Ḥadīth
RajabEI.pdf Radjab, the seventh month of the Islamic calendar, was observed as a holy month in
the period of the DjÄhiliyya in spring. It was the month of the sacrifices of the Ê¿atÄʾir offered to the pagan deities as a token of gratitude for the augmentation of their flocks and herds. It was also the time of invocations of their deities to increase the number of their flocks. It was as well the month of the sacrifices of the furuÊ¿, the firstlings of the flocks and herds. The owner of the flock had to sacrifice one ewe out of fifty (or hundred) of his herd. The holy month of Radjab was also the month of peace in the Arab peninsula; the tribes refrained from raids and warfare. The month was called al-aá¹£amm âthe deafâ because no sound of weapons was heard during that month and al-aá¹£abb âthe pouringâ because the unbelievers of Mecca used to say that the mercy is pouring forth in this month. Another by-name of Radjab was al-radjm âthe stoningâ because the Satans were stoned in that month and were expelled from the dwellings of the tribes. Other bynames attached to Radjab were: al-muḳīm âthe constant,â because its sanctity was a firm one, since Radjab is one of the four ḥurum months; al-harim âthe agedâ because the sanctity of the month was an ancient one, dating from the time of Mu ar b. NizÄr; as the tribes of Mu ar venerated this month, it was also named radjab Muá¸ar. Because of the comprehensive peace among the tribes and their abstaining from hostilities, the month was called muná¹£il al-all and muná¹£il al-asinna, pointing to the fact that the spearheads were removed, weapons laid down and no fighting among tribes was launched. The name al-muÊ¿allÄ âthe elevatedâ was attached to Radjab because it was a month highly respected among the Arab tribes. The name al-mubriʾ âthe clearing [from fault]â was given to the month because warlike activity was given up, no iniquity was committed and no act of hypocrisy was perpetrated during the month. A peculiar name granted to Radjab was al-muḳashḳish âthe exonerating,â denoting that Radjab distinguished between the people who stuck to the tenets enjoining abstention from
fighting during the month and those who violated the sanctity of the month by fighting. Finally, the month was called al-Ê¿atÄ«ra because the sacrifices of the Ê¿atÄ«ra were carried out during this month. According to tradition, the month of Radjab was a time of devotional practices, exertions and fasting. Invocations against the iniquitous and the wrong-doers in this month were especially efficacious. The opinions of the scholars of Islam as to the permission to continue these practices in Islam were divergent, controversial and even contradictory. The differences in their opinions are clearly exposed in the utterances attributed to the Prophet in the collections of ḥadÄ«th. An utterance attributed to the Prophet and recorded in the early collection of ÉAbd alRazzÄḳ (d. 211/826) says that the Prophet approved of the sacrifice of the Ê¿atÄ«ra which the people used to practice in Radjab. The Prophet said, âDo it, and name it al-radjÄ«ba.â The utterance of the Prophet enjoining sacrifice of the Ê¿atÄ«ra and naming it the radjÄ«ba is opposed by an utterance attributed to the Prophet enjoining annulment of the sacrifice of the firstlings and the sacrifice of the RadjabÄ« Ê¿atÄ«ra. It is recorded in the same collection and is formulated plainly: lÄ faraÊ¿a wa-lÄ Ê¿atÄ«ra âthere is no [sacrifice] of the firstlings nor of the Ê¿atÄ«ra.â This prohibitive tradition was, however, changed by the interpretation given to it by alShÄfiÉÄ«: there is no sacrifice of the Ê¿atÄ«ra nor of the faraÊ¿a âas an obligatory practiceâ, adds al-ShÄfiÉÄ«. This comment of his changes, of course, the meaning of the tradition and its significance.
In the same way was interpreted the utterance of the Prophet Ê¿alÄ ahl kull bayt an yad̲h̲baḥū shÄt fÄ« kull radjab wa-fÄ« kull aá¸á¸¥Ä shÄt . The expression Ê¿alÄ kull ahl bayt
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is, however, interpreted not as an enjoinment but only as a recommendation. The utterance has to be understood as recommendation for every family group to sacrifice a ewe during every month of Radjab and to sacrifice a ewe on every aá¸á¸¥Ä celebration. An utterance of the Prophet about the Ê¿atÄ«ra permits the sacrifice of the Ê¿atÄ«ra in any month of the year and enjoins the practice of charity, dividing among the poor the meat of the slaughtered beasts. It is obvious that the sanctity of Radjab was, according to this tradition, fairly limited, or even abolished, while the advice of charity was especially stressed. A tradition reported on the authority of ÉÄÉisha says that the Prophet enjoined the slaughter of the firstling of the herd numbering fifty, which tallies with the prevalent DjÄhilÄ« practice. But another tradition attributed to the Prophet says, âPractice the sacrifice of the faraÊ¿a if you wantâ. Thus the sacrifice was left to the discretion of the believer. A peculiar utterance of the Prophet turns the sacrifice of the faraÊ¿a into a voluntary practice, with a special reservation of the Prophet changing the aim of the practice. The Prophet permitted the practice but remarked that it would be preferable to feed the camel until it grows up and to ride it on expeditions and raids for the cause of God; similarly, it is preferable to feed the ewe until it grows up, to sacrifice it and to divide the meat among the poor. Similarly, the utterance of the Prophet in which he is said to have approved of the faraÊ¿a, saying al-faraÊ¿a ḥaḳḳ, was considerably changed by the added reservation that it would be better to feed the destined sacrificial animal until it grows up and can be used
to ride on it in a raid for the cause of God (in the case of a camel) or to slaughter it (in the case of a ewe) and give the meat as charity to a needy widow. Scholars of Islam stress that the slaughter of animals in Rad̲j̲ab was continued in the first period of Islam and was only later abrogated. Al-Ḵh̲aá¹á¹ÄbÄ« (d. 388/998) considered the Ê¿atÄ«ra compatible with the principles of Islam: it was in the period of Islam sacrificed to God in contradiction to the j̲ÄhilÄ« Ê¿atÄ«ra, which was sacrificed to the idols. There is
indeed a report saying that Ibn SÄ«rÄ«n (d. 110/729) used to slaughter the Ê¿atÄ«ra in Radjab. Strictly orthodox scholars stressed that there is no valid tradition concerning the virtues of Radjab. There were, however, scholars, especially from among the pious and devoted, who favoured the widely-circulated popular traditions allegedly uttered by the Prophet, emphasising the virtues of Radjab and encouraging the carrying out of the various practices considered laudable and right. The Prophet is said to have named Radjab âthe month of Godâ, s̲h̲ahr AllÄh, because it was the month of the people of the ḥaram (i.e. the people of Mecca) who were called Äl AllÄh. The problem of the sacrifices during the month of Radjab was only one aspect of the disputes among the Muslim scholars as to the ritual practices performed in the Muslim community in that month. A significant tradition ascribed to the Prophet singled out the peculiar sanctity of three months of the year: âRadjab is the month of God, ShaÉbÄn is my month and Rama Än is the month of my people.â As the month of Radjab was put on par with the two other months there was an obvious tendency to competition between these holy months regarding the rewards of the ritual practices performed during these months, the exceptional position of certain nights of the months and the prayers during these months. The competition between Radjab and ShaÉbÄn is clearly presented in a tradition reported on the authority of Zayd b. Aslam. The Prophet was informed about people fasting during Radjab. He remarked, âHow far are they from the virtues of the people
fasting during ShaÉbÄn!â Zayd observed, âMost of the fasting of the Prophet, except in Rama Än, was in ShaÉbÄn.â The partisans of Radjab quoted a report of Ibn al-ÉAbbÄs saying that the Prophet used to fast so many days in Radjab that his Companions did not think that he would break his fast; and he used to break his fast so that they doubted whether he would resume it. As against the people venerating ShaÉbÄn, the partisans of Radjab had recourse to utterances attributed to the Prophet in which the fasting of Radjab was recommended and very high rewards were promised to people who were fasting in it. The Prophet is said to have stated that the month of Radjab is of a high position and that the good deeds of the believer gain multiple rewards. He who fasts one day in Radjab is in the position of a believer who would fast a year. He who fasts nine days, for him the gates of Hell are closed; he who fasts eight days, for him the eight doors of Paradise are opened; he who fasts ten days, God will fulfill for him every wish; he who fasts fifteen days, a herald will announce from Heaven that god forgave him every sin which he had committed in the past. In the month of Radjab God carried Nūḥ (Noah) in the ark; he fasted during Radjab, and bade his people to fast during it, thus expressing their gratitude to God for their salvation. Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal said that he had in his possession a tradition recording the rewards for fasting of every day of Radjab; he considered, however, the ḥadÄ«th a forged one. The fasting of the whole month of Radjab was nevertheless frowned upon and sometimes forbidden in order not to create a similarity with Rama Än. The practices of fasting during Radjab were censured by AbÅ« Bakr, ÉUmar and people of the á¹£aḥÄba, says Ibn Taymiyya. Some nights of Radjab are considered to be replete with God's graces. In the first night of Radjab, God will grant every supplication of the believer. It is one of the five chosen
nights in the year. Another prayer strongly censured by Ibn Taymiyya was the prayer practised in the midst of Radjab called á¹£alÄt Umm DÄwÅ«d. A night highly praised by those who observed Radjab was the night of the á¹£alÄt alraghÄʾib âthe night of the prayer for extensive and desirable giftsâ; it starts on the eve of the first Friday of Radjab; the prayers and supplications contained hundreds of invocations, prostrations, rakÊ¿as and recitations of some sÅ«ras of the ḲurÉÄn. The believer is requested to fast on the Thursday preceding this night. A night of Radjab distinguished by the rich rewards is the night of the twenty-seventh of Radjab. The believer spending this night in vigils: praying; thanking God; repeating a hundred times the various phrases of gratitude, the oneness of God, invocations and supplications; performing prostrations and rakÊ¿as; and reading a sÅ«ra of the ḲurÉÄn and fasting the next day, will be highly rewarded by God; he will attain God's grace as if he fasted a hundred years and practiced vigils for a hundred years. On that night, Muḥammad was sent as a prophet. The significant events connected with the life of the Prophet which allegedly happened in Radjab turn the month into one of the most distinctive periods of the year. According to a tradition, the mother of the Prophet conceived him on the first evening of Radjab; another tradition claims that he was born in Radjab. Some traditions assert that the event of the laylat al-miÊ¿rÄdj occurred in Radjab. Other traditions claim that the date of the isrÄʾ was the twenty-seventh day of Radjab. The struggle of the orthodox scholars against those practices of Radjab widely approved by pious ascetics and ṢūfÄ«s was not entirely successful. These practices have survived and form until the present time an essential part of Muslim popular belief and ritual. (M. J. Kister)
Bibliography ÉAbd al-RazzÄḳ, al-Muá¹£annaf, ed. ḤabÄ«b al-RaḥmÄn al-AÉáºamÄ«, Beirut 1391/1972, iv, 342, no. 8000, iv, 341, no. 7998, iv, 341, no. 7999, iv, 340, no. 7997, iv, 337, no. 7989, iv, 337, nos. 7990-1, iv, 340, no. 7996, and see ibid., iv, 338, nos. 7992-3, iv, 292, no. 7858, iv, 317, no. 7927 Ibn AbÄ« Shayba, al-Muá¹£annaf fi ʾl-aḥÄdÄ«th wa ʾl-ÄthÄr, ed. ÉAbd al- Ḵh̲Äliḳ AfghÄnÄ«, repr., n.p. n.d., viii, 64-7 AbÅ« YaÉlÄ al-Mawá¹£ilÄ«, al-Musnad, ed. Ḥusayn SalÄ«m Asad, Damascus-Beirut 1407/1987, x, 282, no. 5879 (and see the abundant references of the editor) SubkÄ«, ṬabaḳÄt al-shÄfiÊ¿iyya al-kubrÄ, ed. ÉAbd al-FattÄḥ Muḥammad Ḥulw and MaḥmÅ«d Muḥammad al-ṬannÄḥī, Cairo 1383/1964, ii, 111 MunÄwÄ«, FayḠal-ḳadÄ«r, sharḥ al-djÄmiÊ¿ al-á¹£aghÄ«r, Beirut 1391/1972, vi, 435, no. 9914, iv, 321, no. 5457, iv, 375, no. 5674, iii, 454, no. 3953 ÉAbd al-RaḥmÄn al-á¹¢affÅ«rÄ«, Nuzhat al-madjÄlis wa-muntakhab al-nafÄʾis, Beirut, n.d., 189-95 Ibn Taymiyya, Iḳtiá¸Äʾ al-á¹£irÄá¹ al-mustaḳīm mukhÄlafat aṣḥÄb al-djaḥīm, ed. Muḥammad ḤÄmid al-Fiḳī, Cairo, ÉÄbidÄ«n 1369/1950, 293, 302 AbÅ« ÉUbayd al-ḲÄsim b. SallÄm al-HarawÄ«, GharÄ«b al-ḥadÄ«th, ed. Muḥammad ÉAáºÄ«m alDÄ«n, Ḥaydarabad 1385/1966, ii, 4-6 ÉAbd AllÄh b. Muḥammad b. DjaÉfar b. ḤayyÄn, Abu Él-Shaykh al-Aná¹£ÄrÄ«, ṬabaḳÄt almuḥaddithÄ«n bi-Iá¹£bahÄn wa ʾl-wÄridÄ«n Ê¿alayhÄ, ed. ÉAbd al-GhafÅ«r ÉAbd al-Ḥaḳḳ Ḥusayn al-BalÅ«shÄ«, Beirut 1407/1987, i, 279-82, nos. 27-9 (and see the references of the editor)
ÉUmar b. Badr al-Mawá¹£ilÄ«, al-MughnÄ« Ê¿an al-ḥifẠwa ʾl-kitÄb, Cairo 1342, 33, 36 Ḳurá¹ubÄ«, al-DjamiÊ¿ li-aḥkÄm al-ḲurʾÄn = TafsÄ«r al-Ḳurá¹ubÄ«, Cairo 1387/1967, vi, 326 Ibn ÉAsÄkir, TaʾrÄ«kh DimÄshḳ, ed. ÉAbd al-ḲÄdir BadrÄn, Beirut 1399/1979, vi, 246, vii, 347 inf.-348 sup. Bayhaḳī, Faá¸Äʾil al-awḳÄt, ed. ÉAdnÄn ÉAbd al-RaḥmÄn MadjÄ«d al-ḲaysÄ«, Mecca 1410/1990, 89-90, no. 7, 106-7, 311-12, no. 149, 95-8, nos. 11, 12 WadjÄ«h al-DÄ«n ÉAbd al-RaḥmÄn b. KhalÄ«l al-AdhruÉÄ«, BishÄrat al-maḥbÅ«b bi-takfÄ«r aldhunÅ«b, ed. MadjdÄ« al-Sayyid IbrÄhÄ«m, Cairo n.d., 41, no. 98 Bayhaḳī, al-DjÄmiÊ¿ li-shuÊ¿ab al-Ä«mÄn = ShuÊ¿ab al-Ä«mÄn, ed. ÉAbd al-ÉAlÄ« ÉAbd al- ḤamÄ«d ḤÄmid, Bombay 1409/1988, vii, 382- 3, no. 3520, 390-3, no. 3529, 393-5, nos. 3530-1 Khaá¹Ä«b al-BaghdÄdÄ«, TaʾrÄ«kh Baghdad, Cairo-BaghdÄd 1349- 1931, viii, 331, no. 4421 ÉAbd al-RaḥmÄn al-SuhaylÄ«, al-RawḠal-unuf, ed. ÉAbd al-RaḥmÄn al-WakÄ«l, Cairo 1387/1967, i, 70 NÅ«r al-DÄ«n al-HaythamÄ«, MadjmaÊ¿ al-zawÄʾid wa-manbaÊ¿ al-fawÄʾid, Beirut 1967, iii, 188, 191 Murta Ä al-ZabÄ«dÄ«, ItḥÄf al-sÄda al-muttaḳīn bi-sharḥ asrÄr iḥyÄʾ Ê¿ulÅ«m al-dÄ«n, Beirut n.d., iii, 422-5 Ibn Ḥadjar al-ÉAsḳalÄnÄ«, TabyÄ«n al-Ê¿adjab bi-mÄ warada fÄ« faá¸l radjab, ed. AbÅ« AsmÄÉ IbrÄhÄ«m b. IsmÄÉÄ«l Äl ÉAá¹£r, Beirut 1408/1988 Ibn HimmÄt al-Dimashḳī, al-TankÄ«t wa ʾl-ifÄda fÄ« takhrÄ«dj aḥÄdÄ«th khÄtimat sifr al-saÊ¿Äda, ed. Aḥmad al-Bazra, Beirut 1407/1988, 96-7, 112-13
MaḳrÄ«zÄ«, al-Khabar Ê¿an al-bashar, ms. DÄr al-Kutub 947, TaÉrÄ«k̲h̲, p. 444 ÉIzz al-DÄ«n b. ÉAbd al-SalÄm al-SulamÄ«, KitÄb al- FatÄwÄ, ed. ÉAbd al-RaḥmÄn b. ÉAbd al-FattÄḥ, Beirut 1406/1986, 117 ÉAbd al-WÄsiÉ b. YaḥyÄ al-WÄsiÉÄ«, al- Mukhtaá¹£ar fÄ« targhÄ«b wa-tarhÄ«b ḥadÄ«th sayyid albashar, Cairo 1345, 26 ult.-27 al-Ḥasan b. Muḥammad al-KhallÄl, Faá¸Äʾil shahr radjab, ed. ÉAmr ÉAbd al-MunÉim, Ṭaná¹Ä 1412/1972 ÉAlÄ« b. Sulá¹Än al-ḲÄrÄ«, al-Adab fÄ« radjab, ed. ÉAmr ÉAbd al-MunÉim, Ṭaná¹Ä 1412/1992, also ed. ÉAbd AllÄh ÉAwda in JSAI, forthcoming Badr al-DÄ«n ShiblÄ«, MaḥÄsin al-wasÄʾil fÄ« maÊ¿rifat al-awÄʾil, ms. B.L., Or. 1530, fol. 56b ÉAlÄ« MaḥfÅ«áº, al-IbdÄÊ¿ fÄ« maá¸Ärr al-ibtidÄÊ¿, Cairo 1388/1968, 296-7 Muḥammad b. Aḥmad b. Djubayr al-KinÄnÄ«, Riḥla, Beirut 1388/1968, 98-104 Muḥammad b. ÉAlÄ« b. ṬūlÅ«n al- Dimashḳī, Faṣṣ al-KhawÄtim fÄ«-mÄ á¸³Ä«la fi ʾl-walÄʾim, ed. NizÄr AbÄáºa, Damascus 1402/1982, 92-4. For additional bibl., see M. J. Kister, Radjab is the month of God, in IOS, i (1971), repr. Variorum, London 1980, Studies in JÄhiliyya and early Islam, no. XII. [Print Version: Volume VIII, page 373, column 2] Citation: Kister, M. J. âRad̲j̲ab.â Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman; Th. Bianquis; C. E. Bosworth; E. van Donzel; and W. P. Heinrichs.
DjabirEI.pdf DjÄbir b. Ê¿Abd AllÄh b. Ê¿Amr b. ḤarÄm b. KaÊ¿b b. Ghanm b. Salima, AbÅ« Ê¿Abd AllÄh (or AbÅ« Ê¿Abd al-RaḥmÄn, or AbÅ« Muḥammad) al-SalamÄ« alKhazradjÄ« al-Aná¹£ÄrÄ«, Companion of the Prophet. His father, ÉAbd AllÄh, was one of
the seventy men of Aws and Khazradj who gave the Prophet the oath of allegiance at the ÉAḳaba Meeting and committed themselves to defend him. His father is also recorded in the list of the twelve nuḳabÄʾ, the chosen group from among the seventy; DjÄbir himself attended the Meeting as a very young boy, and is therefore counted in the list of âthe Seventyâ and in the honourable list of those who embraced Islam together with their fathers. His father prevented him from taking part in the two encounters at Badr and Uḥud, leaving him at home to look after his seven (or nine) sisters. A report according to which he attended the battle of Badr and drew water for the warriors is denied authenticity by al-WÄḳidÄ« and marked by him as an ÉIrÄḳī tradition. On the Day of Uḥud, DjÄbir lost his father, his mother's brother ÉAmr b. alDjamūḥ and his cousin KhallÄd. DjÄbir's father distinguished himself in the fight and was the first Muslim warrior killed in this battle. The Prophet did not object to DjÄbir mourning for him, and gave him permission to uncover his face. ÉAbd AllÄh was buried according to the Prophet's ruling as a martyr on the spot where he fell, clad in his garment, with his wounds still bleeding. The Prophet personally suggested that he should act as father to DjÄbir and put ÉÄÉisha in his mother's place. On the day following the battle of Uḥud, DjÄbir asked and was granted permission to join the force dispatched by the Prophet to ḤamrÄÉ al-Asad. After that DjÄbir accompanied the Prophet on 18 or so expeditions. The Prophet showed great concern for DjÄbir and his family and often came to his dwelling. DjÄbir's family, who were familiar with his tastes, used to prepare for the Prophet his favourite kind of meal. On one such visit the Prophet blessed the family of DjÄbir and their abode, on another he cured DjÄbir of fever by sprinkling on him water
which he had used for ablution. The Prophet gave his approval for DjÄbir to marry a woman who was not a virgin and who would take care of his sisters. By his blessing he helped DjÄbir to pay a debt which his father owed to the Jew AbÅ« Shaḥma and he invoked God's forgiveness for him when he bought his camel (laylat al-baÊ¿Ä«r). After the death of the Prophet ÉUmar appointed DjÄbir chief (Ê¿arÄ«f) of his clan. During the military operations of the conquest of Damascus he was sent as a member of an auxiliary force dispatched to KhÄlid b. al-WalÄ«d. On another occasion he was dispatched by ÉUmar with a small group to al-KÅ«fa. When the rebellious Egyptian troops advanced to Medina in order to besiege the house of ÉUthmÄn, DjÄbir was among the group sent by the caliph to negotiate with them and appease them. He is said to have fought on the side of ÉAlÄ« at á¹¢iffÄ«n (37/657) and then to have returned to Medina. During the expedition of Busr b. Ará¹Ät (40/660) DjÄbir was compelled to swear allegiance to MuÉÄwiya; this he did in precautionary dissimulation (taḳiyya), after having consulted Umm Salama, the wife of the Prophet. This is a new trait of character, indicating ShÄ«ÉÄ« sympathies, and is one of the earliest cases of taḳiyya mentioned in the texts. As an indication of DjÄbir's attachment to Medina and to the relics of the Prophet, one may adduce the report that he and AbÅ« Hurayra prevailed upon MuÉÄwiya to leave the minbar of the Prophet in Medina and not to transfer it to Syria. He is said to have visited the court of ÉAbd al-Malik and to have asked him for some grants for the people of Medina. When the force sent by YazÄ«d b. MuÉÄwiya against Medina (63/683) entered the city, DjÄbir openly voiced his objection, circulating an utterance of the Prophet about the punishment which would befall people who affrighted the city. He was saved from death by MarwÄn when a man, enraged by his words, attacked him intending to kill him. After the victory of al-ḤadjdjÄdj over Ibn al-Zubayr (73/692), al-ḤadjdjÄdj ordered the hands of some of the opponents of the Umayyad rule to be stamped in the same way as was done to the dhimmÄ«s and DjÄbir was among those opponents. DjÄbir's
sharp criticism and unkind words with regard to the rulers, especially al- ḤadjdjÄdj, provoked the latter's caustic remark that DjÄbir displayed the same pride as the Jews (by which, of course, the Aná¹£Är were meant). DjÄbir died at 78/697 at the age of 94 (other reports, however, give varying dates). He is said to have been the last survivor of the group of 70 Aná¹£Är who attended the ÉAḳaba Meeting, thus fulfilling a prediction of the Prophet. The prayer over his grave was performed by the governor of Medina, AbÄn b. ÉUthmÄn, or according to another tradition, by al-ḤadjdjÄdj b. YÅ«suf when he came to Medina after his victory over ÉAbd AllÄh b. al-Zubayr. DjÄbir is noted as a most prolific narrator of traditions from the Prophet. The number of those going back to him is estimated at 1,540; al-BukhÄrÄ« and Muslim recorded 210 ḥadÄ«ths transmitted by him in their compilations, and the subject-range of his transmission is extremely wide. Of special interest are DjÄbir's reports about events which he witnessed and details furnished by him about expeditions in which he took part. DjÄbir was highly respected by the scholars of ḥadÄ«th and is counted in the lists of reliable transmitters and the aṣḥÄb al-futyÄ. He used to recite his traditions in the mosque of Medina; his sessions of ḥadÄ«th-transmission were attended by a wide circle of students who would discuss the traditions of their master after leaving the mosque. A composition known as á¹£aḥīfat DjÄbir contained a great number of traditions recorded by him. Scholars of ḥadÄ«th were eager to circulate traditions on his authority, without always observing the necessary rules of ḥadÄ«th transmission. Even a distinguished pious scholar like al-Ḥasan al-Baá¹£rÄ« was suspected of reporting some traditions on the direct authority of DjÄbir although he never was his disciple. The impressive list of those who transmitted his traditions includes the names of three of his sons: ÉAbd al-RaḥmÄn,
ÉAḳīl and Muḥammad. His descendants are said to have settled in North Africa, in a place called al-Aná¹£Äriyya. In ShÄ«ÉÄ« tradition, DjÄbir was granted an exceptionally high rank. The ḥadÄ«ths recorded in ShÄ«ÉÄ« sources on his authority touch upon the fundamental tenets of ShÄ«ÉÄ« belief: the mission of ÉAlÄ«, his qualities, his authority over the believers, the graces granted him by God, the divine virtues of his descendants and the duties of allegiance and obedience incumbent upon the believers. It was the imÄm al-BÄḳir who asked DjÄbir about the Tablet which God sent down to FÄá¹ima and which DjÄbir got permission to copy. In this Tablet God named the imÄms and established their order of succession. It is noteworthy that, according to some versions, the imÄm compared the copy of DjÄbir with the Tablet in his possession and stated that the copy was a reliable and accurate one. In another story DjÄbir confirms the accuracy of the unusual report about the hidjra as told him by the imÄm. DjÄbir is credited with the ḥadÄ«th about the appointment of ÉAlÄ« as waṣī, which forms the base of the ShÄ«ÉÄ« interpretation of SÅ«ra LIII, 1â4. It was he who reported the utterance of the Prophet that ÉAlÄ« is the á¹£irÄá¹ mustaḳīm, the right path to be followed. The imÄm al-BÄḳir stressed that DjÄbir was privileged to possess knowledge of the correct interpretation of SÅ«ra XXVIII, 85 which, according to him, refers to the radjÊ¿a, the re-appearance of the Prophet and ÉAlÄ«. Among further ShÄ«ÉÄ« traditions reported on DjÄbir's authority is the one which states that there are two weighty things left by the Prophet for the Muslim community: the ḲurÉÄn and his Family (al-Ê¿itra). Another tradition has it that the angel DjibrÄ«l bade the Prophet proclaim the vocation of ÉAlÄ« and his descendants, the imÄms, and tell the Muslim community about ÉAlÄ«'s distinguished position on the Day of Resurrection and in Paradise. The SunnÄ« version of DjÄbir's report that the first thing created by God was the Light of Muḥammad had its ShÄ«ÉÄ« counterpart traced back to DjÄbir, which said that this Light was split into two parts: the Light of Muḥammad and the Light of ÉAlÄ«,
and that it was later transferred to the succeeding imÄms. It is on the authority of DjÄbir that the significant tradition which states that the last persons to be with the Prophet when he died were ÉAlÄ« and FÄá¹Ä«ma is reported. Some of his traditions relate the miracles of ÉAlÄ«. ÉAlÄ« ascended to Heaven in order to put down the rebellion of the wicked djinn who denied his authority and a luminous angel prayed in his place in the mosque. Another miracle happened when ÉAlÄ« walked with DjÄbir on the bank of the Euphrates: a very high wave covered ÉAlÄ«; when he reappeared completely dry after a short time, he explained that it had been the Angel of the Water who greeted and embraced him. DjÄbir is distinguished in the ShÄ«ÉÄ« tradition by a significant mission entrusted to him by the Prophet: he was ordered to meet the imÄm al-BÄḳir and to convey to him the greetings of the Prophet, which he did. This created a peculiar relationship between the elderly bearer of the good tidings and the young recipient, the imÄm al-BÄḳir. According to tradition, the two used to meet, and some of the traditions transmitted by al-BÄḳir are told on the authority of DjÄbir and traced back to the Prophet. It is evident that the idea that the imÄm might have derived his knowledge from a human being is opposed to the principles of the ShÄ«Éa. It had thus to be justified that it was merely done in order to put an end to the accusations of the Medinans, who blamed al-BÄḳir for transmitting ḥadÄ«ths on the authority of the Prophet whom he had never seen. As the traditions reported by DjÄbir and those independently reported by the imÄm and revealed to him by God were in fact identical, the insertion of DjÄbir's name between the name of the imÄm and that of the Prophet was quite a formal act with no significance. A few traditions are indeed reported with names of some Companions inserted between the imÄm and the Prophet. In one of the traditions it is explained that this insertion may make the ḥadÄ«th more acceptable to people, although it is obvious
that the imÄms knew more than that Companion whose name was inserted between the imÄm and the Prophet. The close relationship of DjÄbir with the family of ÉAlÄ« is also exposed in the story relating that FÄá¹ima bint ÉAlÄ« asked DjÄbir to intervene and to persuade Zayn al-ÉÄbidÄ«n to cease his excessive devotional practices which might be harming for his health. It was a sign of respect and faith that, when Ḥusayn asked his enemies on the battle-field of KarbalÄÉ to save his life, quoting the utterance of the Prophet that he and his brother were the lords of the youths of Paradise (sayyidÄ shabÄb ahl al-djanna), he referred to DjÄbir who would vouch for the truth of the utterance. DjÄbir is said to have been present at the grave of Ḥusayn shortly after he had been killed and to have met there the family of Ḥusayn who were sent back by YazÄ«d b. MuÉÄwiya. Another ShÄ«ÉÄ« tradition reports about his visit to the grave of Ḥusayn and his moving speech over the grave. DjÄbir had intimate relations with the family of ÉAlÄ« and especially with the two imÄms Zayn al-ÉÄbidÄ«n and al-BÄḳir. There are some ShÄ«ÉÄ« attempts to link him with DjaÉfar alá¹¢Ädiḳ and to fix the date of his death at the beginning of the 2nd century A.H. Finally, the high position of DjÄbir in ShÄ«ÉÄ« tradition is expressed by the fact that he was placed in the list of the four persons who clung to the true faith and in the list of the nine persons to whom ÉAlÄ« promised that they would be in Paradise. (M. J. Kister) Bibliography Ibn ḲudÄma al-MaḳdisÄ«, al-Istibá¹£Är fÄ« nasab al-á¹£aḥÄba min al-aná¹£Är, Cairo 1392/1972, index ÉAbd al-Malik b. ḤabÄ«b, al-TaʾrÄ«kh, Ms. Bodl. Marsh 288, p. 126
AbÅ« ÉAbd AllÄh al-ṢūrÄ«, Djuzʾ, Ms. Leiden Or. 2465, fols. 4bâ5a Abu Él-ÉArab, K. al-Miḥan, Ms. Cambridge Oq 235, fol. 162a ÉAbd al-GhanÄ« al-NÄbulusÄ«, DhakhÄʾir al-mawÄrÄ«th fÄ« 'l-dilÄla Ê¿alÄ mawÄá¸iÊ¿ ʾl-ḥadÄ«th, Cairo 1352/1934, i, 125â76, nos. 1139â1599 Aḥmad b. ÉAlÄ« al-ṬabarsÄ«, al-IḥtidjÄdj, Nadjaf 1386/1966, i, 84â8, 291 Aḥmad b. al-Ḥusayn al-Bayhaḳī, al-Sunan al-kubrÄ, Hyderabad 1344, iâx, index
w Akhá¹ab Kh wÄrizm, al-ManÄḳib, Nadjaf 1385/1965, 27, 36, 60, 62, 80, 82, 88, 106â7,
195, 219, 227, 266 Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal, K. al-Ê¿Ilal wa-maÊ¿rifat al-ridjÄl, ed. Talat Koçyiǧit and Ismail Cerrahoǧlu, Ankara 1963, i, index idem, Musnad, BÅ«lÄḳ, iii, 292â400 al-MadÄ«nÄ«, al-Ê¿Ilal, Beirut 1392/1972, index anon., TaʾrÄ«kh al-KhulafÄʾ, ed. P. A. GryaznyeviÄ, Moscow 1967, fol. 42a, l. 1, 213b, ll. 4â5 AbÅ« NuÉaym, Ḥilyat al-awliyÄʾ, repr. Beirut 1387/1967, ii, 4â5, iii, 189â91, 200â2 al-BalÄdhurÄ«, AnsÄb, i, ed. ḤamÄ«dullÄh, Cairo 1959, index, v. ed. S. D. Goitein, Jerusalem 1936, index, Ms. fol. 1215b al-DhahabÄ«, Siyar aÊ¿lÄm al-nubalÄʾ, Cairo 1956 f., i, 235â7 (ed. á¹¢alÄḥ al-DÄ«n alMunadjdjid), iii, 126â9 (ed. AsÉad Ṭalas) idem, TaʾrÄ«kh al-IslÄm, Cairo 1367, iii, 143â5
idem, ḤuffÄáº, Hyderabad 1375/1955, i, 43â4 al-Fa l b. al-Ḥasan al-ṬabarsÄ«, IÊ¿lÄm al-warÄ bi-aÊ¿lÄm al-hudÄ, ed. ÉAlÄ« Akbar alG̲h̲affÄrÄ«, Tehran 1338, 58, 210, 253, 262â3 FurÄt al-KÅ«fÄ«, TafsÄ«r, Nadjaf n.d., 77, 101, 174, 175, 176, 192â3, 205, 220 al-ḤÄkim, al-Mustadrak, Hyderabad 1342, iii, 202â4, 564â6 HÄshim b. SulaymÄn al-BaḥrÄnÄ« al-TawbalÄ« al-KatakÄnÄ«, al-BurhÄn fÄ« tafsÄ«r al-ḲurʾÄn, Ḳumm 1394, i, 305, 522, 563, ii, 127â8, 442, iii, 146â7, 239â40, iv, 148, 245, 490, 491 Ibn ÉAbd al-Barr, al-IstÄ«Ê¿Äb, Cairo 1380/1960, i, 219â20, no. 286 Ibn AÉtham al-KÅ«fÄ«, K. al-Futūḥ, Hyderabad 1391/1971, iv, 57 Ibn ÉAsÄkir, TaʾrÄ«kh (tahd̲h̲īb), Damascus 1329 f., iii, 386â91 Ibn al-AthÄ«r, Usd al-ghÄba, Cairo 1280, i, 256â8 Ibn BÄbawayh, AmÄlÄ«, Nadjaf 1389/1970, 16, 19â20, 47, 68, 79, 85, 108, 110, 119, 215â 16, 244, 297, 315â16 Ibn Ḥadjar, TahdhÄ«b al-TahdhÄ«b, Hyderabad 1325, ii, 42â3, no. 67, vi, 153, no. 309, vii, 253, no. 461, ix, 90, no. 117 idem, al-Iá¹£Äba, Cairo 1392/1972, i, 434â5, no. 1027, iv, 189â90, no. 4841 Ibn HishÄm, Cairo 1355/1936, indices Ibn Ḥazm, DjawÄmiÊ¿ al-sÄ«ra, ed. IḥsÄn ÉAbbÄs and NÄá¹£ir al-DÄ«n al-Asad, Cairo n.d., index
idem, Djamharat ansÄb al-Ê¿arab, Cairo 1962, 359 Ibn al-ÉImÄd, ShadharÄt al-dhahab, Cairo 1350, i, 84 Ibn SaÉd, ṬabaḳÄt, index Ibn Ḳutayba, MaÊ¿Ärif, Cairo 1960, index Pseudo-Ibn Ḳutayba, al-ImÄma wa ʾl-siyÄsa, Cairo 1378/1967, i, 183 Ibn ShahrÄshÅ«b, ManÄḳib Äl AbÄ« ṬÄlib, Nadjaf 1376/1956, passim Ibn ṬÄwÅ«s, al-LuhÅ«f Ê¿alÄ á¸³atlÄ Ê¾l-á¹ufÅ«f, Tehran 1348, 196 IbrÄhÄ«m b. Muḥammad al-Bayhaḳī, al-MaḥÄsin wa ʾl-masÄwÄ«, Cairo 1380/1961, index IbrÄhÄ«m b. MarÉÄ« al-ShabrakhÄ«tÄ«, Sharḥ Ê¿alÄ Ê¾l-arbaÊ¿Ä«n ḥadÄ«th(!) al-nawawiyya, Beirut n.d., 86 IsmÄÉÄ«l b. Muḥammad al-ÉAdjlÅ«nÄ« al-DjarrÄḥī, Kashf al-khafÄʾ wa-muzÄ«l al-ilbÄs Ê¿ammÄ Ê¾shtahara min al-aḥÄdÄ«th Ê¿alÄ alsinat al-nÄs, Cairo 1351 (repr.), i, 265, no. 827 al-ÉIá¹£ÄmÄ«, Simá¹ al-nudjÅ«m al-Ê¿awÄlÄ«, Cairo 1380, ii, 331, 423, 475, 482, 485, 492, iii, 91â 2, 144 al-Khaá¹Ä«b al-BaghdÄdÄ«, MÅ«á¸iḥ awhÄm al-djamÊ¿ waʾl-tafrīḳ, Hyderabad 1378/1959, i, 395, 398 KhalÄ«fa b. KhayyÄá¹, TaʾrÄ«kh, ed. al-ÉUmarÄ«, Nad̲j̲af 1386/1967, index KhalÄ«l b. Aybak al-á¹¢afadÄ«, Nakt al-himyÄn, Cairo 1329/1911, 132â3 al-KishshÄ«, RidjÄl, Nad̲j̲af n.d., 42â5, 113â4
al-KulaynÄ«, al-KÄfÄ« (al-uṣūl), Tehran 1388, i, 242, 442â4 al-MÄmaḳÄnÄ«, Tanḳīḥ al-maḳÄl fÄ« aḥwÄl al-ridjÄl, Nadjaf 1349, 199â200, no. 1569 al-MadjlisÄ«, BiḥÄr al-anwÄr, Tehran 1385 f., passim al-MasÉÅ«dÄ«, IthbÄt al-waá¹£iyya, Nadjaf 1374/1955, 165â6, 173 al-DjahshiyÄrÄ«, K. al-wuzarÄʾ waʾl-kuttÄb, Cairo 1938, 21 Muḥammad b. Aḥmad al-Ahdal al-ḤusaynÄ« al-MarÄwiÉÄ«, Bughyat ahl al-athar fÄ« man ittafaḳa lahu wa-li-abÄ«hi á¹£uḥbat sayyid al-bashar, Cairo 1347, 36, l. 2 Muḥammad b. al-FattÄl al-NaysÄbÅ«rÄ«, Rawá¸at al-wÄÊ¿iáºÄ«n, Nadjaf 1386/1966, 202â3, 206, 271 Muḥammad b. ḤabÄ«b, al-Muḥabbar, Hyderabad 1361/1942, index Muḥammad b. al-Ḥasan al-ÉÄmilÄ«, al-DjawÄhir al-saniyya fÄ« ʾl-aḥÄdith al-ḳudsiyya, Nadjaf 1384/1964, 201â9, 242â3, 256â7, 265â6, 304 (see the tradition on p. 304 in DaylamÄ«'s Firdaws al-akhbÄr, Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 167a, ll. 8â9) Muḥammad b. Abi Él-ḲÄsim al-ṬabarÄ«, BishÄrat al-muá¹£tafÄ li-shÄ«Ê¿at al-murtaá¸Ä, Nadjaf 1383/1963, 19â20, 23, 40, 65, 66â7, 74, 101, 133, 137â9, 145, 158, 183, 187, 190â2 Muḥammad NawawÄ« b. ÉUmar al- j̲ÄwÄ«, TarghÄ«b al-mushtÄḳīn li-bayÄn manáºÅ«mat alsayyid al-barzandjÄ« Zayn al-Ê¿ÄbidÄ«n, Cairo n.d., 40 Muḥammad b. YaḥyÄ al-MÄlaḳī, al-TamhÄ«d wa ʾl-bayan fÄ« maḳtal al-shahÄ«d Ê¿UthmÄn, Beirut 1964, index
al-Muḥibb al-ṬabarÄ«, al-RiyÄḠal-naá¸ira fÄ« manÄḳib al-Ê¿ashara, Cairo 1372/1953, ii, 203, 222, 265, 296 idem, DhakhÄʾir al-Ê¿uḳbÄ fÄ« manÄḳib dhawÄ« ʾl-ḳurbÄ, Cairo 1356, 66, 70â1, 85, 91, 95, 96, 119, 129, 176 NÅ«r al-DÄ«n al-HaythamÄ«, MadjmaÊ¿ al-zawÄʾid wa-manbaÊ¿ al-fawÄʾid, Beirut 1967 (reprint) ix, 7, 11â12, 87, 88, 172, 317, x, 9â10 á¹¢afÄ« al-DÄ«n al-KhazradjÄ«, KhulÄá¹£at tadhhÄ«b tahdhÄ«b al-kamÄl fÄ« asmÄʾ al-ridjÄl, Cairo 1391/1971, i, 156, no. 973 al-Shaykh al-MufÄ«d, al-Ikhtiá¹£Äá¹£, Nadjaf 1390/1971, 2, 56â7, 195, 196, 205â6 idem, al-IrshÄd, Nadjaf 1381/1962, 254 inf., 262 idem, al-AmÄlÄ«, Nadjaf n.d., 39, 41, 48, 74, 98, 100, 111, 112 al-ṬabarÄ«, TaʾrÄ«kh, index al-ṬayÄlisÄ«, Musnad, Hyderabad 1321, 232â48, nos. 1667â1801 al-WaḳidÄ«, MaghÄzÄ«, ed. Marsden Jones, Oxford 1966, index YaÉḳūb b. SufyÄn al-FasawÄ«, al-MaÊ¿rifa wa ʾl-taʾrÄ«kh, Ms. Esad Ef. 2391, fols. 5b, 13b al-YaÉḳūbÄ«, TaʾrÄ«kh, index E. Kohlberg, An unusual ShÄ«Ê¿Ä« isnÄd, in Israel Oriental Studies, v (1975), 142â9 U. Rubin, Pre-existence and light, in ibid., 99, n. 86, 115 n. 22 Sezgin, GAS, i, 85, no. 3.
