdwd Ibn a/-Sa/ab (Cairo 1348 AH), p. 21. 101 See on him al-Kutubl, Fawat al-wafayat, ed. Muh. Muhyl I-Din 'Abd al-Hamtd (Cairo 1951), I, 594, No. 234.
97 98
207
M.J. Kister
fasting the whole month of Rajab is recommended. A vow of fasting in the month is binding (wa-bi-l-nadhri yajib). In the opinion of Ahmad (b. Hanbal) singling out the month for fasting is reprehensible, but the opinion that forbids it should be rejected. The prohibition of fasting was reported by Ibn Majah, but the badith. proved to be weak because of its (weak) isndd. The shaykh 'Izz al-Din stated that he who forbade fasting in any case is heedless. He strongly rejected the opinion of scholars who forbade fasting, and stated that they should not be consulted for fatwii. The transmitters of the Shart'a did not reprehend fasting the whole (month). The recommendation of fasting (in this month) is included in the recommendation of fasting in general and there is no sin upon the fasting (person). Ibn al-Salah stated that the haditb about punishment for fasting in Rajab was not a sound one, and it was not permissible to attribute it to the Prophet. The merits of fasting in general, as stated in (valid) texts, indicate that it is even desirable (mustahabbi in particular - this is how al-Damirl concludes his poem. Ibn 'Asakir (AbUI l-Qasim 'Ali b. al-I;Iasan)102 devoted a special chapter in his Amiili to the merits of Rajab. He composed some verses in which the river Rajab in Paradise is mentioned: a drink from Rajab in Paradise, If you desire it - fast for God in Rajab And pray the prayer of the longing103 and fast Because everyone who exerts himself in (deeds of) obedience will not be disappointed. 104 Orthodox scholars denied any merit to fasting in Rajab, basing their argument on the tradition reported on the authority of Sa'id b. Jubayr.l05 When Sa'Id b. Jubayr was asked about the merits of fasting in Rajab, he said: "I was told by Ibn 'Abbas that the Prophet used to fast (to an extent) that we thought that he would never break his fast, and he used to break his fast (so often) that we thought that he would not (start again to) fast." 106 Al-Qastallani remarks rightly that this tradition indicates that fasting in Rajab is neither forbidden nor recommended (wa-l-zdhiru anna murdda Sa'idin - i.e. Sa'Id b. Jubayr bi-hiidhii l-istidldlu 'alii annahu Iii nahya 'anhu wa-lii nadbafihi, bal lahu hukmu biiqi l-shuhftri).107 The opponents of fasting in Rajab argue that this tradition
See on him C. Brockelmann, GAL, SI, 566. "Saldt al-riighibtna": the ~aliit al-raghii'ib is here, of course, alluded to. 104 AbU Shiima, pp. 55-57. 105 See on him Ibn Khallikan, Wafayiit al- a'yiin, ed. Ahmad Fartd Rifii'i (Cairo n.d.) VI, 127-136. 106 Al-Turtiishl, p. 128; Ibn l;Iajar, Tabyin al-tajab, p. 32. 107 Al-Zurqanl, VIII, 127; and see al- 'Azizi, II, 392, line 23 (the opinion of aI-Nawawi).
102 103
o he who wants
208
"Raiab is the Month of God ... " points clearly to the fact that the Prophet used to fast during different months of the year. It is accordingly evident that the Prophet did not single out any month for fasting, and therefore no special merit can be attached to the fasting of Rajab; the only meritorious month of fasting is Ramadan, There is a version of the tradition of Sa'Id b. Jubayr quoted above, reported on the authority of 'A'isha. "The Prophet used to fast (to an extent) that we thought... etc." This hadith has however a significant addition: "And I did not see the Prophet, states 'A'isha, completing the fast of any month at all except Ramadan, and I did not see him fasting more (in any month - K) than in Sha'ban."108 Two points in this tradition are noteworthy: the one stressing that the Prophet did not complete fasting in any month except Rama<;lan. his implies that it is not permitted to fast a whole month except in RamaT <;lan. he other point emphasizes that he used to fast in Sha 'ban more than in any T other month. One may not be surprised to find a contradictory tradition, reported on the authority of 'A'isha, stating that the Prophet used to fast the whole month of Sha'ban (kii.na yasianu sha'biina kullahu).109 Another tradition, reported on the authority of Abu Hurayra, gives a different version: "The Prophet did not complete the fast of any month besides Ramadan except for Rajab and Sha'ban "(anna rasiila lldhi ~alla lldhu "alayhi wa-sallama lam yutimma sauma shahrin ba'da ramaddna illd rajaba wa-sha'biina).110 Ibn Hajar classifies the tradition as "munkar",l11 because of the transmitter Yusuf b. 'Atiyya,112 who is considered as "very weak".113 It is not surprising, however, that the hadith on which opponents of fasting in Rajab based their argument is also reported on the authority of 'A'isha: "The Prophet did not single out any month of the year for fasting" (inna l-nabiyya sallii lldhu "alayhi wa-sallama mii kana yakhussu shahran min al-sanati bi-saumin ).114 Opponents of fasting in Rajab attempted to prove that the Companions, like the Prophet, disapproved of fasting Rajab, did not attach any sanctity to the month and considered fasting during Rajab as adherence to Jahiliyya observ-
9949), II, 77 ult., No. 711. 108 Muh, Fu'iid 'Abd al-Baql, al-Lu'lu' wa-l-marjdn fimd ttafaqa "alayhi l-shaykhdn (Cairo 1949), II, 22 ult., No. 711; Ibn Haiar, Bulugh al-mariim, ed. Muh, I;Iiimid al-Fiqql (Cairo 1933), p. 137, No. 701. 109 Al-Haythaml, Majma' al-zawii'id (Cairo 1352 AH), III, 192; and see ibid.: kiina yasiimu sha'bana wa-ramaddna yasiluhumd. 110 Al-Haythaml, III, 191 penult.; Ibn Hajar, Tabyln al-tajab, p. 9 info .111 See about the definition of "munkar" Muh, 'Abd aI-I;Iayy al-LuknawI, al-Raf" wa-l-takmil, ed. 'Abd al-Fattah AbU Ghudda (I;Ialab, n.d.), pp. 92-99. 112 See on him al-Dhahabt, Miziin al-i'tidal, IV, 488, No. 9877. 113 Ibn I;Iajar, Tabyin al-' ajab, p, 10, line 1. 114 A1-TurtiishI, p. 128.
209
M.l. Kister ances. 'Umar, says the tradition, used to beat the hands of people fasting in Rajab when they lifted them from (dishes of) food and compelled them to put them into it. He used to say: "Eat because Rajab was merely adored by the people of the Jahiliyya."llS In another version of this tradition, 'Umar used to flog people who fasted the whole month of Rajab.116 Another tradition states that Ibn 'Umar disliked to see people prepare for fasting Rajab. He told them: "Fast (some days) of it (i.e. of the month) and break the fasting; it is merely a month which the people of the Jahiliyya revered" .117 According to these traditions fasting on some days of Rajab, just as fasting some days of other months, is not forbidden; but fasting for the whole month and attaching sanctity to the month itself are not lawful. The adoration of Rajab might endanger the position of Ramadan, This is reflected in a story about Abu Bakr. When he saw his people prepare for fasting Rajab he said: "Do you make (i.e. observe) Rajab like Ramadan 7" (a-ja'altum rajaban ka-ramat/ana).1l8 Ibn 'Abbas insisted that Rajab be not established as an obligatory feast ("id) like Ramadan, Al-Turtushi concludes that these traditions indicate that "the honouring of Rajab by some people is a vestige of the bonds of the Jahiliyya" (dallat hddhihi l-dthiiru 'alii anna lladhi
fi aydi l-niisi min ta'~imihi innamii hiya ghabariitun min baqdyii "uqiidi l-jiihi/iyyati).119 In summary al-Turtushi states that fasting in Rajab is not obligatory, it is not a sunna of the Prophet and is not meritorious; it is reprehensible.120 A special treatise against fasting in and veneration of Rajab, named Adii'u mii wajab min bayiini wad'i l-waddd'Ina fi rajab, was compiled by Ibn Di1;tya,121 From this treatise the following hadith is with all probability quoted: "The Prophet said: 'Hell is kindled from year to year for the people fasting in Rajab'. "122 One of the main arguments of the opponents of the Rajab fast was the tenet
us Al-Shaukant, Nayl, IV, 210 (here the tradition is quoted from Ibn AbI Shayba's al-Musannaf. The remark of Wagtendonk, p. 121, note 3 that "these are late traditions" can hardly be accepted.); al-Turtusht, p. 129; Ibn Hajar, Tabyin al-tajab, p. 32; al-Haythaml, Majma' al-zawii'id, III, 191; Jamal al-Dln al-Qasiml, I#ab al-masdjid min al bida'i wa-I'awa'id (Cairo 1341 AH), pp. 76-77; al-Muttaql ai-Hindi, VIII, 409, No. 2966; AbU Shama, p. 38; al-Manbijl, Kit. al-samii'i wa-l-raqs in Majmu'at al-rasii'il al-kubrd It-Ibn Taymiyya (Cairo 1323 AH), II, 360 inf, 116 Al-Turtusht, p. 129. 117 Ibid., p. 129. 118 Ibid., p. 129; al-Qasimi, p, 77; AbU Shama, p. 38. 119 Al-Turtnsht, p. 129 ult.-130 sup. 120 Ibid., pp. 130-131; Ibn Hajar, Tabyin al- 'ajab, pp. 34-35; al-Qasiml, pp. 77-78; AbU Shama p. 38 (all quoting al-Turtusht). 121 See on him al-Dhahabl Tadhkirat al-buifa? (Hyderabad 1958) IV 1420 No. 1136. 122 Al-'Azizi, II, 391, line 6 from bottom; and see abovep. 207.
210
"Rajab
is the Month of God ... "
that the believer is not entitled to establish days or months of religious practices to which particular merits may be attached; this privilege is exclusively reserved for the Lawgiver (fa-l-/:zii~i/u anna l-mukallafa laysa lahu mansibu l-takhsisi bal dhiilika i/o. l-shari'i).123 As the tradition reported by Sa'Id b. Jubayr (stating that the Prophet used to fast through the whole year) refutes the traditions about fasting in Rajab, as the Companions repremanded this fasting, as the traditions about fasting in Rajab are weak and untrustworthy - the view that the Rajab fast may be included into the category of good deeds has to be rejected. Good deeds necessitate the approval of the Prophet, which the fasting of Rajab did not get. As the traditions about fasting in Rajab are lies, the fast is, of course, unlawful (fa-in qila- a-laysa hddhii huwa isti'mdla khayrin? qila
lahu: isti'miilu khayrin yanbaghi an yakima mashrii'an min al-nabiyyi salld lldhu "alayhi wa-sallama; fa-idhii "alimnd annahu kadhibun kharaja min almashru'iyyati).124
Opponents of Rajab tried to show the weakness or the forgery of the proRajab traditions, revealing the weakness of the isndd. AbU Shama (d. 665 AH), who devoted a good deal of his Bii'ith to the rebuttal of pro-Rajab hadiths, and Ibn Hajar (d. 852 AH) in his Tabyin al-lajab, a treatise with the same aim, both used the same method of scrutinizing isniids. The tradition about the Rajab river in Paradise was rejected by AbU Shama125 on the ground that Musa al-Tawil126 was a liar. The hadith: "Rajab is the month of God, Sha'ban is my month etc." was discarded because the transmitter was al-Naqqash al-Mausilt.t-? a famous liar and forger of hadith. The hadith:
"kana rasiilu lliihi salla lliihu "alayhi wa-sallama idhd dakhala rajabun qdla lldhumma biirik lana Ii rajabin wa-sha'biina ... etc."128 was rejected on the
ground that Ziyad b. Maymun129 was considered as "discarded" (literally: "abandoned", "matriik"). Ma'mun b. Ahmad al-Sulamlrw and Ahmad b. 'Abdallah al-Juwaybari,l3l transmitters of pro-Rajab hadiths, were known as notorious liars; 132Ibn al-Jauzi counts both Ma'mun b. Ahmad and Ahmad
Abu Shama, p. 37. Ibid., p. 38. 125 Ibid., p. 55 penult. 126 See on him al-Dhahabl, Mizdn al-i'tidiil, IV, 209, No. 8888. 127 See on him al-Dhahabl, Miziin al-i'tiddl, III, 520, No. 7404. 128 See Ibn al-Sunnl, 'Amal al-yaum wa-l-layla (Hyderabad 1358 AH), p. 178; al-Suyutt, al-Jiimi' al-saghir, II, 105; ai-Khatib al-Baghdadl, Miir!i/:l auluim, II, 473; al-Jarraht, I, 186, No. 554; 'Ali al-Qari', al-Adab, fol. 65a, inf.; al-Majlisl, Bibtir, XX, 338 (lithogr. edition). 129 See on him al-Dhahabl, Mizdn al-i'tiddl, II, 94, No. 2967. 130 See on him al-Dhahabl, Mizdn al-i'tiddl, III, 429, No. 7036. 131 See on him al-Dhahabl, Mizdn al-i'tiddl, I, 106, No. 421. 132 AbU Shama, p, 55.
123 124
211
M. I. Kister
b. "Abdallah in the list of "big liars" .133Both are accused of the transmission of the forged hadith, in which the Prophet foretold: "Among my people will be a man called Muhammad b. Idris; he will be more harming for my people than Iblis"; one of them invented the badith.134 By Muhammad b. Idris, the imam al-Shafi'I is meant. It is quite plausible that al-Shafi'I's assessment of the personality of Ma'mun b. Ahmad was concise: Ma'miin ghayru ma'mun.135 The hadith: "He who fasts the twenty seventh day of Rajab, God will write for him a reward of sixty months; it is the first day when the angel Gabriel brought the Prophet the Message" is marked by AbU Khattab (i.e. Ibn Dihya) as a spurious tradition. The tradition that the date of the Isrii' was the twenty seventh day of Rajab is marked as "the essence of lie". 136One of the transmitters of the tradition: "He who fasts three days of Rajab - God will count for him (the reward of) fasting of a month ... etc." was Aban (b. abl 'Ayyash).137 Ibn al-Jauzl rejects the tradition as unsound because of Aban, He quotes negative opinions of scholars about Aban, and records the saying of Shu 'ba138 that he prefers adultery to transmission of the traditions reported by Aban.139 The scholars opposing the fasting of Rajab faced the hostile attitude of the common people who practised fasting and special devotions in some nights of Rajab. They faced the pressure of the rulers as well. A peculiar case of this kind is reported in connection with the activities of Tzz al-Djn b. 'Abd alSalam, whose favourable opinion about Rajab fasting was mentioned above. In the year 637 AH 'Izz al-Dln acted as preacher and imam of the mosque of Damascus; he was a very learned and pious man, strictly following the sunna. Just before the beginning of Rajab, he preached in the mosque on Friday, and stressed that the $aliit al-raghd'ib was a bid'a and that the badtth. enjoining the practice of this prayer was a lie. 'Izz al-Din compiled a treatise in which he expounded his view and warned the people against the practice of this bid'a; he named it "al-tarhib 'an saldti l-raghii'ib". He was however compelled by the common people and the sultan to change his mind and to compile a treatise which contradicted his former treatise. In his second treatise he issued a favourable judgment about the $aliit al-raghii'ib.140 The orthodox permission of the popular Rajab fast in the tenth century of the Hijra is fairly exposed in the treatise of the HanafI scholar "Ali al-Qari'
133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140
Al-Shaukanl, al-Fawd'id, p. 426. Ibid, p. 420; see al-Dhahabl, Miziin, III, 430; al-Suyutl, al-La'iilt, I, 457. Abu Shiima, p. 55, line 5 from bottom. Ibid., p. 56 sup. See on him al-Dhahabl, Miziin I, 10-15, No. 15. See on him al-Dhahabt, Tadhkirat al-/.Iuffiiz, I, 193, No. 187. Ibn al-Jauzl, al-Maur!u'iit, II, 206. And see his assessment of isndds, ibid., pp. 207-28 AbU Shiima, pp. 32-33.
212
"Rajab
is the Month of God ... "
"al- Adab fi rajab". Although he follows strictly the path of orthodox assessment of the hadith concerning fasting Rajab, he nevertheless gives his consent to
fasting Rajab and regards it rewardable. The interdiction of fasting Rajab in the hadith of Ibn Majah - argues 'Ali al-Qari' - has to be considered as an interdiction of its obligatory character, as it was in the period of the Jahiliyya
(wa-ammii md rawiihu Ibn Miijah. annahu 'alayhi l-saliimu nahd 'an siyiimi
rajabin fa-mahmidun 'ala "tiqiidi wujiibihi kama kdna fi l-jahiliyyati).141 Except that (i.e. this reason for the reprehensibility of fasting) none of the scholars said that fasting in Rajab was reprehensible (wa-illii fa-lam yaqui ahadun min al- 'ulamd' bi-kariihati ~aumihi).142 The opinion that every hadith about fasting Rajab and prayers in some nights of Rajab is a forged one deserves to be re-examined. It is true that there are some forged traditions, but traditions about fasting in Rajab are numerous and they, although weak, strengthen each other.143 Scholars agree, argues al-Qari', that it is permissible to perform pious deeds having recourse to "weak" traditions (wa-ajma'a 1- 'ulamd'u bijawiizi l- 'amali bi-l-abddithi l-da'ifati l-wdridati fi farjii'ili l-a'mdli). The interdiction of fasting Rajab by some scholars and considering it a bid'a is therefore not plausible (wa-lii ma'nii li-nahyi...). What is required from the believers is worship and obedience according to their ability. Rajab, as can be deduced from tradition, is a month surpassing other months in merits.144 Radical and uncompromising scholars rejected all the traditions about the virtues of Rajab and the merits of its fast. Ibn Taymiyya states that all the traditions about fasting in Rajab, fasting on the first Friday of Rajab and other merits are lies according to the consensus of the scholars. The best hadith on this subject is, of course, the hadith recorded by Ibn Majah, stating that the Prophet forbade the fast of Rajab.14S
IV Among the distinctive features of Rajab are the special prayers and supplications connected, of course, with the fasting. These special prayers, devotions and supplications were the subject of fervent discussions and were strongly reproved by orthodox scholars. Rajab is a month of repentance, of refraining from sin and of doing pious
'Ali al-Qari', al-Adab, fol. 65b. 'Ali al-Qari', al-Al;uidith al-maudu'a, fol. 61a. 143 Ibid., fol. 61a. 144 Idem, al-A dab, fol. 65b. 145 Al-Manbijl, II, 306; Ibn al-Jauzl, al-Maudii'iit, II, 208 (mii ~aMa ft fadli rajabin wa-ft #yiimihi 'an rasidi lliihi ~allii lldhu 'alayhi wa-sallama shay'un); al-Jarrahl, II, 421.
141 142
213
M.l. Kister deeds. This idea of Rajab is expounded in a tradition attributed to the Prophet. In a speech delivered a week before Rajab, the Prophet stated that the rewards for good deeds in this month were doubled, supplications responded to by God and distress relieved by Him. The Prophet bade the believers to fast the days of Rajab and to keep vigilance in its nights. He who prays during some days of Rajab fifty prayers, reciting in every rak'a passages from the Qur'an - God will grant him rewards for his good deeds as much as the number of his hairs. He who fasts one day - God will reward him with the reward of fasting of a year. He who keeps his tongue (from bad speech)God will tutor him in arguments of his defence when the two angels Munkir and Nakir would come to question him (in his grave). He who would give some alms - God will save his neck from the fire of Hell. He who does good deeds to his people - God will treat him kindly in this world and in his life to come, and will help him against his enemies during his lifetime. He who visits a sick person - God will order the noble of His angels to visit him and greet him. He who prays in a funeral ceremony during this month, is as one who revives a buried girl-child. He who gives food to a believer - God will lodge him on the Day of Resurrection at a table where Ibrahim and Muhammad will be sitting. He who clothes a believer during this month - God will put on him a thousand of the suits of Paradise. He who bestows a favour upon an orphan and strokes his head - God will forgive him as many of his sins as the number of the hairs (scil. on the head of the orphan) upon which his hand passed. God will grant forgiveness to the believer who asks it. He who praises God once - will be counted in God's presence among the people mentioning God many times. He who completes in this month the reading of the Qur'anGod will crown him and his parents with crowns inlaid with pearls and he will be assured not to be inflicted with the horrors of the Day of Resurrection. 146 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr is said to have stated: "He who comforts a believer in his hardship during the month of Rajab, 'the Deaf', the month of God God will grant him a palace in Paradise as big as his gaze can reach. Therefore, urges the tradition, venerate Rajab and God will bestow upon you a thousand graces."147 He who gives alms once in Rajab - says a hadith attributed to the Prophet - God will keep him away from the fire of Hell, at a distance equivalent to that which a crow flies during its lifetime (literally flight of a crow since flying as a chick until its death in decrepitude - a crow lives five hundred years).148 A hadith reported on the authority of Salman al-Farisi records the following utterance of the Prophet:
146 Ibn Hajar, Tabyin, pp. 25-26; al-Shaukanl, al-Fawd'id, p. 439, lines 9-12 (the beginning of the tradition). 147 'Abd al-Qadir ai-JUan!, I, 200. 148 Ibid., I, 200.
214
"Rajab is the Month of God ... " "He who fasts one day of Rajab is (considered) as if he had fasted a thousand years. He who grants alms (once) is (considered) as if he would give alms of a thousand dinars and God will credit him for every good deed with a number of rewards equal to the number of his hairs. God will raise him a thousand steps, erase a thousand of his sins and credit him for every donation of alms with (the reward of) a thousand pilgrimages and of a thousand 'umras and build for him in Paradise a thousand courts and a thousand palaces and a thousand apartments; in every apartment there will be a thousand enclosures, in every enclosure a thousand /:zUris, who are a thousand times more beautiful than the sun.149 According to a Shi'i tradition, an angel called al-Da'I proclaims every night of Rajab from the seventh Heaven on the order of God: "Blessed are those who remember (Me), blessed are the obedient." God the Exalted says: I am the Companion of (the believer) who would sit by Me, I obey him who obeys Me, I forgive (the believer) who asks My forgiveness; the month is Mine, the servant is Mine, the mercy is Mine; he who would call Me - I shall respond to him; he who supplicates Me - I shall give to him, he who will ask my guidance - I shall guide him. I made this month a rope between Me and My servants; he who will hold fast by it will reach Me.1so Al-Shaukani points out as a reprehensible innovation in Rajab and Sha 'ban, that people use to exert themselves in acts of obedience and adhere to religious prescriptions during these months, but neglect these actions during the rest of the year.1S1 Of interest is an Isma'ili exhortation stressing the sanctity of Rajab (called al-asamm, al-fard, al-asabb) and summoning the faithful to practise fasting, repentance and submission to God. The rewards of good deeds in this month are multiplied.tss The main point in the fervent discussion about Rajab devotions is the topic of sald: al-raghd'ib, a prayer performed on the eve of the first Friday of Rajab.1S3 To this saldt al-raghd'ib the Prophet referred in a /:ladith reported on the authority of Anas b. Malik. The Prophet, when asked why the month of Rajab was nicknamed "the. month of God", answered: "It is because it is singled out (makh$u$) with (the quality of) forgiveness. In this month bloodIbid., I, 201. Al-Majlisl, XX, 338 (lithogr. ed.). 151 Al-Fawd'id, p. 440. 152 Al-Majdlis al-mustansiriyya, ed. MuI.).. Kamil Husayn (Cairo, n.d.), p. 112. 153 But saldt al-raghd'ib was formerly called the prayer of the midst of Sha'biin; see Abu Shama, p. 29, line 8 from bottom.
149 150
215
M. J. Kister shed is prevented. God forgave his prophets in this month and rescued his saints (au/iya') from the pains of punishment." The Prophet further counted the rewards of fasting in Rajab and recommended to an old man, who had complained that he would not be able to fast the whole month, that he restrict his fasting to the first day of Rajab, to the middle day of Rajab and to its last day. "Do not be heedless - continued the Prophet - about the eve of the first Friday of Rajab; it is a night called by the angels al-rahgii'ib, "the large (desirable) gifts"." This (is so) because after passing of the first third of this night no angel on Earth or in Heaven remains who does not gather in the Ka'ba or around it. God the Exalted has a look (at them) and says: "My angels, ask Me whatever you want", and they answer: "Our need is that Thou mayest forgive the people fasting Rajab". Then God the Exalted says: "I have done it already". The Prophet enjoined the believers to fast the day of the first Thursday of Rajab and to pray in the first third of this night (i.e. the eve of Friday) twelve rak'as reciting in every rak'a the fali/;la once, the sura "innii anzalndhu fi laylati l-qadri" three times, the sura "qui huwa lldhu ahadun" twelve times; between every rak'a a taslima has to be recited. After this prayer the believer has to recite seventy times "lliihumma salli 'ala l-nabiyyi l-ummiyyi wa-'ala iilihi". Then he has to perform a prostration during which he has to say seventy times "sabiihun, quddiisun, rabbu l-mald'ikati wa-l-riihi", Then he would raise his head and say seventy times "rabbi ghfir wa-rham wa-tajdwaz "ammd ta'lamu, innaka anta t:'azizu l-a'samu", Then he should prostrate a second time repeating the supplication quoted above (in the first sajda). Then he pleads for his needs and his plea will be responded to by God. Every servant of God with no exception - says the tradition - praying this prayer, God will forgive him all his sins even if they were (as much) as the foam of the sea and numbering the number of leaves of the trees, and he will intercede for seven hundred of his people at the Day of Resurrection. At the first day of his stay in his grave, he will be visited by the Reward of this prayer. The Reward will greet him with a bright countenance and tell him: "0 my beloved, rejoice because you were delivered from every woe". He will then ask: "Who are you, as 1have not seen a face finer than yours and 1 have not smelled a smell more fragrant than yours". Then Reward will reply: "0 my beloved, 1 am the Reward of the prayer, which you prayed that night of that and that month; 1came this night to you in order to fulfil the obligation towards you and to cheer you up in your loneliness. When the Horn will be blown, 1 shall be the shade above your head. Rejoice, because you will receive bounty from your Lord."154
154 Ibn l:Iajar, Tabyin, pp. 19-21; AbU Shama, pp. 29-32; 'Abd al-Qadir al-mani, I, 204205; al-Suyutt, al-La'ali, II, 55-56; al-Shaukant, al-Fawa'id, pp. 47 inf.-50; al-Majlisi, XX, 344 (lithogr. ed.); Ibn al-Jauzt, al-Mau4u'at, II, 124--125.
216
"Rajab is the Month of God ... " Al-Nawawi classifies the saldt al-raghii'ib as a shameful bid'a (hiya bid'atun qabihatun munkaratun), which has to be abandoned, reprehended and prevented. In his fatwd he points out that although many people observe this prayer and that the hadith about the merits of the prayer was recorded in AbU Talib al-Makkt's Qut al-quliib and in al-Ghazall's Il;zya'155- it is nevertheless a futile bid'a tbid'atun biitilatun).156 Ibn Hajar classifies this hadith as forged. 'Ali b. 'Abdallah b. Jahdam is accused of the forgery of this l;zadith,157Al-Turtusht mentions as the $alat alraghii'ib the prayer of fifteenth Sha'ban158 and Rajab. The prayer of Rajab was introduced for the first time in Jerusalem: it happened after 480 AH,159 AI- "Abdari refutes in a special chapter, 160the opinion that the $alat al-raghd'ib is meritorious or even lawful. He records the fatwd of 'Abd al-Aziz b. 'Abd al-Salam161 strongly condemning this prayer. It is evident that this fatvii is the firstjatwa of 'Izz al-Dln mentioned by AbU Shama. 'Izz al-Din was compelled, as quoted above, to compile a fatwd with a contradictory opinion about this prayer. Beside the detailed refutation of the lawfulness of this prayer in the special chapter - al-'Abdarl stresses the reprehensible features of the performance of the prayer: men and women mix together in the mosque during the $alat al-raghii'ib. If somebody claims that there exists a I;zadith recommending this prayer quoted by al-Ghazall - then the prayer has to be performed by the believer privately (fi khiissati najsihi), not as a common prayer in the mosque. Further it is reprehensible to tum it into a continuous and obligatory sunna (sunna da'ima Iii budda minjrliM). The traditions about "merits of actions" (faqa'il al-a'mdl) have weak isndds - argues al-" Adbart; although Muslim scholars permitted believers to act according to these hadiths, they allowed it on the condition that the practice would not be a continuous one. Thus if the believer acts according to such a tradition even once in his life, he would be considered as obeying the (recommendation of)
155 I/;Iya' (Cairo 1289 AH), I, 182 (al-Ghazall remarks that the people of Jerusalem are eager to perform this prayer). 156 Al-Nawawi, Fatiiwd al-imdm al-Nawawi (al-masii'il al-manthiira), ed. 'Ala l-Dln b. al-'Attar (Cairo 1352 AH), p. 28; aI-'AbdarI, IV, 259. 157 See AbU Shama, pp. 30-31; al-Shaukani, al-Fawii'id, p. 49, n. 1; al-Suyiltl, La'ali II, S6inf.,aI-Dhal;labi,Miziin al-i'tidiil,III,142,No. 5879; Jamal ai-Din al-Qasiml, pp. 105-106; al-Pattanl, pp. 43 ult.-44; 'Ali al-Qari', al-A/;Iiidith al-mauda'a, fol. 61 a. Ibn Jahdam is said to have confessed to the forgery of this tradition before his death; cf. Sibt Ibn al-Jauzl, Mir'at al-zamdn, Ms. Karacelebi 284, fols. 272b-273b. 158 See above, note 153. 159 Al-Turtusht, pp. 121-122; and see ibid., note 4 of the editor, M. Taibi. 160 Al-Mudkhal IV, 248-282. 161 Ibid., pp. 277-282 (he is, however, mentioned as Abii Muhammad b. 'Abd aI-'Aziz 'Abd al-Salam b. Abi Qasim al-Sulami al-Shafi't).
217
M. J. Kister tradition - if it is indeed a sound one; if, however, the tradition has an isniid which is dubious and open to dispute (wa-in yakun al-hadithu fi sanadihi mat'anun yaqdahu fihi) - his action (performed according to this !)adfth) would not harm (him) as he performed a good deed (li-annahu fa'ala khayran) and did not turn it into a publicly performed rite (sha'iratun ?
Tighten Thy Grip on Mudar.pdf and Journalof the Economic SocialHistoryof the Orient,Vol. XXIV, Part III
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR...
Somesocio-economic religious and aspects an early of .hadith*
BY
M.J.KISTER
To Professor D. Goitein S. a humble tribute.