[Print Version: Volume XII, page 230, column 1] Citation: Kister, M. J. âDjÄbir b. ÉAbd AllÄh b. ÉAmr b. ḤarÄm b. KaÉb b. Ghanm b. Salima, AbÅ« ÉAbd AllÄh (or AbÅ« ÉAbd al-RaḥmÄn, or AbÅ« Muḥammad) al-SalamÄ« al-KhazradjÄ« alAná¹£ÄrÄ«.â Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman; Th. Bianquis; C.E. Bosworth; E. van Donzel; and W. P. Heinrichs.
la_tashabbahu.pdf "DO NOT ASSIMILATE YOURSELVES ... " La tashabbahu ... The sweeping victories gained by the Muslim forces during their conquests in Syria, Iraq and Persia, and their speedy advance in these vast areas, brought about a meeting between the Muslims and the native peoples of those areas. It is, therefore, evident that new principles had to be established in order to guide the Muslim community in its relations with Christians, Jews and Magians. Basing themselves on interpretations of Qur'anic verses, Muslim scholars stated that Jews and Christians were to be considered unbelievers.1 Very early commentators of the Qur'an interpreted the verse: "And confound not truth with falsehood ... " (wa-la talbisu l-haqqa bi-l-batili -- Qur'an II, 43) as constituting a warning to the believers not to mix Islam with (the precepts and injunctions of -- K) Judaism and Christianity.2 Many of the traditions touching upon this subject
See, e.g., 'Abd al-Jabbar, Tanzih al-qur'an 'ani l-mata'in, Beirut ed., pp. 118-119 (cf. p. ll8, 13. wa-dhalika sifatu l-yahudi wa-hum kuffar ... ); Muqatil, Tafsir, MS. Ahmet III, 74-2, fol. 2llb. ( ... wa-dhalika anna 1- yahuda wa-l-nasara yusl!rikuna fi salatihim fi l-biya'i wa-l-kana'isi ... ). There is however a difference between the unbelief of the People of the Book and that of those who associate idols with God (al-mushrikun); the latter are stronger in their unbelief ( ... Ii-anna kufra l-mushrikina aghla~u min kufri ahli l-kitabi ... ); Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Al;lkam ahli l-dhimma, ed. Subbi al-Salib, Damascus 1381/1961,I, 10. 2 Yabya b. Salam, Tafsir, Mukhtasar Ibn Zaman in, Ms. Fas, Qarawiyyin no. 40-34, p. 8 (. .. qala qatada: ya'ni la takhliru l-islama bi-l-yahudiyyati wa-l-naSraniyyati ); al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, Cairo 138711967, I, 341-342 (see p. 341, 1.3 la talbisu l-yahudiyyata wa-l-naSraniyyata bi-l-islami wa-qad 'alimtum anna dina llahi lladhi la yuqbalu ghayruhu wa-la yujza ilia bihi l-islamu wa-anna l-yahudiyyata wa-l-nasraniyyata bid'atun wa-laysat min allahi .. .); Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, Beirut 1385/1966, I, 146; al-Tabari, Tafsir (= Jami' al-bayan 'an ta'wil al-qur'an), ed. Mabmiid and Abmad Shiikir, Cairo n.d., I, 568, no. 825 (and see another interpretation ibid. no. 826:
322 were scrutinized by I. Goldziher.' The Muslim community was enjoined to observe strictly the injunctions of the Qur'an and to follow faithfully the sunna of the Prophet. Jahili customs and usages were to be abandoned. Thus the prayers performed at sunrise and sunset, when the polytheistic unbelievers ial=mushrikun) used to prostrate themselves to the sun, were forbidden. The sun rises and sets clasped between the two horns of the Devil.' Jahili
al-haqq is rendered by: al-tauriu lladhi (!) anzala llahu 'ala musa and al-batil by alladhi katabidu: bi-aydlhim); al-Samarqandi, Taf sir, Ms. Chester Beatty, 3668, I, fol. 16 b; al-Shaukani, Fatl) ai-qadir al-jami' bayna [annayi I-riwaya wa-l-diraya min 'ilmi l-taisir, Beirut n.d. I, 76; Abu Hayyan, Tafsir al-bahr at-mubit, Cairo 1328, I, 179; and see Muhammad b. Abi Bakr al-Riizi, Masa'il al-riizi wa-ajwibatuha, Cairo 1381/1961,p.5 ... li+anna l-murada bi-talblsihim al-haqqa bi-l-biuili kitiibatuhum fi l-tauriui mii laysa minhii ... ; Muqiitil, Tafsir, ed. 'Abdallah Shahata, Cairo 1969, I, 34: ... thumma qiila li-I-yahiidi wa-Ia t albi sii ... wa=dhiilika anna I-yahuda yuqirrisna bi-ba'4i amri muhammadin wa-yaktumuna badan. 3 See, e.g., I. Goldziher, "Ober jiidische Sitten und Gebrauche aus muhammedanischen Schriften," MGW J, vol. XXIX, (1880),302-365; idem, "Usages Juifs d'apres la litterature religieuse des Musulmans," REJ, XXVIII (1894) 75-94; and see the comprehensive study on this subject published recently: Albrecht Noth, "Abgrenzungsprobleme zwischen Muslimen und nicht-Muslimen: Die "Bedingungen 'Umars (al-shurul al-t umariyva)" unter einem anderen Aspekt gelesen,"JSAl, IX [1987] 290-315. 4 See e.g. 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, ed. Habibu l-Rabrnan al-A'zami, Beirut, 139211972, II, 424-434 (al-sa'atu llatl yukrahu fiha I-saliuut; according to some traditions prayer in the middle of the day is also reprehensible: see e.g. al-Daylami, Firdaus ai-akhbiir, Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 186a ... la tusalli: 'inda lulu'i l-shamsi, [a-innaha tatlo'« bayna qarnay shaytiinin, fa-yasjudu laha kullu kafirin, wa-Ia 'i nd a ghurubiha f a-innana t aghr ubu bayna qarnay shaYlanin, [a-yas judu lahii kullu kafirin, wa-Ia wasala l-nahari [a-innaha tasiuru [ahannama 'inda dhiilika ... ; al-Suyiitl, Jam' al-jawami', Cairo 1978, I, 895; Ibn Taymiyya, l qtidii' al-sirat al-mustaqim, mukhalafatu a$l)ab al=jahim, ed. Muhammad l;Iiimid al-Fiqi, Cairo 1369/1950, p. 135-136; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, Hyderabad 1355, repro Beirut, II, 453-455; al-Haythami, Majma' al-zawa'id wa-manba al-fawa'id, Beirut
"Do not assimilate yourselves ... "
323
during the tawat were rejected and forbidden.' The of bewailing the dead, which were considered' to be a of Jahiliyya customs, were also forbidden." Bedouin greeting were to be given up. When al-Zubayr came to Prophet in his illness and greeted him by saying iaalani llahu. tidaka, the Prophet rebuked him by saying that he had not yet given up his bedouin manners (ma tarakta a'r abi yyataka ba'du}.1 The meal consumed after the funeral practices practices remnant forms of visit the
1967, II, 493; Muhammad l;Iabibullah al-Shinqiti, zs« at-muslim fima 'alayhi l-bukhiiri wa-muslim, Cairo 1387/1967, I, 134, nos. 347-348; al-Munawi, Fayd ai-qadir, sharb ai- jami' al-saghir, Beirut 139111972, V, 318-319, nos. 9408-9409; Ibn Kathir, al= Bi dii y a wa-l=nihaya, Beirut-al-Riyad 1966, I, 62; al-'Ayni, 'Umdat al-qiiri, Cairo 1348, XV, 192; al-Zamakhshari, al-Fii'iq, ed. Muhammad Abu I-Fal;il Ibrahim and 'Ali al-Bijawi, Cairo 1971, III, 179; CA, s.v. qrn; al-Majlisi, Bi/Jar ai-anwar, Tehran, 1392, LXXXII, 254, sup.; ai-Muttaqi al-Hindi, Kanz al='ummal, Hyderabad, 1395/1975, VIII. 124, no. 881; al-Tabarani, ai-Mu'jam al-kabir, ed. Hamdi 'Abd ai-Majid al-Silafi, n.p., 1405/1985, I, 352, no. 1070, VII, 227, no. 6946, 234, nos. 6973-6974, VIII, 62, no. 7344; al-Busiri, Mi$ba/Ju l-zuja]« tt zawiiidi bni majah. ed. Musa Muhammad 'Ali and 'Izzat 'Ali 'Atiyya, 'Cairo 1983, I, 412, no. 1253; Ibn Khuzayma, $a/Ji/J, ed. Muhammad Mustafa l-A'zami, Beirut 1395/1975, II, 256-257, nos. 1273, 1275. 5 See e.g. Ibn Taymiyya, Iqtidii', pp. 124-125; cf. M.J. Kister, "Concessions and conduct," in G.H. Juynboll (ed.), Studies on the first century of I slamic society, Southern Illinois University Press, 1982, pp. 100-103; and see U. Rubin, "The Ka'ba, Aspects of its ritual functions and position in pre-Islamic and early Islamic times," JSAl, VIII (1986), 97-131. 6 See e.g. Ibn Abi Shayba, at-Musanna], ed. 'Abd al-Khaliq al-Afghiini, Hyderabad 1388/1968, III, 389-390 (but see ib. p. 391 sup.: the niya/Ja permitted). And see about the forbidden practices of the wailing women ib. p. 290 sup.: anna rasida lliihi ts] la'ana man halaqa w a+kh ar aqa w a=s al aq a ... ; ib. anna r asiil a llahi ts) la'ana t-khamishata wajhahii wa-l-shaqqata jaybahii ... ;) and see al-Biisir i, Mi$ba/J ai-zujaja fi zawiiidi bni miijah, I, 518-520, nos. 1580-1583,521, no. 1585. 7 Miilik b. Anas, Risiil a f i I-sunan wa-l=mawii'i z wa-l=iidiib, ed. 'Abdallah Ahmad Abu Zina, Cairo 1403/1983, p. 44.
ttafaqa
324 was considered a Jahili practice," Ibn 'Umar refrained from praying in a mosque embellished with merlons ishurutiu) and gave an order to pull down the merlons because they were reminiscent of the idol stones iansab) of Mecca," The main concern of the religious leaders of the Muslim society was to establish some barrier between the Muslim community and the communities of the Jews, Christians and Magians. This separation was to be upheld in the various spheres of social relations, as well as in rites and customs. In the very early period after the death of the Prophet some young boys kept their side curls uncut. Anas b. Malik was enraged when he saw a young boy with such curls and ordered him to shave them immediately, because this was the fashion of the Jews,'? The Prophet told his daughter Fatima to pierce the lobes of the ears of al-Hasan and al-Husayn, in order to differentiate them from the usage of the Jews," Some scholars maintained that
(al-fa'am 'ala l-mayyit) 8 Ibn Abi-Shayba, at-Musannaf, III. 290. inf.; and see 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, III. 550. no. 6664 ... 'an saidi bni jubayr qala: thaliuhun min 'amali l-jahiliyyati: al-niya/:latu wa-l=ta'iimu 'ala l-may yiti wa-baytiaatu l-mar'ati 'inda ahli l-mayyiti laysat minhum ; and see al-Bii$iri, al-Zujii]«, I, 535, no. 1612. 9 Ibn Taymiyya, lqti4a'. p. 132, info 10 Ibn Taymiyya, I qtida', pp. 131, inf.-132 sup.; and see L 'A S.V. qss; Ibn al-Athir, al-Nihaya [i gharibi I-hadlth, ed. Mahmiid Muhammad al-Tanahi, Cairo 1385/1965, IV. 71, S.V. qss; idem. Jiimi' al-usid min ahiidlthi l-rasid, ed. Muhammad l;liimid al-Fiqi, Cairo 1368/1949, V, 424, no. 2893. 11 Ibn Biibiiyah al-Qummi, Man la ya/:l4uruhu l-f aqih. ed. Hasan al-Miisawi al-Khursiin, Beirut 140111981,III, 319, no. 1534;and see the description of Sufyiin al-Thauri as a young man with an earring in his ear: Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kamil [i au'ala'i l-rijiil, al-Muqaddima, ed. Subhi I-Badr i l-Samarr a'I, Bagdad 1977, p. 156; and see al-Mundhiri, al-Targhib wa-i-tarhib, ed. MUQyi l-Din 'Abd al-Hamid, Cairo, 1381/1961,IV. 223. no. 3182:... wa-inna [i udhuni Ia-qurtayni, wa-ana ghuliim ... ; and see the opinion of Miilik b. Anas in 'Abdallah b. Abi Zayd al-Qayrawiini, al-Jami' [i l+sunan wa-l-adab wa-l=maghazi wa=l=t a'r i kh, ed. Muhammad Abii I-Ajfiin and 'Uthman Bitt ikh, Tunis-Beirut 140211982, p. 231:... wa=akrahu l-qurta mina l=dhahabi li-l-ghilmani i-sighar.
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performing circumcision on the seventh day after a boy's birth is disliked, as this may indicate an assimilation to a Jewish custom." Orthodox scholars were unwilling to instruct people to avoid work on Friday, considering this to be too close to the usage of the Jews and the Christians who do not work on Saturday and Sunday respectively," The believers were enjoined to refrain from placing their hands on the tombs or kissing them when visiting a cemetery; it was considered a Jewish custom." The Prophet ordered the believers not to greet each other in the way observed by Jews and Christians: the Jews greet each other by raising their fingers, the Christians by raising their hands," Some traditions attributed to the Prophet claimed that he forbade shaking hands with dhimmi s. The prohibition is explained by commentators by saying that the dhimmi s are
12 See 'Abdallah b. Abi Zayd al-Qayrawiini, al-Lami', pp. 208 ult.-209 sup.... qala miilik: wa-Ia yu'jibuni an yukhtana l-sabiyyu bnu sab'ati ayyam, wa-hadha fi'lu I-yahud ... [but see the note of the editors, ib.l; and see Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Zad al-maiid fi hadyi khayri I-'ibad, Beirut, n.d. II, 4. 13 See al-Turtiishi, al-Hawaditn wa-t-bida', ed. Muhammad al-Talibi, Tunis 1959,p. 133:... wa-qata malik [i l-mudawwana inna bada ao$/;lab ai-nabiy yi (0$) kanu yakrahiina an yatruka l-rajulu I-'amaia yauma i-jumu'a kama tarakati i-yahudu wa-i-nao$ara [i yaumi l+sabti wa-l-ahadi ; and cf. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Zad al-maad, I, 115. 14 'Abd al-Qiidir al-Jiliini, al-Ghuny a li-tiilibi tari qa l-haqqi 'azza wa-jalla, Cairo 1322, I, 44: ... wa-idha zara qabran ia yada' yadahu 'alayhi wa-ia yuqabbilhu, [a-innahu 'iidatu I-yahud ... 15 AI-Muniiwi, Fayd, VI, 402, no. 9798: ... ia tusallimis taslima l-yahiuii wa-l-nasara, [a-inna tasllmahum isharatun bi-I-kufufi wa-l-hawaiibi. (And see the comments of al-Muniiwi, ib); AI-Muniiwi, Fayd, V, 384, no. 7679: ... laysa minna man tashabbaha bi-ghayrinii, ia tashabbahii bi-t-yahiidi wa-Ia bi-l=nasarii [a-inna taslima I-yahudi l-isharatu bi-t-asiibi' wa-tasllma l-nasarii l-ishiiratu bi-t-akuifi ; Ibn Taymiyya, al-Lqtida; p. 85; al-Suyiiti, Jam' al-jawami', I, 684; Ibn al-Athir, Jami' al-usid, VII, 388, no. 4861; Abii Ya'Ia, Musnad, ed. Husayn Salim Asad, Beirut 140411984, III, 397, no. 1875; Ibn al-Qaysariini, M a'rif ai al-tadhkira fi l-ahadithi l-maudiia, ed. 'Imiid al-Din Ahmad Haydar, Beirut 1406/1985, p. 139, no. 387; Fawii'i d min kaliimi bni rajab, Majmii'a, Ms. Hebrew University AP. Ar. 8* 158, fol. 104a = Ms.
326 unbelievers, kuffar, and therefore do not deserve to have their hands shaken. The Muslims, on the other hand, are brethren, and they have to greet each other with the shaking of hands and with the greeting of salami" Malik b. Anas, however, did not see any wrong in shaking hands with Jews and Christians,"? Similar in content were some traditions traced to Ibn 'Abbas. Had Pharao greeted me by saying, "May God bless you", I would answer, "And you". "And Pharao is dead already", added Ibn 'Abbas," Ibn 'Abbas is said to have recommended that the greeting of a Jew, a Christian or a Magian be answered in a proper manner; he based himself on Sura IV, 86: And when you are greeted with a greeting, greet with a fairer than it, or return it; surely God keeps a watchful count over everything, which in his opinion referred to believers and to unbelievers alike." A tradition traced to Abii Musa al-Ash'ari, who is said to have answered in a due manner the greeting of a dihqan in a letter sent to him, displays the same attitude." Some traditions enjoin that the response of a believer to the greeting of the People of the Book be confined to the utterance "And upon you"; this concise response was justified by the fact that the Jews greeted the Prophet by saying at-sam 'alayka, and the Prophet ordered that the malediction of the Jews be answered
Laurenziana, Or. 197, fol. 94a; Goldziher, Uber jUdische Siuen, p. 355. 16 Al-Hakim al-Tirmidhi, al-Manhiyyat, ed. Muhammad al-Sa'Id Zaghliil, Beirut 1405/1985, p. 76 sup.; comp, al-Muniiwi, Fay4, VI, 350, no. 9569: nahi: an yusafaha I-mushrikiina au yuknau au yuraMaba bihim (and see ib; the comments of al-Munawl); and see 'Abd al-Qadir al-Jiliini, al-Ghunya, I, 44. 17 Malik b. Anas, Risiila, p. 44. 18 Fal,llu lliihi al-Jiliini, Fa41u llahi l-samad taudihi l=adabi l-muirad li-abi 'abdi llahi muhammadi bni ismiilla l-bukhiiri, Hims, 1388/1969, II, 555, no. lIB; al-Tabarani, al-Mu'jam al-kabir, X, 319,no. 10609. 19 AI-Jiliini, op.cit., II, 549, no. 1107; and see: Mabmiid Muhammad al-Zabidi, 'Uqiid al-jawahir al-munifa, ed. Wahbi Sulaymiin al-Albiini, Beirut 1406/1985, II, 151ult.-152. 20 Al-Jiliini, op.cit; II, 544, inf.-545, sup.
rt
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by the ominous: wa-'alaykum.21 Several traditions enjoined upon Muslims not to be the first to greet Jews and Christiansf? this injunction was often coupled with the utterance of the Prophet in which it was said that Jews and Christians encountered on a road should be forced to the narrowest part of the way.23 In another tradition, the list of people from whom one should withhold one's greeting includes Jews, Christians, Zoroastrians, wine drinkers, people who cast doubts on the
21 AI- nuer, op.cit., II, 545, no. 1102, II, 548, nos. 1105-1106,II, 553, no. 1ll0; Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Dinawari (Ibn al-Sunni), 'Amal ai-yaum wa-l-tayla; Hyderabad 1358, p. 67; Ibn al-Athlr, Jiimi' al-usul, VII, 389-392, nos. 4863-4866; Malik b. Anas,Risala, p. 44; al-Ja$$i~, Ahkam al-Qur'an, Qustantiniyya, 1338, III, 427; Abu Ya'li, Musnad, V, 295, no. 2916, 410, no. 3089, 425, no. 3114, 445, no. 3153,478, no. 3214; ai-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz; IX, 68, no. 646, 69, no. 660, 70, nos. 672, 675; Goldziher, Ober jicdisck« Siuen, p. 308; al-Da'I Thiqat at-Imam, al-Majalis al-mustansiriyya, ed. Muhammad Kamil Husayn, n.p., n.d., p. 109; 'Ala' al-Dln 'Ali b. Balaban al-Farisl, al-Ihsan [i taqrib sahihi bni hibban, ed. Shu'ayb al-Ama'iit, Beirut 1404/1984, II, 220, no. 503. 22 AI-Ja~~i~, op.cit., III, 427: ... qii!« abu bakrin l i.e. al-Jassas]: wa-innama kuriha al-ibtida'u li-anna t-saiam« min tahiyyati ahli l+lannati fa-kuriha an yubda'a bihi l-kafiru idh laysa min ahliha wa-la yukrahu l-radda 'ala wajhi I-mukafa'ati ... ; al-Jilini, op.cit .. II, 545, no. 1102;Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kamil fi du'afa'i I-rijal, VII, 2237-2238; Abu Ya'li, Musnad, II, 236, no. 936; al-Muniwi, Fay4, VI, 386, no. 9726; al-Tabaranl, al-Mu'jam al-kablr, II, 277-278, nos. 2162-2164; I. Goldziher, Uber jiJdische Siuen, p. 307. 23 AI-Jilani, op.cit., II, 547, no. 1103, 554, no. 1111;al-Muniwi, Fay4, VI, 386, no. 9726; al-Suyuti, Jam' al-jawamt, I, 87; Ibn al-Sunni, 'Amal, p. 67; Ibrahim b. 'Ali al-Fayruzabadi ai-Shirazi, al-Muhadhdhab [i [iqhi /-imami I-shafi'i, Beirut 1379/1959 (repr.), II, 255; Ibn al-Athir, Jami' al-usul, VII, 392, no. 4867; al-Jassds, Ahkam, III, 427; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Zad al-maiid, II, 27 [and see the different views of the Muslim scholars on this subject, ib.1; al-Fayrjiziibddf, Sifr al-sa'ada, Beirut 1398/1978, p. 103; Muhammad Mustafi 'Azmi [= al-A'zaml], Studies in early lJadith Literature, Beirut 1968, Ar. text, p. 20, no. 29 and pp. 80-81 lthe assessment of the traditionl
328 pedigree of people's mothers and players of chess." In one of the pious utterances the believer is recommended to utter the formula of the oneness of God when looking at a church or a synagogue, on hearing the sound of a horn ish abur) or a church-bell (niiqus) or when looking at a group of unbelievers, Jews or Christians," Scholars devoted some attention to the problem of how to deal with a greeting given by mistake, that is, if a Muslim responded to the greeting of a dhimmi but later realized that he had made amistake, he would often come back and ask him to "give him back" the greeting." In one case of this kind the reason for asking the response to the greeting to be "given back" is formulated as follows: the mercy of God and His blessing are reserved exclusively for the Muslims; therefore the believer ('Uqba b. 'Amir al-Juhani) substituted the invocation "May God expand the span of your life tata!« llahu hayataka) and multiply takthara) your wealth and children" to the conventional response to a greeting.i" The reason why one should avoid a greeting which contained a reference to the "Mercy of God" was that the blessing to someone who sneezed had been changed because of the Jews. The latter would present themselves to the Prophet sneezing, and would expect the Prophet to say, "May God have mercy upon you trahimakumu lliihu)", but the Prophet used to say: "May God lead you to the right way (yahdikumu lliihu wa-yuslihu biilakum)."28 It is similarly forbidden to use the
24 AI-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz, IX, 132, no. 1099; al-Dhahabi, Mizan al-i'tidal, II, 417, no. 4296. 25 'Abd al-Qadir al-Jilanl, al-Ghunya, I, 47 ... wa-yustahabbu id/.la ra'a bay'atan au kanisatan ... an yaqida: ashhadu an la iliiha ilia liahu wahdahu la sharika lahu ilahan wa/.lidan la ndbudu ilia iyyahu. 26 Al-Jfldn], op.cit., II, 555, no. 1115; . Goldziher, Ueber juedische Sitten, p. I 308. 27 AI-Jilani, op.cit; II, 554, no. 1112;al-Dhababi, Mizan al-i'tidiu, II, 401, no. 4247: idha daautum li-ahadin mina l+yahiuii au al-nasarii fa-qulu: akthara lliihu miilaka wa-wuldaka. 28 AI-Jilani, op.cit., II, 555, no. 1ll4; Ibn al-Sunni, "Amal, p. 72; Ibn al-Athir, Jam;' al-usid, VII, 400, no. 4888.
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formula salamu llahi 'alaykum when writing to non-Muslims; the formula to be used should be al=salamu 'ala man ittabaa I-huda; this formula was used by the Prophet in his letter to Musaylima." The believers were warned of adoption of ideas and customs of Jews and Christians and were enjoined not to follow them in their practices and rites. But it is worthwhile to notice that the Prophet himself is said to have followed the practices and rituals of the People of the Book until ordered by God to act differently."
29 Malik b. Anas, Risala, p. 40. 30 See e.g. al-Haziml, al-I'tibar [i bayiini l-nasikhi wa-l-mansiikhi mina l=akhbiir, Hyderabad 1359, p. 121:... Kana yat ashabbahu bi-ahli l-kitiibi, [a-lamma nusikha dhiilika wa-nuhiya 'anhu ntahii ... ; and see al-Tahawi, Shorb ma'iini l-Iuhiu; ed. Mahmiid Sayyid Jao al-Haqq, Cairo 1388/1968, I, 489: ... Kana yattabi'u ahla l-kitiibi I)atta yumaru bi-khilafi dhiilika ... li-anna hukmahu $alla lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallam an yak una 'ala shari'ati l-nabiyyi lladhi kana qablahu I)atta yuhdatha lahu shari'atun tansukhu ... ; and see ib. p. 490 the comment of 'Ali when the believers stood up at a funeral: "that [was so] while you were Jews", dhalika wa-antum yahudu ... ; al-Tahawi explains that 'Ali referred to the fact that they followed the shari'a of the Jews; later it was abrogated by Islam. And see ib. p. 389: the hairdress of the Prophet was like that of the Jews; it was later changed by the Prophet. And see Ibrahim al-Bajiir I, Hiishiy a 'ala l-shama'ili l-muhammadiy ya ... li-i-tirmidhi, Cairo 1344, p. 41: ... kana yasdilu sharahu ... wa-kana l-mushrikiina yafruqiina ru'usahum ... wa-kana yuhibbu muwafaqata ahli l-kitabi [ima lam yu'mar fihi bi-shay'in, ay fima lam yutlab fihi minhu shay'un 'ala jihati l-wu jiib! au al-nadbi; qala l-Qurtubi: wa-hubbuhu muwafaqatahum kana fi auwwali l-amri 'inda qudiimihi l=mad i nat a f i l=waqti lladhi kana yastaqbilu qiblat ahum [ihi li=t a'allufihim, f a-Iammii lam yanfa' [ihim dhiilika wa-ghalabat 'alayhim al-shaqwa amara bi-mukhiilafatihim [i umiirin kathiratin; wa-innama iuh ar a mahabb at a ahli l=kitiib] duna l=mushriki n l i+t am as suki ul a'ik a bi-b aqii y a sh arii'i'] l-rusuti, wa-ha'ula'i wathaniyyiu: ; and see the discussion concerning the shari'a followed by the Prophet in the period of the Jahiliyya before his Call: Ibn al-'Arabi, Tafsir at-qur'an (=Al)kam al-qur'im}, pp. 23-24; 'Abdallah b.
330 Believers were enjoined to refrain from disputes with the People of the Book as to the Torah, the Injil and the Zabiir, and from confirming their views; believers should affirm the truth of passages which are true, and which have been falsified or declared untrue (fa-tukadhdhibunahum) by the People of the Book. The believers were enjoined to believe only in the holy Book, i.e. the Qur'an," An extremist attitude towards the dhimmis is exposed in traditions which say that Jibril refrained from conveying the revelation to the Prophet and from touching his hand because the Prophet had touched the hand of a Jew. Only after the Prophet had performed the ritual ablution did Jibril shake his hand and convey the revelation to him.32 A similar tradition says that the Prophet advised Abii Hurayra not to shake hands with a Jew or a Christian after having performed the wudis'; if he shook hands with them, he would have to repeat the
Muhammad al-Sadiqi al-Ghimari, Takhri] al)adithi Huma' [i usuli l-liqh, ed. Yiisuf 'Abd al-Rahman al-Mar'ashll, Beirut 1405/1984, pp. 184-185; al-Zurqani, Sharh. al-mawahibi l-laduniyya, Cairo 1328, VII, 239-242: ... wa-qad ikhtalaf a l-'ulama'u hal kana 'alayhi l-saliuu wa-l+saliimu qabla ba'thatihi mutaabbidan bi-shar'i man qablahu am la ... ; and see Mughultay, ai-Zahr al-biisim [i sirat abi l-qiisim, MS. Leiden Or. 370, fol. 110 a-b: ... qala l-madhiri: ikhtalaf a l-nasu hal kana muia'abbidan qabla nubuwwatihi salta llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam bi-shari'atin am la ... 31 Al-Daylami, Firdaus al-akhbiir, Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 188 b, sup.; al-Tabarani, al-Mu'jam al-kabir, IX, 413, no. 9759. The utterance /a tusaddiqu ahla l=kitiibi is said to have been connected with a peculiar usage in the first stage of Islam, as reflected in the following report: .'. 'an abi hurayrata lrl qala: kana ahlu /-kitabi yaqra'una l=t aurata bi-l-cibrani y y ati wa-yulassirunaha li+ahli l=isliimi bi=l-c ar abi y y ati; [a+qiil a r asiue llahi l sl : /a t usaddi qk ahla l-kitabi ... ; see Ibn Hazm, al-Fisal fi lrmilal wa-/-ahwa'i wa-l-nihal, Cairo 1384/1964, II, 13sup.; cf. al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir [i l-tafsir bi-l-mathiir, Cairo 1314,II, 48. 32 Al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir, III, 227; al-Dhahabi, Mizan al-i'tidiil, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawf, Cairo 1382/1963, III, 299; I. Goldziher, Usages juifs, p. 76.
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ablution." Although scholars called upon Muslims to restrict their contacts with the People of the Book, the believers were urged to summon them to embrace Islam whenever they met them." The consensus of the Muslim scholars was that the precepts of Islam abrogated the injunctions of every religion which preceded Islam; God annulled the laws of the Torah, the Injil and the other religions, and made the laws of Islam incumbent upon mankind and upon the iinn.3s If the Torah or the Gospels are taken as booty during a military expedition, they should not be left to stand as they are, because these are books deliberately altered tmubaddalat and without any sanctity (Ill hurmata laM). The writing should therefore be scratched out, and the vellum or paper utilized in a proper fashion." It stands to reason that traces of Jewish and Christian rites and usages should be abrogated. The Prophet forbade believers to lean on their left when sitting during prayer. Such practices were labelled by the Prophet "the prayer of the Jews"." The believers were ordered not to sway during prayer from one side to the other in the manner of the Jews when they prayed"
33 Muhyi l-Din Ibn al-'Arabi, al-Wa,faya, Beirut n.d., p. 198;'Abd al-Qadir al-Jilani, al-Ghunya, I, 44 info 34 Muhyl l-Din Ibn al-'Arabi, al-Wa,faya, p.198. 35 Ibn Qayyirn al-Jauziyya, Al)kam, I, 259. 36 Ibrahim b. 'Ali al-Shirazi, al-Muhadhdhab, II, 241 info 37 AI-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz al-lummal, VII, 342, no. 2212, VIII, 97, no. 716, 98 nos. 717-718;al-Munawi, Fayd, VI, 345, no. 9536; al-Tabarani, ai-Mu'jam al-kabir, VII, 316, no. 7243: hadhihi [ilsatu l-maghdkbi 'alayhim. 38 AI-Muttaqi l-Hindi, Kanz, VIII, 129, no. 921: ... 'an ummi ruman qalat: ra'ani abii bakrin amilu fi l-saliui [a-zajarani zajratan kidtu ansarifu min saliui thumma qd!«: sami'tu rasida lIahi i sl yaqidu: idhii qiima ahadukum [i I-,faiati [a-l=yusakkin alrafahu wa-Ia yamilu mayla l-yahlidi, [a-inna taskina t-atrat! min tamami l-saliui ; al-Khalliil, ai-Musnad min masa'il ahmad b. mukammad b. hanbal, Ms. Br. Mus. Or. 2675, fol. 80a: ... wa-I-yahudu tanudu [i l-saliui, wa-kadhiilika
332 or when the Torah was unrolled." Muslim scholars disapproved of invocations at the minbar that were accompanied by the raising of hands and by loud noises; these were labelled taqlis al-yahud.40 Standing up and raising one's hands during the t aw a] was condemned as a Jewish custom. "Jews in the synagogues use such a practice", said 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. al-'A~, and advised the believers who used to follow this practice during the tawat to utter such invocations in their councils tmaiatis, not during the fawilf).41 Jews used to close their eyes
l-riifidatu ... 39 Ibn al-Athir. al-Nihaya, V, 124. s.v. nwd. 40 Al-Turtiishi, Kitiib al-hawiidith; p. 59 inf. [The text la tuqallis taqlisa I-yahud is interpreted by Malik (b. Anas) as denoting rising of the voice and rising of hands in invocation. Taqlis in this meaning could. however, not be traced in the standard dictionaries; but a very similar definition is given for taqlis (with a sin): alrtaqli s huwa raf'u l-sauti bi-l+dua'] wa-l-qirii'ati wa-ghiniii ; see e.g. L 'A. S.v. qls; and see ib. other interpretations of the verbl. According to tradition the Prophet was entertained by taqlis on the day of 'id at-fur: kana yuqallasu lahu yauma l-fitr ; this is rendered by al-Munawi by: ... yudrabu bayna yadayhi bi-I-duff wa-I-ghina'[al-Munawi. Fay d, V. 238. no. 7130]. Taqlis, entertainment. play. is said to have been practiced on two days of feasts in the period of the Jjihiliyya; it was replaced by the entertainment on the days of "id al-fitr and "id al-a4I:ta. [See e.g. al-Tahawi, Mushkil al-iuhlir, Hyderabad 1333. II. 2lll. Qays b. Sa'd b. 'Ubiida is said to have been astonished that this practice was abandoned after the death of the Prophet L .. shahidtu "idan bi-I-anbar, [a-qultu lahum: ma Ii la ariikum tuqallisisna kama kanu yuqallisiina 'ala 'ahdi rasuli llahi (s); al-Tahawl, M ushkil, II, 209]. A similar utterance is attributed to 'Iyac;l al-Ash'ari Ial-Suyiiti, Jam' ai-jawiimi', II, 586, inf.l. 'Iyac;l stresses that the taqlis is a sunna lf a-innahu sunnatunl ; the word taqlls is explained by Yiisuf b. 'Adiyy as an entertainment in which girls and boys used to sit on the roads playing drums and other instruments lib. II, 586, penult., and cf. al-Tabawl, Mushkil, II, 212, sup.l And see on taqti s in the time of the Prophet: Ibn al-Athir, U sd al-ghiiba, IV, 164 and Ibn l:Iajar, al-Isaba, IV, 756. no. 6143. 41 About raising of hands during prayers and invocations see: al-Dhahabi, Mizan al-i'tidal, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawi, Cairo 138211963, III, 429, no. 7036: man raiaa yadayhi [i l-saliu fa-Ia salata lahu; and see
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during their prayers; this practice forbidden in Islam.P Two features
was disliked and even of Jewish prayer, the
Ibn Hibban al-Busti, Kitab al-majruhin, ed. Mahmiid Ibrahim Ziiyid, n.p. 1976, III, 46, 11.1-2; bn al-Qaysarani, Ma'rifat al-tadhkira, p. 85, no. I 17: ... a-r a'ayt um r af' akum a y di y akum fi l+saliiti innahli la-bid'atun; and see the various versions of this utterance: al-Bustl, al-Majruhin, I, 186:... bid'atun, yani ilii udhunayhi; ma zada rasidu. llahi 'ala hadha, ya'ni thadyayhi ... wa+auma'a hammiid ila thad y ayhi ... ; wa-l=arabu tusammi l=salata ,du'a'an, f a-khabaru hammiidin hadha a-ra'aytum raf'akum aydiyakum [i l-saliui' ariida bihi "fi l-dua'!" ... ma rajaa nabiyyu llahi ts) yadayhi [auqa sadrihi fi I-du'a' ... ; and see a l-Biisfr i, Mi$bahu I-zujaja, I, 299, no. 860: ... ra'aytu rasida llahi (s) yarfdu yadayhi fi l+saliui hadhwa mankib a yhi hl na y af t at ihu t-saliaa wa-hi na yarka't« wa-hina y as judu ... ; and see another tradition ib. pp. 299-301. Cf. Ibn al-Qaysariini, Mo'rif atu l-tadhkira, p. 153,no. 451:... raaytu l-nabiyya is) kana idhii raf aa ra'sahu mina l-sajdati I-ilia rajaa yadayhi tilqa'a w a jhihi ; and see ib. p, 117, no. 233: ... kana idha raka'a raf a'a yadayhi la yujawizu bihimii udhunayhi wa-qala: al-shaytanu yarfau yadayhi [auqa rasihi; and see Ibn Hibban al-Busti, al-Majruhin, I, 316: ... inna l-shaytana hina ukhri]a mina l+jannati raf'a yadayhi fauqa ra'sihi; and see this tradition: Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kamil fi 4u'afa'i l-riiii! III, 1224; al-Tabarani, ai-Mu'jam al-kabir, IX, 300-301, nos. 9298-9300; and see the scrutiny of the different versions of the tradition of rising the hands: Murtada I-Zabidi, 'Uqudu 1-[awiihiri l-munif a, ed. Wahbi Sulayman al-Albiini, Beirut 1406/1985, I, 100-103 [and see the comments of the editorl; and see Muhammad b. Ja'far al-Kattani, Nazm at-musaniuhir mina i-hadithi l-mutawiuir, Cairo 1983, pp. 85-86, no. 67, 176-177 no. 203. Ibn Rajab al-Hanbali, Jami' al-'uium wa-i-hikam, ed. 'Abd al-'Aziz Kiimil and Muhammad al-Ahmadi Abii l-Niir, Cairo 1969,I, 222, penult.-226; cf. Abii Ya'Ia, Musnad, V, 291, no. 294; and see al-Tabarani, al-Mu'jam al-kabir, X, 388, no. 10779; Ibn Khuzayma, I, 294-296, no. 583, 344-345, nos. 693, 695, III, 146-147, nos. 1791-1792; and see, e.g., M.J. Kister, "Concessions and conduct" in: G.H.A. Juynboll (ed.) Studies on the first century of Islamic society, p. 98, note 80; al-Turtiishi, al-Ifawadith, p. 122. 42 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, II, 271, no. 3329; Ibn Taymiyya, l qud«, p. 85; al-Daylami, Firdaus, Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 186a; al-Jarrabi, Kashfu l-khafa'i wa-muzilu l-ilbiis 'amma ishtahara mina l-aMdithi
sen«
334 sadl and the ishtimal al-samma',43 were strongly disapproved of. Tradition says that the Prophet was admonished not to follow other unpleasant features of Jewish prayers: members of a Jewish congregation would lower their voices and, then raise them, following the lead of one of them, who raised his voice and shouted loudly." The believers were ordered to abstain from talking to each other during prayers, as this was the custom of Jews and Christians." The greeting may God hear your and our prayer on the Day of the Feast was marked by the Prophet as a greeting of the People of the Book and he,
'alii alsinati l-niis, Beirut 1351,no. 3003; closing of eyes was however permitted in certain circumstances: see 'Izz ai-Din 'Abd al-Salam, al-Fatiiwii, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Abd al-Fattah, Beirut 1406/1986, p. 147, no. 106. 43 AI-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrii, Hyderabad [reprint al-Riyad 1968], II, 242-243; Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kiimil, II, 730; Ibn Taymiyya, lqtidii', pp. 129-131 [see the discussion about the meaning of the word and the problem of the permissibility of prayer in this way]; Ibn al-Athir, al-Nihiiya, s.v. sdl; al-Suyihi, Jam' at+Lawiimi', II, 492: ... Iii yashtamil ahadukum ishtimiila l-yahud ... ; ai-Muttaqi l-Hindi, K anz, VIII, 13, no. 78: ... Iii yashtamil ahadukum [i l-saliui shtimiila l-yahud 129, nos. 917-918; al-Tiisl, al-Nihiiya [i mujarr adi l-f iqhi wa-f atawa, Beirut 1390/1970, pp. 97 inf.-98 sup.; al-Majlisi, BilJiir al-anwiir LXXXIII, 203-211;al-Babrani, ai-Hadii'iq al-nadira tt alJkiim al-titraii Hiihira, ed. Muhammad Taqiyy al-Ayrawanl, Najaf 1379,VII, 122-125; and see Abii Yiisuf, Kitiib al-iithiir, ed. Abii I-Wafa, Cairo 1355, p. 39, nos. 201-202 [and see the comments of the editorl: and see ibn Khuzayma, $alJilJ, I, 378, no. 769 [ishtimiill, 379, no. 772 [sadl]; and see Zayn ai-Din b. Ibrahim b. Nujaym al-Misr i, Sharh. risiilati l-.faghii'ir wa-l-kabair, Cairo 1401/1981, p. 63. 44 Ibn Kathir, Taisir, IV, 361; al-Tabari, Taf sir, [Biiliiq 1321,repro Beirut] XV, 125; and see al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthisr, III, 156:... wa-akhraja abu l-shaykhi 'ani bni 'umara qiila: kiinat bani: isrii'ila idhii qaraat a'immatuhum jiiwabuhum [a-kariha Iliihu dhiilika li-hiidhihi l-ummati; qala: idhii quri'a l-qur'anu [a-stami'i: wa-an$itu. 45 AI-Muttaqi ai-Hindi, K anz, VIII, 112, no. 809; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthisr, III, 156.
"Do not assimilate yourselves ... "
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therefore, disapproved of it.46 One item of clothing which marked the difference between the ritual of the Muslims and that of the Jews was the shoe. Shoes were indeed a token of high social position for their owners. The Prophet was ordered to wear shoes and to set a seal (i.e, a ring with a seal) on his finger.'? Shoes were considered to be "the wear of the prophets"," The Prophet is said to have advised the believers to hold shoes in high esteem, as they were "the anklets of men"," One of the epithets of the Prophet was Sahib al-na'layni" According to one tradition, the Prophet entrusted his Companion, Abu Hurayra, with a special mission: he handed him his shoes and ordered him to assure everyone whom he met while carrying them that he would enter Paradise if only he uttered the shahada, as a token of his firm belief. Abu Hurayra was however impeded by 'Umar in his mission, for 'Umar kicked him and threw him to the ground. Abu Hurayra returned
46 Ibn Harnza al-Husayni al-Dimashqi, al-Bayisn wa-/-ta'rif [i asbab wurudi I-I)adithi l=shar'i], Beirut 1400/1980, II, 339, no. 1038. Ibn al-Qaysarani, Ma'rifat al-tadhkira, p. 157, no. 472; Ibn Hibban al-Busti, al-Majrul)in, II, 149; al-Dhahabi, Mizan al-i'tidal, II, 543, no. 4791; ai-Muttaqi l-Hindi, Kanz, IX, 133, no. 1101.[but see al-Majril)in II, 301: the Prophet approved of this greeting]; and see I. Goldziher, Usages Juijs, p. 85. 47 Niir al-Din al-Haythami, Majma' al-zawa'id, V, 138; al-Munawi, Fayd, II, 190, no. 1635; Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Maghribi, Fatl) al-mutdal fi madhi I-ni'al, Hyderabad 1334, p. 100; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Al)kam ahli I-dhimma, p. 755. 48 Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Maghribi, Fatl) al-mutdal, p. 27. 49 AI-Daylami, Firdaus, Ms. Chester Beatty 4139, fol. 35b: ... istajidi: I-ni'al [a-innahii khalakhilu I-rijal ; al-Zamakhshari, Rabi'u l-abrar wa-nu,fU,f al-akhbbr, ed. Salim al-Nu'aymi, Bagdad 140211982, IV, 28 (attributed to al-Ahnaf'); Ibn Qutayba, 'Uyun al-akhbar, Cairo 1349/1930, I, 301 (attributed to al-Ahnaf); al-Jal}i~, al-bayiin wo-l-tabyin, ed. 'Abd al-Salarn Harlin, Cairo (reprint Beirut), III, 98; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Al)kam, p. 755 (attributed to 'Umar), 50 Ahmad al-Maghribi, Fall) at-muta'Iil, p. 101; al-Zurqani, Sh arb al-mawiihib ai-laduniyya, Cairo 1326, III, 136, 1.3.
336 to the Prophet, gave him back his shoes and, crying, informed him of 'Umar's deed. 'Umar succeeded in persuading the Prophet that Abu Hurayra's mission should be stopped, as the promise of Paradise might have brought about remissness in carrying out one's religious duties," Yellow shoes were regarded with favour, and the Prophet is said to have stated that he who wears them would enjoy contentment as long as they were on his feet.52 Scholars admitted, however, that it is not incumbent on the believers to wear shoes like those of the Prophet." An utterance attributed to the Prophet says that God granted the Muslim community the distinction of performing their prayers while wearing shoes." In another utterance attributed to the Prophet it is stated that shoes are the adornment of prayer." The Prophet interpreted the phrase: "0 children of Adam! look to your adornment at every place of worship [khudhit zinatakum 'inda ku/li masiidin, Siirat al-a'raf, 31J", as denoting an injunction to wear shoes during prayers." A great many traditions state that the Prophet used to
51 Ahmad al-Maghribi, Fath al-mutabl, pp. 60-61. 52 Al-Suyiitl, al-Durr al-manthiir, I, 78; al-Tabarani, al-Mu'jam al-kabir, X, 320, no. 10612. 53 See Muhammad Ahmad aI-'Adawi, U:sul [i l-bido'i wa-l-sunan, n.p., 1401, p. 42. 54 Al-Suyiitl, al-Durr al-manthia, III, 78, inf.: '" mimmii akrama Ilahu bihi hadhihi I-ummata lubsu ni'alihim [i saliuihim ; 'Ali b. Muhammad b. 'Araq, Tanzih al=shari'ati I-marf iia 'ani t-ahiidithi l-shani'ati l-maudiia, ed. 'Abd al-Wahhiib 'Abd al-Latif and 'Abdallah Muhammad al-Siddiq, Beirut 1399/1979, II, 101, no. 74. 55 Al-Suyiiti, al-Durr, III, 78, inf; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, Majma' al-zawa'id, II, 54; Abu Ya'Iii, Musnad, I, 405, no. 532. 56 Al-Qurtubi, Taf sir, VII, 190 sup.: ... ilbasii ni'alakum [a=sallli. fiha ; Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kamil, pp. 1829, 2156, 2171;aI-Suyuti, al-Durr, III, 78 inf.: ... khudhi: zinatakum 'inda kulli masjidin, qala: sallu [i ni'alikum ; al-Shaukani, Fatb al-qadir, II, 201; and see ib. min tamiimi l-saliui al-saliuu [i l-ndlayn ; (and see this tradition: aI-Muttaqi l-Hindi, K anz, VII, 376, no. 2450; and see Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kamil, VI, 2156); Ibn 'Ariiq, Tanzik al-shari'a, II, 101 (zayn al-saliui I-hidha'u).
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pray with his shoes on.!? Some sources record lists of Companions and fiibi'un who performed their prayers while they were wearing shoes." Ibrahim al-Nakha'i took care to put on his shoes at the beginning of prayer." Very high merit was placed on prayer while wearing one's shoes: according to a tradition, an angel announces to the believer who prays while wearing shoes that all his sins have been forgiven and that he should resume
57 Al-Tahawi, Sharh' ma'ani i-athar, ed. Muhammad Sayyid Jiidd al-Haqq, Cairo n.d., I, 511-512; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, Majma' al-zawii'id, II, 54, 55; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrii, II, 431; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, I ghiuhat al-lahfim min masayidi l-shaytan; reprint Beirut, 1358/1939, I, 147; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr, III, 79 sup.; Ibn 'Adiyy, ai-Kamii, VI, 2214; Ibn Hajar aI-'AsqaIiini, Patb al-biiri, sharb sahih al-bukhari, BiiIiiq 1300 (repr, Beirut), I, 415; Ibn Daqiq al-Td, ai-Ilmam bi-ahadithi l-ahkam; ed. Muhammad Sa'id aI-MauIawi, Damascus, p. 91, no. 204; al-Maghribi, Fath al-mutaiil, pp. 49, 50; al-Yiisufi, zs« al-muslim, V, 65; al-'Ayni, 'Umd at al=qari, IV, 119; Ibn Abi Shayba, ai-Musannaf, II, 415; al-Muniiwi, Fayd, V, 222, no. 7059; 'Abd al-Razzaq, ai-Musanna], I, 384, no. 1500 (and see ib. no. 1502: the Prophet entered the mosque wearing shoes, prayed wearing shoes, and left the mosque wearing shoes); Shams al-Din Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Maqdisi, al-Muharrar [i l-hadlth, ed. al-Mar'ashli, Samiira and all-Dhahabi, Beirut 1405, I, 177, no. 208; al-Tabaranl, ai-Mu'jam al-kabir, XXII, 205, nos. 539-540; aI-Muttaqi I-Hindi, K anz, VIII, 138-139, nos. 994, 999, 1001, 1002, 1006, 1011; 'Umar b. Shabba, Ta'rikn at-mad ina ai-munawwara, ed. Fahim Muhammad ShaItiit, Mecca 1399/1979, p. 40; al-Biisiri, Misba/J ai-zuja]«, I, 349. A remarkable report says, however, that Miilik b. Anas forbade the governors to ascend the minbar of the Prophet lscil, in Medina] wearing shoes or boots [see 'Abdallah b. Abi Zayd aI-Qayrawiini, al-Jiimi', p. 140, sup.J. 58 Mal)miid Muhammad Khattab al-Subki, al+Manhal al=adhb al-maurlid, sharb sunan at-imam abi dawud, Cairo 1394, V, 41; Ibn Abi Shayba, ai-Musanna], II, 416-417; and see 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, I, 386, no. 1508, 387, nos. 1509, 1511;al-Jahiz, ai-Bayan wa-/-tabyin, III, 110. 59 'Abd al-Razziiq, al-Musannaf, I, 387, no. 1510;and see the tradition idha qumtum iia l-saliui [a-ntailii: Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kiimil, VI, 2156, inf.; Ibn 'Ariiq, Tanzih ai-shari'a al-marfica 'ani l-akhbari l-shani'ati l-maudica, II, 100; al-Dhahabi, Mizan al-i'tidiil, III, 509, no. 7351.
338 his worship anew." The reason for the injunction to pray while wearing one's shoes is given in a widely circulated utterance of the Prophet: "Act against the practice of the Jews, as they do not pray while wearing one's shoes or their boots" (khaiilu l-yahisda, t a-innahum la yusallisna ti ni'iilihim wa-ia [i khilalihim).61 Another tradition of the Prophet on this subject has a slightly different wording. It says: "Pray while wearing your shoes, and do not assimilate yourselves to the practice of Jews ($allu [i ni'iilikum wa-la tashabbahis bi-i-yahud).62 Muslim scholars explained the Jewish practice of praying barefoot by the fact that Jews considered prayer while wearing shoes as signifying lack of respect and esteem (scil, for the sanctuary); furthermore, the Jews in their conduct followed Moses, who was ordered to take off his shoes in the holy valley of Tuva, mentioned in the Qur'an (Siirat Ta-Ha, 13).63
60 AI-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz, VII, 376, no. 2449. 61 Mahrnud al-Subki, al-Manhal al-'adhb, V, 42; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr, III, 78; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sun an al=kubra, II, 432; Niir ai-Din al-Haythami, Majma' ai-sawdid, II, 54; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Lghiuhat al-lahfiin, I, 147; Ibn Hajar, Fath al-bari, I, 415; al-'Ayni, 'Umdat al-qiiri, IV, 119; al-Daylami, Firdaus, Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 75b; ai-Muttaqi I-Hindi, K anz, VII, 374, no. 2430; al-Muniiwi, Fayd, III, 431, no. 3879; al-Suyiitl, Jam' at-jawami', I, 505 penult.-506; Ibn 'Ariiq, Tanzih al-shari'o, II, 101, no. 74; Ibn Qayyim, Ahkam, p. 156; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, II, 432, sup.; Ibn Taymiyya, I qtiqa', p. 178; Niir ai-Din al-Haythami, Mawarid al-~am'an ila zawii'idi bni hibbiin, ed. Muhammad 'Abd al-Razziiq Hamza, Cairo n.d., p. 107, no. 357; and see I. Goldziher, Uber judische Siuen, p. 314. 62 See, e.g., al-Muniiwi, al-Fayd, IV, 201, no. 5021; and see al-Dhahabi, Mizan at-i'tidiu. IV, 457, no. 9835: ... salli: [i I-ni'Iil khalifu I-yahud transmitted by Shaddiid b. Aus; ai-Muttaqi l-Hindi, K anz, VII, 374, no. 2431. 63 Mahmiid al-Subki, al-Manhal al+adhb, V, 45 inC.;al-Muniiwi, Fayd, IV, 201, no. 5021. And see the comments of al-Muniiwi, ib.: the leather of Moses' shoes was from an impure beast, a donkey, and he was therefore ordered to take them off. In addition, he had to receive the blessing of the holy valley [ai-wadi al-muqaddasi by touching its ground with his
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The problem of the prayers of the believers while wearing their shoes caused a vivid discussion as to the ways of performing the ritual ablution, the wudii', The verse enjoining the wudu', [Siirat al-rna'ida, verse 6] was interpreted by some scholars as enjoining washing of the feet; others assumed that it imposed only the obligation to wipe the feet.64 As for the prayer
feet. The Prophet stated that the conclusions drawn by the Jews and their practices were not sound ['ala ghayri sihhatini, though the matter itself was true. (Cf. al-Zurqani, Shorb ai-muwatta', ed. Ibrahim 'Atwa 'Awad, Cairo 138211962, V, 281, 1.1 ... [a-qala ka'b: kiinati: min jildi himiirin mayyitin, [a-hiidhii sababu amrihi bi-khal'ihii; [a-akhadha l-yahiidu minhu anna khaia l-nalayni [i l-salati laysa bi-sahib .. .). These arguments are recorded in al-Qurtubi's Tafsir XI, 173; al-Qurtubi mentions however other reasons for the commandment to take off the shoes: Moses was ordered to do so because of awe and respect for the holy place, Tuwa; like in the haram of Mecca one had to enter the holy place of Tuwa barefoot. According to another interpretation the removal of his shoes by Moses denoted metaphorically the removal of thoughts on children and family from his heart. 64 See e.g. ai-Muttaqi l-Hindi, Kanz, IX, 328, nos. 2720-2721; Muhammad b. Ahmad b. 'Abd al-Hadi l-Maqdisi, al-Muharrar fi I-I)adith, I, 99, no. 37, 100, nos. 39, 41, 106, no. 52, 108, no. 60; al-Bii!$iri, Misbal)u l-zuiii]«, I, 183, no. 187. A significant utterance reported on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas says that people objected to everything except washing [of feet], but he Ii.e, Ibn 'Abbas] did not find in the Qur'an anything except wiping [of the feet]: inna l-nasa abau illii I-ghusl. wa-Ia ajidu [i kitabi lliihi ilia I-masha (ibidem, no. 188); and see al-Shafi'I, Ikhtilii] al-hadith, ed. 'Amir Ahmad Haydar, Beirut 1405/1985, pp. 169-171[and see esp. the utterance of al-Shafi'I, ib., p. 170; and see the references of the editorl; and see the contradictory traditions: 'Abd al-Razzaq, ai-Musannaf, I, 18-28, nos. 53-82; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir, II, 262-263 [see the significant utterance attributed to Anas b. Malik, ibid. p. 262: nazala l-qur'iinu bi-t-mashi, wa-l-sunnatu bi-l-ghuslit; al-Tabari, Tafsir led. Shakir], X, 52-64, 74-80, nos. 11447-11536[see the contradictory opinions pp. 58-59 and the harmonizing assumptions pp. 62-64; see the opinion of al-Tabari pp. 74-80); al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, I, 67-77 [see p. 68 seq.: babu l-takriiri f i ghusli l-ri jlayni, biibu l-dalili 'ala anna [arda l-riilayni l+ghuslu wa-anna mashahuma Iii yajzi ; and see p. 74 about performing the washing of the feet while wearing shoes]; see Abii
340 of the believer wearing boots, he was absolved from washing his feet at every wudii' on condition that he had washed his feet before putting on his boots," These traditions enjoining not to assimilate themselves seem to belong to a very early phase in the emergence of Islam, in which it was felt to be essential for the nascent Muslim community to establish distinctive features for its own religious rites and practices, so as to differentiate itself from all other religious communities. There was however no full consensus among Muslim scholars in a later period as to prayer in shoes. Traditions recorded in very early collections of hadith seem to indicate a certain amount of reservation. Ibn Jurayj (d. 150 A.H.) asked 'Atil whether a believer may pray while wearing shoes. 'Ata answered, "yes", and added that he had heard that the Prophet had prayed with his shoes on. "What is wrong with them (i.e. with shoes)? The Prophet also prayed while wearing boots", said 'Atil.66 Ibn Jurayj's doubts as to whether or not prayer while wearing shoes is permissible are exposed in this tradition. Another report tells of Abu Hurayra's denial of the rumour that he did not allow people to pray with their shoes on. He asserted that he had seen the Prophet pray in shoes,"? Uncertainty as to the manner of prayer is visible in a significant conversation between two of the Companions of the Prophet: Abii Miisa al-Ash'ari and 'Abdallah b. Mas'iid. Abu Musil led the prayer
Ya'Ia, Musnad, I, 449, no. 600: '" thumma akhadha bi-kaff ayhi mina l-mii'i [a+sakka bihimii 'alii qadamayhi wa-fihimi: l-na'lu thumma qalabaha thumma 'alii l-ukhrii mithla dhiilika; qultu: [i l-nalayni? qala: fi l-nalayni, thaliithan. See Ibn Khuzayma, Sahih, I, 83-87, nos. 161-168, 100-101, nos. 199-202. 65 See, e.g., al-Tabarani, ai-Mu'jam al-kabir, II, 334, nos. 2393-2394, and cf. ib.; IX, 288, no. 9238; and see al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, I, 292 ult. 66 'Abd al-Razzaq, al=Musanna], I, 384, no. 1501; cf. al-Kattani, Nazm al-mutaniuhir, p. 99, no. 81. 67 'Abd al-Razzaq, al=Musanna], I, 385, no. 1504; al-Tahawl, Sharb maani l-iuhiir, I, 511-512.
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and took off his shoes before starting the prayer. 'Abdallah asked him, "Why did you take off your shoes; are you in the holy valley of Tuva?"68 The conflicting perceptions underlying this report are elucidated in a different version of this tradition: 'Abdallah b. Mas'iid came to Abii Miisa al-Ash'ari, When the time of prayer arrived, Abii Miisa urged his guest to lead the prayer, but 'Abdallah refused since Abii Miisa was the host and the prayer was to be performed in his abode and in his masjid. Abii Miisa agreed, and before he started the prayer he took off his shoes. Then 'Abdallah b. Mas'iid asked him about the reason for his action enquiring ironically whether he thought he was in the holy valley of Tuva. The final phrase of the tradition, seems to hold the clue for the understanding of Ibn Mas'iid's question and for the desired conclusion: "We saw indeed the Prophet praying in boots and in shoes.?" Taking off the shoes is obligatory in the Ka'ba or in a Holy Place, but the usual daily prayers should be performed wearing shoes. Indeed, the Prophet prayed barefoot in the Ka'ba on the Day of the Conquest of Mecca." 'Abdallah b. Mas'iid's remark seems to have been grounded on the widely circulated tradition according to which God singled out the Prophet and the Muslim community granting them the privilege to perform their prayers in every spot on earth. "God made the earth for me a mosque and [its dust a means of] purification", says the utterance of the Prophet."
68 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, I, 386, no. 1507; al-Tabarani, ai-Mu'jam al-kabir, IX, 292, no. 9261. 69 Al-Tahawr, Shari) ma"mi i-athar, I, 511 inf.; and see al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, XI, 173 inf.; al-Tabaranl, al-Mu'jam al-kabir, IX, 293, no. 9262. 70 See Niir ai-Din al-Haythami, Mawarid al+zam'Iin; p. 252, no. 1022: ... hadartu rasida llalri (0$) yauma I-fati)i wa-salla [i l-kabati, [a-khalaa nalayhi fa-wada'aha 'an yasarihi ... 71 See, e.g., at-Baj], Sunan at-salihin, Ms. Leiden Or. 506, fol. 44b.; al-Tabari, Tahdhib ai-athar, ed. Mahmiid Muhammad Shakir, Cairo 140211982, I, 441; al-'Ayni, 'Umdat al-qari, IV, 8-10 [ ... jaala l-arda kullahii Ii wa-li-ummati tahiiran wa-masjidan [a-aynama adrakati l+rajula min ummati I-saliuu fa-'indahu mas jiduhu wa-Tndahu
342 Accordingly there was no reason to take off one's shoes at prayer. Shoes had to be cleaned, of course, before prayer, and some of the sources include passages concerning the manner of cleaning one's shoes, especially as the Prophet and his Companions used to pray while wearing the same shoes in which they walked in the streets of Medina and in which they performed their bodily needs." According to one tradition a peculiar incident brought about a fundamental change in the perception of prayer and its rules. The Prophet is said to have taken off his shoes one day during prayer, and the believers followed suit. After the prayer the Prophet explained that he had taken off his shoes because the angel Jibril had informed him that there was filth attached to his shoes." Another noteworthy tradition relates that the Prophet took off his shoes during prayer only once and never repeated this again." Another reason why the Prophet took off
r ahur uhu ; and see ib. several different versionsl; al-Kauani, N azm
al-mutaniuhir, pp, 79-80, no. 59 [see the different versions recorded by the a ut hor l, and p. 207, no. 257; al-Ourtubl, Tafsir, XIX, 20; al-Haythami, Mawarid ai-sam'iin, pp. 104-105, nos. 338-345; Ibn al-Athir, J ami' al-usiil, VI, 312, no. 3668, 319, no. 3681; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, I ghalhal ai-iahfan min masiiyidi t-sna ytiin, Cairo 1358/1939, I, 148-149; and cf. Y. Friedmann, "Finality of Prophethood in Early Islam," JSAI, VII [19861181,note 16. 72 See, e.g., Mahmiid al-Subki, ai-Manhal al-tadhb, V, 43; al-Muniiwi, FaY4, V, 222 (see the commentary of the author on tradition no. 7059). 73 Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Ighiuhat al-lahfan; I, 146 (it was the blood of a tick of a camel); al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, II, 431; Ibn Abi Shayba, at-Musannaf, II, 417; Mahmiid al-Subkl, ai-Manhai ai-'adhb, V, 40 inf.-41; al-Tahawi, Sharb mdiini l-Iuhiir, I, 511;Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kiimil, p. 2162; Ibrahim al-Shiriizl, al+Muhadhdhab [i [iqhi i-imam, I, 70 sup.; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, Majma' ai-zawiiid, II, 55; al-Maghribi, Fatb al-mutaid, pp. 54-55; Sa'di Husayn 'Ali Jabr, Fiqh at-imam abi thaur, Beirut 1403/1983, p. 200; al-Ourtubi, Tat sir, XI, 174; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqat, Beirut 1380/1960, I, 480 ( ... anna fihima qadharan au ad han ... ); a l-T'abar anl, ai-Mu'jam ai-kabir, X, 83, no. 9972. And see Ibn Khuzayma, Sal;.il;., I, 374, no. 786, II, 107, no. 1017.