The widely current utterances attributed to the Prophet concerning his eponymous ancestor Mudar and his progeny are usually couched in very favourable terms. Tradition stresses that the angel Jibril himself told the Prophet of his descendance from Mudar 1); the Prophet, recording his pedigree, thus stated explicitly that he was of Mudar 2). Mudar is obviously counted in Muslim tradition among the highly praised ancestors of the Prophet, chosen by God from amongst the whole of mankind and singled out by Him from among the Arabs 3). The very early traditions emphasized that Quraysh preserved and kept the monotheistic tradition of Ismd'il and Ibrahim and that the guardians and champions of this belief were the eponymous ancestors of the Prophet; widely current is the utterance attributed to the Prophet according to which Mudar was a Muslim and it is not lawful to curse him 4). The ancestors of the Prophet are said to have stuck to their
* A summary of this paper was read in a meeting of the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities in Jerusalem on December 2, 1975. i) Al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal, Hyderabad 1385/1965, XIII, 51, no. 297; cf. Muhammad Anwar al-Kashmiri al-Diwabandi Fayd al-bari cald 1-bukhbri, Cairo I357/1938, IV, izi21 inf.:... innama kina banz7tamimin min qaumi sah.hib 1-nabiyyili-anna 1-nabiyyakana min mudarawa-ha'ula'i aydan mudariyyfn... z) Al-Wdqidi, Maghdzg, ed. M. Jones, London 1966, p. ioii; al-Shdfici, al-Umm, Cairo (Bfilq) 1321 (reprint), VI, 215. 3) See e.g. al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, 36-38, nos. 225, 233-234. 4) Al-Balddhuri, Ansib al-ashrdf, ed. Muhammad Hamidullah, Cairo I959, I, 3 I; al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, 51, no. 294; and see ib. the version that both Rabica and Mudar embraced Isldm; and see this version: al-Shibli, Maha-sinal-wasa'il ft
0 GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
243
Arab faith, without converting to Judaism, Zoroastrianismor Christianity5). In line with this notion the Prophet is said to have enjoined
to follow (the descendants of-K) Mudar whenever there was a dissension among the believers, as Mudar would always be on the right path and act justly 6). Mudar were indeed granted prophethood and caliphate, Islam gained power and strength through Mudar and great conquests were made after Mudar embraced Islam, says Ibn Sa'id in his Nasbwat al-tarab7). The favourable traditions about Mudar are confronted by a few unpropitious utterances also attributed to the Prophet; these unfavourable sayings refer, however, either to the coarse Bedouin traits of character of Mudar or are cast in the form of prophecies concerning the wicked role of Mudar as an oppressive element in the government of the Muslim Empire which persecutes and harms the believers 8). Of some importance seems to be a peculiar tradition according to which the Prophet invoked God asking Him to afflict Mudar with years of drought like those at the time of Joseph. "O God, tighten Thy grip on Mudar", the Prophet invoked, "Turn barren years upon
ma'rifatil-awd'il, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 1530, fol. 54a; and see another version of this tradition: al-Naysdbiri, Ghard'ibal-qur'dn ed. al-furqdn, Ibrahim cAtwa wa-raghd'ib 'Iwad, Cairo 1386/1967, XVIII, 31; and see I. Goldziher, MuslimStudies,ed. S. M. Stern, London 1967, I, 83-84, note 5. cald ed. Thaldthu 5) Cf. rasd'il(al-radd 1-nasdrd), J. Finkel. Cairo1344, P. 15: kdnatal-nasrdniyyatu fdshiyatanwa-'alayhd ...wa-ukhrd wa-hiya fthd ghdal-J.hiz, anna -'caraba wa-lamtafshu libatan,illa mudara, wa-ldmdjdsiyyatun, yahdidyyatun fa-lam taghlib'alayhd thumma wa-lamtacrif mudaru dina1-'arabi, 1-islima. illa fiha1-nasrdninyyatu... 6) Ibn Abi 1-Dunyi, al- Ishrifft mandzilal-ashrdf,Ms. Chester Beatty 4427, fol. 69b; al-Muttaqi1-Hindi,op.cit., XIII, 51, no. 295-296; Goldziher,op.cit., I, 84, note 5. ntaha1-sharafu wa-17) Ms. Tiibingen I, fol. 94: ... ilayba (i.e. al-mudariyya--K) awwalan wa-dkhiran 'iddatu wa-l-khildfati wa-khassaha wa-bihdCazza lldhubi-l-nubuwwati i-isldmu .. lammadakhalatfihiafwdjan. wa-cazumatfutzihuhu Ta'rikhWdsit, 8) See al-Hdkim,al-Mustadrak, Hyderabad 1342, IV, 470; Balhshal, ed. Gurguis 'Awwad, Baghdad 1386/1967, p. 262; al-Tah1wi, Mushkil al-dthdr, min Hyderabad 1333, I, 435-436; Yisuf b. Mnasial-Hanafi,al-Muctasar al-mukhtasar min mushkilal-dthdr, Hyderabad 1362, II, 385; al-Muttaqi1-Hindi, op cit., XIII, 51, no. 298; and see ib., p. 42, no. 259: wa-mudaru cindausfzliadhndbi 1-ibilihaythuyatla'u rabi'ata wa; qarnu 1-shaytan... and see ib., no. 263:... wa-l-jafd'u fihddhayni l-hayyayni ed. Cairos.v. m d r: ... ; Ibn al-Athir,al-Nihdyafigharhb al-hadith, al-Tandhi, mudara... mudaru, fa-qdia: tuqdtilu ... wa-dhakara macaha maddaraha fl1-ndri. khurutja c'aishata lldhu
244
M. J. KISTER
them like the famine years of Joseph" 9). There are divergent and even contradictory opinions of hadith scholars, Qur'an commentators and biographers of the Prophet about the circumstances in which the Prophet uttered this invocation. The period during which the Prophet pronounced the invocation is disputed and so are also the prayers in the course of which the invocation was performed, the curses and blessings linked with the invocation, whether the invocation was continuous, whether it was abrogated and consequently whether it is, or is not permissible to use invocations during prayers. A closer examination of these diverse traditions about the Mudar invocation and a scrutiny of some traditions referring to other events of that period may grant us a clue for a better understanding of the Prophet's attitude towards the different tribal groups and towards the various factions in Mecca, to elucidate some of the economic and political decisions which he took during his struggle with the hostile tribal divisions and during negotiations with his enemies. The analysis of these traditions may help us to get a more adequate assessment of the changes which took place in the perception of invocations and supplications during the prayers and to form a better evaluation of the political situation in Mecca and Medina in the decisive period preceding the conquest of Mecca.
9) Ibn Sacid, op.cit.,fol. 94r., inf.; cf. Ibn Farak, Mushkil al-hadith,Hyderabad Hyderabad1332, II, 33; al-Mubarrad, 1362,p. 97; al-Marzfiqi, al-AZmina wa-l-amkina, Beirut al-Kdmil,ed. Muhammad Abia 1-FadlIbrdhim, Cairo; Ibn Sacd, al-Tabaqdt, Sunan,ed. cAbdallahHdshim Yamini, al-Madina 1376/1957, II, 53; al-Diraqutni, al-munawwara,1386/i966, II, 38, no. 7; Mahmid MuhammadKhattSb, al-Manhal al-maurfid abi al-cadhb sharhsunanal-imdmi ddwfd,Cairo 1394, VIII, 80; Aba 1-Layth Cairo 1347, P. 197 inf.; Ibn Majah,Sunan Tanbih al-ghdfilin, al-Samarqandi, Cairo 1349, I, 375; al-Bayhaqi,al-Sunan al-mus.tafd, al-kubrd,Hyderabad 1346, II, 197-198, zoo, 21o; Ibn Shahrdshib,Mandqib dlabitalib,Najaf 376/1956,I, 72 (the Prophetinvoked against Mudar according to the request of Khabbdbb. al-Aratt), I89; Shahriddrb. Shirawayh al-Daylami, Musnad al-firdaus,Ms. Chester Beatty 4139, fol. I36b; al-Thacilibi, Thimdr al-qulzb,ed. MuhammadAbfi 1-FadlIbrdhim, Cairo 1384/1956, p. 49, no. 57. Ibn IHajaral-'Asqalni, al-Arba'una l-mutabcyinatu 1-asinidiwaMs. 1-mutfin, Hebrew Univ. Yahuda Ar. zo, I, fol. i7a-b (the persons against whom the Prophet invoked were: Aba Jahl, cUtba b. Rabia, Shayba b. Rabl'a, alWalid b. 'Utba, cUqbab. abi Mucayt,Umayyab. Khalaf and a manwhose nameis not disclosed).
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
245
I
According to a traditionrecordedby 'Abd al-Razziqon the authority of his teacherMa'marb. Rashid(d. 15o H), the Prophet respondedto a requestby a man of Mudarto pray for them for rain, afterthe man had describedto the Prophet the grave situation of his tribe as a result of a
drought;afterthe prayerof the Propheta greatdeal of rainpoured
down 10). Two other traditions indicate that the drought had been caused by a previous invocation of the Prophet11). The reason for the Prophet's invocation against Mudar was, according to a tradition, their stubborn refusalto embraceIslam, their disobedience,arrogance and unbelief12). Some Muslim scholarsexplainedthat the Prophet'sinvocation was merely addressedagainst the evil-doers of Mudar, not against the whole of this tribal confederation 13), others however out that the curse afflictednot only the evil-doers of Mudar, pointed since the Prophet and his Companionswere also hit by the famine14). records15) the name of the man of Mudar who asked the Al-HIJakim Prophet to prayfor rain: Ka'b b. Murraal-Bahzi(scil. from the Mudari
tribeof Sulaym-K) 16).
The extent of the drought by which the Mudar tribes were affected
ed. io) 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, Habibu 1-Rahmdnal-Aczami, Beirut 1390/ 1971, III, 90, no. 4908. ii) 'Abd al-Razzdq,op. cit., III, nos. 4907, 4909. 12) See e.g. Ibn Sacid,op. cit., fol. 94 r., inf.: ...wa-qad kdnarasilu llhi (s)yashkf shdud... ild rabbihimin 'isyanihim wa-culuwwihim qla llthumma hatta~ 13) See e.g. Yasuf b. Mvis~ al-Hanafi, op. cit., II, 320: ... wa-shdud wat'ataka 'ali mudara, ay: Cali man lamyu'min minhum...; ib., p. 385: ... wa-minhu qauluhu ... min min wa-shdud wa-huwa wa-kathbrun al-sahiba wa-sallamfiqunfitihi: salla ll/thualayhi mankana minhum khil/fi 1-tariqati mudara, ; wa-l-murtdu: 1-mustaqima... and see Cala al-Tahdwi,Mushkilal-dthjr,I, 436. 14) Ibn Qutayba, Ta'wil mukhtalif al-hadith,Cairo 1326, p. 318: ... wa-qaddact rasil/u lithi (s) alda shdud Cal/ mudara, fa-qjla: Ilkihumma wa.tpataka mudara...fa-njia dhilika 1-jadbu rasila llihi wa-asihbahu wa-bi-ducj)ihiCuqib*b shadda1-muslimina hatta Cald butinihim min al-hijarata alfj'Ci. 15) op. cit., I,328. See on him ed. 16) Al-H.kim Ibn Hajar, al-Isa;ba, 'Ali Muhammadal-Bijdwi, Cairo 1392/ 1972, V, 6iz, no. 1439 (Ka'b b. Murramerely saw the man who asked the Prophet to invoke for rain).
246
M. J. KISTER
can be gauged from a report recordedby al-Jdhiz17) and quoted by alBayhaqis18);as a result of the curse rain stopped, trees died, flocks and cattle perished, pastures diminished and people were compelled to eat 'ilhib, a mixfure of blood and hair and hides. Then HJjib b. Zurdra set out to Kisrd, complaining of the hard19) and asking the king to grant his tribe permission to graze their ship flocks in the region of Sawid al-'Iraq;he left his bow as a pledge that his people would not harassthe subjectsof the Persianruler.When the sufferingof Mudar reached its point of culmination,and divine proof the reached its predestined conclusion (balaghat mablaghahd) al-.hqija and rain poured Prophet made a new invocation intercedingfor them down. The reason for the Prophet's invocation against Mudar, as given in this report, was the allegationraisedby Qurayshand the Arab tribes that the Prophet was a liar, causing him harm and the fact that they decided to expend their wealth in order to fight him 20). The two Mudar tribes mentioned in this report are Quraysh and Tamim21). It is evident from the reports that when the Prophet cursed Mudar he cursed the Mudar tribes; when he prayed for rain he asked for rain and fertility for these Mudar tribes (Tamim and Sulaym) on which their flocks were dependentand on which the supplyof their vital needs of grain depended.It is obvious that the supply of grain and meatby the allied tribes for the Meccan Qurashiteswas vital for the very existence of Mecca. The link between the curse of the Prophet and Qurayshis apparentin the comment by al-Batalyisi22) on the nickname sakhina
17) Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3138 (Mukhtarat al-Jthiz) fol. i zb. fuisl ed. Ibrdhim b. Muhammad al-Bayhaqi,al-Mahasinwa-l-masawi, Muhammad I8) Cairo I380/I96I, I, 24-25; and see cAbd al-Jabbdr, Tathbit Abid 1-Fadl ed. Ibr.him, dala'il al-nubuwwa, cAbd al-Karim 'Uthmdn, Beirut 1386/1966, I, 80 inf.-8i sup. 19) See on him: EI2 s.v. HIdjib b. Zurdra. 1-musta20) Ibrdhimb. Muhammadal-Bayhaqi,op. cit., I, 24: ... thumma duc'auhu wa-1anna1-nabiyya lammdlaqya min qurayshin lladhW ta'khira fhi, wa-dhalika la (s) jabu lahuwa-takdhibihim adhihum minshiddati calayhi bi-l-amwdli wa-stic'natihim iyyahu 'arabi bildduhum... dacaan tajdiba al-farid,ed. Ahmad 21) See a slightly differentversion: Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, al-cIqd Amin, Ahmad al-Zayn, al-Abydri,Cairo 1375/ 1956, II, 20-21. Ibr.him ft 22) Ibn al-Sid al-BatalyTsi,al-Iqtiiddb sharh adab al-kuttdb,Beirut 1973 (re-
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
247
applied to Quraysh: when Qurayshrefused to embraceIslam, though summoned by the Prophet, the Prophet invoked God against them: alldhumma shdud sininaka-siniyifsufa. wat'atakawa-j'alhd'alayhim They sufferedfrom droughtfor seven yearsduringwhich time they nourished on 'ilhiz and on a thin gruel of coarse flour calledsakhina In some 23). the people of Mecca)are mentioned24). cases, indeed, only Quraysh(or The course of events connectedwith the Prophet's curse is the usual one: Quraysh refused to embrace Islam; the Prophet invoked God against them and they were afflicted by hardship and famine; they repentedand were relieved, but lapsed into unbelief and were punished on the Day of Badr. This sequenceof events is indicated in the verse: ..."upon the day when We shall assault most mightily, then we shall take Our vengeance"25). Another version seems to point to the direct and indirectobjectsof the curse:the cursewas directedagainstQuraysh, but the invocation of the Prophet to lift the curse and his prayerfor rain were performed on the request of men from Mudar and for the benefit of their tribes26). Numerous traditionsindicate clearlythat the stubborn refusal of Quraysh to follow the Prophet, the curse of the Prophet, the drought and hunger, the Prophet's prayer for them, God's help and the reversionof Qurayshto unbelief-all these happened before the hbira;Quraysh were punished by God and they suffered defeat on the Day of Badr (AH 2). Some versions of this tradition state that it was Abi Sufy.n who
print), p. 46; al-Baghdddi,KhiZinatal-adab,ed. cAbd al-Salm Hdrin, Cairo 1397/ 1977, VI, 527-528 (from al-Iqtidab). 23) Cf. L CA, s.v. s kh n. 24) Cf. Ibn Ndqiydal-Juminft tashbihat al-qur')n, ed. Ahmad al-Matlfb, Khadija Baghddd 1387/1968, p. 347; and see al-Nayssbflri, op. cit., XXX, 188. al-IHadithi, 25) Cf. Muqitil, Tafsir, Ms. Ahmet III, no. 74/2, fol. 84b-85a;al-Bayhaqi,Dala'il ed. al-nubuwwa, 'Abd al-Rahmin Muhammad cUthmdn, Cairo 1389/1969, II, 87 inf.--88 sup.; al-Suyati, al-Khasa'is al-kubrd,ed. MuhammadKhalil Harris, Cairo 1386/1967, I, 369 inf.-370 sup.; al-Qurtubi, Tafsir (= al-Jdmic li-ahkim al-qur'tn) Cairo 1387/1967, XII, I35, XVI, i31; al-Khazin, Tafsir (= Lubib al-ta'wil), Cairo 1381/repr.)V, 33; al-Baghawi, Tafsir(=Macdlim al-tanzil,on margin of al-Khdzin's Cairo I328. VIII. 34. Tafsir), V, 33; Hayydn, Tafsfrul-bahri1-muhit,, Cairo 1314, VI, 28; Ibn Kathir,Tafsir, 26) See e.g. al-Suyati, al-Durr al-manthzfr, Aba. Beirut 1385/1966, VI, 246.
248
M. J. KISTER
came to the Prophet and recountedthe plight of Quraysh(scil. asking him to pray for them-K) 27). In some versions of this tradition it is mentioned that certain Qurashites joined Abi Sufyan when he was on his way to the Prophet. Muqdtilrecords the names of the members of the Qurashitedelegation to the Prophet led by Abii Sufydn: 'Utba b. Rabi'a, al-'As b. Wd'il, Mut'im b. 'Adi, Suhaylb. 'Amr and Shayba b. Rabi'a 28). The members of the delegation were indeed the leaders of the Meccan opposition against the Prophet; they were capturedor killed in the battle of Badr. Some traditions explicitly say that the delegation headed by Abii Sufydn came to the Prophet when he was still in Mecca, before he left on his hbjra Medina29). These traditions, to possessing as they do fine narrative structure,belong to the type of miracle-traditions which encompassesa well-known cycle of edifying stories: the Prophet calls to a group of people to embrace the true religion, his call is harshly rejected, God punished them in answer to the Prophet's request, then the Prophet's invocation rescues the unvelievers who, after a short period of repentance, soon revert to unbelief and are severely punished. But though they are vague and imprecise, these traditions seem to contain some historical details which may be elucidatedfrom other versions of this event. It is the Muslim scholars themselves, aware of the incongruity of these traditions, who transmitted diverse reports about the circumstances of the curse of Mudar, some of them more tallying with the historicalevents and more reliable.
al-kubra,I, 370; idem, II, 27) Al-HIkim, al-Mustadrak, 394; al-Khasa'is al-Durr al-manthfzr, z8; al-Khdzin, op.cit., V, 34; al-Baghawi, op.cit., V. 34; alVI, al-Suy.ti, II, Bayhaqi Dalj'il al-nubuwwa, 89, 90 inf.; Abi Nu'aym al-Isfahdni, Dala'il alHyderabad 1369/1950, pp. 382-383; al-'Ayni, 'Umdatal-qdir,Cairo 1348, nubuwwa, VII, 27-28, 45-46; and see Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, V, 31 inf.-3z sup.; Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 5912, I, fol. 192b; al-Naysdbfri, op. cit., XXV, 66. 28) Muqitil, op. cit., Ms. 74/II, fol. 146a-b. h~dhacaldanna1-qi?ata 29) Al-cAyni, op. cit., VII, 28, 1.9: ... wa-dalla k/nat qabla Cairon.d., IV, 103, 1.2 (and see ib., p. Ioz) ... al-iljhbyya, 1-hijrati ; al-Jamal,al-Futihadt and see the comments of al-'Ayni, op. cit., VII, 45 : .. . wa-kana qabla1-hijrati majPuhu 1-madinata anna ... wa-lamJyunqal abasufydna qablabadrin(commenting on the qadima refers to the Muslim victory at Badr). interpretationthat al-batsha 1-kubra
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
249
II
Al-Bayhaqi refers to a tradition according to which Aba Sufydn came to the Prophet in Medina asking him to pray for the Qurashites afflicted by famine as a result of the Prophet's curse and remarks with some reservation that he came to him twice: once when the Prophet stayed in Mecca and the other time in Medina30). Al-Jamal. commenting on the interpretations of al-Jaldlaynon S-ra XXIII, states that this verse and the two following ones were revealed to the Prophet in Medinaand that Qurayshwere afflictedby the Prophet's curse when he emigratedto Medina; hence Abi Sufyan came to the Prophet to Medina. Al-Jamal records a version of the talk of Aba Sufydn with the Prophet as reported by al-Bay~dwi: Aba Sufyan reproachesthe Prophet by reminding him of his claim to have been sent as a mercy for the people of the world, while he has killed the fathers (scil. from among Quraysh-K) by the sword and the children by famine31). The tradition affirms the assumption of al-Jamal and indicates clearly that Abi Sufydn set out to Medina to intercede on behalf of his people after a military encounter between the forces of the Prophet and those of Qurayshbrought about the defeat of the Qurashitesand caused a numberof them to be killed; at the same time children in Mecca were dying of hunger caused by some actions of the Prophet which are however not specifiedin the tradition. The clash between the forces of the Prophet and those of Mecca, the results of the militaryand economic actions of the Prophet against Mecca and her tribal allies are fairly reflectedin a commentaryof Sara XVI, 11 2: Ibn 'Abbds, Mujdhidand Qatddaare quoted as stating that the verse refersto the seven years of famineto which the Meccanswere exposed; they also were in fear of the Prophet and his Companions who were attacking their caravans;these events took place when the Prophet uttered his invocation: "O God, tighten Thy grip on Mu30) Al-Bayhaqi,Dala'il, II, 91, 1i. 1-z. 31) Al-Jamal, op. cit., III, 198 inf.-199.
250
M. J. KISTER
dar..." 32), More detailed and concrete is the version recorded by al-Tha'labi in his Tafsir: the Qurashites suffered hunger for seven years and the Arab tribes cut off their food-supplies according to the order of the Prophet (... ibtaldhd bi-l-ji'i sab'asininawa-qata'a l-'arabu The Meccan delegation, including bi-amril-nabiyyi). 'anhumu 1-mirata Aba Sufyan, describedthe sufferingsof the people and the unjustified pain of the children; they asked the Prophet to invoke God for them, which the Prophet indeed did. Then the Prophet permitted to carry food to them (i.e. to Mecca), while they (i.e. the people of Mecca-K) were still unbelievers (... fa-da'd lahumrasi~lu Ildhiwa-adhina li-l-ndsi This report is quite wa-hum bi-hamli 33). ilayhim ba'dumushrikin) 1-ta'dmi about the situation in Mecca: a tribal group obedient to the explicit Prophet cut off the food supply of Mecca on the order of the Prophet and the population of Mecca were afflictedby hunger. The Prophet's permission to resume food supplies to Mecca for the unbelievers of Quraysh is forcefully formulated in this account. Similar reports are recorded in the commentaries of al-Rizi 34). al-Baghawi35) and alJdwi 36). Tabari records in his commentary (Sira XVI, 113-115) a slightly divergent tradition referringto the story of the curse and the hunger; he records however an additional comment on the phrase: Ildhu..., according to which the phrase l ...fa-kulf mimmd razaqakumu refers to the provisions which the Prophet sent, out of mercy, for the unbelievers of Mecca when they were afflicted by drought and hunger37). The detail about the dispatching of food to Mecca by the Prophet out of mercy is indicated in the report recorded in the Tafsir of al-Jiyvni:the Prophet sent to them alms for the poor and goods a3). wa-mdlin) The very early comilayhimbi-sadaqatin (... fa-badatha of al-Farrd'(d. 207 AH) describes the hunger suffered by mentary
Beirut Al-Tabarsi, Majmacal-bayan, 138o/1961, XIV, 132. 33) Al-Tha'1abi,Ms. Vatican, Ar. 1394, fol. 8a. Cairo I357/1938, XX, 128-130. 34) Al-Rizi, Mafdtibal-ghayb, cit., IV, 98-99; al-Khdzin,op. cit., IV, 98-99. 35) Al-Baghawi, op. Marablabid,Cairo n.d., I, 467. 36) Al-Tabari, (Bulq) XIV, z25-i 37) Al-J.wi, TafsTr 26. 38) Abfi Hayyln, op. cit., VIII, 34.
32)
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
251I
Quraysh,their fear of the raids of the Prophet'stroops and states that
the Prophet sent to them food out of mercy, while they remained unbelievers 39). Another account mentions the messenger who carried the Prophet's gifts to Mecca; it was 'Amr b. Umayya al-Damri 40), a wellknown Companion of the Prophet, whom the Prophet happened to entrust with some special missions 41). Al-Qurtubi records explicitly the invocation against Mudar and quotes fragments of the different versions mentioning the plight of Quraysh, their fear as a result of the raids of the forces of the Prophet, the talk of the Meccan delegation with the Prophet, Abi Sufydn's pledge and the order of the Prophet to
carryfood to Meccain order to divide it among them 42). The date of the boycott against Mecca is indicatedin the commentaries of the Qur'ln, Sira XXIII, 76: "We alreadyseized them with the chastisement...": the boycott of food supplies was carried out by Thumamab. Uthi~43) who stopped it after some time by an order of theProphet44). Ibn Kathir gives a very concise summaryof the relations between the Prophet and Quraysh:when they refused to convert to Islam and
ed. 39) Macdn7 l-qur'dn, Muhammad'Ali al-Najjdr,Cairo 1972, II, 114: ... thumma inna1-nabiyya raqqalahum mushrikfina. (1) fa-hamalailayhimal-ta'amawa-hum 40) Al-Balddhuri, Ansib, Ms. fol. 896a: ... wa-ba'atha rasztluldhi 'amranild mushriki bi-silatinwa-qadaqhatfi hattd akalzf1-rimmata wa-jahad7 qurayshin wa-l-'ilhiza. 41) See e.g. Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba,IV, 602-603, no. 5769; al-Dhahabi, Siyar a'lim al-nubala',ed. Ascad Talas, Cairo i962, III, 40, 1.12; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-ghiba, Cairo 1280, IV, 86.
42)
Al-Qurtubi,
43) Al-Tabari, Tafsir (Billq) XVIII, 34-35; al-Qurtubi, op. cit., XII, 143; cf. Cairo I388/1968, p. 211; al-Suyfiti, al-Durr al-manthz7r, al-Wihidi, Asbab al-nulz7l, and see Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., V. 550: ...fa-adayyaqa qurayshin fa-lamyada' V, 13; 'ald Ibn IHajar, habbatan mina l-yamamati; ta't~him al-Isaba,I, 411: ... wa-man'uhu 'an al-mirata... ; and see ib., on the Yamdma: ... wa-kanat ahli makkata. qurayshin r7fa and see F. McGraw Donner, Mecca's Food Supplies and Muhammad'sBoycott, JESHO, XX, 249-266. ed. 'Ali al-Bij wi, Cairo 138o/ 44) Ibn cAbd al-Barr, al-Istzlib fi ma'rifati ... wa-kinat miratuqurayshin I-a.shib, thumma min 196o, I, 215: wa-manfic'uhhum al-yaammati, ... ; according mi kinaya'tihimminmiratihim kharaja fa-habasa'anhum wa-mantif'ihim to this narrative the Qurashites sent a letter to the Prophet asking him to order Thumdmato lift the boycott; the Prophet responded to their request; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-ghaba, 247. I,
op. cit., X. 194-195.
252
M.
J.
KISTER
recognize the mission of the Prophet they were afflictedby drought and hunger, according to the Prophet's curse; after the hyirathey sufferedfrom the attacks of the Muslim troops; after their conversion to Islam the situation changed: they became leaders and rulers of the
people 45).
III The Prophet's invocation against Mudar is in some traditions linked with the qunfzt-invocation during the prayer. The one uttered by the Prophet is said to have contained either blessings (scil. for the oppressed believers-K) or curses (against the unbelieving enemies of the Prophet-K) or blessings and curses coming both together46). These qunfzt-invocations which refer to some historical
events may be useful for establishing the date when boycott was imposed and of the time when it was lifted, following the appeasement. 'Abd al-Razzaq records three names of the persecuted believers
in Mecca: 'Ayyash b. Abi Rabi'a 47), Salama b. Hisham 48), and al-Walid b. al-Walid b. al-Mughira 49), quoting the formula of the Prophet's
45) Ibn Kathir, Tafsir,IV, 230-231. 46) Al-Mundwi, Fayd al-qadir,sharhal-jjmic al-saghir,Cairo, 1391/1972, V, 96, no. 6554. (On the efficacyof such an invocation see 'Abd al-Razzdq,op. cit., II, 446, no. 4030: A dog passed a group of people praying behind the Prophet; one of the people made an invocation againstthe dog and it immediatelyfell dead on the ground. The Prophet remarked that had this person made an invocation against a whole people, God would have responded to his invocation (and the people would have perished-K). al-Isdba,IV, 750, no. 6127; al-Zurqini, Sharh cald 47) See on him: Ibn IHajar, Cairo I328, VII, 344. al-laduniyya, 1-mawdhib 48) See on him Ibn Sacd, op. cit., IV, 130-131; Ibn cAbd al-Barr,op. cit., p. 643, no. Io32; al-ZurqIni, op. cit., VII, 344; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba,III, I55-156, no. 3405; ed. al-cIqdad-thamin akhbaral-baladal-amzn, Fu'Id Sayyid, Cairo 1384/1965, IV, ft 599-600o,no. 1325; al-Dhahabi, Ta'rikhal-Islim, Cairo i367, I, 379. 49) See on him: Ibn Hajar,al-Isiba,VI, 619, no. 9157; al-Zurqdni,op.cit., VII, 344; al-Wdqidi,Maghazi p. 46 records another account: the Prophet made an invocation b. on behalf of Salamab. Hisham, CAyydsh Rabicaand other unprotectedand oppressed (literally:"weak") believers (scil. in Mecca-K); this happenedwhen the Prophet was on his way to Badr. Al-Wdqidi stresses that another invocation, namely for al-Walid b. al-Walid was uttered by the Prophet later, as al-Walidb. al-Walid was
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
25 3
invocation for them, which is linked with the invocation against
Mudar 50). The date of the escape of these three believers from Mecca
and their arrival in Medina is given either "after Uhud" 51) or after the Battle of the Ditch 52). Accordingly the date of the Prophet's invocation may be establishedeitherafterthe year 3H (Uhud) or afterthe year five (the Battle of the Ditch). Some traditions link the story of the Prophet's invocation with the revelation of Sura III, I28:..."no part of the matter is thine, whether He turns towards them again or chastisesthem, for they are evildoers". As the Prophet made an invocation for the believers and uttered a curse against Mudar, God revealed the verse mentioned above:..."no part of the matter is thine..." 53). Other traditions commenton the verse differently: Prophetused to curse certainperthe sons of the mundafiqin duringthe morningprayer;then the versementioned above was revealedand the Prophet was implicitly bidden to cease to curse these persons54). One of the traditions mentions that four persons,whose names are not specified,were cursed by the Prophet55). A tradition traced to Ibn 'Umar gives a list of the three unbelievers b. Hishdm against whom the Prophet invoked: Abif Sufyan, al-.Hirith and Safwanb. Umayya;the verse..."no part of the matteris thine"...
captured by the forces of the Prophet at Badr; he was released, embraced Islam and returned to Mecca. There he was put in shackles and imprisoned; cf. al-Dhahabi, no. io. Siyar acljm, I, 228, cAbd al-Razz5q, op. cit., II, 446-447, nos. 4028, 4031-4032; 50) Nor al-Din alHaythami, Majmac al-Zawr'id wa-manbac al-faw'aid, Beirut 1967 (reprint), II, 137 inf.-i-38.; al-Suyiati, al-Durr al-manthzfr,II, 71; Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, ed. 'Abd al-Khdliq Afghini, Hyderabad 1387/1967, II, 316-317; al-Nahhds, al-Ndsikh wa-l-mansikh, Cairo 1357/1938, P. 91; Ibn cAsdkir, Tahdbibta'rikh dimashq,Damascus 1349, VI, 234-235. 5 i) See al-Balddhuri, Ansab, I, 208 penult. 52) See al-Balddhuri, Ansib, I, 20o8, i1. 4-5; and cf., ib., pp. 209-211; al-Dhahabi, Siyar acldm, I, 228, no. io. 53) Al-Tabari, Tafsir, ed. Shdkir, VII, 201, no. 7820 (and see ib., the references of the Editors). 54) Al-Nahhis, op. cit., p. 91 sup.; al-Wdhidi, op. cit., pp. 8o-81; cAbdallah b. al-Mubdrak, Kit. al-jibhd, ed. Nazih Hammdd, Beirut 1391/1971, p. 58, no. 58; Ibn cAsdkir, op. cit., VI, 429. 55) Al-Tabari, Tafsir, ed. Shdkir, VII, 199, no. 7818.
254
M. J. KISTER
was revealed in connection with this invocation (and the Prophet ceased to curse them-K) 56). In the list given by 'Abdallah b. althe names of the three persons are different: Safwdn b. Mub.rak Suhayl b. Umayya, 'Amr and al-Hdrithb. Hisham; the name of Abii Sufydnis missing57).Al-Suydti mentions Safwln b. Umayya,al-HTrith b. Hisham, Abii Sufydnand the fourth man against whom the Prophet invoked (at the Day of Uhud) Suhayl b. 'Amr 58). Noteworthy is the additional phrase in al-Suyatti'stradition: God accepted their repentance (fa-tiba 'alayhim kullihim),and, as one may deduce, He forgave them their sins 59). These persons were indeed the leaders of Quraysh; they remainedamong the leading personalitiesof the community after they had embracedIslam and they participatedim some of the decisive events in Islam. The utterance of the Prophet about their repentance being accepted made their conversion easier and enabledthem to keep their high positions in society, their former enmity to the Prophet being forgotten. The traditionsin which the curse of Mudaris linked to the Battle of Uhud are contradicted by a report according to which the Prophet wounded in the battle and stained with blood made an invocation only against those who attacked and wounded him. God, however, did not respond to his invocation and forbade to curse the wicked people60). Peculiar is a tradition which states that the Prophet intended to curse the people who fled from the battle-field at Uhud. He was preventedfrom doing it by the revelationof the verse: ..."no part of the matteris thine"61). The tendencyof this traditionis evident
56) Al-Tabari, Tafsir, ed. Shdkir,VII, no. 7819 (and see the referencesgiven by the Editors); Ibn op. cit., VI, 429; cf. Shahridaral-Daylami, op. cit., Ms 'As.kir, Chester Beatty 4139, fol. 136b, Ii 1-2. IV, al-thamin, 57) cAbdallahb. al-Mubdrak,op. cit., p. 58, no. 57; al-'lIqd al-F.si, 35-36; Ibn 'Asdkir, op. cit., VI, 429. no. 3575. See on him Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba,III, 213 sup., 58) II, 59) Al-Suyati, al-Durr al-manthfdr, 71. nos.
281.
7805-7817; al-Zurqini, 6o) See e.g. al-Tabari, Tafsfr, ed. Shdkir, VII, 194-199, op. cit., VII, 343 ult.--344, 11. 1-3; Ibn IHajar,Fath al-bdri, Cairo 1301 (reprint) VII,
6 1) Al-'Ayni, op. cit., XVII, I55, 1. 14.
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
255
from the phrase which it contains, according to which one of the people who forsook the Prophet in this battle was 'Uthmanb. 'Aff~n. The majority of scholars are said to have been of the opinion that the verse "no part of the matteris thine" was revealedafter the battle of Uhud 62).