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his shoes after prayer is given in a tradition in which It IS stated that the Prophet once replaced a strap on his shoe that had been torn, by a new one; after the prayer the Prophet ordered that the torn strap be returned, explaining that he had been distracted during the prayer by the new strap." Another tradition relating to this theme says that the Prophet was bored by his shoes and therefore took them off duri ng prayer, followed by the believers." The event at which the Prophet took off his shoes during prayer is linked in some traditions with the utterance of the Prophet enjoining the believers to clean their shoes at the gate of the mosque, to put them on and to wear them during the prayer." It is surprising to read in the final passage of this story, recorded by 'Abd al-Razzaq and Ibn abi Shayba, that the Prophet took off his shoes and that the congregation followed suit and imitated his action. After the prayer the Prophet stated, "He who likes to pray in his shoes may do so, and he who likes to pray barefoot may do SO.18 Another report according to which the Prophet gave permission to pray either wearing shoes or barefoot records a different reason for this utterance of the Prophet: he just gave his feet a rest, and decided that he who wants to take off his shoes may take them off, he who wants to pray while wearing them may pray with his shoes on." A tradition which confirms this last
Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, II, 416, 11.2-4; Ibn Sa'd. Tabaqiu, I, 481. 75 'Abd al-Rahlrn al-Traql and Abu Zur'a al-Traql, Tarb al-tathrib fi sharhi l-taqrlb, Halab n.d. II, 379; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiu, I, 481. 76 Nur aI-Din al-Haythaml, Majma', II. 55. 77 'Abd al-Razzaq, ai-Musannaf, I, 388, no. 1514;al-Muttaqi l-Hindi, Kanz, VII, 375. nos. 2443-2444; and cf. ib. nos. 2440, 2442; Ibn Abi Shayba, al+Musanna], I, 191; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, II, 402 inf., 403 sup.; al-Harith al-Mubasibi, Fahm al-salat, ed. Muhammad 'Uthman al-Khasht, Cairo 1403/1983, p. 72; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, Mawiirid al-;am'an, p. 107, no. 360. 78 Ibn Abi Shayba, al+Mu s a nn a], II, 415, inf.; 'Abd al-Razziiq, at-Musannaf, I, 387. no. 1513; al-Muttaqi I-Hindi, K anz, VII, 376, no. 2446. 79 Al-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz, VII. 376, no. 2447.
344
point of view states indeed that the Prophet used to pray in either of the two manners, wearing shoes or barefoot." The change in the perception of the practice of prayer is evident: the believers were granted permission to pray as they wished, either barefoot or wearing shoes. Accordingly the imperative verb khiilifu had to be reinterpreted and was explicated as a word merely denoting permission," Al-Subki is right in stating that this tradition turns the obligation to pray with one's shoes on into a free choice left to the believer; being shoed while praying is put on a par with being barefoot.P The utterance became widely circulated in the period following the death of the Prophet, when the Arab tribes went on their huge conquest expeditions. The very early mosques in the conquered territories differed widely from the simple mosque of the Prophet at Medina; prayer with shoes on was not appropriate to floors covered with tiles or slabs. Besides, the Jews in some of these territories, in contrast to the Jews in the Arab peninsula, may have prayed while they were wearing shoes. Consequently, Muslim scholars were compelled to make a re-evaluation of the traditions about the manner of prayer in a mosque: prayer while wearing one's shoes was stated to be a concession ir ukh sa) reserved to the Prophet and his Companions. Shoes are admittedly an adornment of prayer, but treading on filthy ground imuliimas atu l=ar di llati t akthuru [ihi: t-naiasat)
80 Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, Majma', II, 54, 56; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrb, II, 431; Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kiimil, V, 1827; al-Maghribi, Fat/:! al-mutaiil, p. 95; al-Tahawi, Sharb ma'ani l-iuhar, I, 512; aI-Yiisufi, Zad al-muslim, V, 66; al-Suyfiti, Jam' al-jawami', II, 520; Mahmiid al-Subki, al-Manhal al=adhb al-mauriid, V, 43; 'Abd al-Razzaq, ai-Musannat, I, 385, no. 1503, 387 no. 1512;al-Muttaqi l-Hindi, Kanz, VIII, 139, no. 1000; Ahmad b. Hanbal, Musnad (ed, Shakir), X, 157, no. 6627, 188, no. 6660, 206, no. 1679; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiu, I, 480. 81 Mahmiid al-Subki, al-Manhal al=adhb, V, 43, 11.1-3: ... li+anna l-takhyira wa-l-tafwlda ilii l-mashi'ati dalilu l-ibiihati . 82 Mahrniid a l-Subki, al-Manhal al-l adhb, V, 43: wa-huwa min al=ahiuiithi l-siirii ati li-l-amri bi-I-saliui ti l-no'li fi L-ho di thi l-sabiqi min a l-wuikbi ila l-ibiiha ...
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depreciates the position of such a prayer, and the elimination of impurity and filth is of greater importance than adornment (scil, through wearing shoes) during prayer," Some doubts were even cast on the soundness of the tradition khillitu i-yahud in connection with the transmitter of the hadith.14 Only Hanbali scholars continued to stick to the idea that prayer while wearing one's shoes is a sunni practice," The practice of prayer in the mosques without shoes became a common feature in the Islamic Empire; special chapters in the collections of hadith and fiqh discuss at length the problem where to put the shoes for the duration of the prayer." The clash between the early tradition, i.e. that the Prophet prayed while he was wearing his shoes, and the common practice of praying barefoot in mosques, is reflected in an utterance of al-Hasan [evidently al-Basril, who wondered why none of the transmitters who reported that the Prophet had prayed without removing his shoes did not themselves pray while wearing shoes." People in the mosques were not aware that the Prophet had prayed in shoes; the fact that some persons
83 AI-Munliwi, Fayd, III, 431 (See the commentary on no. 3879), V, 222 (See the commentary on no. 7059); Mahmiid al-Subk'i, al=Munhal al+adhb, V, 43; al-Maghribl, Fath al-muiaiil, pp. 51, 88; Ibn Hajar, Fath al-bari, I, 415; al-Yiisufi, Zad al-muslim, V, 64-66; al-'Ayni, 'Umdat al-qiiri, IV, 119. 84 See al-Munliwi, Fayd, IV, 201 (See commentary on no. 5021); and see al-Dhahabi, Miz(ln al-i'tidiil, IV, 457, no. 9835; al-Maghribi, Fath' al-muta'iil, p. 89: ... warada [i kauni l-saliui [i l-ni'ii! mina l-zina al-ma'miiri bi-akhdhiha [i l-iiyati hadithun 4a'ilun jiddan auradahu ibn 'adiyy [i l-kamil wa-ibn mardawayb [i taisirihi min hadithi abi hurayra wa-t-luqayti min hadithi anas ... 85 Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Ighiuhat ai-iahlan, I, 147-148. 86 See e.g. 'Abd al-Razzaq, al=Musanna], I, 389, nos. 1518-1522;ai-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz, VII, 374, nos. 2434-2435. 87 Al-Jahiz, al-bayan wa-l-tabyin. III, 110:... wa-kana l-hasan yaqidu: mii a'jaba qauman yarwuna anna r asid a ll ah] is) salli: fi ndlayhi ... thumma ia tara ahadan minhum yusalli muntdilan.
346 appeared in the mosques with their shoes on brought about rows and clashes in the mosques, and these culminated sometimes in the killing of those persons," The attitude of the later Muslim scholars is reflected in a succinct response by the famous commentator of Muslim's Sahih, al-Nawawi [d. 676 Hl He was asked whether it was a sound tradition [hal saMal that the Prophet had prayed while wearing shoes, whether prayer with one's shoes on or prayer barefoot was preferable tatdal), whether it was a sound tradition that the Prophet had taken off his shoes during prayer and that his action had been imitated by his Companions, that he had asked them why they had done it and disapproved of their deed, and then why he had disapproved of it. Al-Nawawi stated that both traditions li.e, that he prayed wearing shoes and that he took off his shoes during prayer] were sound. Prayer barefoot is however preferable, says al-Nawawi, because the Prophet prayed barefoot more frequently than while wearing shoes; he merely prayed while shod in order to show that this manner of prayer is permissible. The Prophet took off his shoes when he was informed by Jibril that the shoes contained some filth iadhan), which prevented him from praying. Finally the Prophet disapproved of taking off one's shoes, because he objected ikariha) to an action being performed during prayer, which need not to be carried out during ritual service." It is noteworthy that al-Nawawi does not mention at all that there was an element of differentiation and exclusivity in the wearing of shoes during prayer; prayer with his shoes on was performed by the Prophet only in order to show that this manner of praying was permissible. In summing up, it may be assumed that the common and widely followed practice of praying barefoot in the mosques was a result of the significant changes in the social and material conditions of life in the Muslim community: the sumptuous style
88 See al-Maghribi, Fatl) al-mutaiil, p. 52; al-Yiisufi, Ziid at-muslim, V, 65. 89 AI-Nawawi, al-Manthurat wa-'uyunu l=masii'ili l-muhimmiit, ed. 'Abd al-Qiidir Ahmad 'Mii, Cairo 1402-1982, p. 39, no. 60.
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of building which characterized the congregational mosques, and the floors covered with carpets, called for the solemn prayers to be performed barefoot. In some areas of Arabia Jews may have continued to pray without shoes in their synagogues, but pious Muslim scholars did not object to a practice that was similar to that of some unbelievers in one place or another, provided that it was not contrary to the usages of Islam." A peculiar opinion as to the utterance enjoining the believers to pray wearing shoes in contradistinction to the practice of the Jews who pray barefoot is expressed in a book by Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, The reason for this injunction was, according to Ibn Qayyim, that the Prophet ordered the believers to deviate from the practices of the People of the Book and therefore enjoined them to pray with their shoes on. After the death of the Prophet 'Umar forbade the People of the Book to wear shoes of the kind worn by the Muslims," The difference between the injunction of the Prophet and the order of 'Umar'? is explained by Ibn Qayyim's scrutiny of the social and political situation at the time of the Prophet, and of the changes undergone by the Muslim community in the period of 'Umar, Shoes, says Ibn Qayyim, were not the wear of
90 Ahmad b. Ahmad al-Khaliji al-Shiifi'i l-Khalwati, al-Wasm [i l-washm, Cairo 1323, pp. 19-20: ... wa-amma sultanu [-'ulama'i al-Tzzu bnu 'abdi l-salam, rahimahu llahu, [a-innahu ashiira ilii raddihi fi f at awahu idh qiila: l-muradu bi-I-aajimi lladhl na nuhi nii 'ani l-tashabbuhi bihim alba'u l-akasirati [i dhalika l-zamiini, wa-yakhtassu l+nahyu bima yaf'aiimahu 'ala khilafi muqtada shar'inii; [a-amma ma fa'aluhu 'ala waf qi l-l jabi au al-nadbi au al-ibahati fi shar'ina fa-Ia yut r ak li=ajli t a'iuihim iyyahu, f a-inna l-shar'a la yanhi: 'ani l-tashabbuhi bi-ma adhina lliihu fihi ... 91 Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Al)kam, p. 748: .. , wa-nahahum 'umaru radiya liahu 'anhu an yalbasii ni'al ai-musiim in. 92 Ibn Qayyim, Al)kam, p. 755, 1.4: ... qiila: wa-f l kitiib 'umar: wa-lii yalbasicna l-nalayn, qala: [a-yumndu ahlu l-dhimma min lubsi [ami'i l-ajnasi mina l-ni'al; wa-l-na'lani huma min ziyyi I-'arabi min abadi l-dahri ila yaumina hadha ...
348
al-'ajam; they used to wear a kind of boot called ai-tamsak=
and they should be forced to return to this peculiar wear. Furthermore, so says Ibn Qayyim, shoes are the wear of scholars, honourable persons (ashraf) and distinguished men (akabir), and should consequently be reserved for their use alone. One has to admit, says Ibn Qayyim, that the Jews of Medina and its surroundings indeed wore shoes, and that the prophet did not forbid them this practice. He merely enjoined the believers to act contrary to the Jewish habit of praying barefoot, and ordered them to pray while wearing shoes. Neither the Prophet nor Abu Bakr, sayd Ibn Qayyim, obliged the People of the Book to wear the ghiyiu, the garments that were meant to differentiate them from the Muslim community, since the believers had still not overpowered the People of the Book, nor had they yet abased them or occupied their countries; the People of the Book were in control of the majority of these countries and the believers kept their status according to the agreements and peace pacts that had been concluded ( ... Ii-anna l=musli mi na lam yakitnit qad istaulau 'ala ahli l-kit ab wa-qaharishum wa-adhalluhum, wa-malakis biladahum; bal
k anat aktharu bil adihim lahum wa-hum tiha ahlu sulhin wa-hudnatinu" consequently, the only thing that could be done
at that time was to order the believers to act differently from the practices of these people. But when God granted the Muslim community victory and gave them the lands and possessions of the conquered peoples, and when the believers could impose upon them the law of Islam, 'Umar ordered the People of the Book to wear the ghiyiu; and all the Companions gave their consent to the injunctions of 'Umar." It is thus evident that
93 The word was evidently miscopied by the scribe and misread by the editor. The correct reading seems to be al-shamushak. Prayer while wearing arab shoes was preferred; prayer while wearing shamushak boots was forbidden. (See al-Tlisl, al-Nihiiya [i mujarradi l-fiqh; p. 98; al-Bahrani, al-Hadiiiq al-niidira, VII. 114-115). 94 Ibn Qayyim. Ahkiim. p. 755. info 95 Ibn Qayyim, Ahkiim. p. 756.
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'Umar's order concerning the shoes of the People of the Book was in accordance with the injunction of the Prophet, and consistent with the new circumstances of the Muslim strength and power. The shoes of the Prophet remained an object of veneration among the common people and especially among the pious believers. A single shoe of the Prophet was preserved for centuries and kept with great care and reverence. Finally it came into the possession of al-Malik al-Ashraf (Qait Bay), who built a special room for it at the side of the minbar in the madrasa al=ashrafi yya. The single shoe was placed under a copula covered with silk curtains; the room was sumptuously decorated and the visiting crowds kissed the heavily scented shoe. The shoe also had miraculous powers of healing. Pious ascetics and mystics composed verses in praise of the shoe. A special keeper was hired and was given a pay of eighty dirhams per month. He was enjoined to open the room for the visiting crowds every Monday and Thursday." The transformation of Muslim practice from the wearing of shoes at prayer to taking them off provides a fascinating example of the manner in which customs initially frowned upon as an imitation of unbelievers, were gradually adopted as the only correct form of behaviour.
96 AI-Maghribi, Fall) al-mutaal, pp. 355-359.
350
ADDENDA
ad note 1: A significant latwlz of Ibn Taymiyya touches upon the sensitive question of Jews and Christians who secretly believe in Islam, and of Muslims who outwardly show belief, but in reality are hypocrites hiding Jewish, Christian or apostatic beliefs. Some people claim that the angels remove from their graves the bodies of the Jews and Christians who secretly believed in Islam and place them in the graves of Muslims, and in contrast remove the bodies of the unbelieving Muslims from their graves and place them in the graves of Jews and Christians. Ibn Taymiyya had no knowledge of such a tradition. He states, however, that the Jews and Christians who secretly believed in Islam before the time of their agony did not declare their belief in Islam at their death will be gathered on the Day of Resurrection with the Muslims, while the unbelieving Muslims will be gathered with the unbelievers, their equals. [Ibn Taymiyya, al-Fatawii l-kubrii. Beirut, n. d. I, 369, no. 2241 ad note 6: See al-Tsami, Simt ai-nuiismi l-awlz'il wa-l-tawlzli, Cairo 1380, I, 411. lr'nwali [i anbii'i
ad note 7: See this tradition in al-Tabari, T'ahdhib al-iithar wa-t at silu l+thiibiti 'an r asiili lliihi l sallii lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallaml min a l-akhbiir, ed. Mahrniid Muhammad Shakir, Cairo 1982, IV, 111-112, nos. 180-183. [And cf. ib. no. 184. And see the assessment of this tradition ib. pp. 112-1131 ad note 9: According to a report recorded in a l-Muttaqi I-Hindi's K anz al=lummal, VIII, 127, no. 906 the believers avoided performing prayers in churches adorned with statues. ad note 12: And see Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Tuhiat al-maudiui bi-ahkami l=mauliui, Beirut n. d., pp. 143-145.
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351 X, 319, no.
ad note 18: See al-Tabarani, 10609.
at-Mu'jam
al-kabir,
ad note 19: See Ibn Abi Shayba, al=Musannai, ed. Mukhtar Ahmad al-Nadwi, Bombay 1401/1981, VIII, 443, no. 5816: ... 'an ibni 'abbiisin, qala: man sallama 'alaykum min khalqi llahi [a-ruddis 'alayhim wa-in kana yahisdiyyan au nasraniyyan au majiisiyyan; ibid. VIII, 438-440. nos. 5799-5805. [And see the reference of the editor]; Muhammad Murtada al-Zabidi, al-'Uqudu l-muniia, II, 151,info - 152. ad note 21: See al-Fasawi, at-Marita wa-t-ta'rikh, II, 491; Ibn Abi Shayba, ai-Musannat, VIII, 442-444, nos. 5810-5819 [And see the references of the editor]; Muhammad Murada al-Zabidi, 'Uqudu l-jawahiri l-munita, II, 151. ad note 22: See al-Dhahabi, Mizlzn al-i'tidlzl, al-Zabidi, al-'Uqud al-munita, II, 151. ad note 26: See Ibn Abi Shayba, al+Musannat, 5919 [And see the note of the editor1. I, 598, no. 2262;
VIII, 468, no.
ad note 30: See Abu Ya'la, Musnad, I, 231, no. 266: ... inna rasisla llahi salta llahu 'alayhi wa-saltam kana yuhibbu an yatashabbaha bi-ahli l-kitabi [ima lam yanzil 'alayhi shay'un [a-idha unzila 'alayhi tarakahu. [And see the references of the editor]; and see Ibn Abi Shayba, ai-Musannat, VIII, 261, no. 5127: ... kana ahlu l-kitabi yasdiliina asharahum ... wa-kana rasidu llahi sal/a llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam yuhibbu muwataqata ahli l=kit abi fima lam yu'mar bihi; qala: ta-sadala rasiilu llahi lsl nasiyatan [perhaps: nasiyatahul thumma [arraqa ba'du. ad note 35: See e. g. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Hidayat al-hayara [i ajwibati i-yahiidi wa-l-nasara, Beirut, n. d., p. 79: ... fa-inna lai za l=taurati wa-I-iniili wa=l=qur'ani wa-/-zabilri yuradu bihi l-kutubu t-mu'ayyana tiiratan, wa-yuradu bihi I-jinsu taratan; ta-yuabbaru bi-latzi l-qur'ani 'ani l-zabiir wa-bi-laf,+i l-taurati 'ani I-qur'an wa-bi-Iaf,+i l-injili 'ani l=qur'hni aydan.
352 wa-li l-hadithi l=sahihi 'ani l-nabiyyi lsl khuitita 'ala da'uda l=qur'Iinu [a-kana ma bayna an tusr aja dabbatuhu ila an y arkaboha y aqra'u l=qur'iina, t a-i=muradu bihi qur'anuhu wa-huwa l-zabiau ... ad note 37: See e. g. al-Suyfiti, inf.-464 iqi'datu I-yahudl al-Hiiwi li-I-Iatawi, I, 463
ad note 41: See Yahya b. Ma'in, al-T'a'ri kh, ed. Ahmad Muhammad Niir Sayf, Makka al-mukarrama 1979, IV, 231, no. 4102: ... kana ibnu mas'iidin yart a'u yadayhi [i l-quniui ila thady ayhi; and see op. cit. III, 464, no. 2284: ... qultu li-yahyi; ma t aqiclu [i l=t akbi r ii t-Tdayn ... qala: ar a an art a'a yadayya Ii kulli takbiratin ... [and see the comments of the editor]; and see op .cit p. 467, no. 2293 the opinion of Abii 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallarn, And see Abii Shama, al-Ba'itn 'ala inkiiri I-bida'i wa-l-hawadith; ed. 'Uthman Ahmad 'Anbar, Cairo 1398/1978, p. 87: ... la-mina I-bida'i ... wa-amma rat'u aydihim 'inda I-du'a'i [a-bi d'atun qadimatun; and see ib. inf.: 'Abd al-Malik about the bid'a of raising the hands on the minbar on Friday; Ibn Hibban al-Busti, at-Mojrishin, II, 270: ... sallaytu khalt a rasiili llahi Isl wa-abi bakrin wa-iumar a t a-kanii y ar t a'Iin a aydiyahum i i awwali l= s al at i thumma la ya'uduna. And see Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kamil, VI, 2162: the tradition with a slightly different variant: ... la-lam yart a'ic aydiyahum ilia 'inda stittahi l-salati, And see al-Dhahabi, Mi zan al=i'ti diil, I, 208, no. 817: ... 'an muqatil 'ani l=asbagh b. nub at a 'an 'aliyyin: lamma nazalat 'Ia-salli li-rabbika wa-nhar' qala: ya iibril ma hadhihi l=nahi ra? qala: ya'muruka rabbuka idha t aharr amt a Ii-l-salati an tart a'a yadayka i dha kabbarta wa-idha rakata wa-idha raia'ta mina l-rukii ... ; and see the list of the sources of the tradition about raising the hands: a l+Suy ut i, Kit abu l=a zhari l=mut aniu hir a [i t+akhb ari l-mutawatira, MS Hebrew Univ., Coll, Yahudah Ar. 773, fo1. Sa. And see recently M. I. Fierro, "La Polemique a propos de rat' al+yadayn ti l-saliu dans al-Andalus", Studia Islamica, 1987, pp. 69-90.
"Do not assimilate yourselves .....
353 II, 70: ... umirtu
ad note 47: And see al- Nazwi, al-Musannai, bi-l-Tmama wa=l=nalayni wa-i-khatam.
ad note 55: And see al-Haythami, al-Maqsid ai-'aliyy fi zawaid abi ya'ia t-mausili yy, ed. Nayif b. Hashim al-Da'is, Judda 1402/1982. p. 370, no. 335. ad note 57: And see Ibn Khuzayma, Sahih, II, 105, no. 1010; al-Haytharni, al-Maqsid al+aliyy, p. 370. no. 336. ad note 61: And see al-Dhahabi, Mi zan al-i'tidal, I, 375, no. 1406: ... inna l=yahuda idha sallau khalai: ni'alahum, to-idha sallaytum ta-htadhu ni'alakum. ad note 71: On the permission to pray in every place: see Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Hidayatu l-hayara, pp. 77, 1. 2, 84, 91, penult.; al-Majlisi, Bihar al=an war, XVI, 313, 316. ad note bi-sharn inf.; and shoes on 72: See Murtada l-Zabidi, Ithat al+sadati l=muttaqin asrar ihya'i 'uliimi l-din, Beirut n. d. [reprint] III, 307 see op. cit. other traditions about praying with one's discussed in a lengthy chapter, op. cit. pp. 307-309.
Appendix by Menahem Kister In the preceding article tashabbahii "Do not assimilate yourselves ... "; (hereafter "LT"), numerous traditions are cited, according to which Muslims were forbidden to follow Jewish customs, so as to keep the two communities separate and their religions distinct. Other statements, worded in a manner relatively similar to those of the previous traditions, were apparently intended to censure certain customs practiced by adherents of the Muslim faith, by accusing these Muslims of following the undesirable practices of the Jews (e.g., regarding prayer). Despite the considerable similarity in formulation between these sets of statements, it appears that they are in fact different as far as Islam is concerned, they reflect two distinct trends. The first trend evidences a clear desire on the part of early Islam for self-definition, as well as a concern over the presence of Jewish influences and practices among its earliest believers. It should be recalled that Islam developed in the shadow of Judaism, among Arabs who maintained extremely close relations with Jews and their religion (especially the An$ar).l Particularly noteworthy in this connection is the Hadithi regarding Muhammad's habit of likening himself to ahl al-kitab, before he was commanded to act otherwise. The concept of film3 (knowledge) is also relevant in this connection:
La
1 On the influence of the Ansar regarding the introduction of Jewish customs into Islam, see: M.J. and Menahem Kister, "On the Jews of Arabia--Notes" [Hebrewl Tarbiz 48 (1979), pp. 240, 240 ff. 2 Cited by I. Goldziher, "Usages Juifs," REJ 28 (1894), p. 89. 3 This concept in the Qur'an was discussed by F. Rosenthal, Knowledge Triumphant, Leiden 1970, pp, 19-35. However, it seems that Rosenthal paid insufficient attention to the aspect discussed below. Thus, it would appear that the development of the concept 'ilm in the Jahiliyya and
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one of the principal factors which led the Arabs in the Jahiliyya to adopt some of the customs followed by their Jewish neighbours was their awareness of the Jews' (and Christians'?) observance of an obligatory and absolute religious praxis, which was deemed desirable by God," Only gradually did Mohammed and Islam come to regard their 'ilm as being superior to that of the Jews. Noteworthy is Sura 2, 144 (regarding the change of the qibla to Jerusalem): "If after all the knowlege ('ilm) you have been given you yield to their desires ('ahwii' ahum), then you will surely become an evildoer." We know that the An$ar used to pray facing Jerusalem even before Mohammed arrived in Medina,"
the relevant material in the Qur'iln still require extensive discussion by an expert. 4 Cf. the epithet 'aLim, i.e., "individual learned in the law", applied to Jewish sages in ancient Arabia. For the concept of 'ilm - suffice it to cite two traditions: "This tribe of the Ansar - idolators - was together with the tribe of the Jews - people of the book - and they saw that [the Jews] were superior to them in knowledge (fa4lan 'alayhim fi Film), and they followed many of [the Jews'] customs. The men of the book would only have normal sexual relations with women ... and the Ansar followed this practice of theirs" (al-Durr ai-Manthiir, Vol. 2, Cairo 1314 AH, p. 263, and his sources); "It happened that the Prophet reached the Qubii' mosque and said: Allah praised you because of your purity with regard to your mosque. What is this purity with which you purify yourselves? They said to him, 'Apostle of God, we do not know anything tnahnu La nalamu shayan), but 'we had Jewish neighbours, and they were accustomed to wash their posteriors from excrement, and we washed the way they did" (al-Haythami, Majma' at-Zawaid, I, Beirut 1967, p. 212). These two traditions (cited and discussed in the article mentioned in n. 1, pp. 237, 240) appear to be complementary; from them we may infer that the Ansar adopted numerous Jewish customs regarding everyday life and marital relations. 5 As opposed to the Ansar's feelings that "the Jews are superior to them in knowledge," and that "they know absolutely nothing." 6 See: Tabarl, Tafsir II, Ed. Mahmiid & Ahmad Shakir, Cairo n.d., p. 529, no. 1837 (1838); Muqatil, Tafsir, ed. 'Abdallah Mahmiid Shahata, Cairo 1969, p. 72; 'Umar b. Shabba, Ta'rikh at-Mad ina, ed. Fahim Muhammad Shaltiit, n.p., 1979, p. 51. I would like to thank my father, Prof. M.J. Kister, for providing me with these references.
356 and it is possible that the conception of the 'ilm was partially responsible for this. After Islam became an independent religion, it had to struggle in order to establish its uniqueness. The second trend manifests itself in Islam after it became an established religion, self-confident and certain of the impropriety of the Jewish customs. It was precisely this self-confidence which enabled it to censure undesirable Muslim practices as Jewish customs. For example, improper conduct in mosques, and the slightest swaying during prayer, was unquestionably not an imitation of Jewish practice, but rather a form of corruption which could be compared to the corruption of the Jews in their prayers. However, as far as the evidence of the statements cited above regarding ancient Jewish custom is concerned, both categories of statements cited in the preceding article have considerable value. I shall now comment briefly on these statements from the perspective of Jewish sources. We shall begin by discussing and surveying the development of the Jewish law thalakhah), with regard to the wearing of shoes during prayer; thereafter we shall make a number of brief comments on some of the other customs cited in the article. In the Muslim testimonia cited above, we have clear evidence of a Jewish custom (apparently followed by the Jews of Arabia) to pray barefoot in their synagogues. What is known regarding this practice from the Jewish legal sources?" According to the halakhah, the priests who served in the
7 See J. Reifmann, "Walking Barefoot" [Hebrew], Beit Talmud 1 (1871),pp. 78-80. Reifmann discusses a considerable number of the sources cited below. Likewise, a considerable number of the sources cited here have been discussed by the classical codifiers of Jewish law; however, there is still room for additional discussion of these passages as far as the approach to analyzing them is concerned. (I am indebted to Dr. David Rosenthal for drawing my attention to Reifmann's article.) On the existence of a generally positive attitude to wearing shoes, see ibid; p. 78. Cf. also Talmud Bavli, Berakhot 62b, according to MSS.: "Just as wearing shoes is respectful ... " See also R.N.N. Rabbinowicz, Diqduqe Soferim, Berakhot, Munich 1867, p. 365, note ~.
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Temple were forbidden to wear shoes. Even someone who merely entered the Temple Mount was required to remove his shoes (Mishnah Berakhot 9:5). The issue of what practices were followed in synagogues in Palestine and Babylonia is somewhat more complicated. From the Mishnah, it seems that it was customary to pray wearing shoes. Mishnah Megillah 4:8 states: "One who says: I shall not serve as a reader of the prayers [literally: "pass before the ark"] in colored clothing may not read the prayers even in white clothing; [one who says] I shall not read the prayers wearing shoes may not read the prayers even barefoot." This statement appears in the midst of a series of laws regarding heterodox prayer customs. Thus, one may infer that there were heterodox Jews who insisted on leading the congregation in prayer (and perhaps entering the synagogue in general) only while wearing white clothing and walking barefoot. It has been conjectured that these Jews sought to model the customs of the synagogue after the practices followed in the Temple," However, there is no solid evidence for this assumption. Be that as it may, according to Jewish law and custom in Palestine during the Tannaitic period, there was no obligation to remove one's shoes during prayer, and removal of shoes for prayer was in fact opposed. The same impression is conveyed by the Baraita discussing Rabban Yohanan ben Zakkai's decree that "the priests are not permitted to wear their sandals while walking up to the platform [in order to recite the priestly benediction]" (Talmud Bavli Rosh Ha-Shanah 31b = Sotah 40a). From this Bar ai t a, one of the Talmudic commentators inferred? that "it is permissable to enter a synagogue wearing sandals; wearing sandals was only prohibited to [the priests] ascending their platform,'?" These are all the
8 See Mishnah with the commentary of Ch, Albeck, Jerusalem/Tel Aviv 1952, p. 504 and elsewhere. 9 Rabbenu Hananel, cited by Tosafot on Sotah, ibid., s.v. Ny')~. 10 Reifmann (above, n. 7), attempts to weaken this proof, by claiming that this Baraita refers to recitation of the priestly benediction in a place not used on a regular basis for prayer. However, this interpretation
358 extant sources regarding the Jewish laws and customs regarding the wearing of shoes during prayers in the Tannaitic period [until the end of the second century C.E.1in Palestine. It was also customary to wear shoes during prayer in the Amoraic period in Babylonia. Regarding the Mishnah cited above ("One must not enter the Temple Mount with his staff, shoes, money-belt, or the dirt on his feet, nor may [the Temple Mount] be used as a shortcut, and a minori ad mains, spitting [is prohibited there"]) it was stated by the Amora Rava (IV century C.E.): "Spitting is permissible in a synagogue, by analogy to [the law concerning] shoes: Just as shoes are prohibited on the Temple Mount and permissible in the synagogue, so too spitting is prohibited on the Temple Mount, but permissible in the synagogue" (Talmud BavJi, Berakhot 62b). From here we see that according to Rava, it was obvious that wearing shoes in the synagogue was permissible (cf, also Rava's statement in Berakhot 63a), and it would appear that the same holds true regarding Rav Pappa and the anonymous Talmudic discussion iibid.). Indeed the Talmud reports that Rav Kahana used to put on his shoes tpuzmeqe) before praying (Talmud BavJi, Shabbat LOa), As the T osafot state, "From here it may be inferred that one should not pray barefoot,'?' To the best of our knowledge, then, in Babylonia the Jews prayed wearing shoes," Very little is known about the halakhah regarding prayer
seems rather forced. 11 Tosaf ot Shabbat lOa, s.v. ')pr.)n~ ')r.)1. The meaning of the Aramaic idiom rame puzmeqe is clear from Talmud Bavli, Yoma 78a; Ketubot 65b; Ta'anit 22a. Therefore the interpretation cited briefly by R. Abraham Maimonides (Kitab Kifayat al-'Abidin, ed. N. Dana, Ramat Gan 1989, p. 103), that the meaning of these words is 'to remove one's shoes' (qila yanzauha) is probably influenced by current customs of prayer in the east. 12 J. Kafih, Halikhot Teman (Yemenite Customs) [Hebrew], Jerusalem 1978, p. 64, n. 3, cites the Talmudic statement in Mo'ed Qatan 17a regarding "that dog which ate the shoelaces of the rabbis" in connection with removing shoes before entering the synagogues. However, there is no evidence that this passage refers to synagogues.
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with shod feet during the Amoraic period in Palestine. Only one allusion to the matter is extant, and it is found in an anecdote appearing in an obscure context in the Jerusalem Talmud:" "Yehudah the son of Rabbi Hiyya [third century C.E.l entered a synagogue; he left his shoes, and they were lost," He said, Had I not gone to the synagogue, my shoes would not have been lost" (Yerushalmi Bava M etzia 2:8, Be), Prima facie, it would appear from this passage, as a number of commentators maintain," that Jews in Palestine in the Amoraic period used to remove their shoes before entering the synagogue," (the situation was definitely different in Palestine during the Tannaitic period, as we have already noted). In light of the statements cited previously in the name of Babylonian Sages, Reifmann inferred that there was a dispute between the Babylonian and Palestinian scholars regarding the laws of prayer while wearing shoes,'? Were this conclusion certain, we could deduce that the practice of the Jews (ostensibly the Jews of Arabia) mentioned in the haditb was a Palestinian custom. This practice would then join a series of instances in which we find a connection between the observances of the Jews of Arabia and Palestinian customs," However, while the interpretation of the Yerushalmi suggested above seems very plausible, it should be recalled that the Yerushalmi here presents us with an anecdote, whose point is not fully clear, rather than an explicit legal assertion regarding the laws of prayer with regard to shoes. Hence, extreme caution
13 But see Pene Moshe's commentary, ad IDe., and S. Lieberman, Yerushalmi N ezikin, ed. E.S. Rosenthal and S. Lieberman, Jerusalem 1984, p. 138, on lines 37-38. 14 Ms. Escorial (ed, Rosenthal-Lieberman [above, n. 13], p. 50) reads here: "his shoes were lost" (not: "he left his shoes and they were lost" as in Ms. Leiden), 15 See R. Ishtori Ha-Parhi, Kaf t or Va-Ferah, ch. 7, and Rabbi J.S. Nathanson, Ziyyon Yerushalayim, ad IDe. 16 Similar customs in Greek and Roman worship. See Th. Wachter, Reinheitsvorschriften im Griechischen Kult, Giessen 1910,pp. 23-24. 17 Ibid. (above, n. 7). 18 Ibid. (above, n. 1), p. 236 ff.
360 should be employed before drawing far-reaching conclusions from such material. Moreover, it is possible that different customs obtained in different communities in Babylonia and Palestine. In any case, it is noteworthy that in Palestinan halakhic literature from the Geonic period, we read the "the skins of an unclean animal may be used to make [ ... sandlals for entering synagogues,"? Thus, this source attests, en passant, that during the Geonic period the Jews of Palestine used to wear shoes in the synagogue. The internal dynamic which one expects to find in Judaism calls for equating the laws of the synagogue with those of the Temple. Likewise, it may be expected that rites indicating respect for the synagogue should parallel the practices used to demonstrate respect towards persons of high status. (Additional support for this thesis might have been provided by Ex. 3:5 and Josh. 5:15, although early rabbinic sources do not cite these passages with regard to synagogue practice). Such arguments are expressed clearly and at length in a late Palestinian prayer book: "[And if) one had a shoe or a sandal on his feet, he should remove them olutsidel, and enltler barefoot, for servants ordinarily walk barefoot before their maslters .. .J above, as was the case with Moses and Joshua. For they were told: 'Remove your Islhoelsl' (?) ... for no one enters their presence wearing sandals. And if this is the practice before (human beings, who are created from a) putrid drop, so much the more so before the King of Kings, blessed be He. And so the Sages said: One should not enter the Temple Mount with his
19 S. Assaf, Teshuvot Ha-Ge'onim :lH'lIn (5702) (Responsa of the Ge'onim) [Hebrew], Jerusalem 1942, p. 124. (I am indebted to Professor I. Ta-Sherna for drawing to my attention this reference). In his notes, Assaf cites the parallel versions of this tradition: "Any tanned leather from an unclean animal may be used for sandals"; "any leather from an unclean animal, after being tanned may be used for sandals." It would appear, then that the leather must be tanned, in accordance with the Muslim law that only tanned leather may be used, especially for prayer (see below, n. 27). See also below.
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staff and shoes. And if, because of our slinsl, we do not have the Temple Mount (in our possession), we still have a minor sanctuary lviz., the synagogue--M.K.l, and we must treat it with sanctity and reverence, as it is written, 'You shall revere my holy place.' Therefore, the ancients ordained that lavers with fresh water (should be provided) in the courtyards of all synagogues for the ablution of the hands and feet. And if one was weak or ill, and (hence) unable to remove his shoes, and he was walking cautiously, we need not trouble him to remove his shoes" iseil. to keep his shoes clean). It is quite possible that the halakhah of this passage (whose precise dating and circle of origin are uncertain) was influenced by the Muslim practice of removing shoes and washing the hands and feet; extensive Muslim influences can be detected in this prayerbook, as already noted by Wieder." It is possible that the first indications of the argument that the synagogue should be compared to the Temple may be found in the heterodox practice cited in Mishnah M egillah (above). Comparison of the synagogue to the Temple is found, inter alia, in the writings of the Karaite Anan (eighth century)." Apparently it was for this reason that Anan required worshippers to pray without wearing shoes." Similarly, the Karaite Qirqisani (second half of the tenth century), who rejects Anan's basic conception of the nature of the synagogue, also
20 Passages from this prayer book were cited by N. Wieder in his important article: "Muslim Influences on Jewish Worship" [Hebrew], M elilah 2 (1946), pp. 42, 87-91, 105, 109. Wieder associated this material with the pietistic movement of Rabbi Abraham Maimonides (but see below, n. 29a). The entire text of this prayer book was published by M. Margaliot, Hilkhot Erez Yisrael Min Ha-Genizak (Palestinian Halakhot from the Genizah) [Hebrew] Jerusalem 1974, p. 127 ff. Margaliot, in his brief introduction, rejects Wieder's assumption. 21 Anan, Seier Ha-Mizvot, ed, A.E. Harkavy, St. Petersburg 1903, pp. 33-37. 22 So it would appear from Ya'qiib al-Qirqirsani, Kit ab ai-Anwar wal-Mariiqib, III, ed. L. Nemoy, New York 1941, p. 622. It is possible that the argument from the Tent of Congregation and the service in the sanctuary cited by Qirqisani reflects Anan's argumentation.
362 rules that people must pray barefoot. From Qirqisani it would appear that this was the prevalent practice in his day (among Karaites, and perhaps not only among Karaites)." Perhaps it may be inferred from Qirqisani's remarks that this matter was the subject of a Karaite-Rabbanite polemic (see below). Qirqisani cites, inter alia, the verses regarding Moses and Joshua, who were both ordered: "Remove your shoes from your feet" before entering a holy place (Ex. 3:5; Josh. 5:15). Qirqisani states: "It is inconceivable that the shoes worn by ... these two prophets ... happened to be made from the [skins] of an unclean animal, as the Rabbanites claim. Rather, God commanded them to guard the [sanctity of the] holy places by not wearing shoes.'?" It is particularly noteworthy that the claim cited by Qi rq isani in the name of the Rabbanites is extremely widespread already in the early Muslim commentaries on the Qur'an and in hadith literature; Muslim authors used the very same tradition, about Moses wearing shoes made from the skins of unclean animals, as an argument against the Jewish practice of praying barefoot in imitation of Moses' conduct. (see LT, n. 63)! Thus, one may wonder whether the Muslim tradition
23 Ibid.: "wa-l-dalil 'ala dhalika bayyinun ziihirun min ijma'i l-khalqi mina l-ummati 'ala tahrimi I-saliui 'ala l=tamiy y lam yukhali] [i dhalika wahidun minhum, wa-innama raat at-jamdaiu l-saliita bada l-ghusli bi=l=ghadiu ... wa-mithlu dhiilika fima i'talla bihi min amri l-nali wa-l-khuff ... " 24 I bid., p. 635: "wa-yajibu an takiina l-saliuu 'ala l-ardi min ghayri an yakima bayna l-qadami wa-bayna jismi l-ardi shay'un mina l-aisami la bisiuun wa-la ma shabihahu wa-la shay'un mina l-hidhii'! wa-la khuf f un wa-la na'lun wa-la ma kana naziran lt-dhiiiika; wa-hiidha aydan yutaallamu min maudi'ayni: ahaduhuma ma amara lliihu 'azza wa- jalla bihi musa 'alayhi l-saliimu wa+yehoshua (Hcb.) min khal'i l-hidha'i fi mawadi'i l=qudsi; wa-muhal an yakima dhalika l=hidhiiu lladhi kana 'ala dhay nik a l-waliyyayni l-khayrayni t-f adila yni l-nabiyyayn ittajaqa libasuhuma [ami'an min hayawan tamiyy 'ala ma idda'a l=rabbiiniy yiin, wa-innama amarahumii lliihu. 'azza wa+jalla bi-siyanati l-aqdiis min lubsi l-hidha' ... n
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here did draw upon an ancient Jewish tradition," or did the Jews in fact draw upon this Muslim tradition. To be sure, we have no evidence in the Jewish halakhah that it was prohibited to enter a holy place wearing shoes made from the leather of unclean animals, but in light of the fact that the Palestinian halakhic passage cited above goes out of its way to affirm that this is permitted.t" it would appear that there were Jews who forbade it (or abstained from it). In Muslim religious law, this prohibition occupies a far more central position.?? However, whatever the source of this tradition may be, it is a striking example for a link between the polemical traditions of the two religions. It seems reasonable to assume that the contentions of the "Rabbanites" cited here owe their existence not merely to study of the verses in Exodus and Joshua, but rather were part of a polemic against the Karaite practice based on these verses. However, in addition to the arguments raised by the two sides,
25 Al-Qurtubi cites a different reason for rejecting the ruling concerning the removing of shoes, namely, that the words "Remove your shoes from your feet" should be interpreted allegorically: Moses must remove from his heart all thoughts about his wife and children (min 'amri l-ahl wa-l-wuld, see LT, n. 63). A similar claim is cited in the name of "some authorities" by Theodoretus (fifth century C.E.), Quaestiones, PG 80, ad loc.; Moses was told to take off his sandals "so as to dispose of his concern about sustenance (biotikas merimnas), for the leather of the sandals is dead skin." This argument reminds us of the comments found in the Zohar, whose author flourished in Spain a generation after a l+Qur tub i (see Zohar, III, 148a Cf. also: R. Bahya 6. Asher, Commentary on the Torah, ad. Ex 3:15); there, this verse is interpreted as an injuction that Moses abstain from sexual relations (and see: L. Ginzberg, Legends of the Jews V, Philadelphia 1947, p. 420, n. 122). Thus, even this allegorical mid rash was not an Islamic innovation. 26 See above, n. 19. Cf. also Qirqisani, op. cit. (n, 22), p. 953. 27 Related to this is the discussion of whether Moses' shoes were made of tanned or untanned leather, because tanning (dabgh) relieves the leather of its impurity (see e.g., al-Jassas, Al;tkam ai-Qur'an, Constantinople 1338 H, III, 219-220; see also Ibn Abi Shaiba, Musanna], ed. 'Abd al-Khaliq Afghani, Hyderabad, 1967, II, pp. 258-59). For these sources, too, I am indebted to my father, Professor M.J. Kister.
364 it is clearly possible that the influence of the Muslim law of removing one's shoes for prayer is manifest here, as this practice was, by that time, already accepted without any objection in Islam. Perhaps the comment of Rabbenu Hananel (Qairawan, end of the eleventh century), who notes that the Talmud implies that it is not necessary to pray barefoot," should be understood in light of the tension between the different customs, which apparently obtained even among the Rabbanites. The unique formulation of Maimonides (Egypt, twelfth century) seems to indicate acceptance of the new custom among the Jews: "One should not stand in prayer wearing his money-belt, or while barefoot, or with exposed feet, if the local custom is to appear before distinguished people only while wearing shoes.'?" This statement, which bases the halakhah on local, secular custom, attests to the existence of variant customs and to Maimonides' lack of desire to reach a clear-cut decision concerning the matter. Maimonides' formulation might also reflect an attempt to compromise between the halakhah of the Babylonian Talmud and the new custom, which was gaining increasingly wide acceptance (see also below). It is noteworthy that his son, R. A braham Maimonides does not express any preference of praying barefoot," although he was very much influenced by the Muslim ritual of prayer (see below). R. Petahya of Regensburg (end of the twelfth century) testifies that the Jews of Babylon prayed barefoot in their synagogues," (It is almost certain that, at least in Babylonia, this custom was the result of Muslim influence). During the thirteenth century, R. Jacob bar Abba Mari bar Simeon Anatoli (born in Provence, lived in Naples) observed that "in those countries where narrow shoes are worn, they are cleaned before coming [to the synagogue--M.K.l .. .in
28 29 30 31
Above, n. 9. Mishneh Torah, Hilkhot Tefillah 5:5. Above, n. 11. See also op. cit; p. 110 Travels of Rabbi Petahia, ed. and tr. A. Benisch, London 1859, p. 44.
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those countries where it is customary to wear sandals and the like [= in the East--M.K.~ people remove them from their feet."32 R. Jacob associates this practice with the physical cleanliness required in a holy place and with repentence, and his interpretation is based on the verse "Remove your shoes from your feet" (see above). At the beginning of the fourteenth century, R. Ishtori Ha-Parhi, a Provencal Jew who later settled in Palestine, reports "the custom of [the inhabitants of] these countries to leave their shoes at the entrance of the synagogue, outside, unlike the custom of foreign people" [= the Europeans], and he finds support for this custom in the story found in the Yerushalmi cited above." In the fifteenth century, a most interesting piece of evidence appears regarding the development of the Jewish custom in the East, and it is especially significant with regard to the relationship between Judaism and Islam. R. Solomon ben Simeon Duran (North Africa) was asked concerning "a congregation which wished to stipulate that no one be permitted to enter a synagogue wearing shoes, because the Ishmaelites will reproach them for so doing. Furthermore, in that city itself, there is another synagogue, and the worshippers do not enter it wearing shoes. A number of individuals rose and objected,
32 Malmad Ha-Talmidim, Lyck 1866. 45a-b. R. Jacob associates this practice with repentance. and even sees fit to note in this connection: "Those nations which seek to liken themselves to us [by following] our upright laws [i.e.⢠the Christians] require penitents to avoid wearing shoes and to wear white clothing." Here we have a further example of the interrelationships between Judaism and the surrounding religions. Apparently. there were Jews in Ashkenaz who used to afflict themselves in this manner. R. Yizhak Or Zaru'a (Vienna. thirteenth century) says: "And in France I saw 'gibborim' (devoted pietists) walking barefoot on the Sabbath even (!) in the synagogue and reading the Torah barefoot. but it is not right to walk barefoot" (Or Zarila Hilkhot Sh abbat, no. 84 [12]. Zhitomir 1862. I. 20b). Perhaps it was in opposition to such practices that the Tosafot stress that one should not pray barefoot (above. n. 11). 33 Above. n. 15.
366 stating that Maimonides, of blessed memory, permitted one to enter a synagogue wearing shoes." Here, then, we have evidence of variant customs within the same city, as well as of the desire on the part of the leaders of that community to establish the Muslim custom as authoritative in the synagogue. Rabbi Duran's response is quite illuminating: "It is well known that a synagogue should be adorned and exalted ... however, respect is (defined as) whatever people consider respectful ... and in Christian countries, where it is not considered disrespectful for someone to enter even the king's presence while wearing shoes, if someone wears shoes in the synagogue, it is not considered disrespectful. But in these countries, where it is considered disrespectful to enter the presence of distinguished people, and certainly the king, in shoes, it is prohibited to enter the local synagogue wearing shoes. Even though [the synagogue] is not a true sanctuary, it is nevertheless holy ... Also ... in these countries, where people are careful to enter their own homes wearing shoes, it is prohibited to enter the synagogue in shoes. And concerning this matter, my master and father, our teacher." may he be remembered for eternal life, instituted this decree here, which is suitable for every sensible man. And the fact that such a decree was not instituted by the ancients does not prove that this is permitted ... Even if there were nothing prohibited about this, it would be proper to institute such a decree, [to prevent] the reproach to our people. And so much the more so that this is prohibited, for the reasons which I have cited/'" Rabbi Duran adopts Maimonides' basic formulation and conception and expands upon it. However, from the end of his responsum it is clear that he was not motivated solely by considerations of conventions, but principally by the desire to
34 I.e., R. Solomon ben Zernah Duran. Perhaps it is worth noting in this connection that he wrote a sharp polemic against Islam, based on verses from the Qur'an and betraying acquaintance with Arabic literature. See Magen va-Qeshet, ed. A. Berliner, Ozar Tov, Hebraische Beilage zum Magazin fur die Wissenschaft des Judentums, Berlin 1881. 35 Teshuvot Rashbash [Hebrew], Livorno 1742 section 285.
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avoid the reproach of the Muslims." Ironically enough, the circuit is thus completed: ancient Islam wished to distance itself from the Jewish custom of praying barefoot, but ultimately this practice was adopted by the Muslims, and later, in other places and periods, the Muslim practice affected Jewish custom! In fact, by now it is difficult to determine what is the result of Muslim influence and what is a continuation of ancient Jewish custom. This custom apparently continued to gain acceptance, and by the sixteenth century, Rabbi Joseph Karo (lived in Safed) remarks that "custom of all Jews in Arab lands is to pray barefoot.'?" At least in some of these countries (e.g., Yemen), this practice is followed to this very day," If the requirement that shoes be removed before prayer in the synagogue was unique to the Muslim East, the basic sensitivity to the fact that dirt might cling to a person's shoes and thereby blemish his prayer was also present in Europe. The author of the "Book of the Pious" (Seter Hasidim) notes: "When one goes to the synagogue or the house of study, he must check his feet to make sure that there is no excrement on them, for the Torah says, 'Cast off your shoes from your feet,' and similarly [the Bible states] regarding Joshua. But it does not say, 'Remove your shoes,' for what benefit is there to remove one's shoes, if they remain near him? Therefore it says, 'cast off your shoes from your feet' - i.e., from a distance of four cubits.'?"
36 The desire to prevent humiliation of the Jewish religion on the part of the Muslims (cf. S.M. Stern JThs NS 19 [1968], p. 155, n. 2) by adopting Muslim strictures is already attested during the Geonic period. See Wieder's remarks (above, n. 20), and see also S. Lieberman, Tashlum Tosefta (second ed.), Jerusalem 1970, p. 66. 37 Beit Yosef on fur, Oran Hayyim, section 91, s.v. O#:JD'i1 :In:n In the Shulhan 'Arukh, section 91, Maimonides' formulation is cited verbatim. 38 See above, n. 12. This practice is followed to this very day among the Karaites (see above on their views) and the Samaritans. 39 Seier Hasidim, ed. J. Wistinetzki and J. Freimann, Frankfurt am Main 1924, p. 127.
368 We have already seen that R. Jacob bar Abba Mari ben Simeon Anatoli associates this custom, which is motivated by a concern for cleanliness, with that followed by Eastern Jews, even though for different reasons. Later on in Germany, too, in the responsa of Maharam Mintz (15th century)," the concern about dirt is emphasized, and for this reason that scholar ruled that it is forbidden to enter the synagogue wearing boots," "for dirt clings to them . . . even before a human king it is not customary to appear wearing something dirty, and so much the more so before the King of all kings, the Holy One, blessed be He ... and for this reason there are countries in which people pray only barefoot, without shoes. Now in these areas, it is not customary or acceptable to walk barefoot, and therefore we do not remove our shoes ... " However, Maharam Mintz rules that boots, which ordinarily get extremely dirty, must be removed." Here, again, in a different society and for different reasons, we find echoes of the halakhah prevalent in the East. From our discussion of the different customs regarding the removal of shoes for prayer and the history of these customs in Judaism and Islam, we can see the complex and often contradictory relationship between these two religions in the course of their development. Several additional remarks concerning the Jewish customs mentioned in the preceding article are in order. Sitting and reclining (LT, n. 37) during Jewish prayer are well-known phenomena. It is noteworthy that Rabbi Abraham Maimonides ordained that Jews should sit during prayer the
40 Teshuvot Maharam Mintz, Saloniki 1802, 38. 41 He refers to them as "sandalim,' apparently following the (incorrect) interpretation of Rashbam, Bava Batra 58a. 42 See also R. David b. Shmuel ha-Kokhavi (Provence, 13th century), Sefer Ha-Batim, ed. M. Hershler, III, Jerusalem 1982, p. 55 and note 807, that it was prohibited to enter the synagogue with nail-studded sandals (sandal ha-mesummar), apparently for the same reason. [Compare especially: R. Abraham Maimonides above, n. 29a1
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same way the Muslims do. The comfortable, disorganized way in which the Jews sat during prayer in his days seemed unacceptable to him.43 Likewise, regarding conversation during prayer among the Jews, a corrupt practice already mentioned in the haditn (LT, n. 45), Wieder" has demonstrated that it was the Muslim view which led to the reform introduced by Maimonides in Jewish prayer. As Maimonides states: ''Thus shall be removed the profanation of God's name among the gentiles, [after they saw howl the Jews spit and expectorate (or: blow their noses) and speak during prayer.?" The Jewish practice of swaying during prayer is mentioned in medieval Jewish literature." Apparently, the
43 See N. Wieder (above, n. 20), pp. 93-103, and especially p. 101;see also ibid., pp. 117,120. 44 Ibid., pp. 55-59. 45 ..... wa-yartofi'u hillul ha-sbim (Heb.) lladhi hasala 'inda l-goyyim (He b.) bi-anna I-yahud yabsuqi: wa-yamkhutis wa-yatahaddathii fi tay yi saliuihim, Li-anna I-amra kadhii yashhadicnahu" (Teshuvot Ha-Rambam, ed. J. Blau, Jerusalem 1986, 258, p. 484; 256, p. 475: "... alladhi yazunnu bina anna l-saliita 'indana ldbun wahadhuwun".) 46 R. Abraham ben Nathan of Lunel (d. 1215),Seier Ha-M anhig, ed. Y. Raphael, Jerusalem 1978, 1, p. 85, writes: "I found in the Midrash: A person is required to sway during prayer, for it is written: 'All my bones shall proclaim Thee, 0 Lord, who is like unto you?' This is also the custom of the rabbis of France and the pious men there." The same remarks are cited by R. Zedekiah ben Abraham (Italy, thirteenth century), Shibbole ha-Leqet, ed. S.L. Mirsky, New York 1966, p. 183, from "Ma'aseh Merkavah." See also Mahzor Vitry, ed. S. Horovitz, Niirnberg 1923, section 508, p. 630, on swaying among the Jews while studying Torah (= Commentary of 'Baal Ha-Turim on the Torah ed. I.K. Reiniz, Bne-Braq 1971,p. 167 (ad Ex. 20:15), and R. Judah Ha-Levi, Kuzari, 11:79-80. On swaying during prayer see also Zohar, III, 218b (judging from the style of the last two sources, they seem to be apologetic). It is noteworthy that the explanation for swaying during the Torah reading cited in Mahzor Vitry and by 'Baal Ha-Turim' appears almost verbatim in a late Arab source cited by Goldziher, Beitrage zur Geschichte der Sprachgelehrsamkeit bei den Arabern, I, Wien 1871,p. 27. [= Gesammelte Schriften, Hildesheim 1967, p. 31]. On
370 Muslim testimony is the earliest extant source regarding this ancient practice. In the Arabic sources cited in L T, n. 39, mention is made of swaying when the Torah was opened. If this claim is accurate (and the Muslim sources are not referring to swaying while the Torah was read), perhaps the reference is to the ancient custom of bowing down as the Torah was opened: "It is obligatory upon all men and women to look at the writing [in the Torah] and bow down,"?" Perhaps this bowing appeared to the Muslims as if the Jews were swaying. The practice of closing the eyes during Jewish prayer is first mentioned in Jewish literature," to the best of my knowledge, in the Zoharr"
swaying during the qedushah prayer see: Seier ha-Manhig, p. 88 and the sources cited there; Shibbole ha-Leqet, p. 194. The explanation suggested there for swaying during recitation of the qedushah (in the name of "Rabbenu Shlomo") is based on Is. 6:4, "the foundations of the doorposts swayed." It is perhaps worthy of note that this verse is also cited as a source for swaying during prayer in order to attain mystical inspiration--in the wake of the Sufi dhikr--in Pirqe Haslaha, erroneously attributed to Maimonides, ed. D.H. Baneth and H.S. Davidowitz, Jerusalem 1939, p. 7. 47 Tractate Sof erim, ed. M. Higger, p. 261. On this custom, see the remarks of S. Lieberman, Sheki'in, Jerusalem 1970, p. 9, and add the following sources to the citation from Midrash Mishle appearing there: Tanhuma, ed. Buber, Genesis, p. 81, and n. 236; Z.M. Rabinowitz, Ginze Midrash, Tel Aviv 1977, p. 57, line 22. Cf. also the remarks of the Samaritan Marqah (fourth century): "You are the great book before which we have come to bow down" (Z. Ben-Hayyim, The Literal and Oral Tradition of Hebrew and Aramaic According to the Samaritans [Hebrew], IIII2, Jerusalem 1967, p. 247, and see also ibid., p. 256). 48 However, we do find that people covered their eyes with their hands during recitation of the Shema (according to many interpretations, so as to facilitate concentration): Berakhot 13b; see Rashi and Rosh, ibid; and Tur, Oral) Hayyim, section 61J). 49 Zohar, III, 260b: "One must cover his eyes, so as not to behold the Divine Presence ... one who opens his eyes during prayer, or who does not lower his eyes to the ground, brings the Angel of Death upon himself ... " The practice of lowering the eyes is already found in the
sanctity.pdf SANCTITY JOINT AND DIVIDED: ON HOLY PLACES IN THE ISLAMIC TRADITION M.J. Kister
For Professor P. Shinar, with esteem and friendship.
At the end of the first century of the hijra there was an almost unanimous consensus of the Muslim community as to the three distinguished mosques which were recommended as sanctuaries to be visited by the believers. It is noteworthy that the consent of the Muslim orthodox scholars to grant validity to the famous utterance of the Prophet: "You shall set out only for the three mosques .... " 1 was reached after a period of discussion among the scholars of Muslim law, after a close scrutiny of the tradition of the Prophet, and after the approval of the orthodox
1 Diya' al-Din Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Wahid al-Maqdisi, Fada'il bayti I-maqdis, ed. Muhammad MutT' al-l:Iafi~(Damascus, 1404/1983), 39-44, nos. 1-7. See the different versions of the tradition. Muhammad N~ir al-Din al-Albani (= al-AlbanI), Silsilat al-af,ladrthi 1-~af,ll/.Ia(Beirut, 1405/1985), II, 732-34, no. 997. Al-l:Iasan b. Muhammad al-$aghani, Mabariq al-azhar /f sharf,li mashariqi l-anwar (sharf,lu bni malik) (Ankara, 1328), I, 219. AI-FakihI, Ta'n"kh Makka, MS Leiden Or. 463, fols. 352a-54b. Abu TaUb Muhammad b. Muhammad b. IbrahIm, al-Ghaylaniyyat, [al-muntaqa], MS Hebrew University, Ar. 8*, 273, p. 7 inf. MS Br. Mus. Or. 3059, fol. 3a. Muhibb al-Din al-Tabari, al-Qira li-qallidi ummi l-qura, ed. Mu~a.Ia I-Saqqa (Cairo, 1390/1970), 655-56. Nur al-Dln al-HaythamI, Mawaridu l-~am'an ila zawa'idi bni f,libban, eel. Muhammad 'Abd al-Razzliq l:Iamza (Cairo, n.d.), 256-57, nos. 1035-42. AI-Tabarani, al·Mu'jamu l-kabrr, ed. l:Iamdi 'Abd al-Majid al-Silafi (n.p., 1404/1983), II, 276-77, nos. 2158-61. AI-Mundhiri, al-Targhrb wa-l-tarhrb, eel. Muhammad Muhyi I-Din 'Abd al-l:Iamid (Cairo, 1380/1961), III, 51-54, nos. 1734, 1737, 1739. And see esp. no. 1740: lIalatun /f masjidr khayrun min alft lIaliitin /fma siwahu mina I-masajidi ilia I-masjida l·aq~a. But the tradition recorded in al-Kattllni; Na~m al-mutanathir mina I-f,ladrthi I-mutawatir (Cairo, 1983), 78, no. 58: lIalatun /f
=
masjidr hiidha khayrun min alft lIalatin /fma siwahu mina I-masajidi ilia I-masjida 1f,larama. AI-Fasawi, al·Ma'riJa wa-l-ta'n"kh, ed. Diya' al-Din al-'Umari (Beirut, 1401/ 1981), II, 294-95. See the different versions. Al-SuyutI, Jam'u I-jawami' (Cairo, 1978), I, 893. See the different versions. Idem, Fakihat al-lIayJ wa·anis al-dayJ, ed.
Mul,lammad Ibrahim Salim (Cairo, 1408/1988), 215. 'Abdallah b. Mul,1ammadb. Abi Shayba [= Ibn AbI Shayba), al-MuliannaJ /f l-a~adfthi wa-l-athar, ed. 'Abd al-Kha.iiq al-AfghllnI, [reprint) (n.p., n.d.), II, 374 inf.-375 sup. AI-QuI1ubi, TaJsfr [= al-Jami' li~kami l-qur'an], eel. MIlliI~a.fll-Saqqa(Cairo, 1387/1967), XIX, 21. AI-Musharraf b. Murajja, Fa4a'il bayti I-maqdis wa-l-khalll, MS Tiibingen 27, fol. 32a inf.-32b. This work has now been publisheel in Ofer Livne-Kafri, ed., Fada'il Bayt al-Maqdis wa al- Khalil wa al-Sham by Abu al-Ma'a.iI al-Musharraf b. al-Murajja b. IbrahIm al-MaqdisI (Shefaram, Israel: al-Mashriq Press, 1995). See also M.J. Kister, "You shall only set out for three mosques: A Study of an Early Tradition." Le Museon 82(1969), 173-96.
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heads of the community. Weighing cautiously the opinions of the scholars in the different regions of the Muslim empire, the influential religious leaders, after hesitations and doubts, gradually consented to extend the tradition recommending to set out only to the sanctuary of the Ka'ba/' so as to include the mosque of the Prophet in Medina. 3 There seems to have been a strong tendency among orthodox scholars to discourage believers from journeys to sanctuaries honored and revered before Islam where they would perform ritual practices. Tradition says that the Aus and Khazraj used to pray in the direction of Jerusalem two years before the hijra of the Prophet" and it is plausible that they intended to continue to set out to Jerusalem after they had embraced Islam. The opposition to journeys to sanctuaries other than those in Mecca and Medina, journeys undertaken on the authority of certain early traditions, is manifest in reports on the authority of the Prophet, in which he dissuaded believers from carrying out their oath to set out to Jerusalem, and convinced them to perform the planned ritual in the mosque of Medina.P Finally, after the consolidation of Umayyad power and the growth of the influence of Syria, the utterance concerning the three mosques quoted above gained almost unanimous approval. As in the case of the former tradition limiting the recommended journey to two mosques (Mecca and Medina), orthodox scholars tried to dissuade the believers from journeys to sanctuaries other than these three mosques. This can be seen in the widely circulated tradition in which the Companions are enjoined not to journey to the mount of Sinai and to perform their ritual practices in the three recommended mosques." The believers however persisted in their veneration of Tiir Stna: commentaries of the Qur'an report many stories
2 Ibn AbI Shayba, al-Mu~annaf, II, 375, ll. 2-3: 'an 'abdi Ilahi bni aM I-hudhayl qiiia: la tashuddu l-rihiila ilia ila I-bayti I-'atfq. 3Niir al-Dm al-Haythamt, Mawarid al-q:am'an, 252, no. 1023: inn a khayra ma rukibat ilayhi I-rawal}ilu masjidf hadhii wa-I-baytu I-'atfq. 'Ala' al-Din 'All b. Balaban al-Farisr, al-Ihsiin. bi-tartfbi ~al}fl}i bni I}ibban, ed. Kamal. Yusuf al-Hut (Beirut, 1407/ 1987), III, 70, no. 1614. AI-MundhirI, al-Targhfb wa-I-tarhfb, ed. Muhammad Muhyi l-DIn 'Abd al-Hamid (Cairo, 1379/1960), III, 63, no. 1775. 4 Mahmtid Ibrahim, Faq.a'il bayti I-maqdis /f makhtutat 'arabiyya qadfma (alKuwayt, 1406/1985), 365, 1. 3. 5Niir al-Din al-Haythaml, Mawarid al-q:am'an, 256, no. 1035. Al-Tabarant, alMu'jam al-kabfr, VII, 320, no. 7258. Ibn al-Athtr, Jiimi' al-u~Ul min al}adfthi I-rasul [::;1, ed. Muhammad Hamid al-FaqqI (Cairo, 1374/1955), XII, 183, nos. 9092-95. 6Niir al-Dtn al-HaythamI, Mawarid al-q:am' an, 252-53, no. 1024. Al-Tabaranl, al-Mu'jam al-kabfr, II, 276, no. 2157. Al-Zurqanl, SharI} al-muwaHa' (Cairo, 1381/ 1961), I, 329-30, 332. AI-Kha~Ib al-Baghdadr, Talkhf~u I-mutashabih /f I-rasm waI}imayatu ma ashkala minhu 'an bawadiri l-ta~l}ffi wa-I-wahm, ed. Sukayna al-Shihabi (Damascus, 1985), II, 866-67, no. 1422. Ibn AbI Shayba, al-Mu~annaf, II, 274 ult.275 1. 1: sa'altu 'umara: atf I-tura? qala: dati I-tura wa-Ia ta'tiha, wa-qala: Iii tashuddu I-ril}ala ilia ila thalathati masajida. I;>iya' al-Dln al-Maqdist, Faq.a'il bayti I-maqdis, 41. Al-Albant, Silsilat al-a1,ladfthi 1-~al}fI],a,II, 733.
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M.J. Kister
about miracles that occurred on 'fur SIna when the Torah was given to Moses and describe how the mountain split out of awe for God. It was on this occasion that sections of 'fur SIna reached Mecca, Medina and other places; thus the mountains of Uhud, Thabir, Hira', Warqan and Thaur in the Hijaz are splinters of 'fur SIna.7 The traditions speaking of how splinters of 'fur SIna reached Mecca and Medina and how they eventually served as the material out of which the sanctuaries in these cities were built illustrate the idea of the transfer of sanctity and demonstrate its distribution among other holy places. The persistence of the reverence of al-'fur in the popular belief of pious circles is expressed in a question directed to Ibn Hajar al-HaytamI (d. 974 H.), whether Uhud is said to be more holy than Mount SIna.8 ~ufis seem to have continued to journey to Mount SInai al-Junayd is said to have journeyed with a group of ~ufis to 'fur SIna, climbed up the mountain, prayed there, invoked God and a qawwiil chanted such a moving song that the ~ufis who were present could not tell whether they were in heaven or on earth. A Christian monk who was on the mountain was so much impressed by the ritual that convinced by the arguments of the group of Sufis, converted to Islam." AI-'fur is counted among the three places of asylum: Damascus will serve as a refuge for the believers in the period of the bloody wars (maliif},im), Jerusalem will shelter them in the period of the false Messiah (dajjiil), al- 'fur will be their refuge in the time of Yajuj and Majuj.lO The status of a sanctuary was often enhanced by assigning it an additional name referring to a biblical personality or to a holy place already existing in the pre-Islamic period, or by giving it a second name borrowed from a celebrated Muslim sanctuary. The name of Medina, for example, is said to have been al-Makkatiinill or al-Masjid al-aq/?ii.12 Mecca, says a tradition, was called $ahyun;13 this name of course refers
7 See al-Suyutr, al-Durr ol-manthiir jf l-tofsir bi-I-ma'thn» (Cairo, 1314 [reprint Tehran]), III, 119. AI-MajlisT, Bil}ii.r al-anwii.r (Tehran, 1386), XIII, 217, 224, LX, 223, no. 56. 8 Ibn Hajar al-HaytamT, al-Fatii.wii. 1-l}adlthiyya (Cairo, 1390/1970), 187. 9Ibn al-'ArabT, al- Wa~ii.yii. (Beirut, n.d.), 282-83. 10 Al-Suyutr, Jam' al-jawii.mi', I, 744 sup. 11 Muhammad b. Yusuf al-Salihf l-Shaml, 8ubulu l-hudii. uia-l-rashiid jf strati khayri l-'ibii.d l= al-Sira al-shii.miyya], ed.'Abd al-'AzTz 'Abd al-Haqq Hilmi (Cairo, 1395/ 1975), ill, 424, no. 85. 12 Al-Samhndt, Wafii.'u l-wafii. bi-akhbii.ri dii.ri l-musiafii, ed. Muhammad Muhyi lDIn 'Abd al-Hamrd (Cairo, 1374/1975), I, 23, no. 77. Al-Saliht, ai-Stra al-shii.miyya, ill, 424, no. 78. 13 'AlI b. Burhan al-Dm al-Halabi, Insii.nu l-'uyun jf szmti l-amzni l-ma'mun l= alSira al-I}alabiyya] (Cairo, 1382/1962), I, 240 inf. 'AlI b. Rabban al-Tabart, al-Din wa-l-daula, ed. 'AlI Nuwayhid (Beirut, 1393/1973), 140 sup. And see Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Hidii.yat al-I}ayii.rii., 71: inna lliiha subl}ii.nahu a~hara min ~ahyun ikh/Uan
Sanctity
Joint and Divided
21
to the celebrated spot mentioned in the Psalms. Another locality identified with Mecca was Faran; it was the place which God provided as lodging for Hajar and her son Isma'I1.14 The mountains of Mecca are said to have been named Faran.15 An additional name attached to Mecca was Kutha, the name of Araham's birthplace.!" Damascus gained a prominent position among the cities frequented by the believers very early on in Islamic times, becoming in effect the fourth holy sanctuary. The status of Damascus and of al-Shiim was established in the opinion of the Muslim community through several predictions and utterances extolling al-Shiim attributed to the Prophet. He is said to have urged the believers to join the fighting forces during the conquest of al-Sluim, stressed the qualities of the people of Sham and the virtues of the various localities in Sham, and called upon the believers to settle in Sham, which, according to the definition of the period, included the area of Syria, Jordan and Filastrn.!" Some commentators of the Qur'an stated that the rabuia mentioned in the Quran (Sura 28, 50) refers to the Ghuta of Damascus.l" Other commentators ascribed the word rabuia to the locality Ramla in Sham, or more precisely in Filastrn.l? The virtues of this locality were further enhanced by stories concerning prophets who were persecuted and who tried to find refuge in Ramla. Such was the case of the prophet Salih , who sojourned for some time in Ramla.r'' the story of the seventy prophets who were driven out of Jerusalem in the period following the
refers to Muhammad: al-Kazaruni, Sira, fol. 19a, ll. 5-6. Al-Qurtubl, al-T'liim. bi-ma fi dfni I-na~ara mina I-fasadi wa-I- auham, ed. Ahmad I.IijazI al-Saqqa, 265: sua-Iii khtilafa anna farana makkatu wa-qad qiila fi l-touriiti: inn a llaha askana hajara uia-bnuhii isma'fla [iiriitui: and see 274. Yaqllt , Mu'jam al-buldiin; s.v. Faran. Ibn Taymiyya, al-Jauiiib al-~al}ll} Ii-man baddala dfna l-masih, iii, 300-1, 304-6, 312,326,331. 15 Yaqut, Mu'jam, s.v. Paran: qila: huwa ismun li-jibiili makka .. , wa-fi l-tauriiti:
mal}mudan
14
ja'a lliihu min sfna'a wa-ashraqa min sa'fr wa-sta'lana min farana; majf'uhu min sfna'a taklimutn: li-miisii 'alayhi l-saliim; uia-ishriiquliu min sa'fra, wa-hiya jibiilu jilas!fna, huwa inzaluhu l-injfla 'ala 'fsa 'alayhi l-saliim; uia-sti'Liinuh.u. min jibiili farana inzaluhu I-qur'ana 'ala mul}ammadin, sallii usn« 'alayhi wa-sal/am. qalii: wa-faran jibiilu makkata. 16 Al-'AynI, 'Umdat al-qiiri, short: ~al}fl} al-Inikhiiri (Cairo, [reprint Beirut]), IX, 214 inf.; Yaqflt , Mu'jam, s.V. Kutha.