IV
The invocation against Mudar can hardly be related either to the Meccan period, or to the battle of Uhud. In the Meccan period the Prophet and his Companions suffered from the persecutions of the Qurashitesand only in some rarecases were the Qurashitescompelled to act in agreement with their tribal allies63); in the battle of Uhkud the Qurashiteswere those who fought the Muslimforces and wounded the Prophet, while the Mudar alliance is not mentioned as an active factor in the preparations that battle. The invocation of the Prophet for could only be uttered in the period when the tribes of the Mudar federation, the allies of Mecca, acted in cooperation with Quraysh against the Muslim community harasshing,attacking, damaging and killing. Such was the case with the expedition of Bi'r Ma'tina.In some traditions the curse of Mudaris actually reportedto have taken place after the massacreof the Companionsby the tribal groups of Sulaym and 'Amir b. Sa'sa'awhich were allied with Mecca and acted in close cooperationwith the Qurashiteenemies of the Prophet. According to these traditions the curse was linked with the invocation for the three Companions oppressed in Mecca by the unbelievers64). In some of
annahanazalat bi-sababi 6z) Al-Zurqini, op. cit., VII, 344, i i. 9-10: ... wa-1-sawab qiSati ubud ... wa-qala "l-lubabi";ttafaqa aktharu 1-culama'i cald nuzflihaft s.hibu qissati hbud. 63) See e.g. Ibn Hazm, Hajjat al-wadai, ed. Mahmfid Haqqi, Beirut 1966, p. 148; Muhibb al-Din al-Tabari, al-Qira li-qdsidi ummi 1-qurd, ed. Mustafi 1-Saqd, Cairo Cairo 1382/1962, III, 198, 1390/1970, P. 547; cAli b. Burhdn al-Din, al-Siraal--halabiyya, 3 from bottom; and see JESHO, I972, p. 64, note 3. I. ed. 64) See e.g. al-Tahdwi, Sharh macidn 1-adthar, Muhammad Zuhri l-Najjdr, Cairo 1388/1966, I, 241-244; al-ZurqIni, op. cit., VII, 344-345; al-W op. cit., p. 81; Ibn Abi Shayba, op. cit., II, 316 inf.-3 7 sup.; al-Daraqutni, Sunan, II, 38, no. 7; .hidi, al-Tabari, Tafsir, VII, zoz, no. 7821 (and see the references of the Editors); cf. Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., II, 53; cf. al-Shafiri, Musnad, Arah I306/i889, p. io8.
256
M. J. KISTER
the Prophet's invocations the curse is directed against the wicked tribal groups without any mention of Mudar at all 65). The account of Muqatil links the verse Sara III, I28:.. ."no part of the matter is thine"... with SairaXCIV (a-lam nashra.h). According to this comment both the passages refer to the massacre of Bi'r Ma'una. The story recorded by Muqatil differs in many details from the current reports: there were four hundred Companions known as ahl al-suffawho lived on the alms given to them; they gave the surplus of these alms to other poor persons. They had no relatives in Medina. They went out as a and fought the Banii Sulaym (who were military force (mujayyashin) unbelievers-K). Seventy warriors of this group (i.e. the ahl al-szffa) were killed. The Prophet made an invocation against the evildoers (scil. of Sulaym) praying to God to punish them. But God revealed to him the verse: . . . "no part of the matter is thine" and, since it was obviously predestined that they would embrace Islam, the text of Saira XCIV, i seq. was revealed 66). In some cases the invocation against the wicked tribal groups goes together with a blessing bestowed on Ghifhr and Aslam 67), the two tribal groups which supported the Prophet at a
65) See e.g. 'Abd al-Razzdq,op. cit., II, 446, no 4029; al-Zurqdni,op. cit., II, 78; Burhdn al-Din, op. cit., III, 196-197; Nor al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VI, i25; Cairo I372/1953, II, 390, no. 8; al-Suyiti, al-Durr alal-Shaukdni,Nayl al-au.tAr, manthfr,II, 71; Ibn Sayyid al-Nds, 'Uyfn al-athar,Cairo 1356, II, 47, I. 24; Ibn Abi Shayba,op.cit., II, 31o; Aba Nu'aym al-Isfahdni, Hilyat al-aullya',Cairo 1387/1967, III, 113 inf.; (and see the peculiar invocation against cUsayya: ... sami'tu rasgila bi-ban Cusdayyata, lljhiyaq/lu ft qunf7tihi: ummamildamcalayki fa-innahum yl 'asauIddha al-Khatib al-Baghdddi,Mfidih wa-rasilahu, Hyderabad 1379/ al-jam'wa-l-tafriq, auham i96o, II, 2); cf. al-Majlisi,Bihdral-anwar,Tehran 1386, LX, 232 (the curse here is uttered inter alia against Ricl, Dhakw~n, cAdl, Lihydn, those from among Asad and GhatafSninflicted by elephantiasis,Abei Sufydnb. Harb, Suhayl ["the man with the teeth"; in the text "Shahbal" instead of "Suhayl"], the two sons of Mulayka b. Jizyam, Marwdn[evidently: b. al-IHakam,-K], Haudha andHauna. The traditionis quoted from al-Kafi]). 66) Muqdtil,op. cit., 74/II, fol. 243a-b;and see al-'Ayni, op.cit., XVII, I 5, I. I5; wamin bani sulaymincusayyata wa-qlla inna ashiba 1-suffatikharaj ild qabllatayni arba'ina .... sabdhan fa-qutil2fa-da'c 'calayhim dhakwana I, 67) Al-Tahawi, Sharhma'ini 1-dthdr, 243 sup., 267 sup; Nir al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., II, 138; al-Daylami, Firdaus,Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. io8a; Ibn Abi Shayba, op. cit., II, 317 inf.; al-Wdqidi,op. cit., pp. 349 inf.-3 50.
Ibn IHajar,Fath al-birz, VII,
282
sup.; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, II, 199, 206; cAli b.
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
257
very early period 68). Al-Tahlwi analyses the divergent traditions, emphasizes the contradictory interpretations concerning the period in which the Prophet's utterance was given and surveys its circumstances, but does not reach a decisive conclusion 69). The statement that the invocation against the evildoers who had committed the massacre at Bi'r Ma'dna was the first time that the Prophet uttered a qunft-invocation during prayer 70) is of some importance for establishing the circumstances of this invocation and its date. It is in character with the custom of hadith scholars that they tried to bridge between the various versions of the tradition about the curse of Mudar. Some of them were of the opinion that the period of drought and hunger did not last seven years, but only a year or
even less. Thus, for instance, the formula: ... .' alhd 'alayhim sinina was interpretedas referring either to the harshness of ka-sini yrsufa the chastisementor to the period of drought: days, weeks, months or years71). The most reliablereportabout the Prophet'scurse of Mudarappears to be the one stating that the Prophet uttered if after the massacreof Bi'r Ma'ina. The close relations between Quraysh and their Mudar allies can be gauged from a significant passage of the report about this expedition: when the Muslim warrior 'Amr b. Umayya alwas capturedby 'Amir b. al-Tufayl,the man who planned and carried .Damri out the massacreof Bi'r Ma'ina, he was asked about his pedigree. When he stated that he was from Mudar, 'Amir b. al-Tufayl freed him and let him go, saying that he would not like to harm a man from Mudar72). 'Amir's decision was, of course, in line with the ideas
Misr, ed. C. Torrey, Leiden-New Haven, 1920-22, 68) Ibn cAbdal-Hakam,Futfrh p. 303 sup.; Ibn Hajar,Fath al-brZ, II, 410, 11. 16-23. I, 69) Al-Tahawi, Mushkilal-dthdr, 236-23870) A1-Zurqani,op. cit., II, 78, I. 17; al-HIkim, op. cit., I, 226 sup. 71) A1-Zurqini, op. cit., VII, 344, II. 2I-22: wat'ataka... Cala [kuffir qurayshin, au ... au al-sin7na al-qyyjm... ; Ibn Hajar, aulddi] jcalhd ay muadara allihumma al-wa.tata min l-mashriqi yauma'idhin mudara Fath al-bari,II, 410, iI. I2-I4: ... wa-ahlu mukhaliffinalahu... Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23297, fol. 46a, al-nasab, 72) See e.g. Ibn al-Kalbi,Jamharat i: ... fa-lamyuflit ahadun bnu camiru 1-tufayli hina qdla lahu ghayruhu khallasabilahu I.
17
258
M. J. KISTER
of tribal loyalty according to which he was expected to refrainfrom killing a memberof the Mudarfederationeven though the latter might participatein an expedition of a hostile troop. On the other hand, the individualsand groups who joined the Muslim communitycut their bonds with their tribes, keeping their loyalty and solidarityexclusively for their religious leaders and the community of the faithful. V Abfi SufyIn was one of the prominent leaders of Quraysh, a stubborn opponent of the Prophet during his stay at Mecca and the head of the active struggle against him after he moved to Medina. Abai Sufyanplayed a considerablerole in three decisive encountersbetween Quraysh and the Muslim forces: in the Battle of Badr (anno 2 H), in the Battle of Uhud (anno 3H) and in the Battle of the Ditch (anno 5H). Traditiondoes not mention any meeting during the Prophet'sMedinan period between the Prophetand Abi Sufydnfor negotaitionsexcept the latter's visit to the Prophet as a single delegate of Quraysh a short time before the Prophet set out on his expedition to conquer Mecca (anno 8H). There are, however, a few reports which indicate contacts between the Prophet and Abai Sufydn during a relatively long period before the conquest of Mecca by the Prophet. According to a tradition recorded by Muqatil, the leading hypocrites of Medina, 'Abdallah b. Ubayy 73), 'Abdallah b. Sa'd b. Abi a Sarh74) and Tu'ma b. Ubayriq75) cunninglyarranged meetingbetween the Prophet and the leaders of the unbelievers of Mecca: Abi Sufyan, 'Ikrimab. Abi Jahl and Abii l-A'war al-Sulami76). The Prophetrefused
inni min mudar; about the position of the chiefs of the Mudari tribes see Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, V, 488: ... fa-dakhala cuyqynatubnu hisnin al-faztriyyu ald 1-nabiyyi(s) wacindahu'a'ishatufa-dakhala bi-ghqyriidhnin,fa-qila lahu raszilul/lthi: fa-ayna 1-isti'dhdn? fa-q7la: yd rasila lldhi ma sta'dhantu cald rajulin min mudaramundhuadraktu. .. 73) See on him EI2, s.v. cAbd Alldh b. Ubayy b. Salkl (W. Montgomery Watt). 74) See on him EI2, s.v. cAbd Allah b. Sacd (C. H. Becker). 75) See on him Ibn Hajar, al-Isiba, III, 518, no. 4249; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-ghaba, III, 52-53. IV, 641, no. 5855 (cAmr b. Sufydn); Ibn 76) See on him Ibn IHajar, no. 2849; CAbd al-Barr, op. cit., p. 6oo, al-Is.dba, Khalifa b. Tabaqdt, ed. Akram Khayy.t,
O GOD, TIGHTEN
THY GRIP ON MUDAR
259
to accept the requests of the mixed Hypocrite-Qurashi delegation that should acknowledge the power of the idols to grant intercession he (sharf'a,scil. with God for the unbelievers-K). He pacifiedthe enraged 'Umar who was about to kill the membersof the arrogantdelegation and granted them a letter of safe-conduct, enabling them to return
safely to their homes
77).
This event is said to have been hinted at
in Stira XXXIII, 1-3: "O Prophet, fear God and obey not the unbelievers and the hypocrites. God is All-knowing, All-wise. And of follow what is revealedto thee from thy Lord"... (Translation A. J.
Arberry).
al-Minqari, Waq-at Diyv' al-Din, Baghdid 1387/1967, p. 5I; Nasr b. Muz.him SiffPn,ed. 'Abd al-Saldm Hirfin, Cairo 1382/1962, index (Sufyin b. 'Amr al-Sulami). bint Abai 1-Acwar was a halif of Abf Sufydn. Abfi -A'war's grandmother was Arw. b. cAbdshams. And see on him El2, s.v. Abi 1-Acwar (H. Lammens). Umayya 77) Muqitil, op. cit., Ahmet III, 74/II, fols. 85b-86a; and see a shorter version: al-Wihidi, op. cit., p. 236 with an explicit statement that the event took place after the battle of Uhud; and see al-Baghawi, op. cit., V, 189; al-Khizin, op. cit., V, 18919o; al-Nasafi, Tafsir, Cairo n.d., III, 292. The earliest version recorded by alFarr.', Ma'dni l-Qur'ln II, 334 states that the Prophet forbade to kill the Meccan members of the delegation, as there was a peace-treaty (muwtda'a) between them. Al-Samarqandi gives the report of Muqdtil, but also records the account of Ibn alKalbi, according to which the Meccan delegates alighted in the courts of 'Abdallah b. Ubayy, Mucattib b. Qushayr (see on him Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, VI, 175, no. 8125) and Jadd b. Qays (see on him Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, I, 468, no. i 12). According to this version it was the Prophet himself who intended to (order to-K) kill the arrogant Meccan delegates; but God forbade him to violate the pact (...wa-'aradz7 calayhi ashydaafa-karihaha minhum,fa-hamma bihim rasz7u lluhi (s) an yaqtulzhum (!) ild 1-muddatiwa-la tutic al-kafirina min ahli makkata). Another account says that the Muslims intended to kill the Meccan delegates, but the verses of Sara XXXIII, revealed at that time, prevented them from carrying out of their plan (al-Samarqandi, Tafsir, Ms. Chester Beatty 3668, vol. II, i29a). There is a curious tradition recorded by al-Suy~iti, Lubdb al-nuqzlfi asbabi l-nuZil, Cairo 1374/1954, P. 174: it makes no mention of the delegation, but speaks of the stipulations made by the Prophet's the Jews and the Hypocrites in enemies (also mentioned in other sources-K): Medina threaten to kill the Prophet if he does not abandon his ideas, while the Meccans promise to grant the Prophet half of their property if he retracts. The tradition, traced back to al-Dahhbik, mentions among the persons who summoned the Prophet to relinquish his call al-Walid b. al-Mughira and Shayba b. Rabi'a. The latter was killed in the battle of Badr; consequently the event has to go back, according to this tradition, to the period of the first two years after the hijra. And see this tradition: V, al-Suylti, al-Durr al-manthbir, i8o, II. 25-27.
lladhibaynaka wa-baynahum ttaqi 1-'ahda 1-nabiyyu Ilha wa-latanqudi fa-nazala:yj ayyuha
26o
M. J. KISTER
The reports do not specify the date of the arrival of the Meccan delegation in Medina; the only indication as to its time is the remark that it took place after Uhud. The style of the narrative and the circumstances of the visit, viz. the stratagem by which the Medinan hypocrites got the Prophet's consent to meet the delegation, the demand of the delegation and 'Umar's sharp reaction, all this seems to indicate that the delegation came to Medina after the Battle of the Ditch. The
battle itself was a defeatfor the Qurashitesand some of them probably realized that the Meccans would not be able to destroy the Muslim community in Medina and that they should set up a relationshipwith Medina based on the new balance of power. Some of the Qurashite leaders perceived that they were unable to resume their commercial activities without securing their trade routes from the attacks of the Muslim forces, and that it was necessaryto gain a recognition by the Prophetof the pagan deities of the Ka'ba in orderto preservethe authority of Qurayshas keepersof the House and to securean uninterrupted flow of pagan pilgrims to Mecca. The Qurashiteswere exhausted by the heavy war-expendituresand weakened by the lack of loyalty of some allied tribal groups who joined Muhammad. The boycott of Thumdmab. Uthdl, who at the Prophet's order cut off food-supplies from the Yamdmawas causing the population of Mecca serious hardship 78). The situationwas aggravatedby a severe drought in the same year, anno 6H 79). It is precisely the drought often mentioned in the sources. Lack of economic stability seems to have prevailed until anno 8H, when people complained of high prices (of food-K) and asked the Prophet to fix the prices and control them, a requestwhich the Prophet refusedso).In this situationthe Qurashiteswere compelled
78) See e.g. al-Baldhuri, Ans7b, I, 367; al-Zurq5ni, op. cit., II, 144-146; alCairo I283, II, 2-3; cAll b. Burhdnal-Din, op. cit., III, Diyvrbakri,Ta'rikhal-khamis, 197-199. 79) 'Abd al-Malik b. Habib, Ta'rikh, Ms. Bodley, Marsh 288, p. 88: ... wa-f? 1-sanati(i.e. anno 6th H.) ajdaba1-ndsu hddhihi fa-stasqdlahumrasfzlu jadban shadidan bnu Ildhi(s) ft ramaddna...; al-cAyni,op. cit., VII, 34, I. i : ... wa-dhakara hibbdna: sanatasittinminal-hijrati. ft li-l-istisqd' shahriramaaddna (s) kdnakhurtjuhu ild 1-musalla 1-sanati anno 8th(i.e. 80) cAbdal-Malikb. Habib, op. cit., p. 90: ... wa-fthcidhihi
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
26I
to cometo the Prophet askfor somerecognition the idols,their and of aimbeingto tryandsavetheirpositionandauthority amongthe tribes. The Prophet couldnot accept theirrequest. callto his Companions His was to believein the one God and any concession madeto Quraysh wouldmeanthathe waswillingto associate idolswiththeone God.His was decision intransigent, he givenout of a positionof strength; refused to discussthe requests the delegation. couldwiselyforeseethat of He and a moderate moreflexible factionwouldarisein Mecca, whichmight strivefor a peacewiththe Muslim in and community Medina its leader, the Prophet.As a result,Meccamightbe torn by discussionand the would be weakend.It is clearthat the Prophet position of Quraysh triedto win over the leaders this moderate of groupin orderto assert his influencein Mecca and preparefor the conquestof the town. The tradition aboutthe exchange gifts betweenthe Prophetand of is recorded Abai'Ubaydon the authority 'Ikrima: of by Abfi Sufydn The Prophet to Abi Sufydn Mecca'ajwa-dates askedhimto sent in and send in returnas gift hides.Abi' carried the request. out Abli Sufy.n that the exchangeof gifts 'Ubaydanalysesthe traditionconcluding at betweenthe Prophetand the happened the time of the armistice people of Mecca,beforeMeccawas conquered the Prophet A 81). by dateis attached the eventrecorded Abi 'Ubayd:afterthe to precise by The were at thatperiodunbelievers, pact of al-Hudaybiyya. Meccans but this did not preventthe Prophetfrom exchanging gifts with his formerenemy,Abi Sufydn. Abi 'Ubaydis rightin deducing fromthis the incident general thattheProphet law accepted fromunbelievers gifts when they werenot in warwith the Muslims. Anotherversionof this story,also tracedback to 'Ikrima, gives a construction the events, recordssome additional to slightlydifferent
Cf. IK) ghald1-sicrujiddan. al-cAyni, op. cit., VII, 36, i. Io from bottom: wa-qdla sanata cashrin qadimawafdusaladmna fa-qila fa-shakauilayhi1-jadba wdqidi:wa-lammd rasz7lu/ (s) bi-yadayhi... ldhi 81) Abfa cUbayd, al-Amwdl, ed. Muhammad al-Fiqi, Cairo 1353, PPBurdur 257-258, no. 631; Ibn Zanjawayh,al-Amwdl,Ms. .H-Imid 183, fol. 96a; Ibn HIajar, al-Isaba, III, 413, no. 4050 (the messenger was 'Amr b. Umayya al-DIamri);on see Berlin 1897 (reprint), p. 229. Beduinenleben, cajwa-dates G. Jacob, Altarabisches
262
M. J. KISTER
details and sheds some light on the split within Quraysh as a result of the policy of the Prophet. The Prophet, says the tradition, sent to some goods (ba'athabi-shay'in) Abii Sufyan, and to some of the unbelievers in Mecca. Some of them accepted, some of them Qurashi returned (the things sent by the Prophet-K). Abi Sufydn said: "I shall accept it and shall not send it back". Then he sent to the Prophet weapons and other things which the Prophet accepted. Then the Prophet sent him 'ajwa-datesand Abui Sufyan sent him in return
hides82).
It is evident that this traditionabout the exchangeof goods between from that of Abai'Ubayd: the Prophetand Abi SufyIn is quite different it was not dates which were sent in exchange for hides for private usage; the weapons sent to the Prophet were obviously intendedfor the use of the Muslim forces and Medinan dates were quite as obviously sent for the unbelieving Qurashites.This conspicous exchange of weapons for food could only have happened when Abfi Sufyan hadlost his hope of Mecca'svictory over the Medinancommunityand it was most probablyprecededby negotiations between the Prophet and Abai Sufydn.A report related on the authority of Abai Hurayraadds more details about the first steps of the appeasementand how the relations between the Prophet and Abfi Sufyan were resumed. The Prophet sent to Quraysh a man with money to be distributedamong them; they were at that time unbelievers,adds the report.AbuiSufydn, with a group of Quraysh,asked the messengerto hand them over the money which Qurayshrefusedto accept.The messengerreturnedto the Prophet asking for instructions.The Prophet's reply was clear: "Why didn't you hand over (the money-K) to those of them who agreed to accept it" 83)? Another tradition, this one too recorded by al-Fakihi, mentions the name of the messengerwho carriedthe money: 'Amr b. al-Faghwi' al-Khuzi'i. The Prophet warned the messengerof 'Amr b. Umayyaal-Damriwho tried, as foretold by the Prophet, to attack'Amr b. al-Faghwd'and rob him of the money. The messenger escaped and
82) Ibn 'Asjkir, Tahdhib Ta'rikh,VI, 395.
83) Al-Fdkihi, op. cit., fol. 397a.
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
263
succeeded to reach Mecca and to hand over the money to Abfi Sufy n 84).
A tradition traced back to 'Abdallah, the son of 'Alqama b. alFaghwd' (the brother of 'Amr b. al-Faghwd') states that it was his father (not his uncle-K) who was dispatched by the Prophet with money to be distributedto the poor among the unbelieversof Quraysh in order to gain their sympathy (scil. for the Prophet and Islam, yata'allafuhum-K). As in the former tradition, 'Amr b. Umayya alDamri joins the messenger and tries to rob him of his money, but 'Alqamasucceedsin escaping. Abfi Sufydn remarks(scil. after receiving of the money-K): "I have not seen anyone more pious (abarr) and more generous towards the kindred (ausal)than this man (i.e. the Prophet). We fight him and try to shed his blood, while he beneficently sends us gifts" 85). AbLi Sufyan's remark about the Prophet reflects in a true manner the attitude of the unbelievers towards the generosity displayedby the Prophet with regardto his opponents. Some utterancesof the nonbeliever Qurashites, expressing admiration for the clemency of the Prophet and his generosity are recorded in the reports about the conquest of Mecca; they are indeed similar to the utterance of Abi Sufydn mentioned above. The report names the social group which refused to accept the money sent by the Prophet and thus objected to collaboration, or even contact, with him: they were the ashraf,the notables, whose attitude of deep devotion to the ancestralrites, and their firm adherenceto the acceptedmould of relationsbetween tribes, based as it was on the loyalty and allegianceto the Ka'ba and its pagan rites, are reflectedin their staunch opposition to any peaceful contact
84) Al-Fdkihi. op. cit., fol. 397a (reported on the authority of the son of the messenger, cAbdallah b. cAmr b. al-Faghwa); but see the version saying that the Prophet sent the gifts after the conquest of Mecca: Ibn Sacd, op. cit., IV, 296; Ibn al-Athir,
Jdmic al-uswl, ed. Muhammad
al-Kharqa'shi,
Sharafal-mus.tafd, III, 0zo; 85) See Ibn Hajar,al-Isaba,IV, 559, no. 5680; al-Dhahabi, Siyaracldim, al-tahdhib, Tahdhib al-Muttaqi1-Hindi, op. cit., IX, 104, no. 943; and cf. Ibn V, 340. no. 58o. .Hajar,
XII, IHImid al-Fiqi, Cairo 1374/1955, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3014, fol. 7za.
361, no. 9435;
264
M. J. KISTER
with the Muslim body politic headed by the Prophet. They were confronted by a group of Qurayshunder the leadershipof Abi Sufyan who made a shrewd assessment of the situation of Qurayshafter the defeat of the Battle of the Ditch and the exterminationof the Banfi Qurayza. As already pointed out above, he knew that establishing relations and creating economic contacts with Muhammad and his community was unavoidable. He believed that Mecca could no more face the Prophet in war and thereforedid not hesitateto send weapons to the Prophet. As a result, there is a dramaticchange in the attitude of the Prophet towards Abii Sufyan, and it is admirably reflected in the narrativereviewed above: after the bloody events of al-Raji' and Bi'r Ma':inathe Prophet sent 'Amr b. Umayyaal-IDamri ordering him to kill Abi Sufydn86) in retaliationfor Abiu Sufydn'sattempt to kill the Prophet by an assassin. Now, after the Battle of the Ditch, the Prophet strived to gain the co-operation of the leader of Quraysh, Abii Sufydn. The man who accompaniedthe Prophet's messenger to Abui Sufydnwas the very man whom the Prophet had sent two years before to kill him: 'Amr b. Umayya al-.Damri. Other reports about the actions of Abii Sufydn seem to confirm the reports about the contacts between the Prophet and Abi Sufyan during that period. The Prophet married Umm Habiba (Ramla), the daughterof Abfi Sufyin anno 6H, the year of the peace of Hudaybiyya; Abti Sufyan is said, according to some reports, to have given his approval. Other accounts say that the permission to marry her was granted the Prophet by Khalid b. Sa'id b. al-'As or by 'Uthman b. 'Affan87). A tradition recordedby Muslim states that Abai Sufyan put
86) See e.g. al-Diyvrbakri,op. cit., I, 459; al-Zurqdni, op. cit., II, 177-179; al1-FadlIbrdhim, Cairo 1969, II, 542-545. Tabari, Ta'rzkh,ed. AbeT 87) See e.g. the various reports about the marriage:al-Hakim, op. cit., IV, 20-23; Mus'ab al-Zubayri, Nasab Quraysh,ed. Levi-Provengal, Cairo 1953, p. I22; alMaqrizi, Imta⢠al-asmic, ed. Mahmfd Mahammad Shdkir, Cairo I941, I, 325, 358 al-Bal1dhuri, Ansib, I, inf.-359 sup.; al-Tabari, Ta'rikh, II, 653-654, III, G65; ed. hid, 438-439;Ibn Kathir,al-Siraal-nabawiyya, MustafdcAbdal-W~ Cairo 1385/1966, IV, 273, 275 ult.-276; Ibn Sayyid 'Uy7n al-athar,II, 3o6-3o7;o;YVsinb. al-nisd',ed. Raji' Mahmad alal-rauda al-N.s, tawdrikh Khayrallah,Muhadhdhab al-fayhaft Baghdid 1386/1966, pp. 117-120zo. S.marrP'i,
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
26J
forth three requests in his talk with the Prophet: to let him marry his to appoint his son Mu'awiya daughter, Umm Habiba bint Abi Sufy.n, as a scribe of the Prophet, and that the Prophet should appoint him to fight the unbelievers with the same zeal as he had when fighting the Muslims 88). Orthodox scholars discussed at length the tradition according to which it was Abai Sufyan who gave his daughter in marriage to the Prophet. It is evident that they found it hard to accept the tradition as sound, although it was recorded by Muslim, since according to Muslim law an unbeliever has no authority over the legal acts of any of his family who has converted to Islam. Consequently the unbeliever Abui Sufyan could not either permit or prohibit the marriage of his believing daughter. The scholars had therefore recourse to harmonizing interpretations, attaching to the marriage request a quite different meaning: Aba Sufyan's intention was not to grant permission to the Prophet's marriage with his daughter, but rather, as the setting of the tradition was placed at the conquest of Mecca, when Aba Sufy.n had converted to Islam, the tradition was interpreted as meaning that Aba Sufydn gave confirmation and legitimacy to the marriage 89). One is inclied to assume that during the negotiations between the Prophet and AbT Sufyan, which preceded the exchange of goods between them, some decisions about the position of Aba Sufydn and of his family had been reached, including an agreement concerning the Prophet's marriage with Umm IHabiba.The Prophet indeed appointed Muc'wiya as his scribe and Aba formerly the violent opponent of Islam, Sufy.n, was entrusted with responsible tasks, and put in charge of the collection of taxes in certain districts 90). The co-operation between the Prophet and Abu SufyIn in the period of the Hudaybiyya agreement can be gauged from some traditions saying that Mu'~wiya went out from Mecca in the company of 'Abd al-Rahman b. Abi Bakr and other
88) Ibn Sayyid al-Nds, op. cir., II, 307.; cf. Ibn 'As1kir, op. cit., VI, 399, 404 inf. 89) See e.g. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, JalE'u 1-afham -saldti wa-l-salam cali khayri ft 1-andmed. Tdhd Ytisuf Yasin, Kuwayt-Beirut 1977, pp. 128-135. 90) See e.g. al-Balddhuri, Ansdb al-ashraf, ed. M. Schloessinger, IVA, p. 6 (and see the references supplied by the Editor); Ibn 'Asakir, op. cit., VI, 404 inf.-405 sup.
266
M. J. KISTER
Qurashi youths before the conquest of Mecca in order to meet the Prophet and convert to Islam91).There is no mention of Abai Sufydn's nor after activity during the negotiationsover the pactof al-.Hudaybiyya, the pact was signed. The changein his attitudetowardsthe Prophetwas, however, fully reflectedin his censureof the aggressive action of some the allies of the Prophet92). It is Qurashi leaders against Khuz.'a, plausible that no else than Aba Sufyin was the person sent to the Prophet in Medinain order to prevent the Prophet'sexpeditionagainst in the Meccaand to reaffirm pact of al-JHudaybiyya spite of the violation of one of its paragraphsthrough the attack against Khuzd'a. Abfi SufySn could not prevent the expedition against Mecca and its conquest by the Muslims, but he contributed much to the peaceful surrender of the city. He was in reward given a great privilege by the Prophet: to anyone being in his court when the Muslim troops occupy Mecca was to be granted safety. The feelings of anger and contempt at his role in the Muslim conquest of Mecca were clearlyexpressedby his wife Hind bint 'Utba: "Kill this fat greasy bladder of lard!"--she cried when Abi Sufydn announced on behalf of the Prophet safety for those who would enter his court. "What a rotten protector of the people" 93)! The kindness of the Prophet towards Aba Sufyin, the favours granted him, the appointmentof Mu'iwiya as secretaryof the Prophet, and the appointment of Yazid as tax collector94) were important factors in creating a favourableMuslim attitude towards Aba Sufydnand his family.The caliphswho succeededthe Prophetcontinued to employ members of Abu Sufyin's family in high posts. To this crucial period in the relations between Abu Sufyin and the Prophet seems to refer the utterance attributed to the Prophet: "The faith (scil. Islam-K) has been continually aided by Aba Sufyan
91) Al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr, Jamharat nasab quraysh, Ms. Bodley Marsh. 384, fol. i iIa, penult.; al-Fisi, al-'lqd al-thamin, V, 371; Ibn Hajar, al-lsdba, IV, 326, ii. 1-4. 92) See e.g. al-Waqidi, op. cit., pp. 785-788. 93) A. Guillaume, The Life of Muhammad, Oxford 1955 (reprint), p. 548; al-Fisi, Cairo 1956, II, z 6. Shifd'al-gharjm, See e.g. Ibn IHajar,al-Isdba, VI, 658 inf., no. 9271. 94)
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
267
both before and after his conversion to Islam"95). The affectionand
sympathy of the Prophet is exposed in a prediction attributed to the
Prophet about the events of the Day of Judgment: Abd Sufyin will
expect the Prophet when he will return from the Presence of Allah and
friend 96).
serve him with a drink from a glass of red sapphiresaying: Drink, my VI The qunz7t-invocation during prayer was the subject of heated discussions among the orthodox scholars. Some of them considered the
abrogated the verseof Sira III, 128: ... "no part qunz7t-invocation by
of the matter is thine"...; the Prophet used to curse some persons during the morning prayerand this practiceis said to have been abrogated by this verse. Other scholarsarguedthat the verse did not abroit gate the qunz7t-invocation; merely stressed God's exclusive authority to decree on the fate of man97). A divergent tradition says that the Prophet merely intended to curse some wicked personsfrom among the unbelievers; after the revelation of the verse; . .. "no part..." the Prophet invoked God in the style of (the invocations of) one of the prophets (i.e. Jesus-K): "God, forgive my people, because they do not know" (what they do-K) 98). Some scholars tried to detach invocation from prayerby arguing that anything not grounded in the Qur'~n cannot be considered as part of the prayer99); it is not surprising to find some scholars who used to read certain chapters of the Qur' n coupling the reading with supplications(... kdnayaqnutu bi-arba'idydtin... or: kdnayaqnutubi-hdtayni ..) 1-sifratayni. 100). The transition from the quniftas practised by the Prophet after the massacreof the Muslim troop at Bi'r Ma'iina to one which was supplicatoryin its form and content is vividly depicted in a tradition
95) Ibn 'Asdkir,op. cit., VI, 405 ult. 96) Ibn cAsdkir,op. cit., VI, 406 sup. 97) op. cit., p. 91 sup.; al-Qurtubi, op. cit., IV, 2oo. Al-Qurtubi, 98) Al-Nahh.s, op. cit., IV, 199-zoo. 99) Al-Nahhds, op. cit., p. 91. Ioo) See e.g. cAbd al-Razzdq,op. cit., III, 114, no. 4978 and 116, no. 4983.
268
M. J. KISTER
traced back to Khilid b. abi 'Imrin 101).While the Prophet was making
on the report a clearline betweendu'dand qunfit, commenting Al-Tah.wi that used to practisequniftduringthe morningprayer.He Aba Hurayra
argues that this account indicates that Abai Hurayra considered as abrogated the invocation (du'd) against persons whom the Prophet
an invocation against Mudar, the angel Jibril descended, bidding him be silent, ordered him to cease to curse Mudar.The angel then taught him another qunift, which contains elements of prayer, praise of God, supplication and expressions of submission to God 102). It is in connection with this change in the meaning of qunift that al-Suyati found himself unable to answer the question whether the Prophet's invocation againstsome people during thirty days followed or preceded the (new-K) qunift formula:all/humma draws hdind... 103).
cursed (innamdkdnahzuwa 1-du'd'a 'ald man da'd 'alayhi raslu ladhi sdalld but considered as valid and obliging the quniit lldhu 'alayhi wa-sallam), is linked with it 104); qunuzt thus conceived here as supplicationand this
supplication,indeed, remainedvalid. Some scholars stated by analogy with the qunztthat the invocation for a sneezing person during prayer is permissible; the blessing of a sneezer belongs to the type of blessing or curse practised by the
Prophet during prayer and is therefore permissible 105)'
Certain reports seem to consider qunfitas an invocation against
enemies, which the Prophet practised only for a number of days 106),for
Tahdhib al-tahdhib,III, i1o, no. 20s. Ioi) See on him Ibn JHajar, 102) Al-Qurtubi, op. cit., IV, 201; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan,II, zio inf.; ... baynd rasfilu Ildhi (s) yadc cal/amudara ja'ahu jibrilu fa-auma'ailayhian uskutfa-sakata, idh bacathaka wa-il lacanan inna fa-qdla muhammadu lldhalam ya yabCathka wa-innama sabbaban ... thumma laka minal-amri wa-lam shay'un laysa rahmatan 'allamahu yab'athka'adhdban, bika wawa-nastaghfiruka wa-nu'minu hadhda-qunflta: allihumma inna nastazcnuka man wa-natruku yakfuruka, alldhumma laka wa-nakhlacu wanakhdar'u iyydkana'budu laka nusalli... 1-Din cAbd ed. 10o3)Al-Suyati, al- HawZ li-l-fataw7, MuhammadMuhyl Cairo 1959, I, 532 sup. al-.Hamid, 1-dthdr, 248. I, 104) A1-Tahdwi,Sharhma'anz ed. G. Vitestam, 105) Aba cAsim al-cAbbddi. Tabaqdtal-fuqahd'al-shdficiyya, Leiden 1964, P. 43. o06) 'Abd al-Razzaq,op. cit., III, 105, no. 4945.
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
269
twenty days107), directedagainst the rebelling tribes and which he later ceased to practise.108) Consequentlytraditions of this kind emphasize that the Caliphs who succeeded the Prophet did not utter the qunit in their prayers109). But certaintraditionsin conflict with the former until he died 110); ones said that the Prophetcontinuedto practisequnift accounts should be interpretedas using qunfitin the sense of these supplications, and not as invocations directed agaisnt specific people or as blessings addressedto specific individuals.A peculiarreason for the prohibition of qunftas practisedby the Prophet in the first period, when it was used to curse or bless individuals or groups is indicated in certain reports: it was considered odious to specify persons or as groups in qunift done initially by the Prophet"'). Another reason mentionedwhy the invocation in favour of the oppressedbelieverswas discontinued was the fact that the oppressed believers manage to escape and reach Medina. During fifteen days (i.e. from the I 5th of Ramaddnuntil the Yaum al-Fitr) the Prophet made invocations for them 112); after their arrivalin Medinathere was no more reasonto do which this 113). Another interpretationsays that the qunz7t-invocation
I, 107) Al-Tahiwi, Sharbmacani, 244, 1.18, 247, 1.3 from bottom. io8) Al-Tahdwi, Sharh macini, I, 244-245, 248; and see al-Dhahabi, MiZdnalictiddl,ed. 'Ali Muhammadal-Bijawi,Cairo 1382/1963,II, 653, no. 5196 (the tradition is cald rasfzlu (s) thaldthina yadc'z l-nasisammdhum markedas a laylatan qanata Ilahi innamd mandkir tradition). o09) See e.g. cAbd al-Razziq, op. cit., III, Ioy-Io6, nos. 4946-4952; al-Tah1wi Sharhmacini,I, 246. I, Siio)See e.g. al-Tahdwi, SharhmacdnZ, 243, 11. 15-17; al-Qurtubi, op. cit., IV, zo2, II. 14-15. op. I I I) See e.g. cAbdal--Razzdq, cit., II, 447 no. 4032, 454, no. 4058; al-Shaukini, op.cit., VIII, 82, II. 20-22; Ibn Abi Nayl II, 389, 1.9; MahmiidMuhammad (Aba ft 1-rajuli 1-duad Khatt.b, Shayba, op. cit., II, 317, 1.7; and see ib., 441-442: ft tasmiyati l-Dardi' performed invocations for seventy of his brethren while prostrating in prayer; cAli used to name the persons for whom he invoked after the prayer; alSha'bi and al-Hasanwere of the opinion that the invocation is left to the discretionof the believer in his prayer). See Ibn Abi Shayba, op.cit., II, 30s-306; wa-l-bidac, al-Hawadith I12) ed. M. Talbi, Tunis 1959, p. 56, i1. 4-6. al-Turt.ashi, See Sharbal-macani, 242, 1.3; MahmMd Muhammad I, II3) cit., VIII, 82, 11. 14-15; cf. cAbd al-Razzdq,op. cit., III, 121, no. 4996; and see op. Khatt.b al-Tah.wi,
270
M. J. KISTER
contained both curses and blessings became redundantwhen the oppressed believers managed to come to Medina while the unbelievers
repented and embraced Islam 14). The opinion that qziniftwas abro-
gated in all the prayers of the day though retained in the morning prayer led to an unrestrainedattack on al-Shdfi'i, who championed
it 11n). Some scholars considered quniftin the morning prayer a bid'a 116)
and we have lively discussions of the problem whether qunfit to be was
practised after performing the prescribed rak'as or before 11'), and whether the invocation was practised before and after the rak'as 18).
Accordingto some traditionsthe believersused to practisequnfit during
the night-prayer of the 15th of RamadIn 119). Some scholars recommend the quniit during the whole year 120).
Orthodox scholarstried to bridge between the two conflicting sets of traditions, the one reporting that the Prophet was followed by until the day of their the Guided Caliphs,who used to practise qzunft death, and the other, denying this practise to both the Prophet and the Guided Caliphs. The harmonizing interpretation said that the Prophet and the Guided Caliphs continued to practise the kind of qunatwhich was a personal prayer in which they asked God for guidance and grace "2). Several invocations traced back to the Prophet, Ubayy b. Ka'b, 'Umar and al-IHasan are moulded in this style 122). The early formulae of quniftwere revived again during the bloody in op. al-Turtashi, cit.,p. 56, i1. 7-10 andp.57, I1. 8-15 (aboutthe qunz7t the second halfof Ramaddn). Nayl, II, 387: 114) See e.g. al-Zurqini,op.cit., VII, 345, II.g -20; al-Shaukdni, man min wa-khalusz7 al-asriwa-aslama lamma tarakahu ... thumma qadima da'c lahum man wa-ja:lc dacacalayhim ti'ibina... op. 115) Al-'Ayni, op. cit., VII, zz; cf. al-Turtashi, cit., p. 57, I1.2-3; and see op. al-ShIfi'i, cit.,VII, 235, 285. I I6) Al-cAyni, cit., VII, 22, 1.3.frombottom,23 ult.; cf. Abza op. Yasuf,Ikhtildf Cairo1357, P. I1I ult. Abi wa-Bni Layld,ed. Aba l-Waf ' 1-Afghani, AbI HIanifa macan,I, 248; Abfi Nucaym,op. cit., IX, 19, 21. i17) Al-Tahawi, Sharh op. i18) See e.g. Aba Nucaym, cit.,IX, 33. op. S19)See al-Turtiishi, cit.,p. 56 ult. op. cit., p. 57. op. 120) See cAbdal-Razzdq, cit., III, I21, II. 2-3; al-Turtashi,
II. I-2.
op. z121) Seee.g. al-Shaukani, cit.,II,
387, 11. 15-20.
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
271
struggle between 'All and Mu'dwiya.The two early scholars, 'Alqama and al-Aswad123) stated that the Prophet used to practise qunft only when he fought, and then he did so in all his prayers; Aba Bakr, 'Umar and 'Uthmdn did not practise quniftuntil their death; 'Ali started to practise invocation only when he fought Mu'iwiya and then he did so in all the prayers.The samething was done by Mu'iwiya and they cursed each other (scil. in every prayer-K) 124). Ali's adherents probably disapproved of his invocation against Mu'cwiya, considering it perhaps as bid'a; 'Ali, trying to justify it, explains his qunift as being merely an invocation for God's help against the as enemy 125). cAli, says a report,did not practisequnift long as he stayed in the Arab peninsula; he started to practise it when he moved to 'Irdq 126). 'Ali is said to have invokedagainstMu'dwiyacursing him of for forty days; he did it in imitation of the qunut the Prophet127).
of Anotheraccount,recordedon the authority AbgiMikhnaf, speci-
fies the names of the persons against whom 'Ali invoked: Mu'dwiya, b. Maslama,'Abd 'Amr (b. al-'As), Aba l-A'war al-Sulami, b. 'Uqba; Mu'dwiya b. .Habib al-Rahmdn Khdlid(b. al-Walid) and al-Walid retaliated cursing in his qunft 'Ali, JHasan, HIusayn,Ibn 'Abbds and al-Ashtar 28). The question whether it is permissible to curse the
122) See e.g. cAbd al-Razzdq,op. cit., III, io8, no. 4957, 110, no. 4968-4969, 114, no. 4978, 1i6, nos. 4982-4983. Tahdhib al-tahdhib, VII, 276, no. 484, I, 342, no. 625I. 123) See on them Ibn IHajar, 124) cAbd al-Razziq, op. cit., III, o107,n . 4953; Muhmad Muhammad Khatt.b, 4-8; Abd Yisuf, Kitab al-dthar,ed. Abi 1l-Wafi,Cairo 1355, op. cit., VIII, 85, â¢1. p. 71, no. 352; idem, Ikhtilif, pp. iii inf-ii2, I.i. Ibn Abi Shayba,op. cit., II, 310, i1, 6-8. IzS) 126) Al-Shaukdni,op. cit., II, 385; Ibn Abi Shayba, op. cit., II, 311. I27) Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rlkh,Ms. ZShiriyya,IX, fol. I28a (for the invocation during fourty days cf. Ab-aYrisuf, Ikhtilif, p. ii 2, note i, 1.7). annacallyyan abz7 Ibn S128) Junghul, op. cit., II, fol. 185b: ... wa-dhakara mikhnafin camrun kanayalcanu qunfitihi waft wa-camran ma lammabalaghahu facala muc'wiyata bna khalidinwa-1bna maslamata acwara1-sulamiyya wa-~abda wa-habiba aba I-rahmani dhblikamucdwiyata walidabna cuqbata, yalcanu ft qunztihi fa-lammabalagha kanaaycan and see another Shici quntit:alwa-bna'abbisin wa-l-ashtara; wa-husaynan caliyyan Majlisi, op. cit., XXII, I28, no. ioi; and see e.g. the formula of Muc'wiya's invocation against cAli: Muhammad b. cAqil al-cAlawi 1-Husayni, al-Nasda'i al-kdfiya li-manyatawalla mucawiya, Najaf 1386/1966, pp. 86 inf.-87, 95-97.
272
M. J. KISTER
Companions of the Prophet became subject of extensive discussions in
Shi'i compilations129).
In the second half of the second century there were still heated discussions as to whether the qunfzt-invocation is permitted during prayer, in which part of the prayer it may be uttered and during which of the prayers the invocation may be performed 130). In some circles the qunzit was even considered as a kind of a voluntary private invocation and a scholar could remark that he disliked quniftas an established formula of invocation 131). The legitimacy of the qunint a private invoas cation during the formal prayer is seen in a tradition reported on the authority of 'A'isha. The Prophet, making an invocation in the morning prayer before performing of the rak'a, said: "I merely invoke in front of you in order that you invoke (your) God and ask Him to grant you your needs" 132). The quniftin fact changed during the following centuries to become a supplication during calamities and disasters and a private invocation of the believer in which he implored God to fulfil his wishes and to give success to himself and his kindred. The scrutiny of the traditions about the invocation against Mudar has helped us to lineate the changes which the perception of this invocation underwent in the Muslim community against the background of the Prophet's struggle with the unbelievers of Quraysh and of the later discussions between the factions of the nascent Muslim Empire at the time of 'Ali and Mu'awiya. In later centuries it turned into a private supplication for guidance and success. The scrutiny of this material gives us a clue for a better assessment
I29) Cf. e.g. Sadr al-Din cAli Khan -al-Shirdzi, al-Darajat al-rafica ft tabaqit al-shica, Najaf 1381/1962, pp. ii-o20. 130) See e.g. cAbd al-Razzdq, op. cit., II, 448-449, nos. 4033-4035, 4039-4041 131) Aba Yasuf, al-Athdr, p. 70, no. 348: akrahu an ajcala fi l-qunz7tidu'a'an ma climan. hishami bni curwata,Ms. Zihiriyya, 13z) Hish~m b. 'Urwa,Juf' fihi min majmf'a 61, fol. 188a: ... innamd aqnutu bikum li-tadcz' rabbakum wa-tas'alhzuihacaw.lihadithi wa'ijakum.
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
273
of the economic pressure carried out on the Prophet's order against the unbelievers of Mecca by cutting off their food supplies from the Ydmamaandby the raidson the Mudartribalgroups allied with Mecca. Under this pressure Aba Sufydn, convinced that Mecca could not stand against the growing forces of the Prophet, decided to enterinto peaceful co-operationwith the Prophet and to initiate a commercial exchange of goods. Abui Sufyan's change of attitude towards the Prophet explainswhy he acceptedthe money sent by the Prophet, why he refrainedfrom aiding the Qurashiattackagainst Khuzd'a(the allies of the Prophet),why he consentedto the marriageof his daughterto the Prophet and why he went out to Medinato intercedewith the Prophet on behalf of Quraysh.Only in the light of these events does one get an insight into the privileges and concessions granted him and his family by the Prophet: safety for all who entered his court on the day of the conquestof Mecca,the missionsandofficeswith which he was entrusted by the Prophet and the appointment of Mu'dwiya as the secretary of the Prophet.It is significantthat the Muslimcommunityacceptedthe decisions of the Prophet without reservationand Abii Sufydnregained his leading position in the Muslim society. His sons were appointedby Abi Bakr, 'Umar and 'Uthman and hold high positions in the Muslim state. Mu'dwiya,the son of the leaderof the Mudaralliance,became the founder of the Umayyaddynastywhich held sway over the Muslim Empire for a very long time.
18
Review of Kitab al-Hawadith.pdf REVIEWS detailed examination in a lengthy article 'which, it is hoped, will appear in the near future elsewhere. In the opinion of the present writer the examples of variant readings from Neofiti i given by the author do not in any way prove a pre-Masoretic origin of the text of that manuscript; but it may well be that an early dating can be claimed on other grounds. Afinalview on this very important problem cannot be reached until the whole text is made available to the scholarly world at large in the edition, so eagerly awaited, by A. D. Macho himself. The volume under review has no indexes. There are a number of misprints; for example, some of the figures in the table of contents are wrong. There are some linguistic errors in the articles by A. D. Macho, S. Segert
and I. EngnelL p. WERNBERG-MOLLER
ABU BAKR MUHAMMAD B. AL-WAIJD AL-TURTUSHI, Kitab al-Hawdditb
Downloaded from jss.oxfordjournals.org at Hebrew University of Jerusalem on September 20, 2010
va"l-Bida', ed. Muhammad al-Talibl. 19j 9. Pp. 227. (Al-Matba'a alRasmiyya li'1-Djumhuriyya al-Tunisiyya.) This scholarly edition of the work by the famous Spanish theologian al-Turtushi (d. A.H. 520/A.D. 1126) is a contribution of considerable importance for the study of bid'a "innovation", one of the most important problems of Islam. The book reflects faithfully the struggle of the Orthodox 'ulamd' against bid'a. Al-Turtushl quotes the Kur'an, brings evidence from the Hadlth for the refutation of innovations and cites for this purpose the opinions of scholars of Muslim law and jurisprudence. This collection of traditions about innovations which originated in Islam in the course of time is a valuable source for Muslim social life and the penetration of foreign influences.1 Al-Turtushi includes in his book innovations of past centuries and innovations introduced in his time as well; in this review only a few points of his comprehensive work can be discussed. In the traditions about the adornment of mosques we can trace the opinions of early orthodox scholars. A characteristic tradition is told about Ibn Mas'ud2 one of the first companions of the Prophets Ibn Mas'ud held important administrative posts in the period of TJmar, and was celebrated for his moral integrity; he fought corruption, and was a champion of the traditional way of life, conforming with the surma of the Prophet.4 Passing by the adorned mosques of Kufa Ibn Mas'ud remarked "The person who built it spent the money of Allah in His disobedience". This negative opinion about the adornment of mosques was accepted by Muslim scholars: Malik b. See the passage by the editor, Introduction, p. 10 and cf. the statements of the translators of the Vorksungen of Goldziher into Arabic about the bid'a, giving the view of contemporary Muslim scholars on this subject, p. 226. 2 al-Turtushi, p. 95. » Ibn Hadjar, Tabdbib al-Tabdtnb, vi, 27-8. ⢠See al-Baladhurl, AnsSb al-Asbrif, ff. 915 £-919*; al-Kak% al-Iktifa, 1, 376; al-Tirmidhl, xm, 213-1^, Maita&b Ibn Mas'ud; the article 'Ibn Mas'ud' in the EJ. 137
1
REVIEWS Anas (d. A.H. 179) opposed the adornment of mosques; he based his view on the fact that adornments distracted the believer from concentration in prayer.1 It is of interest to know that the pious 'Umar II (717-20) intended to remove the embellishments from the mosques of al-Madina and Damascus.2 Other statements in connexion with the adornment of mosques are of interest: the adornment of mosques heralds the decline of the people and corruption.3 Ibn 'Abbas predicted that the Muslims would in course of time adorn their mosques like the Jews and Christians.4 In a later work, the Tadbkira of al-Kurtubl,' the embellishment of mosques is mentioned as one of the symptoms of the period preceding the Day of Judgement (also1*). The practice of the Jews in adorning their synagogues is illustrated by a tradition of Wahb b. Munabbih: God revealed to Isaiah: "Tell the Ban! Isra'u, they are asking my favour through slaughter of sheep; butfleshwill not reach me, nor its eater; they are requested to seek my favour through piety and abstaining from killing the souls which I forbade to kill; they raise buildings and adorn the temples {masadjid), but what need is there to raise buildings in which I do not dwell and to adorn temples into which I do not come? I commanded only to build them in order to be remembered in them and praised."6 There were, however, different opinions in Muslim society about this subject This is evident from the chapter dealing with this problem in the Bustdn al-'Arifin of al-Samarkandl.7 A group of scholars was of the opinion that embellishment increased the honour of the mosque, and based t^^ir opinion on the Kur'an (xxiv. 36). This group mentioned the beautiful mosques built by the Caliphs and recalled the building of the Temple by Solomon. One of the champions of this view was Abu Hanifa. A remarkable tradition reports that the Prophet ordered his mosque to be built like the booth of Moses.8. This tradition seems to belong to an early layer of traditions omitted in later collections of Hadlth, and deserves special attention. The opponents of the adornment of mosques quoted a tradition of the Prophet recommending the whitewashing of mosques (bayjidu masadjid Allah).9 Of interest as well is another tradition of the Prophet forbidding embellishment of mosques with dentils.10 To the same stratum of old traditions seem to belong the traditions about 1 al-Turtushi, op. at. pp. 96, 97. * Ibid. 3 Ibid. p. 95. * Ibid. * As quoted in the Mukbtasar of al-Sha'ranl, p. 134. 6 al-Turtushi, p. 98. 7 Died A.D. 983âthis book printed on the margin of TanbJb al-Gbdfilin of the same author, p. 127. 8 al-Turtushi, p. 94. ⢠Bustdn al-'Arifin, p. 128; and cf. al-Turtushi, p. 95. 10 Button, p. 128; about two houses built with dentils see: al-Mas'udi, Mjtrudj, n, 222, 223âthe houses of Sa'd b. Abl Wakkas and al-Mikdad b. al-Aswad. An explanation of the tradition is given in al-Madja\ataJ-Nabaa^ya of al-Sharif al-Radiyy, p. 82, no. 66. 138
Downloaded from jss.oxfordjournals.org at Hebrew University of Jerusalem on September 20, 2010
REVIEWS the mibrab. Al-Dahhak b. Muzahim (see Tabdbtb al-Tabdbib, rv, 45 j) called the mibrab "the first sign of polytheism [shirk] of the people of prayer".1 Some of the pious men refrained from entering the mibrab for prayer.2 A peculiar detail which stresses the puritanical approach of Muslim scholars is their opposition to the decoration of the walls of mosques with inscriptions from the Kur'an; that was the opinion of Malik.3 It may be noted that he maintained his view in a period when the writing of sentences from the Kur'an on the walls of mosques was already one of the main features in their decoration. All these traditions about the embellishment of mosques seem to reflect faithfully the views of die early Muslim scholars. The retention of these views in a later period shows the conservatism of the orthodox 'ular%a; they persisted in their opposition to adornment at a time when splendid mosques, with mibrabs and rich ornamentation, were already built in all the centres of the Muslim Empire. Of importance are the few traditions quoted by al-Turtushl about relations between scholars and rulers. Here the early attitude of Islam is evident: relations with rulers endanger the moral integrity and independence of the scholar.4 The fierce controversy with the Shu'ubiyya is reflected in two traditions of Sufyan al-Thauri and of Malik b. Anas.5 Sufyan is reported to have said: "Knowledge was with Arabs and noble men; when knowledge passed from them to these peopleâi.e. Nabateans and men of lower classesâreligion changed." His face changed when he saw Nabateans recording religious knowledge. Malik considered it reprehensible to talk in foreign languages in the mosque. 6 Of quite different origin was the innovation of fasting during Radjab and of the introduction of various prayers for the nights of Radjab. The tradition of Radjab is a pre-Islamic one and the chapter included in the book of alTurtushl stresses the fact that the fast during this month was observed in the Djahiliyya. It is interesting to find that already in the first days of Islam Radjab created a problem: TJmar used to flog the "radjabiyyin", who fasted during this month. Abu Bakr in astonishment asks people who made preparations to fast during the month of Radjab: "Are you going to make Radjab like Ramadan?" 'Umar used to oblige people to take their meals in Radjab, stressing that Radjab was a sacred month of fasting in the Djahiliyya.7 The sanctity of Radjab in the times of the Djahiliyya is further
1 ' al-Turtushl, p. 94. Ibid. 1 Ibid. p. 97., ⢠Ibid. pp. 72, 7 j ; and cf. the article of S. D . Goitein "The attitude towards Government in Islam", Tarbi^, xrx, 157 in Hebrew. s al-Turtushl, pp. 72, 104; and see al-Djahiz, al-Bayan, 1, 284 about the explanation of the Kur'an in Persian in the mosque; and cf. 'Uyun al-Akbbdr, nr, 91; and 'Abd al-Salam Harun, Navddir al-Makhtutdt, m , the introduction of the editor. 6 Cf. Sira Halabiyya, 1, 21. A man knowing Arabic is not allowed to speak Persian; this causes mischief. 7 al-Turfushl, p. 129.
Downloaded from jss.oxfordjournals.org at Hebrew University of Jerusalem on September 20, 2010
REVIEWS stressed in the words of Ibn tJmar and explained in the commentary of the author.1 Orthodoxy was apparently unsuccessful in combating this Djahiliyya custom. It was as late as A.H. 480 that a new prayer was introduced for the Radjab festivities.2 A special treatise about the virtues of Radjab, MS. Bodley, Thurst 9, is an additional proof of this trend; it contains, of course, many traditions attributed to the Prophet about the sanctity of Radjab. It is curious to find that Radjab was in the same way respected in Fatimid circles.3 A comprehensive chapter is devoted to innovations in prayers (pp. 43-60) and to the behaviour of the believers in mosques (pp. 103-14). Various activities in the mosque are discussed: eating, drinking, teaching, sleeping, commercial activities, begging, paring of nails, etc.* In all the traditions the idea is stressed that the mosque is a place of worship and that the believer has to refrain from worldly activities there. With the social life in the mosque the problem of the fassds is closely connected. They were accused of inventing traditions about the Prophet and corrupting religion.' Al-Turtushl devotes a special chapter to the problem of thefcuss&f(pp. 99-103). Thefirstfoissis said to have been in the mosque of the Prophet; he was a mundfi^fi The opinion of orthodox circles is reflected in the saying of Abu Idris al-Khaulanl: "I prefer to see in the corner of the mosque a blaze offirethan to see there a ^ass."^ The information that thefirstiffsds appeared in thetimeof the struggle between 'All and Mu'awiya8 is of peculiar importance: it emphasizes the role of thefyusasin the political struggle of the community. It was Ka'b who acted as &pss for Mu'awiya,8 and it was TJbayd b. 'Umayr al-Lathi, thefirstfyissappointed by 'Umar,» who was reproached by the Syrian troops during the campaign of al-Husayn b. Numayr in the following manner: "Do not speak ill about the Caliph of die Prophet, because he is more respectable than the mosque in Mekka."10 The al-Turtushl, p. 130. About the sanctity of Radjab in the Djahiliyya see the article of M. Plessner in E.I. "Radjab"; Buhl, Das Leben Mubammeds, p. 88; Wellhausen, Reste, p. 93; al-Mufaddaliyydt (Lyall), p. 229; Nibdyat al-Arab, xv, 68; al-Asyiitl, al-Kan% al-Madfun, p. 74; Wellhausen, Skrf^en, 1 [Lieder der Husailiten], p. 53. * al-Turtushl, p. 122. 3 al-Madjdlis al-Mustansiriyya, ed. Muh. Kamil Husayn, p. 112. ⢠Cf. the chapter: Munkardt al-Masddjid in Ibyd 'U/um al-Dln, 11, 294.
s Cf. Goldziher, Mui. Studien, n, 161, and Mez, Die'Renaissance,Ax. transL, 11,87.
1
Downloaded from jss.oxfordjournals.org at Hebrew University of Jerusalem on September 20, 2010
al-Turtushl, p. 100; cf. about the first fyiss in Basra, al-Aswad b. Sari*, Ibn Sa'd's Tabakgt, vn, i, 28; and see Ansab al-Asbraf, MS. f. 1030*. 7 al-Turt&shl, p. 99; it may however be remarked that this Abu Idds himself, one of the leading men of tradition, whose traditions were reported by authorities like al-Zuhrl, Makhul, Shahr b. Haushab and others, was appointed by 'Abd al-Malik as judge and was a &pss of the people of Syna.(aJ-Isdba,v, 57; Tabdblb al-Tabdblb, v, 85). He died in A.H. 80. 8 al-Turtusbl, p. 100 and Djami' b. Wabb, ed. J. David-Weill, p. JIO. Io « Goldziher, Mub. Studien, n, 162. al-Baladhud, Ansab, vrb, 52. 140
6
REVIEWS anecdote about al-A'mash, who attended a lecture of a feus and was compelled to deny traditions told on his authority also recurs in our text.1 Another important problem is the use of public baths by Muslim women in the company of women of the Ahl al-Dhimma; the problem discussed is whether it is lawful for them to enter without a waist-wrapper (r^ar).2 This problem is discussed in a special treatise by Ibn a l - i m i d : Addb Dukhul alHammam* and forms a part of the general problem of relations between Muslims and the Ahl al-Dhimma.* The impact of Christian influence on the Muslim population in Spain is fairly attested: they observe the Christian New Year (i&amat Yarfr), and the Christian Easter (KhamJs Abril).* The details given by the author about the innovations introduced in his own tunes are of peculiar importance. In A.H. 448 a man from Tarabulus called Ibn Abi Hamra prayed in the mosque of al-Aksa the prayer of mid Sha'ban and was joined during his prayer by the people of the mosque. Since then this prayer spread among the masses and it was considered a prayer belonging to the smnafi The author himself attended the prayer of the Day of al-'Arafa in Jerusalem. People from Jerusalem and neighbouring villages stood in prayer facing Mekka, raising their voices in the du'd, just as if they were attending the wukytf of al-'Arafa.7 The common opinion was that the standing of four wul$fifs in Jerusalem was equivalent to the pilgnmmage to Mekka.8 The prayer, of Radjab, as already mentioned, was introduced in Jerusalem in A.H. 480. Raising of hands and loud prayer were peculiar features of this worship.? The book of al-Turtushl is comprehensive and contains a mass of information about burial, mourning, the attendance of women at prayers, the reading of the Kur'an and various items of personal and communal life. It was a useful vademecum for the believer who wanted to refrain from harmful innovation. The book is based on the tradition of Surma scholars and is well documented. The editing of al-Talibl is admirable. In his Introduction the editor discusses works on bid'a (pp. 5-6), opinions of scholars about the author, the contents of the book and its importance (pp. 7-12). A short biography of the author is supplied (pp. 3-4). The editor s criticism of scholars too eager in their 1 Cf. the stories in Mub. Studien, n, 160; al-Turtushl, p. IOZ. 3 Ibid. p. 142. MS. owned by me, f. 24. ⢠See E. Strauss, "The social isolation of Ahl al Dhimma", HirscbJer Mem. Book (1949). 5 See the important notes of the editor about the observance of this feast in Muslim communities in contemporary times, p. 140; the problem of buying cheese from Christians seems to have disquieted the author and he devoted a special treatise to the problem: Tabrim djubn aJ-RJim, see p. 4 of the Introduction of the editor. 6 al-Turtushl, p. 121. 1 About the standing in 'Arafa see v. Grunebaum, Mub. Festivals, p. 32. 8 al-Turtushl, pp. 116-17. » Cf. al-Turtushl, p. 100; and a tradition of Wahb b. Munabbih in MS. Bodley, Thurst. 9 about prayer with raising of the hands.
2
Downloaded from jss.oxfordjournals.org at Hebrew University of Jerusalem on September 20, 2010
141
REVIEWS pursuit of bid'a seems to be too severe (pp. 11-12). The different readings of the manuscripts are recorded and a very useful appendix on the tradMonists mentioned in die book is added (pp. 170-214). Dr TalibI deserves our gratitude for his excellent work. Errors are few; some of them may be mentioned: p. 71, L 12 read "fima"; p. 64,1.5 read"haddu";p. 3,1.18 read"istautana";p. 108,L 1 read"nudar".