'Izz al-Dtn Abu Muhammad 'Abd al-'Azlz b. 'Abd al-Salam al-Sulami, fi suknii I-sham, ed. Muhammad Shakur al-Mayadrnt, al-Zarqa' (1407/1987). 18 Muqatil b. Sulayman, Tafsir, MS Ahmet III, 74/2, fol. 30b. 'Izz al-Dtn, Tarqhib ahli I-islam, 39. Abu Hafs 'Urnar b. Muhammad b. al-Khidr al-Mausilr, Kitiib aluinsila (Hyderabad, 1399/1979), V/l, 187 inf.-188 sup. 19 Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa wa-I-ta'rfkh, ed. Diya' al-Din al-'VmarI (Beirut, 1401/ 1981), II, 299. Al-Majlisi, Bil}ar al-anwar, LX, 202. 20 Anonymous, History of the Prophets [Arabic], MS Br. Mus. Or. 1510, fol. 38a.
Targhfb ahli I-islam
17 See
22
M.J. Kister
death of Luqman, were stricken by hunger and died on one day provide another instance; their graves are in Hamla.P! Luqrnan is said to be buried between the mosque of Ramla and its market+' although another tradition says that he is buried near Tiberias.F' The high position of Ramla is reflected in a tradition recorded on the authority of Ka'b al-Ahbar: On the Day of Resurrection Ramla will argue, interceding on behalf of the people buried in its cemetery, complaining of their being punished even though they are buried in Ramla.24 The problem of the graves of prophets is noteworthy. The number of graves of prophets and saints in a given city serves as a measure of its status and position on the map of holy places as drawn by the Muslim community.r" This concept was deduced from the interpretation of a verse allegedly recorded in the Torah, saying that Sham is God's treasury on earth and in it is God's treasury of His servants; the "treasury of His servants" was said to mean the graves of the prophets: Ibrahim, Ishaq and Ya'qub.26 The stories of Ramla, a town founded in the period of the Umayyads, may serve as a good example for the sanctification of places which did not exist in the early period. Stories about their sanctity became current in the period following their foundation or their conquest. The Prophet is said to have prayed on his nocturnal journey, the isrii'; on the spot on which the mosque of Damascus was later built.27 This event endowed the area of the mosque with its sanctity. We may gain some notion of the beliefs and tenets of the people of Syria concerning the sanctity of the mosque of Damascus from a report about a dispute between two believers as to the value of a prayer in the Damascus mosque and as to the merits of pious deeds and ritual practices in Syria. The famous scholar Ibn Taymiyya (d. 728 H.) was asked his opinion as to
21
Ibid.,
fol. 133b, ult.
Al-Mazandarant,
Maniiqib
salman
(n.p.,
1285 [lithograph]),
17.
22 Anonymous, History of the Prophets,' [Arabic], MS Br. Mus. Or. 1510, fol. 133b inf. 23 Al-Mazandarani, Manaqib salman, 17. 24 Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa uia-l-ta'rtkh, II, 299. 25 Al-Fakihi, Tti'rikh. Makka, MS Leiden, Or. 463, fol. 357a: dhikru mauq.i'i qubiir 'adhara baniiti ismiiiil 'alayhi l-saliim min masjidi t-hariim ... ; but see al-kalbf'an abf ~alilJ, 'ani bni 'abbasin [r] qiila: fi l-masjidi l-tiariimi qabriini laysa fihi ghayruhuma: qabru isma'fla wa-shu'aybin. AI-FasI, Shifa'u l-gharam bi-okhbiiri l-baladi l-harii (Beirut, [reprint], n.d.), I, 199. Ibn al-Faqlh al-Hamadhant, Kitiib al-buldiin, ed. M.J. De Goeje (Leiden, 1885), 17: uia-qiila 'alayhi l-saliimu inn a qabra hiida washu'aybin wa-~alilJ,in fimii bayna zamzama wa-l-maqiimi wa-inna fi l-ka'bati qabra iholiithi mi'ati nabiyyin wa-ma bayna l-rukni l-yamanf ilii l-rukni l-aswadi qabrii sab'fna nabiyyan. 26 Al-Suyiitf', al-Durr al-manthiir, III, 112 sup.: Ka'b: maktiibun fi l-tauriiti: inn a l-shiima kanzu llahi 'azza wa-jalla min arq.ihi, biha kanzu lliih» min 'ibadihi, ya'nf bihii qubiira l-anbiya'i: ibriihisru: wa-islJ,aqa wa-ya'qiiba .... 27 Abu Hafs 'Urnar al-Mausili, al- Wasfla, V /1, 188.
Sanctity
Joint and Divided
23
whether one prayer in the mosque of the Umayyads in Damascus equals ninety prayers [elsewhere], whether it is true that three hundred prophets are buried in this mosque, that a believer who passes a night sleeping in Syria gets the same reward as a believer who passes a night in vigilance in 'Iraq, that a believer who observes a voluntary fast in 'Iraq is like a believer who does not observe such a fast in Syria, and whether God, in blessing the two places, placed seventy parts of the blessing in Syria and only one part in 'Iraq. Ibn Taymiyya denied the tradition about the special value of prayer in the mosque of the Umayyads in Damascus; he did however uphold the view that God is much better praised in this mosque than in any other. He denied the tradition about the three hundred prophets buried in the Damascus mosque and about special rewards for the performance of ritual practices in Syria; but he confirmed that the Prophet praised Syria and set store by the pious deeds of the people of Syria.28 In another of his writings Ibn Taymiyya took exception to the practice of "falsifying" tombs, i.e., falsely ascribing graves to eminent Islamic personages.P" The famous scholar of I},adfth 'Abd al-'Azlz al-Kattant''? made plain his opinion about the graves of prophets: none of the graves is certified except the tomb of the Prophet. Others maintained that the grave of Abraham was also assured. The early author Ibn Sa'd counted as certain the graves of Isma'il under the spout of the Ka'ba, the grave of Hud in Yemen, as well as the grave of the Prophet."! Ibn Taymiyya records as spurious the tomb of Ubayy b. Ka'b in Damascus (he died in Medina), the tombs of Umm Habtba and Umm Salama and the tombs of other wives of the Prophet outside Damascus. It is however probable that there is a tomb of the $al},abiyya Umm Salama bint Yazid b. al-Sakan, who indeed died in Syria. It is probable too that the tomb of Bilal, (the Prophet's mU'adhdhin), is situated at the biib al-~aghfr in Damascus.V Of special interest are the data given by Ibn Taymiyya as to the tombs of caliphs and governors allegedly buried in Damascus. The tomb of Hud in the mosque of Damascus is not genuine; Hiid was sent as prophet in the Yemen and performed the pilgrimage to Mecca; he did not go to Syria. This tomb is in fact that of the pious Mu'awiya b. Yazld b. Mu'awiya, who was Caliph for a short time and died without appointing an heir. The tomb of Khalid (obviously b. WalId) in Hims is
Ibn Taymiyya, al-Faiiiuiii l-kubrii, ed. Hasanayn Muhammad Makhluf (Beirut, [reprint]), I, 371, no. 226. 29 Ibn Taymiyya, Iqtiq.ii'u l-siriiii l-mustaqim mukhiilafatu a~lJiibi l-jalJfm, ed. Muhammad Hamid al-FiqT (Cairo, 1369), 316-20. 30 Called al-Katabt in the text, see al-DhahabT, Tadhkirat al-lJuffii:; (Hyderabad, 1376/1957), III, 1170, no. 1024 . . 1 Ibn Taymiyya, al-Faiiiuiii l-kubrii, IV, 449. 3
28
1386/1966,
32
Ibid.
24
M.J, Kister
said to be that of Khalid b. Yazid b. Mu'awiya, the brother of Mu'awiya b. Yazid b. Mu'awiya mentioned above. 'All's tomb is in the government hall (qa/fr al-imiirq,) in Kiifa (not in Najaf), Mu'awiya was buried in the government hall in Damascus and 'Amr (b. al-'A~) was buried in the government hall in Egypt; they were buried there out of fear that the Khawarij would exhume their graves.P Another author, Ibn Junghul (d. 951 H.), identifies some of these spurious tombs.i" We find traditions greatly exaggerating the value of prayers in Damascus; one such tradition says that a prayer in the mosque of Damascus is worth thirty thousand prayers performed in another mosque.V' Damascus was included in the list of the four cities of Paradise on earth, the others being Mecca, Medina, and Jerusalem. 36 A peculiar list of the cities of Paradise is recorded on the authority of Ka'b alAhbar; it includes Jerusalem, Hims, Damascus, Bayt Jibrln and ~aIar in Yemen.P" A different tradition, said to have been transmitted by Yarnani historians, records Damascus, Marw, and ~an'a'.38 A ShI'Y source records another list of Paradise cities: Mecca, Medina, Jerusalem, and "a city between Sayhan and Jayhan called al-Mansiira and guarded by angels, which is in fact Ma~Y~a."39 The particular flavor of traditions dedicated to the praises of Syria and Damascus is reflected in a tradition ascribed to the Companion 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud: when God created the world He divided Good
Ibid., 450-451. Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh, MS Br. Library, Or. 5912/1, fol. 36b (the tomb of Hud in the mosque of Damascus is the tomb of Mu'awiya; and see ibid. on the tombs of 'Amr b. al-'A:;;and 'AlI). 35 Al-Safftirf, Nuzhat al-majiilis wa-muntakhab al-nafii'is (Beirut, n.d.), 341 inf. 36 Muhammad b. Tulun al-Salihl, al-Qalii'id al-jauhariyya If ta'rfkhi l-~iilil}iyya, ed. Muhammad Ahmad Dahman (Damascus, 1401/1981), II, 513. Isma'tl Muhammad al-'Ajliinf l-Jarrahr l= al-Jarraht], Kashf al-khafii' wa-muzflu l-ilbiis 'ammii shtaham mina l-al}iidfthi 'alii alsinati l-niis (Beirut, 1351), I, 450 sup., no. 1466. 'AlI b. Muhammad b. 'Araq al-Kinanf l= Ibn 'Araq], Tanzihs: I-shari'ati l-marfii'a 'ani l-al}iidzthi l-shani'ati l-mau(lii'a, ed. 'Abd al-Wahhab 'Abd al-Latrf and 'Abdallah Muhammad al-Sadlq (Beirut, 1399/1979), II, 48, no. 7. Al-Dhahabi, Mfziin ali'tidiil If naqdi l-rijnl, ed. 'All Muhammad al-Bijawt (Cairo, 1382/1963), IV, 346, no. 9400. Ibn al-Jauzt, Kitiibu l-mau(lii'iit, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman "Uthman, al-Madtna al-munawwara (1386/1966), II, 51. Al-Shaukant, al-Fawii'id al-majmii'a If l-al}iidzthi l-mau(lii'a, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Yahya l-Mu'allarnr l-Yamanr (Beirut, 1392),428, no. 1229, and see the editor's comments. 37 Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa uia-l-ta'rikh, II, 304. Al-Shaukanr, al-Fawii'id al-majmii'a, 428, no. 1229, and see al-Fasawr, ibid,. the cities of Hell: Qustantrniyya, al-Tuwana, Antakiyya, Tadmur and ~an'a' in Yemen; al-Shaukanf however stresses that by ~an'a' of Hell the city ~an'a' in Rum is meant. 38 Al-Shaukani, al-Fawii'id al-majmii'a, p. 428, no. 1230. 39 Muhammad b. al-Fattal al-Naysaburt, Roudatu. l-wii'i~fn, ed. Muhammad MahdI l-Sayyid Hasan al-Kharsan (Najaf, 1386/1966), 409: arba'u madii'in min a l-janna:
33 34
makkatu wa-I-madznatu wa-baytu l-maqdis wa-madfnatun bayna sayl}iin wa-jayl}iin yuqiilu lahii mansiira wa-hiya masisa maMii~atun bi-I-malii'ikati.
Sanctity
Joint and Divided
25
(al-khayr) into ten parts; nine-tenths He placed in Syria, and one part in the rest of the world. Similarly God divided Evil (al-sharr) into ten parts: one part He placed in Syria, and nine parts in the rest of the world.t" The location of the bad things of the rest of the world were located deduced from a tradition about a conversation 'Umar held with Ka'b al-Al)bar when they established the place of the mosque of Jerusalem. 'Umar was invited on that occasion by the people of 'Iraq to visit them in the same way as he visited the people of Jerusalem, but was swayed by Ka'b to refuse the invitation; Ka'b argued that 'Iraq contained the rebellious jinn, that Hartlt and Marilt taught people witchcraft in 'Iraq and that 'Iraq harbored nine tenths of the world's evil (shan,); the people of 'Iraq, in addition, were affected by an incurable disease: they were too wealthy.'! Needless to say, this is a manifest Syrian anti-Traqi tradition. It is only to be expected that there should be a widely circulated prophetic tradition forbidding the performing of prayers in the "Land of Babil," because the land of Babil is cursed.v' The people of Shiim, says an utterance ascribed to the Prophet, will continue to fight their enemies for a just cause until the last of them will fight the Dajja1.43 The Prophet predicted that Sham would be conquered and summoned the believers to move to the conquered territories, as Shiim was the best of the lands and its people would be the chosen
40 Al-Tabarani, al-Mu'jam al-kabir, IX, 198, no. 8881. Nnr al-Din al-Haythamt, Majma' al-zawa'id wa-manba' al-fawa'id (Beirut, 1967), X, 60. Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa, II, 295. 41 Al-Muttaqi l-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal fi sunan al-aquiiil wa-I-af'al (Hyderabad, 1390/1970), XVII, 120, no. 376. 42 Ibn Tayrniyya, al-Iqtitf,a', 81. Ibn AbI Shayba, cl-Musanna], II, 377: 'AlI: ... mii kuntu u~alli bi-ardia khusifa biha thaliuha marratin. And see ib.: 'an 'aliyyin annahu kariha l-saliita fi l-khusii]. And see ib.: anna' aliyyan marra bi-janibin min babil falam yu~alli biha. Al-'AynT, 'Umdat al-qiiri; IV, 189. Al-Suyutt, al-Durr al-manthiir, I, 96. L 'A, s.v. bbl. Al-Bayhaqt, al-Sunan al-kubrii (Hyderabad, 1346), II, 451: 'AlI inn a I],abfbi sall« lliilu» 'alayhi wa-sallam nohiini an u~alliya fi l-maqburati wanahanz an u~alliya fi ardi biibila [a-innahii mal'iinatun. Mubarak b. Muhammad Ibn al-Athrr, Jiimi' al-usiil min al],adithi l-rasiil [~], ed. Muhammad Hamid al-FiqT (Cairo, 1370/1951), VI, 314, no. 3673. 'Abdallah b. Ahmad b. Hanbal, Masa'ilu 1imam ahmad b. hanbol, ed. 'AlI b. Sulayrnan al-Muhanna (al-Madlna al-rnunawwara, 1406/1986), I, 228-29, no. 309 and see the references of the editor. 43 Nnr al-Dtn al-Haythamt, Majma' al-zawa'id, X, 60-61 sup. Abu 'AlI Hanbal b. Is/:laq al-Shaybanr, Kitiib al-fitan [al-juz' al-rabi'], MS ~ahiriyya, rnajmu'a 38/4, fol. 46b. Ibn Hajar al-fAsqalant, Listitu: l-mzzan (Hyderabad, 1331 [reprint]), VI, 223, no. 785: 'an abi hurayrata marfii'an: tn taziilu 'i~abatun min ummati yuqatiliina 'ala nbuuibi dimashqa uia-mii I],aulaha wa-'ala abwabi bayti l-maqdisi uia-mii I],aulaha la yatf,urruhum khidhliinu man khadhalahum ~ahirzna 'ala l-haqqi ilii an taqiima l-sii=atu. AI-BukharT, al-Ta'rzkh al-kabir (Hyderabad, 1384/1964), IV, 248, no. 2691 [II, 2 of the MSj. Diya' al-Dfn al-Maqdisr, Fatf,a'il bayt al-maqdis, 72-3. Al-Fasawt, al-Ma'rifa uia-l-ia'rikli, II, 297-98.
26
M.J. Kister
among the believers.v' The Prophet said that no good could be expected among the believers if the people of al-Shiitti were corrupted.t" According to another version the Prophet stated that there would be no good in his community if the people of al-Shiim perished: 'ani l-nabiyyi, sollii llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam, qiila: idha halaka ahlu l-shami [a-lii khayra fi ummatf.46 During the bloody war with Syria no less a person than 'All prohibited cursing its people because among them were the saintly abdal.47 An eminent holy place in Syria, the mountain of Qasiyiin, was ordered by God to give up its shade and blessing in favor of the mountain of Jerusalem (jabal bayt al-maqdis). As a reward God will order to erect on this mountain a House in which He will be worshipped for forty years after the devastation (kharab) of the world.j" It is evident that this tradition gives us an instance of the idea current in popular Islamic tradition about the mutual dependence and coordination of sanctuaries in the Muslim world. This belief is clearly reflected in the stories of the holy places and their virtues. The mountain of Qasiyun is also the place where Jesus and his mother found refuge when they escaped the persecution of the Jews; on this mountain the son of Adam killed his brother, and on the slopes of this mountain Abraham was born.f? This is an innovative tradition about the birthplace of Abraham. The traditions mentioned above are often denied; the story saying that Abraham was born on this spot is firmly rejected.I'" The cave in this mountain was famous for the efficacy of prayers and invocations; the prophet Ilyas sought refuge in this place; Ibrahim, Musa, elsa and Ayyub prayed and made invocations in this cave;51 the place was known as the mustaghath al-anbiya' and is, in connection with this virtue, linked with the story of the Prophet. When the Prophet faced a plot of the unbelievers against him in Mecca and suffered from their persecution, he wished to set out to this cave in order to invoke God to damn them; JibrIl however persuaded him to seek refuge from his people in one of the caves of Mecca.52
Nflr al-Drn al-HaythamI, Majma' al-zawa'id, X, 58-59. Al-Suyutt, al-Durr al-manthur, III, 112-13. Al-Fasawt, al-Ma'rifa wa-I-ta'rikh, II,295-96. 46 Nu'aym b. Hammad, Kitiib ai-fit an, MS Br. Mus. Or. 9449, fo!. 61b. 47 Al-Mazandarant, Manaqib Salman, 17. Nu'aym b. Hammad, Kitiib al-fitan, fo!' 62a. Al-Fasawl, al-Ma'rifa wa-I-ta'rfkh, II, 305 inf. 48 Ibn Tultm, al-Qala'id al-jav.hariyya, I, 88. 49 Ibn Tultm, al-Qala'id al-jav.hariyya, I, 89. AI-MuttaqI l-Hindt, Kanz al-'v.mmal, XVII, 121, no. 378. 50 Ibn Tulun, al-Qala'id al-jav.hariyya, I, 90 sup.; see the different versions about the place in which Abraham was born. 51 Muhammad Nasir al-Dtn al-Albanl, Takhr'ij al}adfth faga'ili I-sham wa-dimashq, 43, no. 19. 52 AI-MuttaqI l-Hindt, Kanz al-'v.mmal, XVII, 121, no. 378. Ibn TIilfln, al-Qala'id
44 45
Sanctity
Joint and Divided
27
The stories about the virtues of holy places stress, as mentioned above, the coordination of sanctuaries with each other, a fact that increases the efficacy of the ritual practices. Thus anyone who begins a pilgrimage to Mecca, or an 'umra, from the mosque of al-Aqsa, God will forgive him the sins he committed in the past.53 The Prophet stated that a pilgrimage performed from 'Uman has the value of two pilgrimages. 54 He who visits both the tomb of the Prophet in Medina and the tomb of Abraham in Hebron in the same year will enter Paradise.P'' In a later period of Islam, in the stormy times of revolts in the Muslim empire, during which the journey to Mecca and Medina was impeded or even made impossible, Hebron became a substitute for Medina. According to a tradition ascribed to the Jewish convert Ka'b al-Ahbar, a believer who is impeded from visiting the tomb of the Prophet in Medina should visit the tomb of Abraham in Hebron.P" Another Jewish convert, 'Abdallah b. Salam, is said to have stated that a visit to the grave of Abraham and a prayer performed at the tomb is "pilgrimage of the poOr."57 The Prophet predicted that Hebron would become a place of refuge. Unfortunately a certain Companion of the Prophet, one of the leaders of the revolt against 'Uthman, who sought refuge in Hebron at the time of Mu'awiya, was caught there by a man of Mu'awiya's forces. He asked for his life, arguing that he was one of the "People of the Tree" (i.e., the Companions who swore allegiance to the Prophet at Hudaybiyya, ashiib al-shajara); the rude soldier responded, however, that there were plenty of trees in Hebron and killed him. 58 The
al-jauhariyya, I, 93-95. Al-Mausili, al- Waslla, V/1, 188. Muhammad Nasir al-Dtn al-Albanl, Takhrlj al}adlth ... , 45-46, no. 21. 53 Al-'A.qillI, 'Arf al-tib min akhbiiri makkata wa-madinati l-hobtb, MS Leiden Or. 493, fol. 79a inf. Al-Dhahabi, Mfzan al-i'Lidiil, III, 483, no. 7236. Ntir al-Dln alHaythamr, Mnuiiiridu. l-~am'an, 251-52, no. 1021. Nasir al-Dtn al-Albanr, Silsilatu l-al}adfthi l-tf.a'ifa wa-I-maw!u'a (Beirut, 1405/1985), I, 248, no. 211; and see the comments of al-Albant. Diya'u I-DIn al-Maqdisi, Fatf.a'il bayti l-maqdis, 88, no. 59; and see ibid. 89-90, nos. 60-62. AI-Wasip, Fatf.a'ilu l-bayti l-muqaddas, ed. I. Hasson (Jerusalem, 1979),58-59, nos. 91-92; and see the references of the editor. AI-BayhaqT, al-Jiimi' li-shu'abi I-Iman, ed. 'Abd al-'Aliyy 'Abd al-Hamld Hamid (Bombay, 1409/ 1988), VII, 578-79, no. 3737; and see the references of the editor. 54 AI-MuttaqT l-Hindl, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 264, no. 1460. Nasir al-DTnal-Albani, Silsilatu l-alJad!thi 1-tf.a'lfa ... , I, 249, no. 213. 55 Ibn Taymiyya, Majmu'atu l-rasii' iii l-kubrii (Beirut, 1392/1972), II, 356: al-risiila fll-kalam 'ala l-qu~~a~; the tradition is marked by Ibn Taymiyya as lJadlth kadhib maudu'.
56 Anonymous, History of the Prophets [Arabic], MS Br. Mus. Or. 15lO, fol. 54b. Al-Khuwarizmr, Mukhiasar ithiiraii l-targhlb wa-I-tashwlq ua l-masiijidi l-thaliithati wa-ilii. l-bayti l-i aiiq, MS Br. Mus. Or. 4584, fols. 21b, 27b. 57 Anonymous, History of the Prophets, MS Br. Mus. Or. 15lO, fol. 55a. 58 Ibn al-Athtr, Usd al-qhiiba fI ma'rifati l-sahiiba (Cairo, 1280 [repr. Tehran]), III, 3lO sup.; and see ibid. the prediction of the Prophet: sa-yakhruju nasun min ummatl
yuqtaluna
bi-jabali
l-khalil.
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Prophet stated that the mountain of Hebron was sacred and was revealed by God to the prophets of the Banii Isra'il in olden times as a place of refuge to which they might escape in a period of sedition (fitna) in order to preserve their belief (dmuhum).59 Jesus, when he passed by Hebron, is said to have asked God to bestow on that town the following graces: he asked to turn the mountain of Hebron into a secure asylum for every frightened person (khii.'if), to make the people of the mountain secure from wild beasts, and to remain fertile when all other places would be affected by drought.f" A miraculous story links the building of the tomb of Abraham in Hebron with the person of Sulayman. Sulayman was ordered in a dream to build a tomb on the grave of God's Friend, Abraham, in order that he may be known by it. The dream repeated itself three times during three nights; but Sulayman did not know the place. He asked God about it and was guided by Him to the required spot, from which light rises to heaven. When Sulayrnan got up in the morning he saw the place, put a mark on it and the jinn built the tomb for him at this spot. One can see how huge the stones of the tomb are: ten men or more cannot carry a single stone. When the tomb was about to be finished Sulayrnan left the tomb through its top part; the building was then closed from all sides and none could enter it. The visitors to the tomb could perform the ritual practices of the ziyii.ra from outside the building only. When the Crusaders captured the city they opened a door in the building and turned it into a church; they made drawings of the graves of the ancestors inside the building assigning them individually to Abraham, Ishaq, Ya'qub etc. Things went on unchanged in this manner until the time of the author.v' A tradition ascribed to Ibn 'Abbas reports how God sanctified the place of the grave of Abraham. When God decided that Abraham was to die He announced this to the world. The hilly plain of Hibra stood humbly up in the Presence of God and He addressed Hibra: "You are my chosen one, you are my holy one, you are my sanctuary (anti baytu maqdisf), in you I placed the treasury of my knowledge, upon you I shall let down my mercy and my blessings, and to you I shall gather my servants (on the Day of Resurrection). Therefore blessed is the man who puts his forehead on you (i.e., on the tomb erected upon you), prostrating himself in front of Me; I shall let him drink from the Presence of my
59 Nu'aym b. Harnmad, Kitab ol-fitan, MS Br. Mus., fol. 65b: qiila rasiilu lliihi: jabalu l-khalUi jabalun muqaddasun wa-inna l-fitnata lamma zaharat fi banI isra'lla aul}a llahu ta'ala ila anbiya'ihim an yafirru bi-dlnihim ila jabali l-khalili. AI-MuttaqI l-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 260, no. 1429 (from Nu'aym's Fitan); and see this tradition ibid., XIII, 247, no. 1370. 60 Nu'aym b. Hammad, Kitab al-fitan, fol. 65a. 61 Al-'AbdarI l= Ibn al-Hajj], al-Madkhal (Beirut, 1972), IV, 258.
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Holiness, and shall grant him security from the horrors of the Day of Resurrection and shall lodge him in Paradise by my Mercy. Therefore blessed are you, blessed are you, blessed are you, I shall bury my Friend (Abraham) in you.,,62 According to AbU Bakr Ahmad b.'Amr b. Jabir, scholars of the Prophetic tradition (ahl al-'ilm al-sharif) have unanimously endorsed the validity of the location of the graves of Abraham', Ishaq, and Ya'qub, and their wives. Any believer who goes against this is a man of evil innovations, one who embraces deviations or who is in error: mii yat'anu fi dhiilika illa mjulun min ahli l-bida'i wa-l-zayghi wa-l-¢alalati, na'iidhu bi-lliihi min dhalika.63 The texts of the invocations and prayers said at the tomb were prescribed in great detail and the order of the visit, including the visit to the tombs of the patriarchs and their wives, was carefully planned. After visiting the tombs of the patriarchs and their wives, the believers were urged to go down to the grave of Joseph (yiisuf [!D in the valley (al-wad'l [!D and make an invocation there. Believers who visited the tomb in the past claimed that their prayers, invocations, and supplications were answered.P" Ibn al-Hajj warns visitors to the grave not to attend the vicious innovative practices of the people of Hebron who dance and sing in groups after the afternoon prayer (~alat al-' a$1"). He recommends that believers refrain from taking part in the afternoon performances, when drums and trumpets are beaten; such a performance they call naubat al-kholil. Another reprehensible innovation is the distribution of lentils which they call al-' adas cl-ibriihimi. Ibn al- J.Iajj points out that the designation al'adas al-ibriihimi is incorrect, as Abraham did not entertain his guests with lentils.P'' It was once again Ibn Taymiyya, that stalwart opponent of the tomb worship, who was adamant in denying the legendary stories about the building of the tomb. These stories he ,branded as unfounded inventions. He also rejected the tradition that Jibril bade the Prophet pray at the grave of his ancestor Abraham during his nocturnal journey, and perform a prayer at the birthplace of his brother Jesus. People of knowledge unanimously considered these traditions invented lies. Bayt Lahm was a church of the Christians, and there was no merit in visiting it by Muslims, whether it was the birthplace of Jesus or not. None of the
62 Al-Khuwarizrnl , Mukhiasur ithiirat al-targhlb, MS fol. 28b. Baha' al-Drn 'Asakir, Hisiila /f jaq.a'il bayti l-maqdis, MS Hebrew University, fol. 13a-b. 63 Baha' al-Dln Ibn 'Asakir, Hisiila /f jaq.a'il bayti l-maqdis, MS fol. 14a. Khuwarizrnl, Muklitasar ithiirat al-tarqhib, MS fol. 14a. 64 Baha' al-Din Ibn 'Asakir, Ristila /f jaq.a'ili bayti l-maqdis, MS fol. 13b-14a. Khuwarizrnl , Muklitasar ithiirati l-iarqhib, MS fol. 40b. 65 Al-'AbdarI, al-Madkhal, IV, 259.
Ibn AlAl-
30
M.J. Kister
Companions nor any of the successors of the Companions, the tiibi' un, went to pray or make invocations at the grave, or even to visit it. The believers had come more than once with 'Umar to ol-Sluim, and some of the Companions settled there but none of them had practiced things of this kind, and no mosque had been built on the grave at all. Only when the Christians captured Syria because of the impious rafiq,a (ShrI extremists) who ruled Egypt, and gained control of the coastal territories and other localities, did they cut through Abraham's sepulchral chamber and set up a door over the tomb. It was the Christians who turned it into a place of worship, not the ancestors of the believers or pious Muslims.P" Places and localities are rewarded according to their sympathy and help for sanctuaries and saintly believers afflicted by distress; vicious places and sinful groups are accordingly punished. According to a report of Ka'b (al-Ahbar}, Qustantiniyya rejoiced at the devastation of Jerusalem (kharab bayt al-maqdis); God reproached the vicious city and predicted that He would severely punish the sinful city.67 In contrast to Qustantiniyya, the attitude of Kaskar was sympathetic: when Bukhtanassar destroyed Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis) all the places on earth wept; but Kaskar surpassed all other places in weeping. As a reward, God promised that a mosque would be built there, where there would be abundant supplications and invocations to which God would respond favorably. People explained the prediction as a reference to the mosque of Wasit.68 Even birds are rewarded or punished according to their feelings towards the ruined sanctuaries dear to the hearts of the believers: the Prophet forbade killing swallows (al-khatt.Wi:j) because they wept for the destruction of the temple of Jerusalem.P'' Sometime there is an evident political tendency in this kind of traditions. ShrI stories concerning the role of Basra belong to this category: Heaven and Earth are said to have wept when Husayn was killed. The only ones who did not weep were Basra, Damascus and the family of al-Hakam b. al-'A~.7o
66 Ibn Taymiyya, /qtiq.a' al-~irat, 319, 331, 438-39; see e.g. 438: wa-/lhi ma huuia mina l-mauq.u'ati l-rnukhtolioiit. mithlu mii yarwihi ba'q.uhum /lhi: "anna l-nabiyya scllii lliiln: 'alayhi wa-sallam qiila lahs: jibril: hii.dha qabrw abika ibrahima, inzil [asolli /fhi, ura-hiidhii baytu la~.min maulidu akhika 'tsa, inzil [a-solli /fhi." And see 439: wa-baytu lahmit: kanisatun min kana'isi l-na$ara, laysa /f ityaniha /aq.ilatun 'inda l-muslimina, sawa'an kana maulida 'isa au lam yakun .... 67 Abu Bakr Muhammad b. al-Husayn al-Naqqash , Shi/a'u l-$udur al-muhadhdhab
/f
iafsiri l-qur'tin; MS Chester Beatty 3389, fol. 40a sup. Ibn al-FaqIh al-Hamadhanr, Kiiiib al-buldan, ed. M.J. De Goeje (Leiden, 1885), 146. Abu Nu'aym al-Isfahant, lfilyat al-auliya' (Beirut, 1387/1967), VI, 45. 68 Bahshal, Ta'rikh. wasit, ed. Kurkts 'Awwad (Baghdad, 1387/1967), 35. 69 Al-Daylami, Firdaus al-akhbiir, MS Chester Beatty 3037, fo1. 187b sup. 70 AI-MajlisT, BilJ,ar al-anwar, LX, 205; but 211: baka 'alayhi jami'u ma khalaqa
Sanctity
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The imam Ja'far b. Muhammad recorded sixteen groups of people hostile to the ShfI belief and the shrr community, among them the people of Sijistan, Rayy, Mausil, and Baghdad,"! 'AlI enumerated the vices of Basra, to which he added a forceful curse on the city. 72 Hudhayfa is stated to have said that the people of Basra would not open the gate of righteousness [bab al-huda] or leave the gate of error. The flood had been removed from all the places on earth except Basra.?" To 'Abdallah [b. 'Amr] is attributed the saying that the footprints of Ibiis are extant in Basra, but that he hatched his eggs in Egypt.I" The Prophet is said to have prohibited the believers to enter the city of Basra itself, warning them from earthquakes; he recommended however that they should visit the suburbs of Basra.?" As against the ShrI descriptions of the vices of Basra and the predictions about its gloomy fate there are however traditions in praise of the city, The Prophet is said to have stated: "I know a place named al-Basra; it is a locality most direct in the position of the qibla, it has the greatest number of mosques and callers for prayer (mu'adhdhinun) and it will be better protected from distress than other places."?" It is evident that these contradictory utterances reflect of the political struggles of the early Islamic period. The assignment of varying degrees of sanctity to various sanctuaries brought about competition between them, in contrast to the idea of coordination between them. This is seen clearly in the literature of the faq,a'il. The rivalry was often prompted by political struggles in the Muslim empire, by ethnic rivalry and by the contests between the religious factions. In a very early period of Islam the sanctity of Damascus was confronted with that of al-Kiifa. 'All marked al-Kufa as the treasure of belief, the convincing argument of Islam, the sword of God and His spear; God will aid the victory of the believers in the easternmost as well as in the westernmost parts of the earth through the people of KIifa as
lliihs:
ut«
thaliithata
ashyli'a:
al-basra wa-dimashq
wa-lilu 'uthmlina.