M. J. KISTER
A. J. ARBERRY, Oriental Essays: Portraits of Seven Scholars, i960. Pp. 261.
(Allen and Unwin, London. Price: 28/.) In this attractively written and presented book, Professor Arberry gives us a series of short biographical sketches of scholars who have been eminent principally in the Islamicfield:Simon Ockley, Sir William Jones, E. W. Lane, E. H. Palmer, E. G. Browne, R. A. Nicholson and the author himself. Although nothing in the title or introduction hints at a principle of selection, it can be seen by a glance at this list that it has a heavy Cambridge bias; Jones is the only Oxford name included, and all the others (except for Lane, who owed allegiance to no university) are Cambridge alumni. An Oxonian may permit himself a tinge of regret that place in this gallery could not be found for men like Pococke, White and NicolL The professional orientalist, already familiar with these names, will yet find much to interest and fascinate him in the details given of the careers of these men, and in the copious extracts from their writings. To readers who are not orientalists, these pages give a most revealing and valuable insight into the motives and outlooks of those who have devoted their lives to this too often materially unrewarding cause. And the book closes with an eloquent plea for oriental studies which deserves to be widely and attentively read. A. F. L. BEESTON Atlas of the Arab World and the Middle East, with Introduction by C F. BECKINGHAM. i960. Pp. iv+68, incl. 40 pp. of maps, 42 photographs, index, plan, and 2 end-papers. (Macmillan, London. Price: 35/.) In this work the Middle East is divided into sub-regions, largely based on political frontiers, and in each instance there are maps to illustrate not only topography, but also climatology, natural vegetation, and industrial and rural economy. In addition, there are smaller-scale maps which deal with the ethnology and physical and historical geography of the area as a whole, and some special town plans on a much larger scale. The technical finish of the atlas is of high quality, and, except that the red trace of the railways sometimes dashes with that of the frontiers, the system of colouring is used effectively. The maps, however, are of uneven value. Sometimes, as with the end-paper map of medieval industries, they attempt too much and become confused. In other cases, the cartography fails to show what is really significant; on page 28, for instance, the overwhelming importance in Iraq of the date-groves of the Shatt-el-Arab is quite obscured, and on page 3 3 the pattern of the Arabian oases and their relation to the topography are nowhere evident dose examination of the maps, moreover, reveals so many discrepancies and mistakes that faith in the value of the book as a work of reference is seriously weakened. To take a few examples, the railway to Tatvan is absent 142
Downloaded from jss.oxfordjournals.org at Hebrew University of Jerusalem on September 20, 2010
three_mosques.pdf « YOU SHALL ONLY SET OUT FOR THREE MOSQUES
»
A STUDY OF AN EARLY TRADITION
« You shall only set out for three mosques: The Sacred Mosque (in Mecca), my mosque (in Medina) and al-Aqsa mosque » (in Jerusalem) 1, this well-known tradition of the Prophet licensed the pil1
Literally:
((The saddles (of the riding beasts) shall not be fastened (for setting
out for pilgrimage) except for three mosques.) ... la tushaddu l-rihalu illa ila thalathati
masajida : ila l-rnasjidi l-harami wa-masjidi hadha wa-l-masjidi l-aqlJa.Al;tmad b. ~anbal : Musnad, ed. Al;tmad Mul;t. Shakir, Cairo 1953, XII, 177, no. 7191, 241 no. 7248 with a version tushaddu l-rihalu; and see the references given by the editor ad no. 7191; Mul;t. Fu'ad 'Abd al-Baqi: al-Lu'lu'u wa-l-rnarjan lima 'ttalaqa 'alayhi l-Shaykhan, Cairo 1949, II, 97, no. 882; 'Abd al-Razzaq: al-MU§annal, Ms. Murad Molla 604, ff. 39b-40a with the following isnlids: Ma'mar (died 153 AH» al-Zuhri (died 124 Ali»
Ibn al-Musayyab (died 94 AH» Abii. Hurayra; Ibn Jurayj (died 150 AH» 'Amr b. Dinar (died 126 AH» ,!,alq b. ~abib (died circa 100 AH» Ibn 'Umar; Ibn Jurayj>
la tu'rnalu l-matiyyu); Ibn ~ajar : Bulugh almaram min adillati l-ahkam, ed. Mul;t. ~amid al-Fiqqi, Cairo 1933, p. 287, no. 1408; al-Muttaqi ai-Hindi: Kanz al-'ummal, Hyderabad 1965, XIII, 233, no. 1307: la tushaddu rihiilu l-rnatiyyi ilii masjidin yudhkaru llahu lihi illa ... The combined tradition contains
Naq.ra b. Abi Naq.ra (with the version: recommendations of the Prophet in connection with the times of prayer, fasting and ib., p. 234, no. 1310: innama masjidi l·Ka'bati wa-rnasjidi wa-rnasjidi lliya; in prohibition concerning women travelling unaccompanied;
yusalaru ila thaliithati masajida:
an additional utterance Ka'ba.;
the Prophet states that a prayer in his mosque (i.e. in Medina)
is more liked by God than a thousand prayers elsewhere except in the mosque of the
al-Durr alI'lam al-sajid bi-ahkam al-masajid, ed. Mu~taIa al-Maraghi, Cairo 1358 AH, pp. 208, 268, 288, 388; al-Subki: Shila'u l-saqam Ii ziyarati khayri l-anam, Hyderabad 1952, pp. 117-124, 140; 11.1- Wasiti : Faq,a'ilu l-bayti l·muqaddas, Ms. Acre, f. 37b-38a; al-Bayhaqi: al-Sunan al-kubra, Hyderabad 1352 AH, V, 244; al-Suyiiti: al-Jami' al-lJaghir, Cairo 1330 AH. II, 200,1.8; al-Shaukani: Nayl al-autar, Cairo 1347 AH, VIII, 211; Ibn aI-Najjar: al-Durra al-thamina Ii ta'rikh al-Madina, appended to al-Fasi's Skila' al-gharam, Cairo 1956, II, 357; 11.1Samhiidi: Wala' al-wala bi akhbar dar al-mUIJ!ala,Cairo 1326 AH, I, 294; al-Ghazali : lhya' 'ulUm al-din, Cairo 1933, I, 219; Ibn Taymiyya: Majmu'at al-rasa'il al-kubra (/i ziyarati bayti l-rnaqdisi, Cairo 1323 AH), II, 53, 55; id. : Talsir s11ratil-ikhla§, Cairo 1323 AH, pp. 121, 124; id. : Minhaj al-sunnati l-nabawiyya Ii naqq,i kalami l-shi'ati l-qadariyya, ed. Mul;t. Rashad Salim, Cairo 1964, II, 340; Mujir al-Din: al-Una al-jaW bi-ta'rikh al-Quds wa-l-Khalil, Cairo 1283 AH, I, 205; Al;tmad b. 'Abd al-~amid 11.1ib., p. 235, no. 1318; p. 170, no. 955; p. 172, no. 966; al-Suyiiti:
manthilr, Cairo 1314 AH, IV, 161; al-Zarkashi:
174
grimage to the mosques of Medina and Jerusalem in addition to the obligatory ~ajj and 'umra to Mecca. A vivid controversy arose over the authenticity of this tradition which grants, as it does, an exceptional position to Medina and Jerusalem 2. This ~adith is in fact a restricting one and seems to imply the prohibition of pilgrimage and visit to mosques and sacred places other than those indicated. The custom of such pilgrimage apparently had its origin at a very early period and was already in vogue in the second century. In the course of the fierce polemics concerning the permission of journey to visit the tomb of the Prophet, the minor sanctuaries and the graves of prophets and saints, this ~adith was closely studied and analyzed and became the pivot of the discussion whichlasted through many centuries. The crucial point was to establish the meaning and the intention of the initial phrase of the sentence: lii tushaddu l-ri~iilu illii ilii ... « the saddles shall not be fastened (for journey) except for»... As the exception is of the kind of al-istithnii' al-mufarragh in whichthe general term is not expressed - the partisans
'Abbasi: 'Umdat al-akhbiir fi madinat al-mukhtiir, ed. As'ad al-Tarabzflnl, Alexandria, n.d., p. 72; al-Nuwayri : Nihiiyat al-arab fi funun al-adab, Cairo 1925, I, 327; Ch. D. Matthews: 'l.'he Kit. Bii'i~u-n-nuliis of Ibnu-l-Firkiil,l, JPOS, xv (1935), p. 54 (id. : Palestine-Mohammedan Muthir Holy Land, New-Haven 1949, p. 10); Shihab al-Din al-Maqdisi: I·Qudsi uxi-l-Shiim, Ms. Damascus, ~ahiriyya, Ta'rikh al-qhariim. Ii ziyiirati
720, p. 133; Shams al-Din al-Suyut! : It?liil al-akhi§~ii bi-Ia4ii'ili l-masjidi l-aqsii, Ms. Hebrew Univ., f. 7a; Abu ,!,alib al-Makki: Qut al-qulicb, Cairo 1932, III, 182; Taqi al-Din 'Abd al-Malik b. Abi l-Muna, 'Ubayd al-Darlr : Nuzhatu l-OO~irin, Cairo 1308 AH, p. 98 sup.; Ibrahim al-wahhabiyyati l-irniimi l-Subki al-Samnudi al-Mansiir! : Sa'adat al-diirayn Ii l-radd 'alii l-lirqatayn l·~iihiriyya, Cairo 1319 AH, pp. 120-21, id. : Nusratu. Cairo, n.d., Matba'at al-jumhiir, pp. 36, wa-l-muqallidati bi-raddi
l-I}iirimi l-munki,
161, 182, 191; al-Darimf : Sunan, al-Madina 1966, I, 271, no. 1428; al-KhaHabi: Ma'iilim al-sunan, ~lalab 1933, II, 222; al-Jarral;1i: Kashf al-khalii' wa-muzil al -ilbiis 'ammii 'shtahara min al-al,liidith 'alii alsinati l-niie, Cairo 1352 AH, II, 354, no. 3016.; al-Nasa'i: Sunan, Cairo 1930, II, 37; Shihab al-Din al-Khaffiji: Nasim al-Riyiiif, Ii sharf! shilii' l-qiirJ,i'IyiirJ" Istanbul,
2
1315 AH., III, 580; al-Ghaytf : Qil}l}atal-isrii' wa-l: Irshiid ol-siiri, Cairo 1326 AH, III, 239, 244. Halle 1890, II, 35-36; S.D. Goitein: History and im Islam, Calcutta nach Studien,
mi'riij, Biilfiq 1295 AH, p. 18.; al-Qastallani I. Goldziher: Muhammedanische The sanctity 01 Jerusalem Institutions, University
and Palestine in early Islam, Studies in Islamic ~iddiqi:
Leiden 1966, pp. 135-148; J. Fiick: Die Rolle des Traditionalismus l;ladith Literature, und die Press, 1961, p. XXVI; W. Caskel: Der Felsendom
ZDMG, XCIII (1939), pp. 23-24; Mul;1. Zubayr
Walliahrt
Jerusalem, Kiiln und Opladen 1936, pp. 25-26, notes 36, 38; A.A. Duri: al-Zuhri, BSOAS XIX, pp. 10-11; id. : Baf!th Ii nash'ati 'ilmi l-ta'rikhi Muh, 'Ajjaj al-Siba'i: al-Khapib : al-Sunna qabla l-tadwin, al-Sunna 'inda l-'arab, Beirut 1960, p. 99; Cairo 1963, pp. 501-514; Mu~taffi Cairo 1961, pp. 399-402.
wamakiinatuhii Ii l-tashri'i l-islamiyyi,
AN EARLY TRADITION
175
of the prohibition of journeys to the grave of the Prophet and to minor sanctuaries maintained that the ~adith should be interpreted as « do not set out for any place except for the three mosques I). Those who approved of such pilgrimages argued that the meaning of the phrase was « do not set out for any mosque except for the three mosques.» As they considered the general term from which exception is made to be « mosques » they concluded that the faithful should set out as regards mosques (for the purpose of prayer and devotion) - only for these three mosques; for other sanctuaries there is no reservation 3.
3 Al-Subki, op. cit., p. 118 seq ... Fa-'lam anna hadha 1-istithna'a mularraghun, taqdiruhu la tushaddu 1-ril!lilui1iimasjidin i1laila 1-masiijidi 1-thalathati,au la tushaddu l-ril)ii,lu i1ii makiinin illii ila 1-masiijidi 1-thalathati... , and see ib, p. 121 :... [a-naqala imamu l-{!aramayni 'an shaykhihi annahu kiina yufti bi-1-man'i 'an shaddi 1-ri{!iili ila ghayri hiidhihi 1-masiijidi. qiila : wa-rubbamii kiina yaqu1u. yukrahu~, wa-rubbamii JcanayaqUlu «yu{!arramu~ ... ; al-Ghasal], op. eit., I, 219 :... ua-qad dhahaba ba'rJu 1··u1amii'i ila 1-istidlali bi-hiidhii l-{!adithi Ii 1-man'i min a1-ri{!lati li-ziyiirati 1-mashahidi wa quburi l-'ulamii'i wa-1-~ula{!ii'i ; ib., II, 219 :... wa-yadkhu1u Ii jumlatihi ziyiiratu quburi ... 1-anbiyii'i 'alayhimu l-saliimu. wa-ziyiiratu quburi 1-lIa{!iibatiwa-1-tiibi'ina wa-8ii'iri 1·ulamii'i ....... wa-yajuzu shaddu l-ri{!iili li-hiidha l-ghararJi wa-la yamna'u min hiidha qauluhu 'alayhi l-saliimu: lii tushaddu. 1-ri{!iilu li-anna dhalika Ii l-masiijidi la-innaha mutamiithilatun ba'da hiidhihi 1-masiijidi... wa-ammii 1-biqii'u la-la ma'na li-ziyii. ratiha siwii l-masiijidi l-thalathati wa-siwii 1-thughUri 1i-1-ribiiti biha.. ,; Al,1mad b. ~ajar al-Haythami: al-Jauhar al-muna~~am Ii ziyiirati l-qabri l-sharili l-mu'a~~am, Cairo 1331 AH, pp. 13-14; al-'Abdari, a1-Madkha1, Cairo, 1929, I, 256; al-Shaukani op, cit., VIII, 212: ... wa-qad tamassaka bi-hiidha l-{!adithi man mana'a l-sajara wa-shadda l-ra{!liila ghayriha min ghayri farqin bayna jami'i l-biqii·i ... : Abu Bakr al-Turtashl i K itiib al-{!awiidithua-l-bida", ed. Muhammad al-l'alibi, Tunis 1959, p. 98 :... uia-liiyu'tii shay'un min al-masiijidi yu'taqadu lihi l-farflu ba'da l-thalathati masiijida illa masjidu Qubii'a... fa-ammii siwiihu min al-masiijidi fa-lam asma' 'an a{!adin annahu atiiha riikiban wa-la miishiyan kamii atii QUbii' , and see ib., p. 147-48 :... thumma ra'ii (i.e." Umar) al-niisa yadhha. a buna madhahiba la-qiila : ayna yadhhabu ha'ula'i, fa-qUa: yii amira l-mu'minina, masiidun 'lalla fihi l·nabiyyu (~)fa-hum yu§alluna lihi, la-qiila : innama halaka man Jcanaqablakum bi-mithli hiidha, kiinu yattabi'una iithara anbiyii'ihim wa-yattakhidhUnaha masiijida wa· biya·an ... ; and see the preceding tradition: Abu I-Mal,1asin Yusuf b. Musa al-Hanafi : al -M u'ta§ar min al-mukhtasa» min mU8hkilal-iithiir, Hyderabad 1362 AH, I, 26; Ibn Taymiyya: Minhaj al-sunnati al-nabawiyya, I, 336 and al-Sha~ibi: al-l'til!iim, Cairo, Ma~ba'at al-sa'ada, n.d., I, 346; Ibn Taymiyya: Talsir 8urati l-ikhla§, p. 120; id.: Maimu'at a1-rasii'il, II, 55 : ... wa-lau nadhara l-saiara ila qabri l-Khalili 'alayhi l-sal.iimu au qabri l-nabiyyi (I!) au ila l-,!,uri lladhi kallama llahu 'alayhi MiZsii 'a1ayhi 1-8aliimu, au ila jabali Jfirii'a lladhi kdna l-nabiyyu §alla llahu 'alayhi wa-sallama yata'abbadu liki wa.jii'ahu l-wa{!yu lihi, au al-ghari l-madhkUri Ii l-qur'iini, au ghayri dhalika min almaqiibiri wa-l-maqiimiiti wa-l-mashahidi l-muqiilati ila ba'rJi l-anbiyii'i wa-l-mashayikhi au ila ba'rJi l-maghariiti, au al-iibii1i - lam yajibi l-wafii'u bi-hadha 1-nadhri bi- 'ttiliiqi 1-a'immati l·arba·ati [a-inna l-eajara ila hiidhihi l·mawii4i·i manhiyyun 'anhu li-nahyi
176 They could in fact quote a ~adith in which they could find a convincing proof of their argument : lii tushaddu ri~iilu l-matiyyi ilii masjidin yudhkaru tuu« fihi illii ilii thaliithati masiijida ... « the saddles of the riding beasts shall not be fastened (for their journey) to a mosque in which God is invoked except to the three mosques »... 4 Even more explicit in favour of this view is another ~adith: u yanbaghi li-l-mu§alli an yashudda ri~iilahu ilii masjidin yabghi fihi l-§aliita ghayra l-masjidi l-~ariimi wa-l-masJ'idi l-aq§ii wa-masjidi hiidhii. « It is not proper that a man praying set out for a mosque in which he seeks to pray except the mosque of the Haram, the mosque al-Aqs;a and my mosque ».5 It is evident that these traditions confirm the view that the three mosques are to be preferred in comparison with other mosques; one shall set out for these mosques to gain the benefit of prayer and devotion; but he is permitted, and it is even recommended to him, to set out for other sanctuaries which are not mosques. The close observation of the ~adith about the three mosques is illustrated by a curious story reported by al-Wasiti 6 : Sa'Id b. 'Abd al-'Aziz used to visit the Mihrab Da'iid 7 on foot; only on his return he used to ride. When asked about it he answered: I was told that 'Abdallah b. 'Abdallah used to set out for the mosque of Quba" 8 riding a horse without a saddle; (this he used to do because) he considered that fastening the girth of the saddle of the horse was like fastening the saddles of the riding beasts which is mentioned (scil. as forbidden) according to the tradition: « you shall not fasten the saddles... except for three mosques»... G. E. von Grunebaum characterizes this ~adith as an « earlier battle, long since abandoned, which the theologians fought against the cult of those minor sanctuaries» 9. This battle was in fact an early one.
l-nabiyyi (§) : Iii tushaddu ... etc.; al-Samniidi al-Mansiiri : Sa'iidat al-diirayn, p. 120 seq.; 'Ali Mal?iii:?: al-Ibdii' Ii maifiirri l-ibtidii', Cairo, Mapbe, 'at al-istiqama, 4th ed., pp. 194-96. 4 AI-Samniidi
5
al-Mansart
: Sa'iidat
al-diirayn,
p. 121 sup. in al-Qastallani,
lb.; but see the interpretation
of this lJadith given by Ibn Taymiyya
Irshiid al-siiri III, 240 (he forbids the journey to the grave of the Prophet on the ground of this lJadith).
6 7
AI-Wasiti,
op. cit., f. 47a. Leiden 1938, op. cit., pp. 227, 302, 366-67, 407. op. cit., II, 16-28. Taha Husain, : The sacred character of Islamic cities, Melanges
On MiJ:!.rab Da'iid see Ibn. Hauqal : $i1rat al-ard, ed. J.H. Kramers, See on the mosque of Quba' : al-Samhiidi, G.E. von Grunebaum Badawi, Cairo 1962, p. 27.
I, 171; Mujir al-Din,
8 9
ed. Adburrahman
AN EARLY TRADITION
177
Malik b. Anas records in his Muwatta'10 a story about a discussion between Abu Hurayra and Ka'b (al-Ahbar) concerning the question at what hour on Friday God fulfils the wishes of the faithful. This discussion took place when Abu Hurayra met Ka'b on his pilgrimage to al-Tfir. In a parenthetical passage Malik reports that Abu Hurayra on his return was rebuked by Basra b. Abi Basra 11 who told him: « Had I met you before you went out (scil. to al-Tiir) you would not have set out; I heard the Prophet saying: the riding beasts shall be driven only to three mosques ... etc. » 12. A similar tradition (in which the name of Abu Hurayra is however not mentioned) is recorded by 'Abd al-Razzaq 13 in his Mu~annaf14: a man who returned from a journey to al-Ttir was reproached and reminded of the utterance of the Prophet about the three mosques. Another tradition records a talk between 'Arfaja and Ibn 'Umar. Ibn 'Umar, when consulted by 'Arfaja about a journey to al-Tur, answered: You shall only set out for three mosques, the mosque of Mecca, the mosque of the Prophet (i.e. Medina) and the mosque al-Aq!?a; abandon al-Tur and do not go there 15. Commentators are agreed that by al-Ttir in these traditions Mt. Bina is meant 16. Mt. Bina was in fact regarded as a sacred place.
10
Malik B. Anas:
al-Muwatta',
Cairo, Matba'at
Dar Ii).ya' l-Kutub
l-'Arabiyya,
n.d., I, 130-133. 11 See on him Ibn Hajar : al-Lsiiba, Cairo 1323 AH, I, 167, no. 713, 714 and II, 41, no. 1845 (recorded by 'Abd al-Razzaq as Nadra b. Abi Nadra ; see note I, above); al-Suyii td : Is'iif al-MubaUa' p. 8 (appended to Malik's MuwaUa' with Suyuti's Tanwir al-lJ,awiilik, quoted in the preceding note); al-Zurqjinl . SharlJ, 'ala Muwatta' Miilik, Cairo 1936, I, 224; AbU 'Ubayd:
12
Gharib al-lJ,adith, Hyderabad Sunan, Cairo 1930, III,
1966, III, 23, note 6. fihi Musii
See this tradition Miilik,
al-Nasa'L:
113-116; al-Zurqani : SharlJ, ed. Muh. al-Bijawi,
'ala Muwatta'
I, 222-225 (about al-Tur : «ioa-hsuoa lladhi kullima »; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr : al-lsti'iib, Frankfurt
wa-huwa lladhi 'anii Abu Hurayra Helga Hemgesberg: Abu Huraira, -
Cairo, n.d., I, 184; 'Abd al-Qadir al-Jilani:
al-Ghunya, Cairo 1322 AH, II, 70: and see am Main 1965, p. 105 (with references p. 1912, discussing an yusiifara l-~alJ,iibatu min nahyihi al-~aliit fi l-,!,ur. Geschichte des arabischen II, 609, no. 5044;
given by the author); and see al-Samnfid i :Nu~ratu al-isniio: al-Subki, the following comment: ioa-li-hiidhii fahima
ilii ghayri l-masiijidi l-thaliiihaii. anna l-sajara ilii '!'uri Sinii' a diikhilum fi l-nahyi wa-in lam yakun masjidan ... ; and see ib., p. 192: 13
See on him Brockelmann,
GAL, S. I, 333; F. Sezgin:
Schrifttums, Leiden 1967, I, 99; al-Dhahabi : Miziin al-i'tidiil, 14 'Abd al-Razzgq, op. cit., f. 39b.
15 16
I b., f. 40a. See e.g. note 12 above; but see al-Harawi : al-Tshiisii; ilii ma'rifati Damas 1953, p. 21, II. 16-17. l-ziyiiriit, ed.
Janine Sourdel-Thomine,
178 According to Muslim tradition the Prophet was instructed by the angel Jibril to pray there during his night journey to Jerusalem 17. At the « laylat al-qadr» the angels will hoist their flags in four mosques: the mosque of Mecca, the mosque of the Prophet, the mosque of J erusalem and at 1'iir Sina. 18 Ibn Taymiyya stresses that the journey to Mt. Sina is forbidden on the ground of the utterance of the Prophet about the exclusiveness of the journey to the three mosques 19. By the beginning of the second century there seems to have already been a unanimity of the Muslim community about the sanctity of these three mosques and consequently about the sanctity of these three cities; this is later reflected in the rich literature concerning the virtues of these cities. There appear, however, to have existed earlier trends which aimed at emphasizing the sanctity of Mecca, or the sanctity of both Mecca and Medina, while minimizing that of Jerusalem. These trends are reflected in some early traditions, only partly preserved in the canonical collections of ~ad"ith. These traditions which probably preceded the Muslim consensus regarding the ~ad"ith of the three mosques will be viewed in the following pages. I A tradition recorded on the authority of '.A'isha, the wife of the Prophet, mentions only two mosques: the mosque of Mecca and the mosque of Medina. The Prophet said according to this tradition: « I am the seal (khatam) of the prophets and my mosque is the seal of the mosques of the prophets. The mosques which deserve mostly to be visited and towards which the riding beasts should be driven are the mosque of Mecca and my mosque (i.e. the mosque of Medina). The prayer in my mosque is better than a thousand prayers in any other mosque except that of Mecca » 20.
17
See e.g. al-Wasiti, op. cit., f. 49b, 1.6 and f. 60a, penult. : ... ~allayta bi-,/,uri Sinii' Tafsir alal-Zarkashi, op. cit., p. 298. '/'ahiirat al-quliib, nadhara t-saiara
lJ,aythu kallama lliihu Musii ~allii lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallama ... ; Ibn. Kathir: Qur'iin al-'a~im, Beirut 1966, IV, 245,1.7;
18
'Abd aI-Qadir al-Jilani,
op. cit., II, 14; 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Dirini: al-rasii'il II, 55, 1. 3: wa-l-tarhib min wa-lau
Cairo 1354 AH, 124. 19 Ibn Taymiyya: Majmu'at ilii ......
20
au ilii l-,/,uri lladhi kallama 'lliihu 'alayhi Miisii 'alayhi l-saliim. ,) al-Targhib al-lJ,adith al-shari], ed. Muhy! al-Din 233, al-Hindi, op. cit., XIII,
al-Mundhiri:
'Abd al-l,Iamid, Cairo 1961, III, 50, no. 1732; aI-Muttaqi no. 1306; Ibn al-Najjar, op. cit., II, 357; al-Samhiidi,
op. cit., I, 259; Ahmad b. 'Abd
AN EARLY TRADITION
179
An almost identical tradition is reported on the authority of l'awlis 21 : « You shall set out for two mosques: the mosque of Mecca and the mosque of Medina» 22. The initial phrase of this tradition is almost identical with that of the tradition about the three mosques; mention is however made in this tradition of two mosques only, those of Mecca and Medina. A similar tradition is recorded by alMundhiri: « The best mosque towards which the riding beasts should be driven is the mosque of Ibrahim (i.e. the mosque of Mecca) and my mosque» 23. A significant tradition reported by Ibn Jurayj sheds some light on the attitude of certain Muslim scholars of the second century towards the pilgrimage to the three mosques. Ibn Jurayj records that Ibn 'Ata 24 reported a tradition recommending the pilgrimage to the three mosques and adds: « 'Atii: used to exclude (the mention of) the Aqr:;a,but he reverted later to counting it with them» (kana 'Ata'un yunkiru l-Aq§a thumma 'ada fa- 'addahu ma'aM) 25. It is 'Ata' who was asked by Ibn Jurayj : « What (is your opinion) about a man who vowed to walk from Basra to Jerusalem». He answered: « You were merely ordered (to pilgrimage to) this House (i.e. the Ka'ba) 26. l'awlis, on whose authority the tradition about the two mosques was transmitted, bade people who vowed to journey to Jerusalem to set out for Mecca 27. These traditions bear evidence to the fact that among scholars
al-Hamld al-'Abbasi: op. cit., p. 73; Juz' Abi l-Jahm. a1-'Alii' b. Musii, Ms. Hebrew Univ., Majmu'a, p. 43, 1. 3 V. 8; al-Dhahabi : Tadhkirat a1-J;,uttii~ lJayiit a1-J;,ayawiin,Cairo 1963, II, 88-90; Ibn Khallikan: Wajayiit a1-a'yiin, ed. A.F. Rim'i, Cairo 1936, VI, 303-305; Ibn Sa'd: Tabaqiit, Beirut 1957, V,
21
See on him Ibn Hajar : Tahdhib al-tahdhib,
I, 90; al-Damiri:
537-42.
22
'Abd al-Razzaq,
op. cit., f. 39b : yurJ;,a1u masjidayni, masjidi Makkata ioa-masjidi ilii
1-Madinati.
23 AI-Mundhiri, op. cit., III, 63, no. 1775 : Khayru rna rukibat i1ayhi 1-rawiiJ;,i1u masjidu lbriihima (~)wa-masjidi. Two variants are recorded: masjidi hiidha ioa-l-bagtu.1-ma'muru and masjidi hadha wa-1-baytu1'atiqu; and see the note of al-Mundhiri, ib., inf.; al-Suyu~i : a1-Jiimi' al-~aghir, II, 10 sup.; al-Samhudi, op. cit., I. 259; Al;tmad b. J;Iajar al-Haythami, op. cit., p. 41. 24 See on him: Ibn J;Iajar: Tahdhib al-tahdhib, VII, 483-84; al-Dhahabi: Tadhkirat a1-J;,ujjii~,, 98: 'A~a' b. Abi Rabal;t (died 115 AH; Ibn Jurayj transmitted his I traditions); Ibn Sa'd: Tabaqiit, Beirut 1957, V, 467-70. 25 'Abd al·Razzaq, op. eit., f. 39b. 26 Id., op. cit., Murad MoIla 606, f. 40b, info 27
ti; f. 41 b.
180 of Islam in the first half of the second century there was some reluctance to give full recognition of sanctity to the third mosque and to grant Jerusalem an equal position with the two holy cities of Islam, Mecca and Medina. This reluctance is plainly brought out in a series of traditions in which the Prophet is said to have advised the faithful to refrain from the journey to Jerusalem for prayer and to perform the prayer either in Mecca or in Medina. A tradition told on the authority of Jabir b. 'Abdallah 28 reports: A man 29 approached the Prophet at the day of the conquest of Mecca and said « 0 Messenger of God, I vowed to pray in Jerusalem if you conquer Mecca». The Prophet then said: « Pray here». The man asked him another time and the Prophet gave the same answer. He asked him a third time and the Prophet said: « Then the matter is at your disposal» (fa-sha'naka idhan) 30. A very similar tradition is recorded on the authority of Abu Sa'Id (al-Khudri) 31. But whereas the preceding tradition stresses the preference of Mecca, this one puts Medina to the fore. A man came to the Prophet, it is told in the story, in order to take leave from him before setting out for his journey to Jerusalem. The Prophet told him that a prayer in his mosque (i.e. in Medina) would be better than a thousand prayers in another mosque except the mosque of Mecca. Some versions of this tradition mention the name of the man, al-Arqam, but do not record the phrase about the mosque of Mecca 32.
28
Jabir
b. 'Abdallah
(died 78 AH). See on him al-Dhahabi: al-talulhib, II, 42; al-Baliidhurl Siyar a'liim
Tadhkirat al-nubalii',
al-lJ,ujjii~, ed. As'ad
I, 43; Ibn 1;Iajar : Tahdhib Hamldullah,
29
: Ansiib al-ashrii], ed. Mul)..
Cairo 1959, I, 248-49; al-Dhahabi: 126-29.
'!'alas, Cairo 1962, III,
According to the report of 'Abd al-Razzaq, Majma' al-zawii'id,
op. cit., Murad Molla 604, f. 37b, 41a Cairo 1353 AH, IV, 192, the name 'J'abaqiit V, 113; Ibn 1;Iajar :
and Ibn 1;Iajar al-Haythami: of the man was al-Sharid.
30
About al-Sharid see Ibn Sa'd:
al-Lsiiba III, 204, no. 3887. Ibn Hajar : Buliiqh. al-mariim, p. 287, no. 1407; Abu Da'iid : $alJ,ilJ,sunan al-mW}tajii, to pray two rak'a; ib, inf. another variant: kulla ~aliitin Cairo 1348 AH, II, 79 with a variant al-Shaukani, bayti l-maqdisi; al-Nabulsi:
31
« if
~;
you would pray here it would be counted (ajza'a) as much as the prayer in Jerusalem op. cit., VIII, 210 with a variant: la-qaiJii 'anka dhiilika
Ii
al-Tibrizi : Mishkiit al-ma~iibilJ" Karachi 1350 AH, p. 298; 'Abd al-Razzjiq
op. cit., f. 41a; al-Subki, op. eit., pp. 94-95; al-Bayhaqi,
Dhakhii'ir al-mawiirith, diai, op. eii., p. 134. See his biography in Ibn Hajar's Isiiba, AI-Samhiidi, Siyar
op. cit., X, 82; 'Abd al-Ghani
Cairo 1943, I, 145, no. 1324; Shihab ai-Din al-MaqIII, 85, no. 2189; al-Dhahabi: Tadhkirat
al-lJ,uttii~, I, 44.
32
op. cit., I, 295; Ahmad b. Hajar al-Haythami,
a'liim al-nubalii', ed. al-Abyar),
op. eit., p. 41; al-
Dhahabi:
Cairo 1957, II, 342.
AN EARLY TRADITION
181
To this category of traditions belongs the story told about Maymi.i.na the wife of the Prophet. A woman became ill and vowed to perform a pilgrimage to Jerusalem if she recovered. Having recuperated and prepared provisions for her journey she came to Maymi.i.nato take her leave. Maymi.i.naadvised her to stay at Medina, to consume her provisions there and to fulfil her vow by praying in the mosque of the Prophet (in Medina). Maymi.i.naquoted in this connection the utterance of the Prophet that a prayer in his mosque was better than a thousand prayers in any other mosque except that of the Ka'ba 33. A story closely resembling the preceding tradition is told on the authority of Sa'id b. al-Musayyab 34. The story told about 'Umar is however in favour of Mecca, not of Medina. A man came to 'Umar asking permission to travel to Jerusalem. 'Umar ordered him to prepare his provisions. But when these were prepared 'Umar bade him to perform the 'umra instead of going to Jerusalem 35. The essential reason for the resistance of a group of Muslim scholars to grant license of pilgrimage to Jerusalem is plainly reflected in another story about 'Umar told on the authority of the same Sa'Id b. al-Musayyab, who transmitted the preceding story; it is recorded by the early scholar of ~adith, 'Abd al-Razzaq b. Hammam in his MUl}annaf. According to this story, when 'Umar was in an enclosure of camels of I}adaqa two men passed by. He asked them wherefrom they came and they answered that they had come from Jerusalem. 'Umar hit them with his whip and said: « (Have you performed) a pilgrimage like the pilgrimage of the Ka'ba »? They said: « No, o Commander of the faithful, we came from such and such a territory, we passed by it (scil, Jerusalem) and prayed there.» Then 'Umar said: « Then it is so», and let then go 36.
33
AI-Bayhaqi,
op. cit., X, 83; al-Shaukani,
op. cit., VIII,
210; Juz'
Abi
l-Jahm
al-'Alii' b. lvIusa, Ms., p. 42; Shihab aI-Din al-Maqdisl, op. cit., Ms. p. 134. 34 See on him Ibn Khallikan, op. cit., VI, 136-143; Ibn I,Iajar: Tahdhib al·tahdhib, IV, 84-88; Abu Nu'aym
35 36
al-Isfahani
: I.filyat al·auliyu', 'Abd al-Razzaq
Cairo 1933, II, 161-173.
'Abd al-Razzaq, 'Abd al-Razzaq,
op, cit., f. 39b. op. cit., f. 39b:
»
Ma'mar
b. Rashid>
'Abd
aI-Karim al-Jazari (died 127 AH; see on him Ibn I,Iajar: Tahdhib al-tahdhib, VI, 373-75; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr : Tajrid al-tamhid, Cairo 1350 AH, p. 107» Ibn al-Musayyab: Baynii 'Umaru fi na'amin min na'am'i l-sadaqaii marra bihi rajuliini, fa-qala: min ayna ji'tumii, qiilii : min al-bayti l-bayti, bihi fa-~allaynii l-muqaddasi, fa- 'aliihumii dorban. bi-l-dirrati fa-tarakahumii. wa-qiilii : lpajjun ka-lpajji [a-mararnii qiilii: yii amira l-mu'minina, innii ji'nii, min arrf,i kadhii uxi-kadhii
fihi, [a-qida : lcadhiilika idhan,
182
The story shows clearly that Muslim scholars feared that Jerusalem might become a place of pilgrimage like Mecca and acquire a sanctity like that of Mecca. The two sanctuaries, that of Mecca and the one of Jerusalem are mentioned jointly in the verse of al-Farazdaq : Wa-baytiini baytu lliihi nalJnu wuliituhu : wa-baytun bi-a'lii Iliyii'a musharrafu
(To us belong) two Houses: and the revered the House of God, of which we are the governors: (i.e. Jerusalem)
37.
House in the upper (part of) Iliya'a
This verse testifies to the veneration of these two sanctuaries at the end of the seventh century. It is significant that the two sanctuaries are referred to as being on the same level 38. This these scholars tried to prevent. Jerusalem could only be considered as a place of devotional prayer, a holy place endowed with special merits for pilgrims to Mecca; but it could not be awarded the rank of Mecca and it never got it. The reluctance to perform the pilgrimage to Jerusalem found its expression in some utterances reported on the authority of the Companions of the Prophet. (,Abdallah) b. Mas'tld is stated to have said: « If (the whole distance) between me and Jerusalem were two parasangs I would not go there 39. Malik (b. Anas) refrained from coming to Jerusalem for fear that this may become a sunna 40. The justification of this attitude which tried to diminish the importance of the pilgrimage to Jerusalem is found in a remarkable saying of al-Sha'bi 41 : « Mul;tammad, may God bless him, was only turned
37
AI-Farazdaq:
Diiciin; ed. al-Saw], Cairo 1936, p. 566; Naqil'irJ Jarir wa-l-Farazdaq, Diwiln, p. 619, composed in the first decade bihi min quliibi l·mumtarina rJaliiluhii. Jabir> alal-
ed. Bevan, Leiden 1905, p. 571.
38
Comp. another verse of al-Farazdaq,
of the eighth century: uia-bi-l-masjidi l-aq~il l-imilmu
39
'lladhi 'htadil:
'Abd al-Razzaq,
op. cit., f. 39b, inf.: 'Abd al-Razzaq
»
al-Thauri>
Sha 'bi>
Shaqiq (see on him Ibn I,Iajar: ('Abdallah)
l~ilba III, 225, no. 3977; id. : Tahdhib bayti
tahdhib, IV, 361»
b. Mas'fid : lau kiina bayni wa-bayna
l-maqdisi
/ar8akhiini mii ataytuhu. 40 Al-Shatibi, op. cit., I, 347: wa-qad kiina Miilikun yakrahu l-maji'a ilii bayti l-maqdisi khiiata an yuttakhadha
41
dhiilika eumnatan, Tadhkirat al·hultii?, I, 79-88: Ibn 'Asakir: Tu'rikh, V, al-tahdhib,
See on him al-Dhahabi:
ed. Ibn Badran, 69-61.
Damascus, n.d., VII, 138-155; Ibn Hajar : Tahdhib
AN EARLY TRADITION
183
away from Jerusalem (i.e. from his first qibla) because of his anger.» A gloss added to this tradition states: « he means (anger with regards to Jerusalem » 42. The son of Sa'd b. Abi Waqqii/?,'.Amir 43 and his daughter 'A'isha 44 reported on the authority of their father that he would like much more to pray in the mosque of Quba' than in Jerusalem. 45 'Umar is also said to have stated that he preferred one prayer in the mosque of Quba' than four prayers in Jerusalem 46. The superiority of the mosque of Medina over al-Aq/?iiwas expressed by the Prophet himself. According to a tradition reported on the authority of Abu Hurayra, the Prophet was asked whether prayer in al-Aq/?ii as better than prayer in his mosque (i.e. in Medina). w The Prophet answered: « A prayer in my mosque is better than four prayers in it». (i.e. in al-Aqsa) 47. A peculiar tradition attributed to the Prophet recommends to journey to three mosques only, exactly as in the tradition discussed
42
'Abd al-Razza.q, op. cit., f. 40a, sup. : 'Abd al-Razzaq yuqsimu bi- lliihi mii rudda MulJammadun See al-Thauri: Ta/sir
» al-Thaurf » Jabir:
al-Qur'iin al-karim,
sami'tu illii 'an Rampur bi- lliihi
I·Sha'biyya
(~) 'an bayti l-maqdisi
8ukhtihi, ya'ni 'alii bayti l-maqdisi. 1965, ed. Imtiyaz l-Sha'biyyu
'Ali 'Arshi, p. 12: Sufyan > Jabir al-d u'f'i, qiila: aqsama
: rna rudda l-nabiYY1t 'ala ahli bayti l-maqdisi illii li-sukhtihi The editor of al-Thaurr's Muh, Shakir,
'ala ahli bayti
l-maqdisi. The text of this tradition to the record of al-Mu~anna/. ed. Mahmud wa-yukhiililu kana 'alayhi
43 44 45
is of course blurred and has to be corrected according Tuisir remarks that he could comp. Tabar! : 'I'aisir, 173: qiilo. Cairo, ca. 1960, III,
not find this utterance in the compilations of talsir and hadith, Muh. Shakir and Ahmad
ba'rJuhum : kariha qiblaia bayti l-maqdisi min ajli anna, l·yahuda qaZU: yattabi'u qiblaianii dinana ... , al-Nuwayr i, op. cit., I, 329:· wa- khtalalu Ii l-sababi lladhi l-saliiiu. ioa-l-saliimu. min ajlihi yakralm qiblata bayti l-maqdisi wa-yahwa V, 64
qiblata l-Ko'biui ... On him see Ibn Hajar : 'I'ahdib al-tahdhib, On her see Ibn Hajar : al-Lsiiba, VIII, AI-Bayhaqi, 141, no. 703 III, 12; Ahmad b. 'Abd al-J;lamid
op. cit., V, 249; al-MundhirI, op. cii., III, 55, no. 1748; a.l-Samhfid i, Hyderabad, al-Qasta.lla.nl, op. cit., III, 242. Damascus
op. cit., II, 19; al-J;lakim : al-M'uetadralc, al- 'Abbasi,
46 47
op. cit., p. 412 sup. (three versions);
'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., f. 37b. Ibn 'Asakir: Ta'rikh madinat Dimashq,
ed. f?alal,l al-Din al-Munajjid, al-manihilr,
1951, I, 163; Mujir al-Dln, op. cit., I, 206; aI-Wasiti, al-Din al-Suyupi, 24 info
op. cit., f. 42a; Shihab al-Dtn IV, 161; Shams op. cit., I,
al-Maqdisi, op. cit., Ms. pp. 130, 146; al-Suyiit.I : Al-Durr
op. cit., f. 17a; Abii l-Mahasin Yiisuf b. Miisa al-Hanaf'i,
184 above. This tradition, however, places the mosque of al-Khayf 48 instead al-Aq~a as the third mosque 49. The traditions quoted above can be taken to represent an early stratum of lore in which the opposition displayed by certain circles of Muslim scholars at the beginning of the second century to the ranking of Jerusalem on the level of Mecca and Medina is reflected. They bring out quite clearly the tendency of those who tried to subdue the excessive veneration which was forming with regard to the sanctuary of Jerusalem. II Against the records in which an attempt is made to diminish the position of the sanctuary of Jerusalem one can notice quite well in 'be traditions the existence of a trend going in the opposite direction: it aims at granting Jerusalem the rank of Medina and emphasizes the peculiar features of sanctity of the mosque, of the city and of the region of Jerusalem. « The assignment of relative ratings of efficacy to prayer in different localities is a common method of ranking towns in terms of their holiness» stated G. von Grunebaum 50. This was indeed applied to Jerusalem in comparison to Mecca and Medina. A significant tradition granting the mosque of Jerusalem an unusually high rank is recorded on the authority of Abu Hurayra and 'A.'isha. « A prayer in my mosque (i.e. in Medina) - says the Prophet in this ly,adith - is better than a thousand prayers in any other mosque except al-Aq~a» 51. It is evident that this tradition contradicts the well-known tradition in which the concluding phrase reads: « except (prayer in) the mosque of Mecca» 52. The phrase « except (prayer in)
48
See on al-Khayf : al-Bakri: Mu'jarn
Mu'jam al-buldiin,
mii 'sta'jam, s.v, Khayf; Shila'
ed. Mu~tafa al-Saqa, Cairo Abii l-Baqa": al-Manaqib al-
1945, II, 526; Yaqiit: mazyadiyya,
49
Ms. Br. Mus., f. 93a (the grave of Mudar in the mosque of al-Khayf). al-qhariim, I, 263 inf.; al-Dhahabi: al-Jiimi" al-laii]
Al-Zarkashl, op. cit., p. 68; al-Fasi:
Mizan al-i'tidiil, ed. al-Bijawl, Cairo 1963, I, 650, no. 2495; Ibn ~ahira:
fi larJli Makkata wa-ahlihii wa-binii' i I-bayti l-shari], Cairo 1921, p. 334. 50 G.E. von Grunebaum, op. cit., p. 31.
51
al-Mundhiri, op. ciâ¢., III, 53, no. 1740: $alatun fi masjidi khayrun min alii ~aliitin illii l-masjidi l-aqsii ; al-Samhildi: op. cit., I, 296 sup. Al-Samhiidi, op. cit., I, 296; al-Suyutt : al-Jiimi" al-~aghir, II, 47; 'Abd al-Razzaq,
lima siwahu min al-masajidi
52
op. cit., f. 37b; al-Mundhiri, op. cit., III, 50, no. 1731; Al;tmad b. Hanbal : al-Musnad III, no. 1605, VII, no. 4838, 5153, 5155, 5358, VIII, no. 5778, XII, no. 7252; Mul;t.
AN EARLY TRADITION
185
the mosque of Mecca»was in this ~adith replaced by the phrase « except (prayer in) al-Aq::;a». Another tradition reported on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas links the ~adith about the three mosques with the utterance of the Prophet about the value of the prayer in these mosques granting al-Aqi?a preference over the mosque of Medina. « A prayer in the mosque of Mecca(al-masjid al-~aram) - says the Prophet - is worth a hundred thousand prayers, a prayer in my mosque (i.e. in Medina) is worth a thousand prayers, and a prayer in al-Aqi?ais worth ten thousand prayers» 03. This tradition occurs with greater exaggeration in Muthir al-qhariim. 04: The Prophet states that a prayer in the mosque of Mecca is worth a hundred thousand prayers, a prayer in the mosque of Medina a thousand prayers and a prayer in Jerusalem twenty thousand prayers. More restrained are two traditions recorded by Ibn Majah. One of them states that the Prophet when asked about the mosque of Jerusalem recommended to come to Jerusalem, the land of the Resurrection and the place of assembly for the Final Judgement 00 and to pray there, as a prayer performed in it is worth a thousand prayers
Fu'ad 'Abd al-Baql, op. cit., II, 97, no. 881; Abii Yiisuf al-Ansar! : al-Athar, op. cit., 115-119, Ibn Taymiyya: ed. Abii Majmii'at
I-Wafii, Cairo 135.5AH, p. 65, no. 320; Ibn al-Najjar, op. cit., II, 357; Ibn ~ahira, op. cit., p. 193; al-Fasi, op. cit., I, 79-81; al-Zarkashi, al-rasii'il, II, 54, inf. ; Ahmad b. 'Abd al-Ham id al- 'Abbasi, op. cit., p. 72-73; Abii Talib
al-Makki, op. cit., III, 182; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr : Tajrid al-tamhid, p. 99, no. 305; al-Dariml, op. cit., I, 270, no. 1425; al-Rabi' b. Hablb : al-Jiimi" al-~aJ;,i"J;" airo 1349 AH, I, 52; C Abii I-Mal).asin al-Hanaf'i, op. cit., I, 24; al-Nawawi : al-IrJiil}fi l-maniisik, p. 65; al-Jarrah], op. cit., II, 27, no. 1605; Mul).. b. al-Fattal Cairo 1298 AH, al-Najaf : Ranula; al·wii'i~in,
1966, p. 408; al-Qastallan], op. cit., III, 240 inf.; etc ... 03 Ch. D. Matthews: The Kit. Bii'i!1t-n-nu!,ts, JPOS, XV (1935), p. 54; idem: Palestine, p.4.
04
Shihab al-Din al-Maqdisi,
op. cit., Ms. p. 129 with the following isniid: Miziin al-i'tidiil IV, 299» Ibn Jurayj>
Hisham 'Ata'>
b. Sulayman (see on him al-Dhahabi: Ibn 'Abbas> the Prophet. The hadith 00 For ardu. l-mahshar wa-l-manshar ed. ~alal). al-Din al-Munajjid, of Munajjid, al-Maqdisi, tadhkirat Kit.
is evaluated as weak (wiihin). see al-Raba'i: FarJii'il al-Shiim. ioa-Dimashq, 1, p. 85, ed. no. 25; Shihab al-Wahhab al-Sha'ranl al-Din
Damascus 1950, p. 15, no. 25; and see ib., the introduction : Mukhta~ar
p. 10, note 2; and see ib., Appendix op. cit., pp. 12, 143; and see 'Abd Cairo 1935, p. 43; al-Wasiti, Leszynsky, Kirchhain
al-Qurtubi,
op. cit., f. 51b-53b, 57b; and see H. 1909 (JJIohammedanische Palestine, p. 120. Traditionen
Busse, Der Islam und die biblischen Kultstiitten, al-Zuhd, ed. Rudolf
Der Islam, 1966, p. 124; Asad b. Miisa : op. cit., VI, 411; al-Suyirt.l :
iiber das jiingste Gericht) pp. XXI, 46, 49-50; Ibn Kathir, al-Durr al-manihdir VI, 110; Ch. D. Matthews:
186 elsewhere 56. The second tradition records the utterance of the Prophet assigning to the prayer in the mosque of Jerusalem the value of fifty thousand prayers, to the prayer in the mosque of Medina fifty thousand prayers and to the prayer in the mosque of Mecca a hundred thousand prayers 57. In another tradition, reported on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas, the Prophet assigned to a prayer in the mosque of Mecca the value of a hundred thousand prayers, to a prayer in the mosque of Medina fifty thousand prayers and to a prayer in the mosque of Jerusalem twenty thousand prayers 58. In another tradition reported as well on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas the value of a prayer in the mosque of Jerusalem is considerably reduced. The Prophet - according to this tradition - assigned to a prayer in the mosque of Medina the value of hundred thousand prayers, to a prayer in the mosque of Mecca a hundred thousand prayers and to a prayer in the mosque of Jerusalem a thousand prayers 59. Another tradition reported on the authority of Abu l-Darda' states that the Prophet assigned to a prayer in the mosque of Mecca the value of a hundred thousand prayers, to a prayer in the mosque of Medina the value of a thousand prayers and to a prayer in the mosque of Jerusalem the value of five hundred prayers 60. Ibn Taymiyya records as the number of prayers
56
Ibn Majah:
Sunan al-Mu§tafa, Cairo 1349 AH, I, 429 (Abii I-Hasan Muh. b. 'Abd
the Prophet was probably asked whether
al-Hfidt
remarks in his comment ib., that
the prayer was permitted in the mosque of Jerusalem after the Qibla was diverted from it. He also remarks that only prayers in mosques other that those of Mecca and Medina are meant, as a prayer in the mosque of Jerusalem is like a prayer in Medina); al-Zarkashi, op. cit., p. 289; al- Wasiti, op. cit., f. 41b; al-Samhiidi, op. cit., I, 295; Ibn Babtiya : Thauxib al-o'm/il, Tehran 1375 AH, p. 30; Shiha.b al-Din al-Maqdisi, op. cit., Ms. p. 128; Abii l-Mahaein Yiisuf b. Miisa al-HanafI, op. cit., I, 25. 57 Ibn Majah, op. cit., I, 431; al-Zarkash i, op. eit., p. 287, ll8; Maqdisi, op. cit., Ms. p. 219; al-Tibrizi: Shihs.b al-Din al-
Mishkat al-masiibih, p. 72. 58 Ch. D. Matthews: Kit. Ba'i~u-n·nufus, ib., p. 60 (Palestine, p. 11). 59 Al-Zarkasht, op. cit., p. ll8 (quoted from al-Tabardnf's al-llfu'jarn al-kabirv; al-Samhiidi, op. cit., I, 299 (quoted from al-Zarkasht) : Abii l'alib al-Makki, op. cit.,
III,
60
182. Al-'Abdari,
op. cit., II, 39; al-Sarnhudl, op. cit., I, 298 (quoted from al-Tabarant}:
al-Zarkashi, op. cit., XIII,
op. cit., p. 117 (quoted from al-Bazzar's 168, no. 938 (on the authority
Musnad); aI-Muttaqi al-Hindi,
of Jabir), no. 939, 941 (on the authority
Palestine, p. 10; Shihab al-Din al-Maqdisi, op. cit., op. cit., I, 25, 1.3; al-JarraJ:ti, op. cit., II, 27, no. 1605; al-Qastalldn], op. cit., III, 241.
of Abu l-Darda'}: Ch. D. Matthews: Ms., p. 128; Abu l-Mahasin Yiisuf b. Musa al-Hanafi,
AN EARLY TRADITION
187
corresponding to a prayer in the mosque of Jerusalem five hundred or fifty 61. lt is evident that the traditions which assign values to prayer in the mosque of Jerusalem are contradictory and mutually exclusive. They have to be seen against the background of a controversy concerning the weight to be accorded to prayer in the mosques of Mecca and Medina. These two cities contended for a long time for the superiority of their sanctuaries 62 and their merits 63. Quite early traditions reflecting this controversy are recorded in 'Abd al-Razzaq's Mu§annaf. When asked by a man whether to journey to Medina 'Ata' answered:
61 62
Ibn Taymiyya: l-Madinati
Majmu'at
al-rasi'i'il, II, 54 inf. ba'tjuhum bi-mi'nii ili'i anna l-eal/ito: §alatin); and see Makkata
See for instance al-Samhiidi, op. cit., I, 296 (ua-dhahaba aftjalu min al-saliiii [i masjuii
Ii masjidi
ib. pp. 297-300 the discussion about the value of the prayer in Medina in comparison with the prayer in Mecca; al-Zarkashi, op. cit., pp. 186-190; Shihab al-Dm al-Khafaji, op. cit., III, 583.
63
See for instance al- 'Abdari,
op. cit., II, 31; al-Samhudi,
op. cit., I, 34, 52; The that a man was recorded tradition
Prophet was created from the clay of Medina as reported in the tradition is buried in the earth from which he is created. A contradictory by al-Zubayr b. Bakkar. According to this tradition clay of the Ka'ba. See al-Shaukant, G. E. von Grunebaum: al-Haythami: al-Ni'ma al-kubrii Muhammadan Festivals,
the Prophet was created from the New York 1951, p. 20. Ibn l;Iajar Ms. (in
op. cit., V. 25; Ibn ~ahira, op. cit., p. 18; and see 'ala l-'i'ilam bi -maulid Sa,yyid bani Adam, (al-Samhudi,
my possession) f. 7a. AI-Sha'bi disliked to stay in Mecca because the Prophet departed from Mecca; he considered Mecca « di'ir a'ri'ibiyya» expression « di'ir a'ri'ibiyya» I. 8); and see al-Kha.trb al-Bahgdadi : Taqyid 1949, p. 72: Marwan b. al-Hakam op. cit., I, 35; for the see Abu l-Mahasin Yusuf b. Musa al-Hanafi, op. cit., II, 203, al- 'ilm, ed. Yiisuf al-'Ushsh, Damascus mentioned in his speech the merits of Mecca, its
sanctity and the merits of its people. Riifi' b. Khudayj reminded him of the sanctity of Medina, the merits of its people and mentioned the fact that it was declared as haram. by the Prophet al-'Abdari, yastadilluna and that the declaration was kept in Medina, written on a khauli'ini ba'tja dhiililea); Makkata op. cit., p. 58 :... waskin. Marwdn answered: '( I heard something about it.» (qad sami'tu
op. cit., II, 34; Ahmad b. 'Abd al-Hamid al-'Abbasi, bihi 'ali'i aftjaliyyati
hiidhihi l-baldati 'ali'i si'i'iri l-buldi'ini muilaqan,
wa-ghayrihi'i ... ; and see ib., p. 61 about the doubled blessing of the Prophet granted Medina compared with the blessing of Abraham for Mecca.; and see al-Samhudi, op. cit., I, 26: al·Madinatu khayrun min Makkata; al-Suyiit.i : al-Ji'imi' al-§aghir, II, 184; al-Fas), op. cit., I, 79 seq.; al-Samhudi, op. cit., I, 24-26; Ahmad b. 'Abd al-Hamid al-'Abbasi, op. cit., p. 69 (muslimu l-Matlinati khayrun min muslimi Makkata,); al-Faai, op. cit., pp. 77-79; al-'Abdari, l-§alatu wa-l-sali'imu op, cit., I, 257 ( wa-qad taqaddama annahu 'alayhi op. cit., aftjalu min al-Ka'bati wa-ghayrihi'i ... ); and see ib., II, 38; about
the partisans of the superiority of Medina and those of Mecca see al-Shaukani, al-Mawi'ihib al·ladunniyya,
V, 24; Taqi al-Din 'Abd al-Malik b. Abi l-Muna, op. cit., p. 97; al-Zurqani : Shar];, Cairo 1329 AH, VIII, 322; Shihab al-Din al-Khaffiji, op. cit., III, 584·587.
188
«
to circumambulate the Ka'ba seven times is better than your journey to Medina» 64. AI-Thauri is said to have answered when asked about a journey to Medina: « do not do it » (la taf'al) 65. 'Ata: reported that he heard 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr stating in his speech on the minbar (scil. of Mecca): « a prayer in the mosque of Mecca is better than a hundred prayers in any other of the mosques. » «It seems to me added 'Ata: - that he intended the mosque of Medina» 66. Qatada said it plainly: « A prayer in the mosque of Mecca is better than a hundred prayers in the mosque of Medina» 67. An identical utterance on the authority of 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr is reported by Abu 1'Aliya 68. These traditions, some of which are early ones, shed some light on the rivalry between Mecca and Medina 69. The idea of the sanctity of Jerusalem grew and developed within the framework of this contest. III
As against the tendency of restriction and limitation one can notice the opposite one, which aims to extend the number of holy mosques by the addition of one or two mosques to the three mosques, about the pilgrimage to which a consensus of the Muslim community had been reached. « The most distinguished mosques are: the mosque of Mecca,then the mosque of the Prophet (i.e. Medina), then the mosque of Jerusalem, then - it has been said - the mosque of al-Kiifa because of the consent of the Companions of the Prophet about it; and people said: the mosque of Damascus» 70. The mosque of Damascus was ranked with the three mosques and the relative value of prayers in it was fixed in a saying attributed
64
'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., f. 39b: 'Abd al-Razziiq inni uridu. an atiya l-Madinata; rajulun. [a-qiila lalru : lawafun op. eit., f. 39b.
qiila akhbarani abi qdlo. qult« li·l'Ala'an min qdla saiarika
Muthannii: wa-sa'alahu
65 66 67 68 69
qiila : la taj'al ; sami'tu sab'am. bi-l-bayti khayrun
ilii l-Madinati. 'Abd al-Razzaq, lb., f. 37b. lb., f. 38a.
Ib., f. 38a.
For the sanctity cities, p. 31. ed. As'ad rajas, of Medina see G. E. von Grunebaum: The sacred character of
Islamic
70
Yiisuf b. 'Abd al-Hadj : Thimiir ol-maqiieid fi dhikri l·masajid,
Beirut 1943, p. 183.
AN EARLY TRADITION
189
to Sufyan al-Thauri. When asked by a man about the value of a prayer in Mecca Sufyan answered: « the value of a prayer in Mecca is of a hundred thousand prayers, in the mosque of the Prophet fifty thousand prayers, in the mosque of Jerusalem forty thousand prayers and in the mosque of Damascus thirty thousand prayers» 71. The equality of the mosque of Damascus with the mosque of Jerusalem is stressed in a story of a conversation between Wathila b. al-Asqa' 72 and Ka'b al-Ahbar 73. Wathila intended to set out for Jerusalem, but Ka'b showed him a spot in the mosque of Damascus in which the prayer has the same value as the prayer in the mosque of Jerusalem 74. Shi'ite tradition put the mosque of al-KUfain the rank of the three mosques; Hudhayfa b. al-Yaman stated that it was the fourth mosque after Mecca, Medina and Jerusalem 75. The mosque of al-Ktifa is said to have been - like the mosques of Jerusalem and Mecca the mosque of Adam 76 the place of prayer of prophets 77 and the place where the Prophet (Muhammad) prayed 78 at the night of his
71 AI-Raba'i, op. cit., p. 36, no. 64 and p. 86 (ad no. 64); Ch. D. Matthews: The Kit. Bii'i!u-n-nufus, JPOS, XV, p. 61; Shams al-Din al Suyuti, op. cit., f. 17b.; al-Manini : oi-I'liim. bi-fa4a'il al-Shiim, ed. Ahmad Samil;t al-Khalidl, Jerusalem, n.d., pp. 84-85. 72 See on him Ibn Hajar : Tahdhib al-tahdhib, XI, 101; idem, al-Lsiiba VI, 310, no. 9088; al-Dhahabi: Siyar a'lam al-nubalii' III, 257-59. 73 See S. D. Goitein, op. cit., p. 144; and see on Ka'b; 1. Wolfensohn: Ka'b al-A?tbiir und seine Stellung im {ladi~ und in der islamischen Legendenliteratur, Gelnhausen, 1933. 74 AI-Raba'i, op. cit., p. 37, no. 65. 75 AI-Majlisi, Bi?tiir al-anwar, lithogr. ed., XXII, 88; al-Buraqi : Ta'rikh al-Kiifa,
al-Najaf, 1960, p. 36. 76 See al-Wasiti, op. cit., f. 53b (the grave of Adam); Ch. D. Matthews:
Palestine,
pp. 32-33; Ibn ?,ahira, op. cit., p. 143 (the prayer of Adam in Mecca); and see G. E. von Grunebaum; Muhammadan Festivals, p. 20 (<
shaban.pdf "SHA'BAN A
STUDY
IS
MY
MONTH ... "
TRADITION
OF AN EARLY
"Sha'ban is my month": this utterance attributed to the Prophet is widely current and usually coupled with his statement about the status of Rajab and Ramadan.1 A corroborative utterance, linking the month of Sha'ban with the person of the Prophet, evaluates the status of Sha'ban in relation to other months as follows: "The superiority of Sha'ban over other months is like my superiority over other prophets".2 Peculiar is the commentary of Sura 28:69: "Thy Lord creates whatsoever He will and He chooses ... ", stating that this verse refers to the month of Sha'ban: "God adorns everything by something and He embellished the months by the month of Sha'ban".3 In numerous utterances attributed to the
1 AI-Munawi, Fayd al-qadir, sharb al-jami' al-saghir, Cairo 1391/1972, IV, p. 162, no. 4889; al-'Azizi, al-Siraj al-munir, Cairo 1377/1957, II, p. 369; 'Abd ai-Qadir aIJilllni, al-Ghunya li-!alibi lariqi I-baqq 'azza wa-ja/la, Cairo 1322 A.H., I, p. 211; al-Suyiili, al-La'ali al-masnu'a, Cairo n.d., II, p. 114; al-MajIisi, BiMr ai-an war, Tehran 1388 A.H., XCVII, pp. 68-69, 71, 75-77, 181-183; al-Saffiiri, Nuzhat al· majalis, Beirut n.d., pp. 190, 195 ult.; Ibn Oayba', Tamyiz al-!ayyib min al-khabith, Cairo 1382/1963, p. 81 (and see ibid., p. 91, 1. 1); Ibn Babiiyah, Thawab al-a'mal, Tehran 1375 A.H., p. 60; Id., Amali, Najaf 1389/1970, p. 17; al-Zandawaysiti, Raudat al-'ulama', Ms. BM, Add. 7258, fol. 255b; and see Kister, lOS, 1 (1971), p. 198 note 50. 2 Al·Oaylami, Firdaus al-akhbdr, Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 109b, penult.; al-Zandawaysiti, op. cit., fol. 255b; cf. al-SuYiili, al-Durr al-manthur, Cairo 1314 A.H., III, p. 236: ... sha'banu shahri fa-man 'a â¢â¢ ama shahra sha'bana fa-qad 'a â¢â¢ ama amr; wa-man 'a â¢â¢ ama amr; kuntu lahu farlan wa-dhukhran yauma I-qiyamati ... (the badith is marked as munkar); and see Abmad b, 1:Iijazi, Tubfat al-ikhwan fi fada'il rajab washa'bdn wa-ramadan, Cairo 1308 A.H., p. 41: ... kana rasulu /lahi ($) yaqi1lu idha dakhala sha'bdnu: !ahhiru anfusakum li-sha'bana wa-absinu niyyatakum fihi, fa-inna lIaha 'azza wa-ja/la faddala sha'bdna 'ala sa'iri l-shuhi1ri ka·fadli 'alaykurn ... ; and see lOS, I, p. 199, note 55. 3 AI-Zandawaysiti, op. cit., fol. 255b: qala fi tafsiri hddhih; l-ayati: wa·rabbuka yakhlllqu rna yasha'u wa-yakhtaru rna kana lahurnu l-khiyaratu, inna lIaha ta'ala zayyana ku/la shay'in (on marjin: bi-shay'in) wa-zayyana l-shuhi1ra bi-sha'bdna;fa·kama zayyalla bihi l-shuhi1ra ka-dhalika yatazayyanu l-'abdu bi-l-ta'ati fihi li·l-ghufrani .â¢â¢
Prophet, he is said to have recommended the devotional practice of fasting, prayer, vigil and supplication during this month, especially on the eve ofthe 15th ofSha'biin (= the night of the 15th of Sha'ban) , Practices of the night of the 15th of Sha'ban, closely resembling those of laylat al-qadr, were scrutinized by A.J. Wensinck, who regarded these two nights as determining a New Year's period of six weeks to two months. This was challenged by K. Wagtendonk, who considered the 15th of'Sha'ban to be "a starting day of a voluntary fast, which arose out of the ascetic tendency of extending the fast of Ramadan". 4 A survey of the traditions on the virtues of the month of Sha'ban may clarify some of the controversies in reports of practices performed during this month, explain diverse tenets of certain circles of Muslim scholars and aid in gaining insight into the ideas of the virtuousness of Sha'biin.