Bihnr, LX, 206, no. 5. 72 Al-Majlisr, Bihiir, LX, 204; and see the lengthy speech of 'AlI and his curse of Basra: ibid. 224, 226. 73 AI-MuttaqI l-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummlil, XI, 207, no. 973. 74 Yahya b. Ma'In, Ta'rikh, ed. Ahmad Muhammad NOr Yiisuf (Mecca, 1399/1979), II, 323, no. 3541. 75 Ibn 'Araq, Tanzfh al-short' o, II, 51, no. 15. Al-Muttaqt l-Hindr, Kanz, XIII, 264, no. 1457. Al-Shaukanl, al-Fawii'id al-majmii'a, 434, no. 1241. 76 Al-Daylami, Firdaus, MS Chester Beatty 3037, fo1. 90a: sa-yu~lbu ahla I-kiifati
balli' un shadId wa-sli' ira l-amstiri illii ahla l-basrati fa-innahli aqwamuha qiblatan ....
71 Al-Majlisr,
Ibn Hajar al-IAsqalant, al-Matiilibi: l-'aliya, IV, 163, no. 4240; Abo Dharr transmits an utterance of the Prophet: [a-ammii ahlu l-basrati fa-aqwamu l-amsiiri qiblatan waaktharuhu mu'adhdhinan, yadfa'u lliihs: 'anhum mii yakrahiina. Abo Nu'aym, lfilya, VI, 349. AI-MuttaqI l-Hindt, Kanz, XIII, 264, nos. 1458-59. Ibn 'Araq, Tanzlh al-sharii a, II, 58, no. 33.
32
M,J. Kister
He did through the people of the ~ijaz.77 The Companion 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud reported the following utterance of the Prophet: when the Prophet was engaged in his isrii' to the lowest heaven (al-sama' al-dunya), Jibril showed him the mosque of Kiifa. The Prophet asked about the place and Jibril explained that it was a blessed mosque, containing an abundance of good (kathfru lkhayri) and possessing great blessing ('a?i"mu l-baraka). God chose it for His people and it will intercede for them on the Day of Resurrection.I'' According to another utterance of the Prophet, Jibril showed him the place of the mosque of Ktifa during his mi'raj to Heaven (lamma u'rija bi" u« l-sama'), and explained that that was the mosque of his ancestor Adam; he enjoined him to go down and pray two rake as there; the Prophet went down and performed the two rak'as there.I? Needless to say, the story of Kufa as a "station" for the Prophet's prayer during his nocturnal journey corresponds to the pro-Syrian story of the station of the Prophet's prayer in Damascus.f? We find indeed an authoritative utterance of the imam AbU Ja'far (al-Baqir) stating that the four distinguished mosques are the mosque in Mecca (al-masjid al-lJ,aram), the mosque of the Prophet, the mosque of Jerusalem and the mosque of Kufa, A prescribed prayer (al-fari"~a) in them has the value of a pilgrimage; a supererogatory prayer (al-nafila) has the value of an 'umra "the minor lJ,ajj.,,81 'All, according to one story, told a believer who was about to set out for a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, to sell his camel, to consume his provisions, and to pray in the mosque of Kufa.'AlI's recommendation is formulated in the same way as Prophet recommendation to perform the prayers in the mosque of Medina instead of making the journey to Jerusalem.V The mosque of Kufa is one of the four distinguished mosques; a rake a in this mosque has the value of ten rake as in any other mosque; the blessing (al-baraka) of the mosque extends for twelve miles; in the corner of the mosque there burned the oven of the flood; Abraham prayed at the fifth column of the mosque; a thousand prophets and a thousand "trustees" (wa$i") prayed there. The mosque harbors the rod of Moses and the gourd-plant (yaqti"n). Ya'uq and Yaghiith (two idols worshipped in ancient times) perished there; the mosque is the Fiiriiq (that which
77Yaqut, Mv.'jam al-bv.ldiin, s.v. al-Kufa, 78Abu 'Abdallah Muhammad b.'AlI b. al-Hasan al-'Alawf al-Hasant, Fatf.lv. l-ku.Ja wa-fatf.lv. ahlihii, MS :r;ahiriyya, rnajami' 93, fol. 282b. Muhammad b. al-Fattal alNaysaburt, Rauda: al-wii'i~7:n, 336-37. 79Al-Hasani, Fatf.lv. l-ku.Ja, MS fol. 283b. 80See above, note 28. 81See Ibn Babnyah, Man Iii ya~tf.v.rv.hv. l-jaqih; ed. Hasan al-Musawt l-Kharsan (Beirut, 1401/1981), I, 148, no. 683 (and the four mosques chosen by God: Mecca, Medina, Jerusalem and Kiifa; al-Majlisi, Bi~iir, LX, 204, ult.-205). 82See above, note 5.
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distinguishes between right and wrong); from the mosque there is a path to the mountain of Ahwaz, In this mosque is the Nuh's place of prayer (mu!fallii). From this mosque there will be gathered seventy thousand of the believers who will enter Paradise without being interrogated or judged (laysa 'alayhim lJ,isiib). Its center rests in one of the gardens of Paradise, it contains three of the wells of Paradise which remove the filth and purify the believers. If the people would know the virtue of the mosque they would come crawling towards it.83 Some of the commentators of the Qur'an used their freedom to interpret the word rabwa (Sura 23:50) as denoting Kiifa, and the word ma'fn as denoting the Euphrates.t" It is evident that this is a Shi'I interpretation of the words of the Qur'an which was meant to confront the Umayyad, pro-Syrian interpretation mentioned above.f" Since ancient times the Jews used the outskirts of Kilfa as a burial ground for their dead; they believed that seventy thousand dead would be raised from this cemetery on the Day of Resurrection and would enter Paradise without being subjected to questioning and judgment. When 'All heard this opinion from the Ra's Jalut he countered that the seventy thousand to be raised on the Day of Resurrection and introduced to Paradise would be believing Muslims. 'AlI asserted that the grave just outside al-Kufa was that of Yahudha b. Ya'qiib, as well as the grave of Hud.86 'All bought the territory between Najaf and al-Htra as far as al-Kiifa from the dihqiins and paid forty thousand dirhams for it. The purpose of the transaction was to enable the believers to rise on the Day of Resurrection from land belonging to 'AlIP A similar transaction was carried out in ancient times by Ibrahim: he acquired these very lands from the people of Baniqiya, paying a hundred sheep (ghanam); Baniqiya in Aramaic means a hundred sheep. He consecrated the place whose sanctity was revealed to him and named it al-Qadisiyya. This territory thus became the point from which Ibrahim set out for his hijra.88 At the end of time, during the unjust wars (jitan), when the mahdf will be sent, the happiest people will be the people of Kiifa.89 Never will a tyrant (jabbiir) set out to annihilate it without being afflicted by God with a mortal blow.P?
83Yaqllt, Mu'jam al-buldiin, s.v. al-Kiifa. Muhammad b. al-Fattal, Rau4at alwa'i~fn, 410 inf. 84 AI-I:IasanT, Fa41u l-kiifo; MS fols. 289a-b. AI-MajlisT, Bii}iir, LX, 202. Muhammad b. al-Fattal, Raudat al-wa'i~fn, 408. 85 See above at notes 19-20. 86 AI-I:IasanT,Fa41u l-kiifa, MS fols. 286b, 287a-b, 288a. 87 AI-I:IasanT,Fa41u I-ku/a, MS fo1. 286a. 88AI-I:IasanT,Fa41u l-kiija, fols. 284b.-85a. 89 Ibn Babuyah al-Qummr, Man Iii yai}4uruhu I-/aqfh, I, 150 inf. (the mahdi will pray in the mosque of Kiifa). AI-I:IasanT,Fa41u I-ku/a, fo1. 283a. 90 AI-I:IasanT,Fa41u I-ku/a, fo1. 283b. AI-MajlisI, Bii}iir al-anwiir, LX, 211, no. 18.
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M.J. Kister
Ibrahim is said to have intended to utter an invocation against the people of 'Iraq; but God forbade him to do so because He had placed among the people of 'Iraq the treasures of His knowledge and located mercy in their hearts.P! In a significant tradition attributed to Ja'far al-Sadiq he is said to have defined the values of the three distinguished mosques and counted the rewards for ritual practices performed in them: Mecca, Medina, and Kufa are the harosn of God, of the Prophet and of 'All; one prayer in Mecca has the value of a hundred thousand prayers elsewhere, and one dirham given there as charity (~adaqa) has the value of a hundred thousand dirhams. In Medina one prayer has the value of ten thousand prayers and one dirham has the value of ten thousand dirhams. In Kilfa one prayer has the value of a thousand prayers, but the value of one dirham given as charity is not mentioned.F The sanctity of the haram of Kufa is here explicitly and authoritatively confirmed as a distinguished third sanctuary approved of by God, the Prophet and 'Ali; Jerusalem is not mentioned at all, but is replaced by Kilfa.93 A concise utterance by 'All records clearly the tradition of the three distinguished mosques: the believers shall set out only to the three mosques of Mecca, Medina, and Kufa (... wa-qiila amiru l-rnu'rninis: 'alayhi l-saliimu: Iii tush addu l-rilJ,iilu ut« ilii thaliithati masiijida: almasjidi l-hartimi, wa-masjidi rasuli lliihi ~allii lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallama, wa-masjidi l-kufati). 94 Kilfa is the only place which expressed loyalty to 'Ali's authority and upheld the legitimacy of 'Ail's inheritance, the wiliiya.95 Kufa's loyalty to 'AlI's authority (wiliiya) was the reason why it was put on the cosmic map of virtues of the various distinguished places. This was reported in a Shn tradition recorded on the authority of the Companion Anas b. Malik (usually marked as a hypocrite, muniifiq, who denied the rights of 'All). When 'All came to the Prophet he embraced him and kissed him between his eyes; then the Prophet told him that God proposed the Heavens to accept the wiliiya of 'All. The seventh Heaven preceded them and God therefore adorned this Heaven by establishing His Throne in it. Then the fourth Heaven outstripped the others and God embellished it by locating in it the bayt al-ma'vniir (the
Jam' al-jawiimi', I, 218. Ibn Babtlyah, Man Iii ya~q.uruhu I-faqfh, I, 147, no. 679. Muhammad b. al-Fattal, Roudo: al-wii'i~fn, 410. 93 Al-Buraqt, Ta'rikh. al-ku.fa, ed. Muhammad Sadiq A.l Bahr al-'ulilm (Najaf, 1379/ 1960), 32: 'ani I-madii'inf qiila: sami'tu aM 'abdi l/iihi ('alayhi I-saliimu) yaqii./u: makkatu haramu lliihi, wa-I-madfnatu horams: mu~ammadin msuli lliihi wa-I-kufatu ~aramu 'aliyyi bni abqiilibin ('alayhi I-saliimu); inn a 'aliyyan ~arrama mina l-kufati mii harrama ibriihfmu min makkata wa-mii harrama muhammadun min a I-madfna. 94 ibn Babnyah, Man Iii ya~q.uruhu, I, 150,' no. 695. . 95 AI-MajlisI, Bi~iir, LX, 209.
92 91 Al-Suytitr,
Sanctity
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35
heavenly Ka'ba). Then the lowest Heaven followed and God rewarded it by adorning it with stars. Then God offered 'AlI's wilaya to the lands of the Earth: Mecca came forth first and God adorned it with the Ka'ba, It was followed by Medina, which God beautified by the presence of the Prophet. Medina was in turn followed by Kiifa and God adorned it by the person of 'All. Finally Qumm arrived and God embellished it by the Arabs and opened the doors of Paradise.P" Kiifa is thus the chosen, perfect place of belief in Heaven and on earth, the perfect location of the true religion which champions the wilaya of 'All. Qumm follows it in this belief; snrr compendia accord it a great many virtues and qualities.P? As mentioned above, the sanctity of the holy places is enhanced by their mutual cooperation. Abu Qubays sheltered the Black Stone during the Flood; when Abraham came to Mecca in order to build the Ka'ba, Abu Qubays announced that it sheltered the Black Stone.P" Ta'if was part of the Holy Land transferred by God to Hijaz; it performed the circumambulation of the Ka 'ba seven times and remained in the region of Hijaz named al- Ta'if, 99 Qumm was originally part of Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis) and was moved to its place during the Flood.lOO Such is the case of the mosque of Kiifa as well: in due time the Black Stone will be moved by God to the mosque of K Ufa.101 This will certainly be the perfection of the sanctity of this holy place. A nice example of intricate sanctity, combined from a variety of elements of veneration for the ancestors and snrr imams is shown by a story concerning the visit, maziir, of the grave of 'All b. AbI Talib. An adherent of the Shra came to the imam Abu 'Abdallah and informed him that he intended to set out to the ghariyy in order to visit the grave of 'All b. AbI Talib, The imam remarked that he was in fact going to visit the bones of Adam, the body (badan) of Nul) and the
Bil}iir, LX, 212, no. 21. Bi~liir, LX, 213-218. 98 Abu l-Baqa' Muhammad Baha'u I-DIn b. al-Diya' al-Makkt al-Hanafi al-QurashI al-'UmarI al-'AdawI, Al}wiil makkata wa-I-madzna, MS Br. Mus. Or. 11865, fol. 138a. AI-Kala'I, al-Iktifii' fi maghiizz rasiili lliihi uia-l-thaliithati l-khulajii", ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wahid (Cairo, 1387/1968), I, 59-60. Abu Bakr al-Bakrr b. Muhammad Shata alDimyatr, I'iinatll. l-tiiliMn 'alii I}alli alfii~i I-fatl}i l-mll.bfn (Cairo, 1319 [repr. Beirut]), II, 275 inf. Al-Azraqi, Akhbiir makkata, ed. Rushdt 1-~aliJ:.:tMalhas (Beirut-Makka al-mukarrama, 1399/1979), I, 65. Sulayrnan b. Dawud al-Saqstnt, Zahrat al-riyiiq. uui-nuzha: al-qll.liib al-miriid, MS Hebrew Univ., Coli. Yahudah Ar. 571, 222 inf, [Abu Qubays was a mountain from the mountains of Khurasan; it was moved to Mecca and sheltered the Black Stone]. 99 Al-Mazandaranr, Maniiqib salmiin, p. 17. Nflr al-Dln al-Haythami, Majma' alzawii'id, X, 53-54. Al-Suytiti, al-Durr al-manthur, I, 124 inf. 100 Al-Majlisi, Bil}iir, LX, 213, no. 24. 101 Muhammad b. al-Fattal, Raudat al-wii'i~zn, 337. AI-I:IasanI, Faq.11l.l-kiifa, MS fol. 287b. AI-MajlisI, Bihiir, XXII, 86 inf.
96
AI-MajlisI,
97 Al-Majlisl,
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M.J. Kister
corpse (jism) of 'All b. AbI Talib, The believer asked how it was possible that the bones of Adam are in Ktifa since he descended in Sarandib and people believe that his bones are placed in the mosque of Mecca (baytu llahi I-lJ,aram). The imam replied that God ordered Ni11;t n the i ark to go around the Ka'ba seven times, which he did. Afterwards he went into the water, which reached up to his knees, and pulled out a coffin which contained the bones of Adam. He carried the coffin in the ark and it went round the Ka'ba several times. He continued the journey in the ark until he arrived at the gate of KUfa, in the middle of which was the mosque. God ordered the water to be swallowed by the earth (ibla' 'l mii' aki) and the mosque became dry. The people who accompanied Ni11;t ispersed; Ni11;t ook the coffin and buried it in the d t ghariyy. This was part of the mountain on which God addressed Moses, on which He consecrated Jesus, on which He took Abraham to Himself as Friend (khal'll), and on which He took Muhammad to Himself as His Dear One (lJ,abib); God turned the place into an abode of the prophets. The amir al-mu'min'ln, 'All b. AbI Talib is buried next to his two noble ancestors, Adam and Ni1I;t. "Therefore while visiting alNajaf you are visiting the bones of Adam, the body of Ni1I;t,the corpse of 'All b. AbI Talib; you are visiting the ancestors, Muhammad the Seal of the prophets and 'All the Lord of the Trustees (sayyid al-wa$iYY'ln). The gates of Heaven will be opened for the invocations of the visitor; act thus and be not heedless of that which is good" (fa-la takun 'ani l-khayri nawwaman) .102 The status of Medina in comparison with Mecca was secondary, in the opinion of the orthodox community. According to an utterance recorded on the authority of 'A'isha, God created Mecca and encompassed it by angels a thousand years before He created anything on Earth; then He attached Medina to it and eventually paired Medina with Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis); then a thousand years later He created the Earth with one stroke (khalqan walJ,idan) .103 According to some utterances ascribed to the Prophet Medina will be singled out in the fateful period of the false messiahs, the dajjal. The dajjal will be barred from entering the city, which will be guarded by angels.l'" According to another tradition Mecca and Medina will share this privilege: the dajjal will enter every locality but Mecca and Medina.l?"
102
gharr fi ta'yrn qabri amrri l-mu'minrn
59-60.
Al-Majlisl,
Bihiir,
C, 258. Ghiyath
al-Dln 'Abd al-Karjrn b. Tawils, Farho: al'air b. aM talib 'alayhi I-salam (Najaf, 1368), Qiya'
103 Al-Daylamt, Firdaus al-ckhbtir, MS Chester Beatty 3037, fo1. 77a, penult. al-Din al-Maqdisl, Fadti'i! bayti l-maqdis, p. 49, no. 14. 104 105
Abu Ya'la, Musnad, V, 318, no. 2940; 369, no. 3016; 390, no. 3051; 402, no. 3073. Al-'AynI, 'Umdat al-qiiri, X, 244 sup. Ibn Hazm , al-MuiJ,alla, VII, 281.
Sanctity
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37
Another version, however, records two other places: the Ka'ba and Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis). 106 A third version extends the number of places from which the dajjal will be barred: Mecca, Medina, Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis), and al- 'filr.107 Tradition pointed out the virtues of Medina: it was the place of the hijra of the Prophet, the center from which he propagated his religion, the place where he died and in which he was buried. The sincere sympathy of the Prophet and his affection for Medina is manifest in his declaration of Medina as a haram; he acted as counterpart to Abraham: just as Abraham proclaimed Mecca as a harem; so did the Prophet with Medina.l'" A peculiar tradition, obviously anti-Shi'tte, contains a denial attributed to 'All, in which he declares that there is no privilege granted him by the Prophet which he is supposed to keep in the sheath of his sword; in the sheath of his sword, 'AlI says, he only keeps the document of tahrim al-madfna.109 It is indeed these virtues and qualities, which gained wide circulation among the Muslim community, that stimulated the rivalry between these two highly revered localities. Against the background of ethnic differences, diverse economic interests, and social and political contests, the disputes as to the relative merits attached to these localities grew more vociferous. In his thorough going study, Materiaua: pour l'etude du conftit de preseance entre la M ekke et M edine,110 A. Arazi provides a detailed and
106' Umdat al-qiiri; X, 244 sup. Comp. Diys;' al-Din al-Maqdisi, Fadti'i! bayti 1maqdis, p. 60, no. 34. 107Al-'AynT, 'Umdat al-qiiri, X, 244 sup. Diya' al-Dtn al-Maqdisi, Faga'il, 62-63, no. 36. And comp. al-Suyutt, Jam' l-jauuimi", I, 744: ... ma'qilu l-muslimlna mina l-rnaliihini dimashq wa-ma'qiluhum mina l-dajjali baytu l-maqdis wa-ma'qiluhum min yajuj wa-majuj ai-tur. 108Al-Suyutr, al-Durr al-manthur, I, 121-122. Nur al-Din al-HaythamT, Majma' alzawii'id, III, 301-302. AI-AynT, 'Umdat al-qiiri, X, 227-231. Al-'AbdarT, al-Madkhal, II, 39. AI-BayhaqT, al-Sunan al-kubrii, V, 196-201. AmIn Mahmild Khattab, Fatliu l-maliki l-moibiid, takmilatu l-manhali l-'adhbi l-mauriid, sharb. sunan abl dawud (Cairo, 1394/1974), II, 239-49. Al-Sinjarl, Mana'il}u l-karam bi-akhbiiri makkata uui-l-luiram, MS Leiden Or. 7018, fol. 7a inf. (but comp. ibid., fol. 7b sup.: thumma qiila (ay rasulu llahi, s.) inna makkata lJarramaha lliihu wa-lam yul}arrimha l-nasu [a-lii yalJillu li-mri'in yu'minu bi-lIiihi wa-I-yaumi l-iikhiri an yasfika biha daman. And see Abu Ya'Ia, al-Ahkiin: al-sultaniyya, ed. Muhammad Hamid al-FiqI (Cairo, 1386/1966), 192. AI-MundhirI, al-Tarqhib uia-l-tarhib, III, 62, no. 1771. 109Mul,lammad b. 'A~im al-Thaqafi al-Isfahant, Juz', ed. Mufid Khalid 'Ayyid, (Riyad , 1409), 125-26, no. 42; and see the editor's references. Ibrahrm b. Tahman, Mashyakha, ed. Muhammad Tahir Malik (Damascus, 1403/1983), 104-107, no. 51: [a-qiila [i.e., 'AlI]: mii 'ahida ilayya rasiili: llahi 'ahdan lam ya'had hu ila I-nasi, ghayra anna fi qiriibi sayfi ~al}fjatan, fa-idha fiha: inna ibrahfma horrama makkata wa-ana uharrimu l-madi:nata, wa-innaha lJaramun mii bayna lJarratayha, and see the editor's abundant references there. 110 JSAI, 5 (1984), 177-235.
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richly documented scrutiny of the ideological rivalry between Mecca and Medina. Traditions touching upon the fundamental events of the life of the Prophet often conflict. Such is the case of the hijra, a crucial issue in the life and career of the Prophet. According to a widely circulated report the Prophet was deeply grieved when he was compelled to escape from Mecca, persecuted as he was by his Qurashi enemies. When in the Hazawwara (the former market of Mecca) on his way to Medina, the Prophet is said to have uttered a moving declaration of sympathy for Mecca. He expressed his love for the city and said that had he not been forced to leave he would gladly remain in Mecca.U! This is, of course, a pro-Meccan tradition. A pro-Medinan tradition records the following utterance of the Prophet when on the hijra: "0 God, Thou evicted me from the plot of land most dear to me; therefore put me up in the spot most beloved to Thee." 112 The Prophet's wish was fulfilled and he alighted in Medina; this was indeed the spot dear to God. Medina's favored position is emphasized when the dissemination of the precepts of the nascent Islamic religion is discussed. The Prophet is said to have stated that cities and localities were conquered for Islam by the force of the sword; but Medina was conquered by the force of the Qur'an.113 Muslim lawyers asserted that Mecca was conquered by sword; they considered however that imposing khariij on Mecca was implausible.U! Muslim lawyers who attempted to mitigate the dispute pointed out that the majority of Medinan people who brought about the conversion of various localities to Islam, including Mecca, were former
111 Ibn Hazm, al-Mul].allii, VII, 289. Ibn Taymiyya, '11m al-I].adith, ed. Musa Muhammad 'AlI (Beirut, 1405/1984), 361. Yaqut, Mu'jam al-buldiin, s.v. hazwara, Nur al-Dln al-Haythami, Mawiirid al-~am'iin, 254, no. 1026. Al-Sinjarr, Manii'il]. al-kara, MS fol. 9a. Al-Shaukani, Nayl al-autiir (Cairo, 1372/1953), V, 32a-39. AlZurqant, Sharh. cl-rnauuihib al-laduniyya, VIII, 322. Ibn AbI Hatim, 'llal al-I].adlth (Cairo, 1343), I, 282, no. 836. 112 Al-Albanl, Silsilat al-al].iidithi 1-q.a'lfa wa-I-mauq.u'a (al-Riyad, 1408/1987), III, 639-40, no. 1445. Albanf marks the tradition as maw;lu', a forged one. Ibn Taymiyya, Majmu'at al-rasii'il al-kubrii, II, 356. Ibn Taymiyya marks the tradition as biitil; see ibid., for his arguments. Al-Shaukani, Nayl al-autiir, V, 34; and see the discussion of the subject in ibid. Al-Qayrawanr, Kitiib al-jiimi', 139. 113 Al-'Abdarf, al-Madkhal, II, 35 inf. Abu l-Hasan 'All b.'Umar b. Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Sukkarr, Juz", MS al-Zahiriyya, majmu'a 18, fol. 248b. 'Abdallah b. Abf Zayd al-Qayrawani, Kitiibu I-jiimi' fi I-sunan wa-l-iidiib wa-l-maghiizl wa-I-ta'r'ikh, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Ajfan and 'Uthrnan Bitttkh (Beirut-Tunis, 1402/1982), 138: wa-uftutil].at al-qurii bi-l-sayf I].attii makkatu, wa-uftutil].at al-mad'inatu bi-l-qur'iini; and see ibid. note 3. Ibn al-Jauzr, al-Maw;lii'iit, II, 216-17. Ahmad b. Hanbal marks the tradition as munkar. Ibn Hazm, al-Mul].allii, VII, 286. Ibn Hajar, al-Matiilibu l-'iiliya, I, 369, no. 1246. 114 Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Al].kiim ahli l-dhimma, I, 126 ult.-127.
Sanctity
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Meccans.U" Medina was considered more honorable and dignified than Mecca, which was flooded by streams of pilgrims from all areas of the Muslim empire. This can be seen from a story about 'Umar, who was informed of a man who had the intention of giving the oath of allegiance after the death of 'Umar to a certain person. 'Umar had the idea of standing up in Mecca and warning the believers against people who were about to rob the umma of their rights (viz. by deciding about 'Umar's successor). He was however dissuaded from delivering his warning in Mecca because of the mob that used to attend his council, and he made up his mind to convey his admonition in Medina, the abode of the hijra and of the sunna.1l6 A place to which special honor was accorded was the grave of the Prophet in Medina. Several traditions emphasized the qualities of this revered spot, linking the veneration of the grave with that of the Prophet himself. The place in which he was buried was chosen by the Prophet himself. Scholars argued that God does not cause a prophet to die except in a place he likesY 7 This assumption was corroborated by a tradition saying that prophets should be buried in the place where they die; but both traditions are countered by others according to which it is undesirable to bury people in their abode, as a grave turns the house into a cemetery in which prayer is disagreeable. Needless to say, the burial of the Prophet in this place is considered a special distinction.U" The grave itself was closely connected with the Prophet from the beginning of his existence. The Prophet is said to have been created from the dust of the grave in which he was buried. God sent Jibrrl to bring him a handful of white clay out of the heart of the earth and its light in order to create Muhammad, Jibril set out with seventy thousand angels and took a handful of earth from the place of the Prophet's grave, which was then white and pure. It was kneaded with the nectar of paradise (mii'u l-tasnfm), with the wine of Paradise (al-raMq) and with water from the well of Paradise (salsabrl). Then it was plunged into the water of the rivers of Paradise and was carried towards the earth and the sea; the angels learned to know the quality of Muhammad before they knew the virtues of AdamY9 A well known utterance states that the Prophet was buried in the clay from which he was created (dufina bi-l-iinati uau khuliqa minha)j the tradition is provided with several utterances which
Al-Shaukant, Nayl al-autar, V, 34. Al-Fasawt, al-Ma'rifa wa-I-ta'rlkh, I, 351. 117 Al-Munawt, FayrJu l-qadir, V, 459, no. 7956. Al-'AbdarI, al-Madkhal, II, 39 inf. Abu Ya'la, Musnad, I, 45, no. 45. 118 Al-Munawi, FayrJu l-qtulir, V, 459, no. 7956; and see the comments of al-Munawr, 119 Al-Saqslni, Zahrot al-riyarJ, MS Hebrew Univ., Coli. Yahudah 571, 8, 11 sup., ll. 1-3. Al-IAbdarr, al-Madkhal, II, 32. 'All b. Burhan al-Dtn, al-Sira al-lJalabiyya, I, 163.
115 116
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M,]. Kister
extol the idea that the dust of the grave should be the dust from which the person is born.12o According to a tradition there is a special angel called malak al-crluim, who is entrusted with the burial of the dead in their proper graves.P! It is not surprising to find a parallel tradition according to which the clay of which the Prophet was created was Meccan, but it was blended with clay from Medina.P'' The extreme veneration of the tomb of the Prophet is shown by the opinion of a group of zealots who claimed that a visit to the grave of the Prophet is more meritorious than a pilgrimage to Mecca and a visit to the Ka'ba.123 The pilgrimage to Mecca was linked with a visit to the grave of the Prophet; the Prophet is reported to have said that he who performs the f},ajj without visiting his grave treats him harshly indeed.124 The grave of the Prophet was considered to surpass in its virtue the sanctity of the Ka'ba: wa-in'aqada l-ijmii'u 'alii annahumii ajdol min sii'iri l-buldiin; wa-idhii nazarta ilii l-tafrl,fli baynahumii qiima li-kullin minhumii an$iirun wa-a'wiin wa-dalfl wa-burhiin f},iishii I-buq'ata l-mu'a~~ama l-mukarrama l-zakiyya l-ziihira l-iiihira l-sharfJa l-munfJa 1-'iiliya l-ghiiliya l-tayyiba l-mutayyaba l-muqaddasa l-mu'nasa llati dammat jasadahu l-ni zam wa-khuliqa minhii badanuhu l-akram $allii lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallam, Ja-innahii afrl,alu l-biqii'i min ghay,ri khiliifin wa-lii nizii'in; bal hiya afrl,alu mina l-ka'bati wa-mutaqaddimatun 'alayhii jf l-rutba. bal naqala ibn al-' aqfl al-f},anbalf annahii aNal mina 1-'arshi l-' azim .... 125
120 Al-Qurtubi, al-Tadhkira fi alJ.wali l-mauta wa-umilri l-iikhira, ed. Ahmad Muhammad MursI (Cairo, n.d.), I, 83. Al-Qurtubt, Tofstr, VI, 388 sup. Al-Munawt, Fayq.u l-qcdir, III, 533, no. 4230. 121 Al-Saqsinr, Zahrat al-riyaq., MS. 11 sup. Al-Qurtubi, al-Tadhkira, 84-88. 122 Al-SamhiidI, WaJa' al-waJa, I, 73-74. Ibn Zuhayra al-QurashI al-MakhziimI, al-Jami' al-latiJ fi Jaq.li makkata wa-ahliha wa-bina'i l-bayti l-shanJ (Cairo, 1357/ 1938), 18-19. Muhibb al-Din al-Tabarr, al-Qira li-qa~idi ummi l-qurii, ed. Mustafa l-Saqqa (Cairo, 1390/1970), 337: uia-qtiia bnu 'abbiisin: a~lu tfnati l-nabiyyi ~alla usn« 'alayhi wa-sallama min surrati l-arq.i bi-makkata; uia-qiila ba'q.u I-'ulama'i: fihi idhanun bi-annaha llati ajaba min a I-arq.i. wa-min mauq.i'i l-ka'bati d'l.llJ.iyat al-ardu, [a-siira rasillu llahi [~l iuuua l-asla fi l-takwfni, wa-l-ka'inat'l.l taba''I.In lahu. uia-qila: li-dhalika s'l.lmmiya "ummiyyan" Ii-anna makkata 'I.Immu l-q'l.lrawa-tfnat'l.lh'l.l 'I.Imm'l.l 123
I-khaliqati.
Ibn Taymiyya, Iqtiq.a''I.Il-~irat, 382. 124 Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kamil fi q.'I.I'aJa'il-rijal (Beirut, 1405/1985), VII, 2480. Ibn Hajar al-IAsqalanr, Lisiins: l-mfzan, VI, 167, no. 585. Ibn al-JauzI, al-Ma'l.lq.il'at, II, 217. 125 Al-Suyutt, Saji'atu l-haram. fi Jaq.li makkata wa-l-madfnati wa-I-lJ.aram, MS Leiden Or. 1526, 227. Comp. al-Zurqant, SharlJ. al-mawahib, VIII, 324-25.
Sanctity
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Orthodox circles censored in vain the invocations and supplications at the grave of the Prophet.P" But popular belief was persistent in holding that Medina surpasses Mecca in its merits: ol-madino. afr!.alu min makka.127 There was however a special feeling of awe towards Mecca. Some pious people were afraid to commit a sin in Mecca because one perpetrated there was punished by God more severely than elsewhere.P" It was thus wise to settle outside Mecca and to set out towards it in order to perform the prescribed ritual practices.P? The deteriorating political and economic situation in Medina in the period of the Umayyad caliphate is reflected in a prediction of the Prophet in which he foretold that people of Medina would be summoned by their relatives to leave the city and would set out to territories where they would find an easy life (the prediction refers obviously to the conquered territories), but it was better for them to remain in Medina.l '? A significant discussion arose in connection with the interpretation of the luuliih. known as al-imiinu yamiinin. The tradition says that the Prophet pointed with his finger towards Yemen uttering this luulith. Transmitters of the /fadzth were however not unanimous about the place in which the Prophet uttered it. Some of them said that it was uttered
Ibn Taymiyya, Iqtiq,a'u I-~irat, 365. Al-Munawt, Fayq,u l-qadir, VI, 264, no. 9185. AI-DaylamI, Firdaus ol-akhbiir, MS Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 173a. Al-Zurqant, Sharh. al-mawahib, VIII, 323. Al'Aynr, 'Umdat al-qiiri; X, 235 inf. Al-Dhahabt, Mizan al-i'tidal, III, 623. Al-Sinjari, Mana'ilJ al-karam, MS fo1.9a-9b. Al-Albant, Silsilat al-alJadithi I-q,a'ffa ... , III, 638, no. 1444: the tradition is marked by Albant as biitil. 128 Al-'AqulI, 'Arf al-tfb, MS Leiden, Or. 493, fo1. 75b. Al-Sinjarf, Mana'ilJ alkaram, MS fo1.8b: wa-ruwiya 'an aM 'amr wa-I-zajjaj min a I-~iifiyya annahu aqiima bi-makkata arba'ina sanatan lam yabul wa-Iam yataghawwat /f l-harom; uia-qiila: inn a mina l-illJadi /f l-horam. an taqiila "kallii wa-llahi" wa- "balii uia-lliihi," And see ibid.: uia-uuqiilu inn a I-dhuniiba tataq,a'afu /fhi kama tataq,a'afu I-lJasanatu wa-inna I-insana yu'akhadhu bi-hammihi /f l-sayyi'iiti bi-makkata wa-Iau kana na'iyan 'anha. And see ibid.: wa-'an 'umara raq,iya lliihs: 'anhu: la-'an uktiti:« sab'fna khatf'atan bi-rukbata alJabbu ilayya min an ukhWa khat!' atan walJidatan bi-makkata. See this tradition recorded by Yaqnt in Mu'jam al-buldan, s,u. rukba. Al-Bayhaqt, Shu'ab al-fman, VII, 570, no. 3729: akhbarana abii 'abd al-ralJman al-sulamf /f dhikri abf 'amrin mulJammadi bni ibrahfma I-zajjaji qata yaqiilu: innahu lam yabul wa-Iam yataghawwat /f l-hnram arba'fna sonatan; kana yakhruju kulla yaumin bi-'umrata khiirija l-haromi fa-yabiilu wa-yataghawwatu, thumma yarji'u, [a-lii yabiilu wa-Ia yataghawwatu illa 'inda dhiilika I-waqti /f I-yaumi I-thanf; see references. 129 Al-Sinjart, Mana'ilJ al-karam, MS fol. l l b: qala I-qaq,f/f "jami'ihi" ba'da l-kaliimi 'ala l-mujawarati, uia-hiidhii l-kaliimu /f I-mujawarati faqat min ghayri sukna, waammii I-sukna wa-l-inqita'u fa-huwa bi-I-madfnati aJq,alu. See the favorable opinion of al-Zamakhshart about dwelling (sukna) in Mecca, ibid., fols. l Ob-Ll a and fo1.12b sup. 1.30 Ibn Tahman, MashyaklJa, 84, no. 32. See references. 'All b. Burhan al-Dtn, alStra al-lJalabiyya, II, 62 inf. Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa uia-l-ta'rtkh, I, 349. Al-Qurtubi, al- Tadhkira, 603. AI-ZabIdI, ItlJafu l-siidoti l-muttaqin bi-sharlii asrtiri ilJya'i 'uliimi I-din, I, 206-207. Al-Mundhirt, al-Targhfb uia-l-tarhib, III, 57, no. 1755; and see no. 1756. Ibn Hazm, al-Muhnllii, VII, 281.