I
The traditions on the Prophet's fast during the month of Sha'ban are controversial. It is not clear whether the Prophet would fast throughout the entire month of Sha'ban, or whether he would fast only part of the month. The reports on this subject are often vague; some say merely that he used to fast during this month (... kiina yasionu sha'biina); others, ambiguous in style and cast, assert that he would fast most of the month, or the entire month (... kiina yasiimuhu kullahu ilIii qaltlan, hal kiina yasiimuhu kullahu ... ). Still others, unequivocal but contradictory, relate that he fasted the entire month of Sha'ban or, on the contrary, that he never completed an entire month's fasting except in Ramadan (... kiina yasianu sha'biina kullahu ... confronted by: ... wa-lii $iima shahran kiimilan qauu ghayra ramadiina ... ).5
4 EI2 Sha'biin (A.J. Wensinck); A.J. Wensinck, Arabic New Year and the Feast of Tabernacles, VKAW, Afd. Let., N.R. XXV, 2, Amsterdam 1925; K. Wagtendonk, Fasting in the Koran, Leiden 1968, pp. 100-105; S.D. Goitein, Studies in Islamic History, Leiden 1968, pp. 90-110: Ramadan the Muslim Month of Fasting. 5 AI-Nasii'i, Sunan, Beirut n.d. (reprint) IV, pp. 151-153, 199-201 (and see e.g. other versions ibid., in lama shahran maliiman siwa ramaddna batta mar/a li-wajhihi ... ; wa-lam yasum shahran tdmman mundhu atd l-madinata ilia an yakiina ramaddnu etc.); al-Tahawl, Sharh ma'ani I·athar (ed. Muhammad Zuhri l-Najjar), Cairo 1388/1968, II, pp. 82-83; al-Tirmidhl, $abib, Cairo 1350/1931, III, p. 273; Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Mulannaf(ed. 'Abd al-Khaliq al-Afghanl), Hyderabad 1388/1968, III, p. 103 (and see ibid., another version: ... kana yasumu sha'bdna ilia qalilan); Abii Diiwiid, $abib sunan al-mustafti, Cairo 1348 A.H., I, p. 381 inf. -382 sup.; al-Saffurl, op. cit., p. 198; al-Qastallani, Irshdd al-sdri, Cairo 1323 A.H., III, pp. 401-403; 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf (ed. Hablb al-Rahman al-A'zaml), Beirut 1392 A.H., IV,
16
SHA'BAN
IS MY
MONTH
Debate turned on the word kullahu in the tradition relating that the Prophet fasted the entire month of Sha'biin. Muslim scholars tended to limit the connotation of "wholeness" in the word, making it mean a major part. This was the explanation of 'Abdallah b. al-Mubarak (d. 181) as recorded by al-Tirmidhl.f The phrase that the Prophet fasted the entire month (kullahu) conveys in fact that he would fast for the major part of the month (akthara l-shahri), argues Ibn al-Mubarak, basing himself on the Arab manner of speech: when a man says that he spent the whole night in vigiI, he means in fact to say that the major part of the night was spent in vigil. This interpretation indeed clears away the contradiction inherent in the two traditions: the one that the Prophet would fast the entire month (kullahu), and the other that 'A'isha never saw him completing an entire month's fast (... istakmala siyiima shahrin ... ) save Ramadan." The contradiction can thus be removed on the basis of Ibn al-Mubarak's interpretation: the only complete month during which the Prophet would fast was Ramadan; he also fasted for the major part of Sha'ban, Al-Qastallani could rightly remark that the Prophet did not complete an entire month's fasting during Sha'ban, so as to dismiss any thought that the fast of Sha'ban was obligatory.f This interpretation of kull cannot, however, be applied to other traditions in which the Prophet's Sha'ban fast was coupled with that of Ramadan, and in which the account was preceded by a verb or noun denoting wholeness and referring to both months. Certain haduhs relate
pp. 292-293, nos. 7858-7861; Ibn Hajar, Fatb at-bart, Cairo 1301 A.H., IV, pp. 186188; Ibn Rajab, Latd'if al-ma'tirif, Cairo 1343 A.H., pp, 127-142; Nur al-Dln alHaythaml, Majma' al-zawd'id, Beirut 1967, III, p. 192; al-Mundhiri, al-Targhlb wa-ltarhib (ed. Muhammad Muhyl ai-Din 'Abd al-Hamid), Cairo 1379/1960, II, pp, 241243, nos. 1481-1486; al-Hakirn, al-Mustadrak, Hyderabad 1342 A.H., I, p. 434; alMuttaqi l-Hindl, Kanz I-'ummtil, Hyderabad 1380/1960, VIII, p. 409, no. 2969; alZurqant, Sharb al-mawdhib al-laduniyya, Cairo 1328 A.H., VIII, pp. 124--126; alBayhaql, al-Sunan al-kubrd, Hyderabad 1352 A.H., II, p. 210; al-Shaukanl, Nayl al-autar, Cairo 1372/1953, IV, pp. 274--277; al-Zurqanl, Sharh muwatta'i mdlik, Cairo 1381/1961, pp. 451-460; aI-Khatib al-Baghdadl, Ta'rikh, Cairo 1349/1931, IV, p. 437; Ibn Wahb, Juz', Ms. Chester Beatty 3497, fol, 37a, inf, (... wa-kdna #ytimuhu fl sha'btin); Ahmad b.l:lijazi, op. cit., p. 42; al-Ghazall, Mukdshafat al-quliib, Cairo n.d., p. 249; Mahmud Muhammad Khattab al-Subkl, al-Manhal al-radhb al-mauriid, sharh' sunan abi dawUd (ed, Amin Mahmud Khattab), Cairo 1394 A.H., X, p. 55. 6 AI-Tirmidhi, op. cit., III, p. 273. 7 'Abd al-Razziiq, op, cit., IV, p. 293, no. 7861; al-Qastallanl, op. cit., III, pp. 401-403; al-'Ayni, 'Umdat al-qart, Cairo 1348 A.H., XI, pp. 82-85; Ibn l:Iajar, Fatb, IV, p, 187. 8 Al-Qastallanl, op. cit., III, p. 401 (... /i'allti yuzanna wujubuhu),
17
that the Prophet did not fast an entire month (shahran komi!an) except Sha'ban, which he concatenated with (the fast of) Ramadanj? other badtths, on the authority of 'A'isha, say: "I did not see the Prophet fasting two consecutive months except Sha'ban and Ramadan't.tv As it was out of the question that the Prophet would fast for only the major part of Ramadan, the interpretation of kull or komi! as "a greater part" (scil. of the month) had to be abandoned. Scholars accepted the explanation of kull as "entire", but found another way to reconcile the contradictory traditions: the Prophet would sometimes fast the entire month of Sha'ban, and sometimes only a part of it. Another explanation tending to soften the contradiction was that the Prophet would fast during different periods of the month of Sha'ban, sometimes at the beginning, sometimes in the middle and sometimes at the end.U It is evident that scholars sought to draw a clear line between the obligatory fast of the entire month of Ramadan and the voluntary fast of Sha'ban, adjusting the controversial traditions to the orthodox view, which approved of fasting for only a part of Sha'ban. Certain reports give the reasons for the Prophet's fast during Sha'biin. The Prophet, says one tradition, would fast during Sha'ban to replace the days of voluntary fast which he had missed over the course of the year. 12 Another tradition held that, as a person's fate is decided in Sha'ban, the Prophet said he would prefer the decision of his fate to be made while he was fasting.t! Slightly different is the utterance of the Prophet in which he defined Sha'ban as a month straddled by the two significant months of Rajab and Ramadan, and remarked that people were heedless of the virtues of this month. It is in Sha'biin that the deeds of men are brought before the Presence of God, and the Prophet said he would prefer his
9 Abu Dawud, op. cit., I, p. 368; al-Dariml, Sunan (ed. 'Abdallah Hashim Yamant), Medina 1386/1966, I, p. 350: ... Umm Salama: md ra'aytu rasiila lldhi (~) sama shahran tdmman illd sha'bdna, fa-innahu kdna yasiluhu bi-ramaddna li-yakiind shahrayni mutatdbi'oyni wa-ktina ya siimu min al-shahri battd naqill ... ; Murtada l-Zabldl, ItM! alsddati l-muttaqin bi-sharhi asrdri ibyd'i 'ulumi l-dtn, Cairo 1311 A.H., IV, p. 257, II. 1-2; ai-Muttaqi I-Hindi, op. cit., VIII, p. 410, no. 2972; Mahmud Khattab al-Subkl, ibid. 10 Al-Tirmidhi, op. cit., III, p. 272; Ibn Majah, SUI/an al-mustafd, Cairo 1349 A.H., I, pp. 505-506: ... kdna yasiimu sha'bdna kullahu battd yasilahu bi-ramaddna. II Al-'Ayni, op. cit., XI, p. 83; al-Qastallanl, op. cit., III, pp. 401-402. 12 Ibn Rajab, op, cit., p. 141; al-Zurqanl, Sharh. al-mawdhib, VIII, p. 125; 13 Al-Khatlb al-Baghdadl, op. cit., IV, p. 437; Ibn Abl Hatim, 'Ilal al-hadtth, Cairo 1343 A.H., I, p. 250, no. 737 (the badith is marked as munkar); Ibn Rajab, op. cit., p. 140; al-Zurqanl, Sharh al-mawdhib, VIII, p. 126; al-Suyiitl, Sharh al-sudar bi-sharh Mli l-mautd wa-l-qubiir, Cairo n.d., p. 22.
18
SHA'BAN IS MY MONTI!
deeds to be brought before God while he was fasting.I+ The month of Sha'ban, says one story, complained before God that He had placed it between the significant months of Rajab and Ramadan; God consoled Sha'ban, ordering the reading of the Qur'an during that month. Sha'ban was indeed called "The Month of the Qur'an Readers" (shahr al-qurrii'); during it pious scholars would redouble their efforts in reading the Qur'an.15 As is usual in the "literature of virtues" (al-far/.ii'il), the qualities and merits of deeds, places, times and devotional practices are measured and assessed, and a scale of merit is established. In an utterance attributed to the Prophet, the voluntary fast of Sha'ban is unequivocally set over the fast of Rajab. When he heard of persons fasting in Rajab, the Prophet said: "How far are they from those who fast in the month of Sha'ban" (scil. in rewardjlw This, however, faced a reported statement of the Prophet that the most meritorious fast (apart from Ramadan) was that during Muharram. Scholars explained that the Prophet received knowledge of the superiority of the fast of Muharram only in the last period of his Iife; and though he expressed the preference, there was no time to put fasting in Muharram into practice, or he may have been held up by current affairs.!" The virtue of fasting during Sha'ban was closely linked with the
14 Al-Shaukanl, Nayl, IV, p. 276; ai-Muttaqi I-Hindi, op. cit., VIII, p. 410, no. 2973; al-Mukhallis, Majdlis, Ms. Zilhiriyya, majmu'a 60, fol. 108a; Ibn Qayyim alJauziyya, ['Iiim al-muwaqqi'in (ed. Tahil 'Abd al-Ra'uf Sa'd), Beirut 1973, IV, p. 297; Ibn Rajab, op. cit., pp. 127 inf., 136 ult. - 137 sup.; al-Zurqani, Sharh al-mawdhib, VIII, p. 126 sup.; al-Ghazall, Mukdshafa, p. 249; al-Zandawaysiti, op. cit., fol. 255b; Abu Nu'aym, Hilyat al-auliyd", Beirut 1387/1967 (reprint), IX, p. 18; Mahrnud Khattab al-Subkl, ibid. 15 Ibn Rajab, op. cit., pp. 141 inf. - 142 sup.; cf. al-Zandawaysiti, op. cit., fol. 256a {... 'an anas b. miilik (r) annahu qiila: kiina a shabu rasilli lldhl ($) idhii nazarii ilii hi/iili sha'biina nkabbii 'alii l-masdhifi yaqra'Iinahd wa-akhraja l-mttslimiina zakiita amwtillhlm /i- yataqawwd bihd 1-da'Ifu wa-l-miskinu 'alii siytimi rama ddna wa-da'd l-wuldtu ahla l-sujiini fa-man kdna 'alayhi haddun aqdmii 'alayhi, wa-illd khallau sabtlahu wa-ntalaqa I-tujjiiru (above the line: al-sujjdn) fa-qadau md 'alayhim wa-qtadau md lahum. 16 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., IV, p. 292, no. 7858; al-Shaukanl, Nayl, IV, p. 277; al-Zurqanl, SharI; muwatta' maltk, II, p. 458; Id., Sharh al-mawdhib, VIII, p. 126; Ibn Abi Shayba, op. cit., III, p. 102; Ibn Babuyah, Thawiib, p. 59; al-Majlisl, op. cit., XCVII, p. 77; and see [OS, I, p. 206, note 96. 17 Al-Qastallanl, op. cit., III, p. 402; Al-f.Aynl, op. cit., XI, p. 84; al-Zurqanl, SharI; al-muwatta', II, p. 458; Ibn Hajar, Fath, IV, p. 187 inf.; cf; Ibn Rajab, op. cit., p. 29; al-Shaukani, Nayl, IV, 271 sup.; Nur al-Dln al-Haytharnl, op. cit., III, pp, 190-191; al-Tirmidhl, op. cit., III, pp. 276-277; Ibn Abi Shayba, op. cit., III, p. 103.
19
veneration of Ramadan: to fast in Sha'ban was held to be a means of honouring Ramadan.tf All the traditions but one,19 stress the superiority of Ramadan - the month of obligatory fast - over the other months. Consequently a clear line had to be drawn between Ramadan and the virtuous months of voluntary fast, and a distinction made between Sha'ban and Ramadan. The Prophet indeed is said to have prohibited fasting on the day or two days preceding Ramadan, In other traditions this concept was defined slightly differently: the Prophet is said to have forbidden fasting to be carried over uninterruptedly from Sha'ban to Ramadan; accordingly, a pause in fasting (fasl) between these two months was to be observed.w Some sources record an utterance of the Prophet in which the period forbidden for fasting, between Sha'ban and Ramadan was extended considerably: fasting in Sha'ban was to be suspended from the 15th of the month until the 1st of Ramadan.st The interdiction against fasting on the days immediately preceding Ramadan was, however, affected by the dispensation (ruklz$a) for those who were continuing a fast begun earlier in Sha'ban.22
18 Al-Shaukant, Nayl, IV, p, 275 inf.: ... su'ila rasillu lldhi (~) ayyu l-saumi afdalu ba'da ramaddna; fa-qdla: sha'btinu Ii-tazimi ramaddna; al-Daylarnl, op, cit., Ms. Chester Beatty 4139, fol. 93b; al-Zurqiini, Sharh al-muwatta', II, p, 458; Ibn Abi Shayba, op, cit., III, p, 103; al-Jilanl, op, cit., I, p. 210; al-Munawl, op. cit., II, p, 42, no. 1277; ai-Muttaqi l-Hindl, op. cit., VIII, p. 348, no. 2535; al-Mukhallis, Majdlis, Ms. Zahiriyya, majmii'a 60, fol. 110b; Ibn Biibiiyah, Thawdb, p. 59; al-Majlisl, op, cit., XCVII, p, 77; al-Tahawl, Sharb ma'tini, 11,83 inf.; cf. al-Daylaml, op. cit., Ms. Chester Beatty 4139, fol. 130a: alldhumma bdrik lana fi rajab wa-sha'bdn wa-ballighnd ramat!tin â¢.. 19 Al-Jllanl, op. cit., I, p, 211: ... wa-khttira min al-shuhiiri arba'atan: rajaba wa-sha'bdna wa-ramaddna wa-l-muharrama, wa-khtdra minhti sha'btina wa-ja'alahu shahra l-nabiyyi (s): fa-kama anna l-nabiyya (~) afdalu l-anbiyd"! ka-dhtilika shahruhu afdalu l-shuhiai, 20 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., IV, pp. 158-160; Ibn Abi Shayba, op. cit., III, pp. 21-22; Niir al-Dln al-Haytharnl, op. cit., III, p. 148; al-Bayhaql, al-Sunan, IV, pp. 207-208; al-Muttaql l-Hindl, op. cit., VIII, p. 310, nos. 2140-2141, 2144; cf. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Badd'i' al-fawii'id, Beirut n.d. (reprint), III, p. 96. 21 Ibn Abi Shayba, op. cit., III, p. 21; 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., IV, p. 161, no. 7325; al-Sakhawl, al-Maqd sid al-hasana (ed. 'Abdallah Muhammad al-Siddlql), Cairo 1375/1956, p. 35, no. 55; al-Dariml, op, cit., I, p. 350; al-Murtada I·Zabidi, op, cit., IV, p. 256; al-Suyutl, Jam' al-jawdmi', Cairo 1391/1971, I, p. 430, nos. 489-490,445 no. 540, 745-746, nos. 1517-1519,760, no. 1566; al-Munawl, op. cit., I, p. 304, no. 494; al-Tirmidhi, op. cit., III, p. 274; Abii Dawud, op. cit., I, p. 368; al-Saffurl, op. cit., p. 198; al-Shaukiini, Nayl, IV, pp. 290-292; al-Bayhaql, al-Sunan, IV, p. 209; Mahmud Khattab al-Subkl, op, cit., X, p. 56. 22 Al-Daraqutnl, Sunan (ed. 'Abdallah Hashim Yamanl), Medina 1386/1966, II, p. 191, no. 57; Ibn Abi Shayba, op. cit., III, p. 23; al-Dariml, op. cit., I, p. 336; Abii
20
SHA'BAN IS MY MONTH
The traditions explicitly recommending fasting in the final days of Sha'ban were controversial.U The Prophet is said to have made the folIowing utterance: "He who fasts on the Iast Monday of Sha'ban, God will forgive him for his sins".24 Another tradition of the Prophet promises those who fast on the first and last Thursdays of'Sha'ban entrance into Paradise.25 God will protect from hellfire the body of a believer who fasts even a single day of Sha'ban and he will be granted the company of Yusuf in Paradise and given the reward of Dawiid and Ayyub, If he completes the entire month in fasting, God will ease the pangs of his death, remove the darkness of his grave and hide his shame on the Day of Resurrection.26 Especially stressed were the virtues of devotional observance of the first night of Sha'ban. "He who performs on the first night of Sha'ban 12 prostrations (rak'a), reading during the first of them thefiitil;1a and repeating five times qui huwa ahad, God will grant him the reward of 12,000 martyrs and he will be absolved of his sins, as on the day his mother bore him, and no sin will be reckoned against him for eighty days",27 says a tradition attributed to the Prophet. The month of Sha'ban was considered by the Prophet as protection from the fires of Hell; he enjoined those who sought to meet him in Paradise to fast at least three days in Sha'ban.28
Diiwiid, op. cit., I, p. 368; al-Shaukanl, Nayl, IV, pp. 290-292; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IV, p. 210; ai-MuttaqI I-HindI, op. cit., VIII, p. 310, nos. 2142-2143; Ibn Miijah, op. cit., I, p. 506; al-Tahawl, Sharh ma'iini, II, p. 84; Ahmad b. Hanbal, Musnad (ed. Ahmad Muhammad Shakir), Cairo 1373/1953, XII, p. 188, no. 7199, XIV, 192, no. 7766; Mahmud Khattab al-Subkl, op. cit., X, p. 54. 23 See al-Bahyaqi, Sunan, IV, pp. 210-211; al-Shaukani, op, cit., IV, p. 291; al-ZamakhsharI, al-Fa'iq (ed, 'All Muhammad a~ijiiwI, Muhammad Abii I-FaQI Ibrahim), Cairo 1971, II, p. 171. And see Ibn Rajab, op, cit., pp. 149 inf. - 150 (... wa-kharraja abt; dawud fi biibi taqaddumi ramaddna min hadithi mu'iiwiyata annahu qiila: innt mutaqaddimun al-shahra fa-man shii'a fa-l-yataqaddam: fa-su'ila 'an dhiilika fa-qdla: sami'tu l-nabiyya (~) yaqiilu: ~uma l-shahra wa-slrrahu ..⢠fa-yakiinu l-mana: ~amu awwala l-shahri wa-dkhirahu, fa-Ii-dhdlika amara mu'iiwiyatu bi- #yiimi iikhirJ l-shahri ... ); Mahmud Khattab al-Subkl, op. cit., X, pp. 45-49; see Lisiin al-t Arab, s.v. srr. 24 Al-Daylaml, op. cit., Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 143a; al-Jllanl, op. cit., I, p. 210 (AI-JIIiinI adds the reservation that this utterance does not apply when this Monday coincides with the last days of Sha'biin during which fasting is forbidden). 25 AHlaffiirI, op. cit., p. 195. 26 Ibid., p. 196. 27 Ibid., p. 195; cf. al-Nazill, Khazinat al-asrdr al-kubrd, Cairo 1349 A.H. (reprint), p. 43 inf. 28 Al-Saffur], op. cit., p. 195.
21
Shi'i tradition does not differ from Sunni in content; it is, however, richer in jarj{J'il - Iore and its stories are of course marked by specific Shi'i features. A lengthy report on a victory of a Muslim expedition against unbelievers during Sha'ban contains an account of a miracle wrought for the Ieaders of the expedition - Zayd b. Haritha, 'Abdallah b. Rawaha and Qays b. 'A~im al-Minqari - on account of their pious deeds at the beginning of Sha'biin. The Prophet, who welcomed the victorious expedition on its return, expounded to the people the virtues of pious deeds on the first day of Sha'biin: aIms-giving, reading the Qur'an, visiting the sick, reconciling husbands and wives, parents and children, praying and fasting and performing other deeds of piety and devotion. Such deeds would afford a hold on a branch of the Paradise-tree of Tubii, to appear on the first day of Sha'biin. Those who perpetrate evil deeds on that day will grasp the branches of the Hell-tree of Zaqiim, which will emerge from Hell. On the first day of Sha'ban God dispatches His angels to guide the people and summon them to perform good deeds, while Iblis sends his accomplices to Iead them astray. The faithful are to be alert and to revere the month of Sha'biin in order to gain happiness.29 Detailed lists of rewards for fasting each day of this month, compiled after the pattern of the lists of rewards for fasting in Rajab, record the graces and rewards to be granted to the pious who exert themselves in the Sha'biin fast.3o Even serious crimes will be forgiven those who fast during Sha'ban.U The two months of fasting prescribed in cases of incidental killing (Sura 4:92) were interpreted as synonymous with the two consecutive months of Sha'ban and RamaQiin.32 The idea of intercession Iinked with the rewards of fasting during this month is remarkable. According to tradition, the Prophet will intercede on the Day of Resurrection for him who fasts even one day of Sha'biin.33 The month itself is called "The Month of Intercession", for the Prophet is to intercede for those who utter the prayer of blessing for the Prophet during this month.w
~9 Al-Majlisl, op. cit., XCVII, pp. 55-65 (from the Tafsir of the Imam aI·'AskarI). 30 AI-Majlisi, op. cit., XCVII, p. 65 ult. - 70; Ibn Biibiiyah, Thawdb, pp. 60-61; Id., Amdlt, pp. 20-22. 31 Al-Majlisl, op. cit., XCVII, p. 74. 32 AI·'Ayyiishi, Tafsir (ed, Hashim al-Rasiili l-Mahallatl), Qumm 1380 A.H., I, p. 266, nos. 232, 235; Ibn Biibiiyah, Thawdb, pp. 57-58. 33 AI·Majlisi, op. cit., XCVII, p. 81, no. 49; Ibn Biibiiyah, Amalt, pp. 17,486. 34 AI-Majlisi, op. cit., XCVII, p. 78: ... wa-summiya shahru sha'btina shahra /. shafii'atl li-anna rasiilakum yashfa'u likulli man yusalli+alayhi flhi.
22
SHA'BAN IS MY MONnI
Like Sunnl scholars, Shi'i scholars were concerned with the permissibility of uninterrupted fasting over the two consecutive months of Sha'ban and Ramadan, And as in Sunni sources, the traditions in the Shi'i sources are contradictory or divergent. According to one Shi'i report, the Prophet would fast over the two months without pause (fa$l) between them; however he forbade believers to do this.35 A means of breaking the fast, thus discontinuing a fast of two consecutive months, was provided by advice given by the Imam, to desist from fasting for a single day after the 15th of Sha'ban, and then to continue fasting uninterruptedly.se Some Shi'i traditions recommended fasting the Iast three days of Sha'ban, continuing uninterruptedly into the fast of Ramadan.s? others report that the Prophet would fast three days at the beginning of Sha'ban, three days mid-month, and three days at the end.38 Later Shi'i scholars quoted early traditions concerning Sha'ban, traced back to the Shi'i Imams, in an attempt to reconcile the controversial reports and to establish fixed patterns for the observances and devotions of this month.w Both Shi'i and Sunni traditions are imbued with sincere reverence for Sha'ban and its devotional observances and recommend almost without exceptions? fasting during the month and performance of pious deeds. The only controversy was over the period of fasting during the month and the pause separating the voluntary fast of Sha'ban from the obIigatory month of fasting of Ramadan. II The eve ofthe 15th of Sha'ban is the holiest time of the month and it is recommended to spend the night in vigil prayer and supplication, and the
35 Ibn Biibiiyah, Thawdb, p. 58; al-Majlisl, op. cit., XCVII, p. 76 (from Ibn Biibiiyah). 36 AI-MajIisi, op. cit., XCVII, p. 72, no. 13: ... mii taqiilu fl ~aumi shahri sha'biina? qiila: sumhu, qultu: fa-l-faslul qiila: yaumun ba'da l-ni sfi, thumma stl. 37 AI-MajIisi, op. cit., XCVII, p. 72, no. 16; p. 80, no. 47. 38 Ibn Biibiiyah, 'Uyiin akhbdr al-Ri dii, Najaf 1390/1970, II, p. 70, no. 330; alMajlisi, op. cit., XCVII, p. 73, no. 18. 39 See e.g. al-Bahranl, al-Hadd'iq al-nddira fT ahkdm al-'itra l-tdhira (ed. Muhammad Taqiyy al-Ayrawiini), Najaf 1384 A.H., XIII, pp. 382-386. 40 But see al-Bahranl, op. cit., XIII, p. 383 (quoted from Kulini's al-Wasii'il): ... annahu su'ila ['alayhi I-saliim] 'anhu fa-qdla: md ~iimahu [i.e. Sha'biin - K] rasiilu lliihi (~) wa-lii ahadun min iibii'! ... ; and see the interpretation given by al-Kulinl, ibid.; and see the contradictory traditions, al-Majlisl, op, cit., XCVII, p. 76, nos. 32-33; p. 82, no. 51.
23
morrow in fasting."! At sunset, says a tradition, God would descend to the Iowest heaven, grant His forgiveness to those seeking it, food to those begging for it and health to the sick, and would respond to those imploring His aid for other needs until the break of day.42 A version (recorded in the early compilation of 'Abd al-Razzaq) holds that on the night of mid-Sha'ban God would look upon His servants and grant forgiveness to all people on earth save unbelievers and those bearing a grudge against others. Other versions include drunkards, wizards, prostitutes and sinners of other varieties in the Iist of those denied forgiveness.O The prayers and supplications on the night of mid-Sha'ban are connected with the idea that this is the night when the life and death of all creatures in the world are decided. Some commentators on the Qur'an took verses 2-4 of Sural al-Dukhiin (44): "We have sent it down in a blessed night. . . therein every wise bidding determined as a bidding from Us ... " to refer to the night of the l Sth of Sha'biin. They consequently interpreted the pronominal suffix in anzalniihu, "We have sent it down", as relating to "the bidding", "the order", "the decree". This
41 But see the hadith, reported on the authority of Abii Hurayra, forbidding fasting on the 15th of Sha'ban, al-Suyutl, Jam' al-jawtimi', I, p. 760, no. 1566. 42 Ibn Majah, op. cit., I, p. 421; Ibn Khuzayma, Kittib al-tauhtd (ed. Muhammad Khalil Harras), Cairo 1387/1968, p. 136; al-Suyutl, Jam' al-jawdmi", I, p. 761, no. 1568 (cf. ibid., no. 1567); Id., al-Durr al-manthiir, VI, p. 26 inf.; Ahmad b. Hijazl, op. cit., p. 51; Ibn Rajab, op. cit., pp. 143, 145; al-Zurqani, Sharb al-mawdhib, VII, pp. 412-413; aI-Jamal, al-Futiihdt al-ildhiyya, Cairo n.d., IV, p. 100; al-Fakihl, Ta'rikh Makka, Ms. Leiden Or. 463, fol. 418b; al-Khazin, Tafsir, Cairo 1381 A.H., VI, p. 120; al-Baghawi, Tafsir, VI, p. 119 (on margin of al-Khazin's Tafsir); al-Mundhiri, op. cit., II, p. 244, no. 1491; ai-Muttaqi I-Hindi, op. cit., XVII, p. 143, no. 467; al-Majlisi, op, cit., XCVIII, p, 415; al-Turtushi, al-Hawddith wa-l-bida' (ed. Muhammad al-Talbi), Tunis 1959, p. 118; al-Sha'rani, Lawtiqih al-anwdr al-qudsiyya, Cairo 1381/1961, p. 185; cf. al-Malati, al-Tanblh wa-l-radd 'alii ahli l-ahwti'i wa-l-bida' (ed, Muhammad Zahid al-Kauthari), n.p. 1388/1968, p. 113; Abii Shama, al-Bd'ith 'alii inkdri l-bido'i wa-l-hawddith (ed. Muhammad Fu'ad Minqara), Cairo 1374/1955, p. 26. 43 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., IV, p. 316, ult. no. 7923; Ibn Majah, op. cit., I, p. 422; cf, al-Suyutl, Jam' al-jawiimi', I, p. 761, no. 1659; al-Mundhiri, op. cit., V, p. 123, no. 4007 (and see nos. 4009-4010); Ibn Rajab, op. cit., p. 143 (and see p. 144: the list of sinners, and p. 146: the explanation of the grave sins); Ahmad b. I:Iijazi, op, cit., p. 50; cf. al-Munawl, op. cit., II, p. 316, no. 1942; IV, p. 459, no. 5963; al-Zurqani, Shar/:z al-mawdhib, VII, p. 410 ult. - 411 sup.; Ibn Hajar, al-Kdfi l-shiif fi takhriji a/:ziidithi l-kashshdf, Cairo 1354 A.H., p. 148, nos. 380-381; al-Sha'ranl, op. cit., p. 185; alNaysaburi, Gharii'ib al-Qur'iin (ed. Ibrahim 'Atwa 'AwaQ), Cairo 1393/1973, XXV, p. 65; al-Razl, Tafsir, Cairo 1357/1938, XXVII, p. 238; ai-Muttaqi I-Hindi, op. cit., XVII, p. 143, no. 467; XIII, pp. 269-270, nos. 1481-1482, 1485, 1489, 1491.
24
SHA'BAN IS MY MONTH
interpretation was vehemently rejected by commentators asserting that the verses refer to the "laylat al-qadr" and the pronominal suffix to the Qur'an, sent down in Ramadan+t But the widespread popular belief was indeed that the night of the 15th of Sha'ban was the night of decrees concerning Iife and death. Those destined to die would plant trees, set out on pilgrimage, beget children, not knowing that they were to die in the course of the year.s> On this night God would order the Angel of Death to seize the souls of those upon whose death during the following year He had decided.w As the Angel of Death is thus occupied in receiving the decrees of death from God, no one dies between sunset and nightfall of this eve.s? This night is indeed called laylat al-hayiit, laylat al-qisma wa-l-taqdir, laylat al-rahma,
44 See Ahmad b. Hijazf, op. cit., p. 47 inf. - 48; cf. al-Zurqani, Sharh al-mawdhib, VII, p. 414; al-Qurtubi, Tafslr, Cairo 1387/1967, XVI, pp. 126-127; Hasan alMadabighi, Risdla fImd yata'allaqu bi-Iaylati l-nisfi min sha'bdn, Ms. Hebrew University, AP Ar. 80 439, fol. 9b-lOa; al-Luddl, Faydu l-hanndn fi fadli laylati l-nisfi min sha'bdn, Ms. Hebrew University, AP Ar. 80479, fol. 4a: .. .fa-l-hii' fi anzalnd damiru l-amri, ay innd anzalnd amran min 'Indind fl hddhihi l-laylati, qadayndhu wa-qaddarndhu min al-djdli wa-l-arztiqi ... And see contradictory explanations Ibn al-'Arabi, Ahktim al-Qur'dn (ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawi), Cairo 1388/1968, p. 1678: ... fi laylatin mubdrakatin ... ya'ni anna lldha anzala l-qur'tina bi-I-Iayli ... wa-jumhiiru l-t ulamd"i 'alii annahd laylatu l-qadri, wa-minhum man qtila innahd laylatu l-nisfi min sha'bdna, wa-huwa btitilun ... ; Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, Beirut 1385/1966, VI, p. 245; al-Turtushi, op. cit., pp. 118-121; cf. al-Razl, op. cit., XXVII, p. 238. 45 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., IV, p. 317, nos. 7925-7926; cf. al-Tabarl, Tafsir (Bulaq), XXV, p. 65; al-Muttaql l-Hindi, op. cit., XVII, p. 143, no. 468; al-Madabighi, op. cit., fol. 15a-b. 46 Al-Munawl, op, cit., IV, p. 459, no. 5964; Ibn Rajab, op. cit., p. 148, ll. 1-2: al-Suyutl, al-Durr al-manthilr, VI, p. 26; ai-Muttaqi I-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, p, 269, no. 1483. The story of the tree in Paradise (see G.E. von Grunebaum, Muhammadan Festivals, New York 1951, pp. 53-54, quoted from Lane's Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians) is recorded by al-Luddl, op. cit., fol. 5b: The tree at the side of the Throne (al-'arsh), resembling a pomegranate-tree, has as many leaves as there are human beings in the world. On each leaf is written the name of a person. The Angel of Death watches the leaves; when a leaf yellows he perceives that the date of the death of the person is imminent and he dispatches his helpers; when the leaf falls the Angel of Death catches his soul. According to a version of this tradition, when the leaf falls on its back, it denotes a positive decree for the person (I}usn al-khiitima); if it falls on its underside, it denotes an unfortunate decree. Al-Suytitl records the tradition on this tree on the authority of Muhammad b. Juhada in al-Durr al-manthiir, III, p. 15 (commenting on Sura 6:60) and in his compilation Sharh al-sudar, p. 22. 47 Ahmad b. Hijazl, op. cit., p. 48 inf.; al-Luddl, op. cit., fol. 5b inf. - 6a sup.; al-Madabighl, op. cit., fol. 17a.
25
laylat al-ijdba, laylat al-takftr.s» In reference to the forgiving of sins, the current popular name of this night is laylat al-sukiik or laylat al-barii'a, "the night of acquittance".49 It is the "feast of the angels" ('id almala'ika)50 and the "night of intercession" (Iaylat al-shafii' ay; on the 13th of Sha'ban the Prophet pleaded for intercession for a third of his people and this was granted; on the 14th he was granted intercession for a second third and on the 15th of Sha'ban he was granted intercession for his entire people.t! An exceptional night, indeed, distinguished by peculiar virtues. 52 A Iengthy report, recorded on the authority of 'A'isha, gives us details of the origin of the devotions of this night. 'A'isha missed the Prophet in her bedchamber that night and sought him eagerly; she found him prostrated in supplication, praying a most moving prayer. The Prophet explained to 'A'isha the importance of this night, conveying to her the good tidings that God would grant His forgiveness to a countless multitude of believers, as many as the hairs of the flocks of the tribe of Kalb. 53
48 See ai-Jamal, op. cit., IV, p. 100; Ahmad b. l:Iijiizi, op. cit., pp. 48-49; alGhaziili, Mukdshafa, pp. 249-250; al-Luddi, op. cit., fol. 5b-6a. 49 For the expression barii'a as "acquittance", "discharge of sins", see the story about the letter sent by God and found on the breast of'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz during his burial: Ps. Ibn Qutayba, al-Imdma wa-l-siytisa (ed. Tiihii Muharnmad al-Zayni), Cairo 1378/1967, II, p. 102: bi-smi lldhi l-rahmdni l-rabtm, kitabun bi-l-qalami I-jalil, min alldhi 1-'azizi 1-'alim, bard' atun Ii-'umara bni 'abdi 1-'aziz min al-' adhdb i l-alim, And see al-Madiibighi, op. cit., fol. 17b: " .fa-fi laylati l-bard'ati mithlu dhdlika yu'!a l-wdhidu barii'atan, fa-yuqtilu aufayta l-haqqa wa-qumta bi-shara'iti l-'ubudiyyati fa. khudh bard'atan min al-ndri; wa-yuqdlu li-wdhidin istakhfafta bi-haqqi wa-Iam taqum bi-shard'iti l-t ubildiyyatlcfa-khudh barii'ataka min al-jindni. 50 AI-Jiliini, op. cit., I, p. 216; al-Luddi, op, cit., fol. 6a; Ahmad b.l:Iijiizi, op. cit., p. 48 inf.; al-Ghazall, Mukiishafa, p. 249; al-Madiibighi, op, cit., fol. 17a-b. 51 AI-Jamal, op. cit., IV, pp. 100; Ahmad b. Hijazl, op. cit., p. 49; al-Ghaziili, Mukdshafa, p, 250; al-Naysiibiiri, op. cit., XXV, p. 65; al-Riizi, op. cit., xxvn, p. 238. 52 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., IV, p. 317, no. 7927; Ibn 'Asakir, Tahdhib ta'rlkh (ed. 'Abd al-Qadir Badriin), Damascus 1330 A.H., I, p. 47; III, p. 296; Ibn Rajab, op. cit., p. 144 inf.; al-Suyuti, al-Durr al-manthiir, VI, p. 26; al-Zandawaysiti, op. cit., fol. 259a; aI-Jiliini, op. cit., I, p. 215; Ahmad b. Hijazl, op. cit., pp. 48, 51; Ibn Hajar, al-Kdfl l-shdf, p. 148, no. 382; al-Wassabt, al-Baraka fi fadli l-sayt wa-l-haraka, Cairo n.d., p. 78; al-Madabighi, op. cit., fol. 17a. 53 See Ibn Majah, op. cit., I, pp. 421-422; al-Mundhiri, op. cit., II, p. 243, nos. 1488, 1490; V, p. 124, no. 4008, 126, no. 4012; al-Suyuti, al-Durr al-manthiir, VI, pp. 26-27; al-Jllanl, op. cit., I, pp. 213-215; Ibn Rajab, op. cit., p. 143; Ahmad b. l:Iijiizi, op. cit., p. 49; al-Zurqanl, Sharh al-mawdhib, VII, pp. 410-411; al-Majlisi, op. cit., XCVII, pp. 88-89 (no. 16); XCVIII, pp. 416-419 (and see XCVII, p. 86, no. 8): al-
26
SHA'BAN IS MY MONUI
Special prayers and supplications were recommended and precious rewards promised to those who would exert themselves in devotion and prayer during this night. Among the numerous rewards were forgiveness of sins and entry into Paradise. Orthodox scholars sharply criticized these hadtths, often branding them as weak or forged.sShi'i sources outdo the Sunni in propagating the virtues of the night of the 15th of Sha'ban; they emphasize that the Imams were singled out by the blessings of this night. God granted the Prophet laylat al-qadr, while He granted the Imams (ahl al-bayt) the night of the 15th of Sha'ban, according to a report transmitted on the authority of al-Baqir.55 A tradition attributed to the Prophet says that the position of 'Ali within the family of the Prophet (iilu muhammadint is like that of the best of the days and nights of Sha'ban, i.e. the night of the 15th of Sha'ban.56 Noteworthy is the tradition recommending a visit to the grave of Husayn on this night; forgiveness of sins will be the assured reward.s? Orthodox Muslim scholars emphasized the superiority of laylat al-qadr over the night of the 15th of Sha'ban, laylat al-barii'a. Although some scholars opined that there is no fixed date for laylat al-qadr and that it
Dhahabl, Mtzan al-i'tiddl (ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawi), Cairo 1382/1963, IV, p. 262, no. 9081; al-Zandawaysitl, op. cit., fol. 259b-260b; al-Razl, op. cit., XXVII, p. 238; al-Madabighl, op. cit., fols. 18a-20b; al-Muttaql I-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, p. 270, nos. 1486-1488, 1491. 54 Al-Suyutr, al-Durr al-manthiir, VI, p. 27 inf. - 28 sup.; Abil Talib al-Makkl, Qut al-qullib, Cairo 1351/1932, I, p. 93; al-Muttaql l-Hindl, op. cit., XVII, p. 144, no. 469; Ahmad b. I:Iijazi, op. cit., p. 52 inf. - 53; al-Jilanl, op. cit., I, p. 216; alShaukanl, al-Fawd'id al-majmira fi I-al;liidithi l-maudtra (ed. 'Abd al-Rahman alMu'allamt l-Yamanl), Cairo 1380/1960, pp. SO-51, no. 106; Id., Tuhfa: al-dhakirin bi·'uI#ati I-Min al-hastn min kaldmi sayyid al-mursalin (ed. Muhammad Zabara alHasanl al-San'anl), Cairo 1393/1973, pp. 182-183; al-Saffurl, op. cit., p. 197; aI-Jamal, op. cit., IV, p. 100; al-Majlisl, op. cit., XCVII, pp, 85-86 (nos. 5, 7), 87 (no. 13), 89 (no, 17); XCVIII, pp. 408-418; Ibn Babuyah, 'Uyun akhbiir al-Ridd, I, p. 228; Id., Amalt, p. 24; al-Tusl, Amdll, Najaf 1384/1964, I, p. 303; Ibn al-Jauzl, al·MaurJu'iit (ed. 'Abd al-Rahman Muhammad 'Uthman), Medina 1386/1966, II, pp. 127-130; al-Suyutl, al·La'dli al-masnii:a fi l-ahddithi l-maudaa, Cairo n.d., II, pp. 57-60; Ibn Hajar, alK4fi al-shdf, p. 148, no. 379; al-Wa$$abi, op. cit., pp. 76-78; Ma' al-'Aynayn, Na't al-bidiiyiit wa-taustf al-nihdydt, Fas(?) 1312 A.H" pp. 184-185; al-Nazill, op. cit., pp. 43-44; al-Razl, op. cit., XXVII, p. 238. 55 AI-Tilsi, Amiili, I, p. 303; al-Majlisi, op, cit., XCVII, p. 85, no. 5 (from the Am4/i). S6 AI-Majlisi, op. cit., XCVII, p. 87, no. 9 (from the Tafslr of' al-Imam al·'Askari). 57 AI-Majlisi, op. cit., XCVII, p. 85, no. 4, p. 87, nos. 10-11.
27
can occur on any night throughout the entire year,S8 the majority held that laylat al-qadr is a night of Ramadan, thus inherently excelling any night of the inferior month of Sha'bii.n. The early scholar and judge Ibn Abi Mulayka-? is reported to have sharply rebuked those scholars who held that the reward for observance of the night of the 15th of Sha'ban equals that of laylat al-qadrsv This report indicates that orthodox scholars were reconciled to the veneration of the night of the 15th of Sha'bii.n, and merely stressed the inferiority of this night (laylat al-barii' a) in comparison with laylat al-qadr. Legitimization of laylat al-barii' a was linked with the elaboration of the idea of its virtues and merits as compared with those of laylat al-qadr. Scholars stressed the difference between the two nights, as well as their relationship: the date of laylat al-barii'a was announced and fixed, but that of laylat al-qadr (referring to that during Ramadan - K) is not revealed, for laylat al-barii' a is the night of judgement and decree, while laylat al-qadr is the night of mercy. Were the date of laylat al-qadr divulged and precisely determined, people would abstain from every exertion and rely upon the mercy of GOd.61 A report, recorded on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas, defines the mutuaI, complementary functions of the two nights: God issues His decrees on laylat al-barii'a, but delivers them for execution on lay/at al-qadr/a In another, more detailed version, the copying from the Preserved Tablet commences on laylat al-barii'a and is completed on laylat al-qadr, when the list of sustenances is handed over to the angel Mikii.'il, the list of earthquakes, lightning and wars to Jibril, and the list of deeds (a'miil) to the angel Ismii.'ilwho is in charge oflower Heaven and is an angel of very high rank.63
58 See al-Tahawl, Sharh ma'iini, II, p. 92: ... anna bna mas'iidin qiila: man qdma l-sanata kullahd asdba laylata l-qadri ... (see the contradictory opinion of Ubayy b. Ka'b, ibid.); Ibn 'Asakir, op, cit., II, p. 324; al-'Amili, al-Kashkiil (ed. Tahir Ahmad al-Zawl), Cairo 1380/1961, I, p. 405: ... wa-minhum man qiila: hiyafi majmiri l-sanati, Iii yakhtassu bihd shahru ramaddna wa-ld ghayruhu; ruwiya dhiilika 'ani bni mas' iidin, qdla: man yaqumi l-haula yusibhd. 59 See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, V, p. 306, no. 523; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt, Beirut 1377/1957, V, p. 472; al-Fasl, al-t Iqd al-thamin (ed, Fu'ad Sayyid), Cairo 1385/ 1966, V, p. 204, no. 1570; al-Dhahabi, Tadhkirat al·buffii;, Hyderabad, I, p. 101; Waki', Akhbdr al-quddt (ed. 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Maraghl), Cairo 1366/1947, I, p. 261. 60 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., IV, p. 317, no. 7928; al-Turtushi, op. cit., p. 119. 61 Al-Jllani, op. cit., I, p. 216; al-Saffurl, op. cit., p. 198; cf. al-Zandawaysitl, op. cit., fo1. 273b. 62 AJ-Baghawi, Ta!sir, VI, p. 120, 1. 7; al-Jamal, op. cit, IV, p. 100, 11. 25-26; al-Majlisl, op. cit., XCVIII, p, 414. 63 Al-Jamal, op. cit.,IV,p. 100 inf.; Ahmad b.l:lijazi, op. cit., p. 48 sup.; al-Luddl, op. cit., fol 5b; al-Naysaburl, op, cit., XXV, p. 65; al-Madabighi, op. cit., fol, lOb.
28
SHA'BAN IS MY
MONTI!
The beginnings of the devotional observance of laylat al-barii'a seem to go back a long way. A legendary report of an expedition sent by Abu 'Ubayda, during his conquest of Syria, contains an interesting passage on laylat al-barii'a. The commander of the expedition, appointed by Abu 'Ubayda, was 'Abdallah b. Ja'far, son of the uncle of the Prophet, the famous martyr Ja'far al-Tayyar, Among the warriors of his troop was the pious Wathila b. al-Asqa'.64 When the troop was about to set out, 'Abdallah noticed the brightness of the moon. Wathila declared that it was the night of the 15th of Sha'ban, the blessed night of great virtue. On that night, he said, sustenances and decrees concerning life and death are set down, sins and wrong deeds are forgiven. Wathila stressed that, regardless of his desire to spend the night in vigil (wa-kuntu aradtu an aqiimahii, scil. in devotional observance - K), setting out to fight for God's sake was preferable. Consequently the troop indeed marched out.65 Some reports relate that certain tiibi'iin in Syria would perform the devotional practices of this night, mentioning specifically Maki}.ii166 Luqman b. 'Amir67 and Khalid b. Ma'dan.68 The well-known scholar Ishaq b. Rahawayhs? adopted their view and was favourable toward the observance of laylat al-bariia. 'Ata' b. Abi Rabai}.,7oIbn Abi Mulayka"! and the majority of the scholars of al-Hijaz opposed these practices; Maliki and Shafi'I scholars followed in their path, severely criticizing the obser64 See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, XI, p. 101, no. 174; Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., II p. 21, no. 120; Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba (ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawl), Cairo 1392/1972, VI, p. 591, no. 9093; Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, al-Istl'tib (ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawl), Cairo 1380/1960, p. 1563, no. 2738. 65 Ps. Waqidi, Futid: al-Shdm, Cairo 1348, I, p. 57. 66 See on him Sezgin, GAS, I, p. 404, no. 5; Safiyy al-Dln al-Khazrajl, Tadhhib tahdhib al-kamdl (ed, Mahmud 'Abd al-Wahhab Fayid), Cairo 1391/1971, III, p. 54, no. 7178. 67 See on him Ibn Hibban al-Bustl, Kitdb al-thiqdt (ed. 'Abd al-Khaliq al-Afghanl, Hyderabad 1388/1968, p. 229; Safiyy al-Dln al-Khazraji, op. cit., II, p. 372, no. 6005. 68 See on him Ibn Hibban al-Bustl, op. cit., p. 55; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, III, p. 118, no. 222; al-Bukharl, Ta'rtkh, III, no. 601; Safiyy al-Dln al-Khazrajl, op. cit., I, p. 284, no. 1802. 69 See on him al-Dhahabl, Tadhkirat al-huffd z, p. 433; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, I, p. 216, no. 408; Ibn Abl Hatim, al-Jarh wa-l-tadtl, Hyderabad 1371/1952, II, p. 209, no. 714; al-Dhahabi, Miziin al-i'tiddl, r, p. 182, no. 733; al-$afadi, al-Wdfi bi-l-wafaydt (ed. Muhammad Yusuf Najrn), Wiesbaden 1391/1971, VIII, p. 386, no. 3825 (and see the references of the editor); al-Subkl, Tabaqiit al-shdfi'tyya (ed. al-Hulw - al-Tanahl), Cairo 1383/1964, II, p. 83, no. 19. 70 See on him Sezgin, GAS, I, p. 31; al-Fasl, al-t Iqd al-thamtn, VI, pp. 84-93. 71 See on him above, note 59.
29
vances, branding them as bid'a. Amongst the Syrian scholars advocating the devotions there were certain differences of opinion concerning the forms of observance: some of them would wear fine garments, scent themselves with incense, anoint their eyes with collyrium and spend the night in the mosque praying and supplicating publicly. Others preferred solitary prayer and devotion in the privacy of their homes. Some persons, says the tradition, refrained from observing this night when they learned that the shcolars and pious men who advocated such veneration based their belief of Isrii'iliyyiit traditions.F There were some extremist opinions, which totally denied the basis of the traditions on the virtues of laylat al-barii'a and branded the reports as forged.P But generally orthodox circles merely reproved the manner of these devotions. A Iate report vividly describes them as practiced in the seventh century of the Hijra. Mosques were lavishly lit and the governor would come to the courtyard of the mosque; firebrands were kindled and the seated governor would act as judge. People would submit complaints against the unjust and wicked, and those convicted were punished on the spot. The adversaries shouting their arguments, the cries of the punished, the barking of the guards (janiidira) and the noise of the crowd turned the mosque into a poI ice-station (diiru shurta), as noted by Ibn aI-I.HiJJ,74The Iatter especially denounced processions to cemeteries, performed on this night by mixed crowds of men and women. Some women sang, some beat tambourines; a sort of cupola-shaped canopy (ka-l-qubba 'alii 'amiid), surrounded by lamps (qanadtt) was carried in the crowd and so the people arrived at the cemetery. Wooden posts were set up on the graves and hung with the clothes of the dead. Relatives sat down on the graves and talked to the dead about their troubles and sorrows, or complained at the graves of scholars and the righteous. Ibn al-Hajj stresses that some of these practices resemble those of the Christians, who would dress their statues and pray before their images.75 A rather Iate date for the introduction of the prayer of the night of the
72 Al-Zurqanl, Sharh al-mawdhib, VII, p. 413; Ibn Rajab, op. cit., p. 144; Ahmad b I;Iijazi, op. cit., p. 52; 'Ali Mahfuz, al-Ibda'li ma ddrr al-ibtidd', Cairo 1388/1968, p.295. 73 See e.g. Ibn 'Arabi, op. cit., IV, p. 1678: ... wa-Iaysa Ii laylati l-nisfi mill sha'bdna badtthun yu'awwalu 'alayhi, la Ii fat/liM wa-Id Ii naskhi I-ajali filla, fa-hi tal/a/ita ilayhd. And see note 44 above. 74 Ibn al-Haj], al-Madkhal, Beirut 1972, I, pp. 302-303. 75 Ibid., pp. 304-307.
30
SIlA'BAN IS MY MONTII
15th of Sha'ban in Jerusalem is recorded by al-Turtushi, According to his report, a man from Nabulus came to Jerusalem in 448 A.H. and performed this prayer in the mosque of al-Aqsa. From then onward the prayer became current and was held in al-Aqsa and in homes, coming to be considered a sunna.l» III The reports on the early origin of the observance of laylat al-barii'a seem to be trustworthy. The favourable attitude of the Syrian tiibi'fm (in the second half of the first century of the Hijra) towards these practices probably points to an earlier tradition, to be traced back to some of the Companions, such as Wathila b. al-Asqa"; indeed Makhul, who championed the observance of laylat al-barii'a, was a student of Wathila and transmitted hadtth on his authority.?? These practices were, as we have said, attributed to the Prophet himself. The observance of the night of the 15th of Sha'ban was not confined to Syria; so much can be deduced from the utterance of Ibn Abi Mulayka, quoted above. Ibn Abi Mulayka was a Qurashite appointed by 'Abdallah b. aI-Zubayr as judge in Ta'if and in Mecca. It is implausible that his utterance (in which he vigorously opposed the idea of granting laylat al-barii'a equal rank with laylat al-qadr) was directed solely against the people of Syria; more probably it was aimed at the people of Mecca and Ta'if, Furthermore, the transmitter of this report is Ayyiib (al-Sakhtiyani)78 who Iived in Basra and may have been interested in knowing the opinion of his teacher on a practice observed in his town, or country, al-Traq. It is to be remarked that the utterance ofIbn Abi Mulayka was directed against a qii$$;79it is well known that the qussiis were obliged to edify and encourage people to exert themselves in devotional practices such as laylat al-barii'a. Finally, a short passage in the biography ofIbn
76 Al-Turtushl, op, cit., p. 121; Abii Shama, op. cit., p. 24 (from al-Turtushi); 'Ali Mahfuz, op. cit., pp. 296-297 (from al-Turtushl); Jamal al-Dln al-Qasiml, l~laf;t al-masdjid min al-bida'i wa-l-iawd'id, Cairo 1341 A.H., p. 106 (from al-Turtusht). 77 Al-Dhahabi, Tadhkirat al·f;tuffli+, I, p. 108, no. 96. 78 See on him Sezgin, GAS, I, p. 87, no. 12. 79 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., IV, 317, no. 7928: ... 'an ma'mar, 'an ayyidr qdla; qila ti-bni abi mulaykata inna ziyddan al-minqariyya (probably: al-namariyya; see alSuyut], Tahdhlr al-khawdss (ed. Muhammad al-Sabbagh), n.p. 1392/1972, p. 179; al-Dhahabi, Miztin al-t'tiddl, II, p. 90, no. 2945), wa-kdna qdssan, yaqiilu inna ajra Iaylati l-ni sfi min sha'bdna mithlu ajri laylati I-qadri, fa-qala: lau sami'tuhu yaqiilu dhdlika, wa-fi yadi 'asan, la-darabtuhu bihli; Abii Sharna, op. cit., p. 25 sup.
31
Abi Mulayka, recorded by Ibn Sa'd, may serve to illuminate his disapproval of putting laylat al-barii' a on a par with laylat al-qadr: Ibn Abi Mulayka used to Iead the prayers of the people in Mecca during RamaQan.80 It is thus clear why he would stress the superiority of laylat al-qadr, celebrated during Ramadan, over the night of the 15th of Sha'ban. The charge that the celebration of the night of the 15th of Sha 'ban was based on Isrii'iliyyiit81 should be taken with reserve; it was not uncommon for scholars to discredit their opponents by ascribing bid'a ideas to them, or accusing them of adopting Isratliyyat traditions. In the same category was the accusation that the lavish lighting of mosques on the night of the 15th of'Sha'ban was an innovation of the Barmakids, who were thus actually advocating fire-worship.V The data stating that the majority of Hijazi scholars objected to the observance of the night of the 15th of Sha'ban seem to be inaccurate, at least as far as the third century of the Hijra is concerned. The account given by al-Fakihi is a detailed and vivid description of the devotional practices performed at Mecca on that night. The entire population of Mecca, says al-Fakihi, would go out to the mosque and spend the night reading the Qur'an, so as to finish the recitation of the entire Qur'an and perform the tawdf; some of them would perform a hundred rak'a, reciting Siirat al-Hamd (i.e. the Fatiha - K) and qui huwa lldhu ahadun (i.e. Siirat al-Ikhliis - K) at every prostration. They would drink the waters of Zamzam, wash (their faces - K) in it and take a supply of the water home to heal their ills through the blessings of this night (combined, of course, with those of the waters themselves - K).83 We have here, indeed, the first reliable information on the prayers of the night of the 15th of Sha'ban, as recorded in the sources.s+ and as performed in
80 Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., V, p. 473 sup. 81 Al-Zurqanl, Sharh al-mawtihib, VII, p. 413: ... wa-'anhum akhadha l-ndsu ta' zimahd, wa-yuqdlu innahum balaghahum fi dhdlika iithiirun isrd'Iliyyatun, fa-Iammd shtahara dhiilika "anhumu khtalafa l-ndsu fihic fa-minhum man qabilahu minhum, waminhum man abiihu .â¢â¢ 82 Abii Shama, op. cit., p. 25 inf. 83 Al-Fakihl, op. cit., fol 418b: dhikru 'amali ah/i makkata laylata l-ni sfi min sha'biina wa-jtihiidihim fihii li-fadlihd. wa ahlu makkata fimii madd ila l-yaumi, idhii kdnat laylatu l-nisfi min sha'biina kharaja 'ammatu l-rijdli wa-l-nisd'i ua l-masjidi fasallau wa-tdfii wa-ahyau laylatahum /:Iattii 1-~abii/:li bi-l-qirti' ati fi l-masjidi l-hardmi batta yakhtimii I..qur'dna kullahu wa-yusallii, au man $allii minhum tilka l-Iaylata mi'ata rak'atin, yaqra'u fi kulli rak'atin bi-l-hamdi wa-qul huwa lldhu ahad 'ashra marrdtin, waakhadhii min mii'i zamzama tilka l-laylata fa-sharibiihu wa-ghtasalii bihi wa-khaba'lihu 'indahum li-l-mar dd yabtaghiina bi-dhiilika l-barakatafi hddhihi l-laylati. 84 See above note 54; and see Abii Shama, op. cit., pp. 27, 29.
32
SHA'BAN IS MY MONTIl
the haram in the third century A.H. The prayer mentioned here is one of the prayers recommended for the night of the 15th of Sha'ban, recorded by Ibn aI-Jauzi and branded by him as forged. Needless to say, the tawiif and drinking of Zamzam water are features peculiar to certain devotional practices and feasts in Mecca. A tradition of the "reward promise" type, recorded by al-Fakihi, belongs to the Iore of current traditions on this subject and is reported by Ibn aI-Jauzi; He who recites a thousand times within a hundred rak'a: qui huwa lldhu ahad, on the night of the 15th of Sha'ban, will not die before God sends him a hundred angels: thirty to bring him good tidings that God is to introduce him into Paradise; thirty to shield him from God's chastisement; thirty to deter him from sin, and ten to aid him against his enemies.s' This indicates how widespread the traditions concerning the virtues of the night of the 15th of Sha'ban were in Mecca and Mecca scholars were considered orthodox and were said to be opposed to public observance of this night. The continuity of the observance of the night of the 15th of Sha'ban can be traced from the second half of the first century A.H. It is attested in. the second century in the traditions recorded by 'Abd al-Razzaq, The passage in al-Fakihi's Ta'rtkh Makka gives a description of the celebration in Mecca in the third century. AI-Zandawaysiti records the virtues of this night in the fourth century. Al-Turtiishi's account refers to the practices witnessed in the fifth century, and Ibn al-Hajj's description depicts the observance at the end of the seventh century. A rich polemical literature concerning this night was produced over the centuries, and numerous !af/a'il treatises were compiled. The night of the 15th of Sha'ban is revered even today, and modern compilations still attack the popular observance, branding it as bid'a and quoting, as usuaI, early sources. The continuity of custom and usage during these celebrations can be illustrated by example. At the end of the seventh century A.H. Ibn all;Iajj mentions the sittings of the governor in the courtyard of the mosque on the night of the 15th of Sha'ban, at which he would judge and punish the guilty. In the fourth century aI-Zandawaysiti includes among the Iaudable deeds of the various classes during Sha'ban the sessions of the rulers, who would summon the imprisoned, punish the guilty and free the innocent.w This practice seems to reflect the idea of God's judgment
85 Al-Fakihl, op. cit, fol. 418b; Ibn al-Jauzl, al-Mau dirdt, II, p. 128; al-Naysaburf op. cit., XXV, p. 65; al-Razl, op. cit., XXVII, p. 238. 86 See above note 15.
33
in this month or during this night. The custom of visiting cemeteries on this night (Shi'i sources promoted visits to the tomb of Husayn) may be related to the hadith' according to which 'A'isha found the Prophet praying in the cemetery of Baqi' al-Gharqad on this night; it was at this spot that he explained to her the virtues of the night of the 15th of Sha'ban, The observances and celebrations of the night of the 15th of Sha'ban seem to be rooted in Jahiliyya belief and rituaI, as rightly assumed by Wensinck.t? When the month of Ramadan became the month of the obligatory fast, however, the night of the 15th of Sha'ban apparently lost its primacy: laylat al-qadr was fixed by the majority of Muslim scholars within Ramadan (usually as the night of the 27th of Ramadans") and became one of the most venerated nights of the Muslim community. But esteem of the night of the 15th of Sha'ban survived and, lacking the support of official scholars, it became a favoured occasion for devotional practices in pious and ascetic circles, as well as a night of popular celebration (including practices disapproved of by zealous conservative scholars). Moderate orthodox scholars strove to reconcile the traditions of the two nights, granting Iegitimacy to the devotions of laylat al-barii'a but establishing the superiority of laylat al-qadr. Also conciliatory was the idea of a division of functions between the two nights: laylat al-bariia was considered as the night of decrees, laylat al-qadr as the night in which God's biddings (or His mercy) were carried out. All this is, of course, a later development; hence Wensinck's theory of two genuine New Year's nights seems to be untenable. Orthodox Muslim scholars, though disapproving of the public celebrations, agreed to private devotional observances on the night of the 15th of Sha'ban.s? On these conditions laylat al-bard'a could gain their approval and became a recommended night of devotional exertion. The fasting of the Prophet over the two consecutive months of Rajab and Sha'ban may be linked with the tahannuth, which he was wont to
87 See Wensinck, op. cit., p. 6 ("This belief is already recorded by Tabarl; it is probably pre-Islamic"). 88 See Wagtendonk, op. cit., pp. 106, 112, note 5. 89 See thefatwa of Abu 'Amr b. !;>aliib,as recorded by Abu Sharna, op. cit., p. 32, 1.5: ... wa-ammd laylatu l-nisfi min sha'biina fa-lahd fa dilatun wa-i/.!ya'lIhd bi-I-'ibddati mustahabbun, wa-ldkin 'ala l-infirtidi min ghayri jamd'atin; wa-ttikhiidhu l-ndsi laha wa-Iaylata l-raghii'ibi mausiman wa-shi' iiran bid'atun munkaratun.
34
SHA'BAN IS MY MONTH
observe in the following month of Ramadan.w The tahannuth is said to have been initiated by the Prophet's grandfather, 'Abd al-Muttalib/" and was observed by some people of Quraysh.Ps This socio-religious observance combined the element of charitable deeds with a practice of veneration toward the haram of Mecca. It was observed on Mount Hira' and is sometimes referred to as i'tikaf or jiwdr in the story of the first revelation of the Prophet. Some reports say that the Prophet sojourned on Mount Hira' in solitude, but others explicitly state that he stayed there in the company of his wife Khadija.P! Some details on the jiwiir of the people of Mecca and its purpose are given by al-Azraqi: the Qurashites would leave Shi'b al-Sufiyy and sojourn on Jabal al-Raha "out of veneration of the haram". This practice was followed in summer.sThe place of the jiwiir of 'A'isha95 and its duration are indicated in a report recorded by al-Fakihi. 'A'isha sojourned for two months at a spot between Mount Hira' and Thabir. People would visit her there and converse with her. In the absence of 'Abdallah b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Abi Bakr the prayer was headed by her servant, Dhakwan.ss The two
90 See Goitein, op. cit., p. 93 sup.; Wagtendonk, op. cit., pp. 32-35. 91 See BSOAS, 31 (1968), pp. 232-233. 92 See al-Baliidhuri, Ansdb I, p. 105, no. 192: kdnat qurayshun idhii dakhala ramat!anu kharaja man yuridu l-tahannutha minhd ila hird'«. 93 See BSOAS 31 (1968), p. 225, note 15; p. 227, notes 26-27; and see al-Muttawi'I, Man sabara zafira, Ms. Cambridge, Or. 1473(10), fol. 43b: ... /:latta idhd kana l-shahru lladhi ardda lldhu fihi bihi md ardda min kardmatihi wa-rahmatihi I-'ibiida mill al-sanatl llati ba'athahu lldhu tabdraka wa-taald lihii, wa-dhdlika l-shahru ramaddnu, kharaja rasulu lliihi (i) Ua /:lirli'a kamli kana yakhruju Ii-jlwdrihi wa-maahu ahluhu khadijatu ... A significant version is recorded by al-Fiikihi, op. cit., fol. 499b, ult. - 500a, 11.1-2; the Prophet sojourned on Hira', Khadlja used to come to him from Mecca in the evening. The Prophet descended from the mountain and stayed with her in (the place in which later) the mosque of Shi'b Qunfudh twas erected. - K). In the morning they used to depart. (. .. anna I-nabiyya (i) kdna yakiinu fl birli'a bi-l-nahdri fa-idhd (the verb is missing; perhaps: atli, jd'a or another similar verb has to be supplied) l-laylu nazala mill Mra'a fa-atd I-masjida lladhi Ii l-shi'bi lIadhi khalfa ddri abt 'ubaydata yu'rafu bi-l-khalafiyytn wa-ta'tihi khadijatu (r) min makkata fa-yaltaqiytini Ii l-masjidi lladhi Ii l-shi'bi, fa-idhd qaruba 1-labii(l/I ftaraqd, au nahwahu). About the place, Shi'b iii Qunfudh, see al-Azraql, Akhbiir Makka (ed. F. Wtlstenfeld), p. 491 penult. - 492. 94 Al-Azraql, op. cit., p. 482 inf.: '" Ii-anna qurayshan kdnat Ii l-jdhiltyyatl takhruju min shi'bi l-sufiyyl fa-tabitu f'ihi (the suffix hi refers to al-rdha - K) Ii l-sayfi ta' ziman li-I-masjidi l-hardmi, thumma yakhrujiina fa-yajlisilna fa-yastarlhilna Ii I-jabali ... 95 See Wagtendonk, op. cit., p. 35. 96 Al-Fakihl, op. cit., fol. 486b: ... 'alii bni abt mulaykata qtila: inna 'a'ishata (r) jdwarat bayna Mrli'a wa-thabtrin shahrayni, fa-kunnd na'tihli wa-ya'tlhd ndsun min
35
reports may help us in the evaluation of the jiwiir of the Prophet (apparently identical with tahannuthi: the Prophet, like the people of Shi'b al-Sufiyy, used to leave his home in summer and sojourn on Mount Hira'. Like them h~ did it "out of veneration of the haram of Mecca"; Iike 'A'isha he sojourned there for some fixed time. None of the reports mentions fasting explicitly. The duration of the Prophet's fast during Rajab and Sha'ban was not fixed; it was sporadic and the Prophet broke fast arbitrarily. The hadiths reporting this manner of the Prophet's fastingv? seem to be trustworthy. The reports of his fasting during the month of Sha'ban recorded in early sources are not questioned anywhere, nor doubted by any authority; they are certainly as reliable as the reports of his fasting during Rajab.98 It may be stressed that there were no rules of fasting, nor any regulations; the Prophet's fast was a voluntary, pious observance, the duration of which he fixed at his own discretion. In Medina, after his hijra, the Prophet was faced with the task of establishing a code of Iaw and ritual. One of the injunctions of this code was to fast. The verses of the Qur'an imposing the fast of Ramadan upon the emerging Muslim community were revealed against the background of the confrontation with the Jewish community.P? the encounter with the hostile Meccan unbelievers and their allies and the victory won on the battlefield of Badr. Even if affected by Jewish, Christian or other influences, these rules formed a genuine independent trend in the nascent body of Iaw for the Muslim community.l00 The injunction of the fast of Ramadan did not, however, abolish voluntary fasting during Rajab or Sha'ban, Some of the controversial traditions concerning the change in the Prophet's fast during Sha'ban after his arrival in Medina may facilitate a better insight into the persistence of this voluntary fast. Some scholars asserted that the Prophet, while in Mecca, fasted only some parts of the month of Sha'ban; after his arrival in Medina, however, he fasted the entire month. Al-Qastallani refutes this report, basing himself on the hadtth of 'A'isha, who stated
qurayshin yatahaddathiina ilayhti, fa-idhti lam yakun thamma 'abdu lldhi bnu 'abdi l-rahmdni bni abt bakrin (r) ~a/la biha ghulamuha dhakwdnu abii 'amrin (r); Ibn Sa'd, op, cit., V, pp. 295-296. 97 See e.g. al-Nasa'I, op, cit., IV, pp. 150-151: ... kdna rasiilu /Iiihi (~) yasiimu batta naqillu Iii yuftiru, wa-yuftiru batta naqiilu Iii yasiimu ... 98 See Goitein, op. cit., pp. 93-94. 99 See ibid., pp. 95-102. 100 See Wagtendonk, op. cit" p. 144 inf.
36
SHA'BAN IS MY MONTII
that the Prophet, after his arrival in Medina, never fasted any full month, except Ramadan." 01 This tradition transmitted on the authority of 'A'isha deserves our trust. The phrase in this haduh of 'A'isha "mundhu qadima l-madtnata" gives us a clue in assessing the change at Medina. 'A'isha is indeed a reliable witness of the Prophet's Iife in Medina, and her hadtth with the quoted phrase, limiting it to Medina, is apparently sound. The voluntary fast of Sha'ban was now transfigured into an obligatory fast, that of Ramadan, the month of the Prophet's own devotional exertions, the month of his tahannuth in Mecca. This fast became a distinctive mark of the Muslim community and one of the pillars ofIslam. The importance of the fast during Sha'ban consequently declined, but it never Iost its virtuous position as a recommended voluntary fast, observed over the ages and revered especially by pious and devout Muslims; the night of the 15th of Sha'ban became the culmination of the month's devotions. The observances of Sha'ban were finally approved of and legitimized by moderate orthodox scholars. The high esteem of Sha'ban was clearly expressed in the utterance attributed to the Prophet: "Rajab is the month of God, Sha'ban is my month, Ramadan is the month of my community".
101
Al-Zurqani,
Sharh al-mawdhib, VIIJ, p, 125.
37