126 127
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in Tabuk, according to others when he was staying in Medina. One interpretation has it that the Prophet referred to Mecca and Medina, two cities between Tabuk and the Yemen; according to others the Prophet meant the Ansar: they were of Yerneni origin, they sheltered him in Medina, and helped to spread the religion of Islam. Some scholars argued that the Prophet referred to Mecca: the religion of Islam originated in Mecca and Mecca belongs to the region of Tihama, which is part of the Yemen. Yet a different interpretation says that the people to whom the Prophet referred were in fact those of the Yemen, and he referred to their true belief in Islam.l+' The expansion of Islam and the rise of the Muslim empire encouraged the establishment of local sanctuaries, places of ziyarat, venerated graves and places of ritual practices. The virtue of the conquest of a locality and the fact that one of the Companions of the Prophet sojourned in this place is exposed in the following I}adzth: mii min aluulu: min a~l}abz yamiitu bi-crdir; ilia bu'itha qa'idan - (ya'nz li-ahlihii) uui-niiran yauma l_qiyama.132 A similar idea is inherent in an utterance recorded in FasawI's alMa'rifa wa-l-ta'rzkh,'referring to a pious scholar of tradition: '" sami'tu aM ma'sharin liadhZyarwz'an ibriihima l-nakha'iyyi qiila: mii min qaryatin ilia wa-fZhii man yudfa'u 'an ahlihii bihi, [a-inni la-arjii an yakiina abii wa'ilin minhum.133 As already mentioned, the number of graves of prophets in a city or a locality was a source of pride and served as a measure of its merits. Lists were made of the tombs in every city and province. According to a tradition of Ka'b (al-Ahbar) there are ten tombs of prophets in Tarsus, five in Masisa, a thousand in the fortified cities (thughiir) and sea-coasts of Syria; in Antiochia there is one tomb, of Habib the carpenter; in Hims there are thirty tombs of prophets, in Damascus five hundred; in Filastin there is a similar number. In Jerusalem there are a thousand tombs, in al- 'Arish there are ten, and in Damascus there is also the tomb of Moses.P" Muslim tradition naturally transmitted utterances containing praises of these places; the collections relating to the virtues of these localities were sometimes put together in special treatises of faq,a'il. The Prophet is said to have predicted the military expedition against Khurasan, and enjoined the believers to participate and to settle in
131 Ibn Mandah, al-Imiin, ed. 'All b. Muhammad b. Nasir al-Faqthr (Beirut, 1406/ 1985), I, 523-32, and see editor's comments. Al-'AynI,' Umdat al-qiirf, XV, 192, XVI, 72. Al-Saghant, Mabiiriq al-azhiir, II, 95 sup. Al-Bayhaqt, Ma'rifatu l-sunan wa-l-iithiir, ed. Ahmad Saqr (Cairo, 1390/1970), I, 67 sup., 73 inf., 137 sup. 132 Al-Jarrahi, Kashf al-khafii', II, 193, no. 2243. Al-Munawt, Fay~ al-qadir, V, 470, no. 7994. 133 Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa uia-t-ta'rikh; II, 112; and see references. 134 Al-Mausill, Kitiib al-wasua, V /1, 190.
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Marw. Marw was built by Dhu l-Qarnayn, who asked God to bless the city. The people of Marw will never be afflicted by any calamityJ35 Among the cities of Persia a high position was accorded to Qazwin, The Prophet predicted that at the "end of the days" there would be people "whose true belief would be blended with their blood and flesh"; they would fight the unbelievers in a city called Qazwin. Paradise would desire them and yearn for them like a she-camel who yearns for her foa1.136 In another tradition the Prophet says that the courageous people dwelling in Qazwin, who read the Qur 'an and fight with their swords, will appear on the Day of Resurrection with their jugular veins dripping with blood. They love God and God loves them. The eight gates of Paradise will be opened for them and they will be allowed to enter by any gate they wish.137 Another tradition says that God watches the people of Qazwln twice every day as they let the sinners go unpunished and accept the good deeds of the beneficent.l " A peculiar tradition says that a man who dwells in Qazwin is superior to one who dwells in one of the two harems, Mecca or Medina.P? In some of the traditions Qazwin is coupled with 'Asqalan: both are marked as the two cities of paradise.v'" Other traditions place Qazwln in another list of paradise cities: Alexandria, 'Asqalan, 'Abbadan and Qazwln.141 A tradition attributed to the Prophet emphasizes the high rank of Alexandria: a person sojourning in Alexandria for three days without harboring hypocritical thoughts will have the same status as a believer from among the Rum and the 'Arabs who worships God for sixty thousand years.142
135 Al-Munawi, Fayq, al-qadir, IV, 130, no. 4774. AI-MuttaqT l-Hindr, Kanz al'ummal, XIII, 2.57, nos. 1418-19. Al-Dhahabi, Mi:zan al-i'tidal, II, 239, no. 3586. Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kiimil, I, 401 inf.-402 sup. But see Abu Ya'Ia, Musnad, I, 39, no. 33: the dajjal will set out from Khurasan; and see ibid. references. Ibn 'Araq, Tanzitu: /·sharl'a l-marfil':«, II, 47, no. 6; and see ibid. the virtues of other cities of Khurasan. Ibn Hajar al-f.Asqalanr, Lisiiri al-mi:zan, III, 120, no. 415. 136 Abu l-Qasim al-Rafi'r, al-Tadwi:n fi dhikri ahli l-'ilmi bi-qazuiin, MS Laleli 2010, 1'01.3a. Al-Munawl, Fayq, ol-qadir, IV, 30, no. 4444. AI-MuttaqT l-Hindi, Kanz al'llmmal, XIII, 253, no. 1399. 137 AI-Rafi'I, al- Taduiin; MS fol. 3a. AI-MuttaqT I-HindI, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 256, 110. 1412. 138 AI-Rafi'T, al-Tadwln, MS fol. 3b. AI-MuttaqT l-Hindt, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 256, 110. 1416. 139 AI-MuttaqI I-HindI, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 257, no. 1417. 140 AI-Rafi'T, al-Tadwln, MS fol. 7a. 141 AI-MuttaqT I-HindI, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 257, no. 1420. But comp. a different list of the minbars of Paradise: Anon., Masa'il 'abdi I-salam li-nabiyyina, MS Hebrew Univ., ColI. S.M. Stern, 34.: Qayrawan, Bab at-abwab, 'Abbadan and Khurasan. 142 Ibn Hajar al-t.Asqalan'I, Lisiin al-mlzan, VI, 219 inf., no. 768.
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When the Prophet stated that there were two gates open to Paradise: 'Abbadan and Qazwin, he was asked whether 'Abbadan was not a newly built place; he answered in the affirmative, but added that it was the first place which believed in Jesus the son of Maryam.l+' The lengthy chapter of fa#'il qazwfn in al-Muttaqi al-Hindr's Kanz al-'ummiil144 bears evidence to the wide currency given to traditions concerning the virtues of Qazwin. These traditions give us the opportunity to follow the process of sanctification of a newly conquered locality, and shows how new sanctuary was coupled with well established sanctuaries held in high esteem, often situated in far regions. A frequent tendency in the farJii'illiterature is to restrict or withdraw part of the sanctity of a locality, by attributing similar virtues to smaller places adjacent to a main locality or on the way to it. Judda, a well-known place in the vicinity of Mecca, is recorded as a distinguished locality sharing virtues with Mecca. The Prophet is said to have stated: makkatu ribiitun wa-juddatu jihiidun.145 When a man in a council in Mecca prided himself on being a member of one of the most distinguished councils in the city, 'Abbad b. Kathlr146 said that he was far removed from the virtues of Judda: a prayer in Judda has the value of seventeen million prayers elsewhere, a dirham spent in charity in Judda is worth a hundred thousand dirhams, and good deeds done there are rewarded in the same measure. God will forgive the sins of a man who merely looks at Judda from a distance.l+? The tradition about the four cities of Paradise, Alexandria, Qazwin, 'Abbadan, and 'Asqalan, was duly modified by an additional significant phrase: "and the superiority of Judda to all these cities is like the superiority of the House of God in relation to other houses (wa- farJlu judda 'alii hii' -us: i ka-farJli bayti lliihi l-hariimi 'alii sii'iri l-buyiit.) 148 Some scholars claimed to have read in "books" (i.e., collections of apocalyptic predictions attributed to the Prophet or to pious persons of the first generation of Islam; sometimes these predictions can be traced
AI-Rafi'T, al- Taduiin; MS fol. 3a. XIII, 252-57, nos. 1394-1417. 145 Al-Faklhr, Tti'rikh: MS fol. 413b. inf. Ibn Zuhayra, al-Jiimi' al-lati], 81, from al-Fakihl. AI-FasT, Shi!a'u l-qhariim, I, 87, from al-Fakiht. Ibn Fahd, Risiila fZ !af!li judda, ed. 'Abd al-Hasan Mud'ij, in Majallat ma'had al-makhtii.tat al-'arabiyya (al-Kuwayt, 1987), XXXI, 199. 'Abd al-Qadir b. Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Juddr al-Hijazr, al-SilalJ wa-l-'udda fZ ta'rikhi judda, ed. Mustafa l-Hadrt (Damascus-alMadlna al-munawwara, 1408/1988), 78. 146 See Ibn Hajar al- 'Asqalani, Tahdhi:b al-tahdhi:b, V, 100-102, no. 169. 147 Al-Fakihr, Ta'rikh; MS fol. 413b inf. AI-FasT, Shi!a'u l-qhariim; I, 87, from alFakihi. Ibn Zuhayra, al-Jiimi' ol-laii], 81, from al-Fakiht. 'Abd al-Qadir b. Ahmad al-Juddi, al-Siliib. wa-l-'udda, 78-79. 148 AI-MuttaqT l-Hindr, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII,257, no. 1420. 'Abd al-Qadir b. Ahmad al-Juddt, al-Siliil; wa-l-'udda, p. 78.
143 144
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back to Jewish or Christian scriptures) that there would be a bloody encounter (mal~ama, between believers and unbelievers) in J udda and the believers killed in Judda would be the best among the martyrs.l+? Some traditions claimed that Hawwa, the biblical Eve, died in Judda and that her grave is there toO.150 The position of the mosque of Quba' was similar to that of the Prophet. There were discussions among scholars whether the verse in t.he Qur'an: al-masjidu lladM ussisa 'alii l-taqwii {siirat al-tauba 108) referred to the mosque of the Prophet or to that of Quba';151 the Prophet was asked about it, according to one tradition, and said that the verse referred to the great mosque of the Prophet in Medina.P? According t.o another tradition the verse of the Quran fihi rijiilun yu~ibbuna an yatatahharu wa-lliihu yu~ibbu l-muitohharina (surat al-tauba 108) refers to the people of Quba' .153 The mosque of Quba' maintained a very high position; traditions traced back to the Prophet say that anyone who prays in the mosque of Quba' and performs the prescribed ritual practices, will be rewarded as if he performed an 'umra.154 One of the Companions of the Prophet stated frankly that he preferred a prayer in the mosque of Quba' to one ill Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis ).155 The Companion Sa'd b. AbI Waqqas is even more outspoken: a prayer of two rak'as in the mosque of Quba' is more to his liking (a~abbu ilayya) than setting out twice towards .lerusalem. The merits of worship in Quba', according to him, are numerous and significant.P" Needless to say, there is a series of other mosques in Medina which are also recorded as virtuous sanctuaries in which the Prophet used to pray and which deserve to be frequented in order to perform prayers and
149 Al-Fakihi, Ta'rikh, MS fol. 414a. Ibn Fahd, Risiila, p. 200, from al-Fakihl. Ibn 0uhayra, al-Jtimi' al-latif, p. 81, from al-Fakihr, AI-FasT, Shifa'u. l-qhcriim, I, 87, from al-FakihT. Ir,olbn Fahd, Risiila, p. 203. 'Abd al-Qadir b. Ahmad, al-SilalJ, wa-l-'u.dda, p. 102. Ifi1See e.g., al-Mausilt, al- Wasfla, V /1, 182. Al-Samhudi, Wafa'u. l-wafa, pp. 250, ~ 14-15, 797-800. Al-'AyyashT, Tafsir, ed. Hashim al-Rasulr I-MaJ:tallatT, (Qumm, 1:171), II, 111, no. 135: sa'altu.hu. 'alayhi l-salamu. 'ani l-masjidi lladlii u.ssis a 'ala l-Laquiti min awwali yau.min [a-qiil«: masjidu. quba' .... Al-Warthflant, Nu.zhatu. 1I1n~arfZ faq,li l-ta'rfkhi wa-l-akhbiir (Beirut, 1394/1974), p. 468. 152 Ibn Abr Shayba, ai-Musannaf, II, 372-73. 153 AI-MuttaqT l-Hindi, Kanz al-'u.mmal, XIII, 228, no. 1271. 'Urnar b. Shabba, 'l'a'rikh. al-madfna al-mu.nawwara, ed. Fahfrn Muhammad Shaltfit (n.p.), I, 48-50. 154Ibn AbT Shayba, al-Musanna], II, 373. AI-Muttaqi l-Hindt, Kanz al-'u.mmal, XIII, 227-29, nos. 1269-70, 1274-83. Al-Samhiidf, Wafa'u. l-uiaf«, pp. 800-806. Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanT, Lisiinu l-mfzan, VI, 324 ult., no. 1157. Al-Warthtlant, Nuzhat al-an~ar, p.468. \ 55 Ibn AbT Shayba, ol-Musanno], II, 373, ult. 156 'Urnar b. Shabba, Ta'rikh, I, 42: Sa'd b. abf uiaqqiis: la-an u.~allffZmasjidi qu.bii'a
mk'atayni aliabtn: ilayya min an atiya bayta l-maqdisi marratayni. lau. ya'lamiina ma fZ qu.bii'a la-darabii ilayhi akbiida l-ibil. Al- Warthtlant, Nu.zhat al-an~ar, p. 468.
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ritual practices. 157 A similar development by which small sanctuaries around, or on the way to the main sanctuary are given great importance can be observed in Palestine. A place which gained a high position in this way was 'Asqalan. The Prophet named 'Asqalan one of the two brides of Paradise'P" and predicted that seventy thousand martyrs would stand up from the cemetery of 'Asqalan on the Day of Hesurrection.P? The Prophet is said to have promised that these martyrs will be led to Paradise like a bride to her husband.l''" The Prophet says further that there are two tomb-sites that will shine for the people of Heaven as the light of the sun shines for the people on earth: the graves of Baqi' al-Gharqad and those of ,Asqalan.l''! The Prophet urged the believers to stay in 'Asqalan, promising its people security and calm in a time of troubles and contests.P? 'Iradition says that in 'Asqalan there are still graves of the pious and of the successors to the Companions of the Prophet (al-tiibi'un) which remain unknown. 'Asqalan contains the well which Abraham dug with his own hand. There are also utterances of the Prophet as to the merits of 'Asqalan as a ribiit.163 According to a tradition a believer who spends a day and a night in 'Asqalan as a muriibit will die as a martyr (shahZd) even if his death occurs sixty years later and even if he dies in a land of unbelievers. 164 Tabariyya was a distinguished city too. In the vicinity of the Lake of Tabariyya was the grave of Sulayman b. Dawud.165 To the east of the lake are the graves of Luqman and his son.166 In Tabariyya are buried the Companion Abu 'Ubayda b. al-Jarrah and his wife.167 A grave of another Companion, Abu Hurayra, is on the slope of the mountain of Tabariyya.U" Tabariyya has a well which was visited by
b. Shabba, Ta'rtkh; I, 57-79. to another tradition the two brides are 'Asqalan and Ghazza. See al-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 250, no. 1384. 159 Ibn 'Adi, al-Kiimil, I, 294 sup. Muhammad b. Hibban al-Bustr, Kitiib almajriilJ,7:n,ed. Mahmud Ibrahim Zayid (Beirut, n.d.), I, 270, III, 58. 160 Abu Ya'Ia, Musnad, I, 160, no. 175. Al-Dhahabt, M7:zan al-i'tidal, I, 330 ult., no. 1245. AI-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal, XVII, 134, no. 426. 161 Al-Mausili, al- Was7:1a,V /1, 193. 162 AI-Muttaqi l-Hindi, Kanz al-"tmmal, XIII, 250, no. 1385, XVII, 133-34, nos. 423-25. 163 See al-Harawi, al-Lshiiriit: ilii ma'ri/ati l-ziyariit, ed. J. Sourdel-Thoumine (Damascus, 1953), p. 32. 164 AI-Muttaqi l-Hindr, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 251, no. 1387. 165 Al-Harawt, al-Lsluiriit, p. 19. The author rejects however this tradition. 166 Ibid., p. 19. The author mentions however that another tomb of Luqman is said to exist in Yemen in a mountain named La'at 'Adan. 167 Ibid., p. 19. The author records other tombs ascribed to Abu 'Ubayda b. al-Jarrah in the area of al-Urdunn or in Baysan. 168 Ibid., p. 19. Other traditions say that his tomb is in Baqi' or in 'Aqlq, or in
158 According 157 'Umar
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elsa b. Maryam; he is said to have performed a miracle there.169 Outside Tabariyya is the grave of 'Abdallah b. al-'Abbas b.'AlI b. Abt Talib and the mashhad of Sukayna bint al-Husayn.U" The Lake of Tabariyya will playa significant role when the false Messiah (the Dajjiil) will appear; the Dajjiil is said to have inquired about this Lake when he happened to meet some believers.l"! The rod of Moses, the one given him by Jibril when Moses set out for Madyan, and the ark of Adam are at the bottom of the Lake and will be pulled out by the Qii'im when he will be raised.l"? A city distinguished by the most favorable utterances of the Prophet was 'Akka (Acre). Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalanf records the following utterance of the Prophet concerning 'Akka: "There is a city between two mountains named 'Akka. If anyone enters it out of desire for it (raghbatan jfhii), God will forgive him his former and future sins. Anyone who turns away from 'Akka with aversion will not get God's blessing for going away from it. There is a well in 'Akka, named 'Ayn al-baqar; God will fill with light the inside space of anyone who drinks from it. Anyone who pours the water of this well upon himself will remain pure until the Day of Resurrection." 173 A lengthy J;,adfth transmitted by 'A'isha exposes a lucid pattern of the growth of the fa~ii'illiterature. A deputation of the people of Syria came to Yathrib.U" One of them visited 'A'isha; she asked where they were from, and he told her that they were from Syria, from Urdunn, from the region of 'Akka, from the city itself. 'A'isha then lifted the screen which separated her from the people in the room and fell down prostrating herself to God. She lifted her head and said: "I have seen a man from the people of Paradise. Have you drunk from the well of 'Ayn al-Baqar in 'Akka?" When he answered "yes" she asked whether he had noticed the smell of camphor of the water. He said "yes" again and 'A'isha exclaimed "Blessed art thou, blessed art thou" (tubiika, thumma tubiika) and quoted an utterance of the Prophet according to which the ~lu1"fsof Paradise sprinkle camphor from Paradise in the well of 'Ayn al-Baqar. She said that if the man from 'Akka had not been a stranger
Yubna,
169Ibid., p. 19. 170Ibid., p. 19. 171 Mughultay, al-Zahr al-basim fi strai aM l-qasim, MS Leiden Or. 370, fol. 158b inf.-159a sup. 172 Al-Mazandarani, Manaqib salman, p. 17. But see al-BustI, al-Majrul}fn, II, 34: the Torah, Moses' rod, and the remainder of the broken Tablets are in Antakia. 173 Ibn Hajar al-IAsqalanr, al-Khi$al al-mukaffira li-I-dhunub, ed. Muhammad Riyad al-Malik (Damascus, 1383/1963), p. 33. 174 Ibn Tahman, Mashyakha, p. 95, no. 43. The Prophet forbade to call the city "Yathrib"; it had to be called "al-Madiria." The Umayyads, however, continued to call the locality "Yathrib" or "al-Muntina."
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with whom she was not allowed to be in contact (innaka rajulun lasta minnf bi-malJ,ramin) she would ask him to spit in her mouth, thus hoping to attain Paradise. She quoted the utterance of the Prophet according to which drinking and washing at the well of 'Ayn Baqar, and drinking from 'Ayn al-Fulus in Baysan, or from the well of Silwan in Jerusalem, or from Zamzam in Mecca, will keep a man's body from the fire of Hell. Then she turned to the man from 'Akka and continued to quote the utterances of the Prophet about 'Akka.175 The Prophet said that walking in the streets of 'Akka carries with it more merit than prayer in some mosques. The Prophet touched upon the rewards of those who would be stationed in 'Akka as a military force ready to meet the enemy (al-muriibitiin): he who stayed in 'Akka as a muriibit. for one night would be considered as one who would fight with his spear for the cause of God; he who stayed for two nights would be considered as one who fought with his sword for the cause of God; he who stayed for three nights would be considered as one who came floundering in his blood; he who stayed for forty days would be given seventy Badri warriors and would not forfeit his pay (ajr) neither in this world or in the next one (/f l-dunyii wa-liikhira). 'A'isha attests having heard the Prophet announce that one prayer in the mosque of 'Akka on Friday has the value of eight thousand two hundred prayers elsewhere. In another utterance the Prophet states that Jibril stretches his wing above 'Akka; God guards it with His eye and the city is kept from every damage and harm.176 'Akka is coupled with another city as regards merits of performing ritual practices. The Prophet is said to have stated that two bendings (rak'atiini) in Qaysariyya and 'Akka are more to God's liking than a thousand bendings (rak'a) in Jerusalem.l"? The tradition, obviously a forged one, is a convincing case of the rise and growth of small local religious centers and their rivalry with the established great localities. A tradition in which the virtues of these small centers are emphasized says that the Prophet was asked whether there was a city in Paradise reminiscent of a city in this world. The Prophet stated that there were
175 Al-Mausilt, Wasila V /1, 192, records an additional utterance: "Blessed is he from among my people who saw 'Akka and blessed is he who saw the man who saw 'Akka"; he said it seven times. 176 AI-NazwI, al-Musomnaf, XI, 14-15; and see a fragment of the tradition ib. p. 52. And see al-Mausilr, al-Wastla V/l, 192-193. I am indebted to the late Dr. Suliman Bashear who made available to me a copy of the MS Princeton, Yahudah 4183 (Fa~l If farJ.a'il 'akka) in which this tradition is recorded and which contains many details about the virtues of Acre. He made as well available to me a refutation of the virtues of Acre written by Muhammad b. Muhammad al-Maghribi al-AzharI and entitled:
al-Raqfm bi-tal].dMri a'/am a/-bashar min al].adtthi 'akkii. wa-'aynihii. a/-musammii.t bi-'ayni l-baqar (Princeton, MS Yahudah 5923). 177 Al-Mausilt, al- Wasila, V /1, 193.
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four such cities in Paradise: 'Akka, 'Asqalan, Judda and 'Abbadan. Further the Prophet stressed the special virtues of 'Abbadan: a takMra in 'Abbadan is more meritorious than a thousand bendings (rak'a) in another mosque; he who visits 'Abbadan and who anticipates by this the reward of God (mu1J,tasiban), God will forgive him his sins and will reward him with an 'umra; he who prays two bendings in 'Abbadan will get the reward as if he prayed forty bendings (rak' a) elsewhere and as if he had attended the battle of Badr with the Prophet.l " The case of 'Abbadan serves as an example of the rise of a holy place frequented by ascetics and sufis; a web of miraculous stories and abundant utterances of the Prophet about the virtues of the place enhanced the position of the locality. The sanctity of the isle of 'Abbadan was divulged by Jibrtl himself; he revealed to the Prophet on the night of the mi'raj the unknown details about the creation of the place. The Prophet saw a light on the earth ascending to the sky and asked Jibrtl about it. Jibrtl explained that 'Abbadan was created from four places: from 'fur Stna, from bayt al-maqdis, from the masjid al-hariitri and from the mosque of Medina. Jibril then stated that he who prayed two rak'as in 'Abbadan would be like a man who prayed in the four places. Jibril assured the Prophet that he who visited 'Abbadan and spent one night in it, God would grant him the reward as if he visited Mecca, Jerusalem, 'fur SIna and the mosque of Medina. God would respond to the invocat.ions and supplications in 'Abbadan.F" The story of 'Abbadan is an example of the creation of a combined sanctity based on the blending of well known and venerated elements of sanctity. The firm belief of the Muslim community in the sanctity of the holy places in Islam was weakened to some extent by the orthodox circles t.hemselves who raised considerable doubts as to the soundness of tradit.ions which were widely accepted. A subject of contention of this kind was the problem whether the Prophet did perform a prayer in the mosque of al-Aqsa during his isrii', The scholars were divided in their opinions: some asserted that he had indeed prayed at al-Aqsa, but others denied this, saying that had he prayed there the believers would be obliged to pray in Jerusalem, for they would have to act according to the ritual practice performed by the Prophet; his prayer would have become an obliging sunna.180 As early as in the Umayyad period some members of the ruling family reduced the sanctity of Jerusalem: 'an ibni shihabin: kana sulasnniir:
Al-Mausilr, al- Wasfla, V/1, 193 inf.-194. Al-Mausilt, al- Wasfla, V/1, 194. 180 Al-Tabart, Tahdhlb al-iithiir, I (Musnad 'abdal/ah b. al-'abbiis), 443-70, nos. 728-46. AI-TayalisI, Musnad (Hyderabad, 1321), p. 55, no. 411. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jiimi' bay an al-'ilm wa-farf,lihi (al-Madma al-munawwara, n.d.), II, 103.
178 179
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b. 'abd al-malik lii yu' azzims: fliyii kamii yu' azzimuhii ahlu baytihi. qiila: Ja-sirtu ma'ahu wa-huwa waliyyu 'ahdin wa-ma'ahu khiilid b. yazfd b. mu'iiwiya .... Khalid b. Yazid said that he had read the Torah and the Book revealed by God to Muhammad, The Rock of the sanctuary of Jerusalem was not enjoined by God to the Jews as qibla in their Scripture; the decision to take the Rock as qibla was a result of an historical development: the Ark of the Sakina (tiibut al-sakfna) was placed on the Rock. When God became angry with the Jews He removed the Ark from the Rock. Then the Jews consulted among themselves and decided to pray in the direction of the Rock and established it as their qibla. Thus the Rock itself had no sanctity at all. Abu l_'A.liya181 could indeed convince a Jew who claimed that the Rock was the qibla of Moses, that Moses prayed in the direction of the Ka'ba; he merely performed the prayer at the Rock: kiina YUi?allf'inda l-sakhra wa-yastaqbilu l-bayt al-horiim, Ja-kiinat al-ka' batu qiblatahu wa-kiinat al-sokhratn: bayna yadayhi.182 Al-'AbdarI records in his al-Madkhal a significant opinion concerning the practice of bad innovations (bid' a) which occurred in some virtuous and distinguished places. The bid' a under consideration was the controversial saliit al-ragha'ib which started in Jerusalem. The virtuous places have no influence on the deeds and practices performed in them: [a-aqiiiu: inna hadhihi ol-souit [i.e., saliit al-ragha' ib 1 shii' at bayna l-niis ba'da l-mi' ati l-riibi' ati wa-lam takun tu'raJu; [a-lajzuhs: hiidhii yadullu 'alii annahii bid' atun. Further he argues: Ja-hiidhii l-laJ~u ay¢an minhu yadullu 'alii annahii bid' atun, idh anna mabda' a fi'lihii ft bayti l-maqdisi diino. ghayrihi. wal-buqa 'u wa-in kiinat mimmii laha Ja¢flatun ft naJsihii Ja-laysa lohii ta'thfrun [ittui hcdathc fthii; wa-lau kiina kadhiilika ladhahaba kathfrun min al-shari' a wa-l-'iyiidhu bi-lliihi, wa-qad lJ,afi~ahii lliihu wa-l-lJ,amdu li-lliihi.183
See Ibn Hajar al-t.Asqalani, Toluihib al-tahdhfb, XII, 143, no. 685. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Badii/i' al-fawCi'id (Beirut [reprint], n.d.), IV, 170 inf.> 171. Additionally the Jew was persuaded of the argument of Abu l-'Aliya by the fact that the qibla of the mosque of the prophet $ali\:l was in the direction of the Ka'ba. The Christians too were not ordered by Jesus to face East in their prayers, nor was such injunction given to them in the Evangelium or in any of their Scriptures. An instructive passage (ibid., pp. 171 inf>- 172 sup.) about the qibla of the Samaritans, a mountain in the district of Nabulus, attempts to prove the worthlessness of their claim that that qibla was enjoined in the Torah. Ibn Qayyim himself checked the text and failed to find the alleged Samaritan qibla in this Scripture. On the qibla of Jerusalem and the attitude of some of the Umayyads towards it; see Suliman Bashear, "Qur 'an II, 114 and Jerusalem," BSOAS, 52 (1989), p. 237; and see the reference in note 158. 183 Al-'AbdarI, al-Madkhal, IV, 267 inf.~268.
181 182
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Al-'AbdarI explains that Jerusalem cannot be blamed for the bad innovations. Jerusalem is in fact the third city as to its virtues; Mecca and Medina are superior to Jerusalem in virtue and in these two cities there occurred events which the shari:« is reluctant to accept.P" It is precisely this inferior position of Jerusalem, being third in rank among the dignified cities, that caused Jerusalem to be mindful of the claims of other cities. Such was the case of the competition of Jerusalem with Damascus, which according to some scholars is the fourth sanctuary to which one should set out for ritual practices.J'" In a detailed, comprehensive and exhaustive study, Professor Joseph Sadan subjects the competition between Jerusalem and Damascus to an illuminating scrutiny.V" The pivot of discussion in Sadan's two articles is the location of maqiim nabf miisii: whether it is to be sought in the vicinity of Jerusalem or of Damascus. Sadan dealt with the philological elements and analyzed the arguments of the opponents, basing himself on a huge bibliographical array. Even the indication of the common word al-shiim was heatedly discussed and variously interpreted by different groups. The hadith. qudsi: anii rabbu l-shiimi man a'T"iidahii hi-su'in qa$amtuhu187 "I am the Lord of al-Sham and shall break anyone who wishes it ill" was differently explicated by scholars according to their opinion whether al-shiim refers to the whole territory of Syria or merely to Damascus.l'" In some cases al-shiim was said to apply to .lcrusalern.P? Sadan points out that the treatise of al-Timurtashf (d. 1054 H.), alKluibar al-tiimm fZ J;,udud al-a'T"~iI-muqaddasati uia-jiiastin. wa-I-shiim as well as that of Muhammad b. Habib (d. 1649), Du'T"'T"u l-niziim fZ mahosini I-sham, were both composed at the instigation and encouragement of some official dignitaries in Egypt and in Syria.190 The treatise of Muhammad b. Habib, Du'T"'T"U l-niziirn, which is based Oil Iuulitl, material combined with some historical traditions, reflects the
IH1Al-'AbdarT, al-Madkhal, IV, 268 sup. 1 He, ee above, at note 35; and see Muhammad S b. !:Iabib , Durru l-ni~am fI malJasini l-shiim, MS Princeton, Yahudah 1862 (4427), fols. 3b-4a. IHf;.!. Sadan, "Maqiitt: nabf miisii between .!ericho and Damascus: On the History of the Rivalry between Two Holy Places" (in Hebrew), Hamizrab. hehadost, (1979), PI'. '22-38 and idem, "The Conflict Concerning the maqiim nabf miisii in the Muslim Sources" (in Hebrew), Hamizrah heluuiasli (1979), pp. 220-38. 1"7 See this tradition assessed in al-Jarraht's Kashf al-khafii', I, 202, no. 612; and see ilsul.: wa-shtahara ayq.an: wayka umma l-jabiibira man ammaka bi-su'in qasamtutiu, ina-l-khiiiib li-dimashq .... And see Muhammad b. Hablb, Durru l-ni~iim, fol. 6b, I. 3: lliilvu rabbii l-shiimi Iii udfmu f1hii ~ulma l-~iilimi .... 1 HH See e.g., J. Sadan, "Moqiim nabf miisii between .!ericho and Damascus," p. 26. IH!ISee Muhammad b. Hablb, Durru l-ni~iim, fol. 6b, I. 8, qiila rasulu lliihi, qiila llulu: ta'iilii li-l-shiimi wa-huwa baytu l-maqdisi: anti jannatf wa-qudsf wa-~afwatf min biliidf, man sakanaki fa-bi-ralJmatin minnf .... I!IO.!. Sadan, Maqiim nabi"musii, pp. 26-27.
,,,,,I
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rivalry between the two religious centers in Islam. Another aspect of the struggle of Jerusalem to gain a proper status in the competition between the holy places in Islam is exposed in an interesting treatise written by Burhan al-Din b. Jama'a (d. 790 H)191 named Kiiiiin: stiqbali l-qiblatayan.192 As in the case of the treatises of Muhammad b. Habib and alTimurtashi, the treatise of Ibn .Iama'a was inspired by a discussion between two scholars as to the qibla of the prophets who preceded the prophet Muhammad; it was held in the presence of a dignitary who got the high rank of combining "the sword and the pen" and "word and deed." The pivot of the dispute was the disparity in the opinions of the two scholars: one of them maintained that none of the prophets of the past (i.e., before the emergence of Islam) turned his face towards the Rock as a qibla except Muhammad. His opponent held the view that all the prophets turned their faces towards the Rock; only Muhammad turned his face towards the Ka'ba.193 Ibn Jama'a states that both scholars have a right to their views. The disputant who claimed that none of the prophets turned his face towards the Rock had in mind, according to Ibn Jama'a, the l},adfth transmitted by Abu l_'.Aliya194 that the Ka'ba is the qibla of all the prophets: alka'batu qiblatu l-anbiya'i kullihim. The one who claimed that all the prophets turned their faces towards the Rock except Muhammad based his opinion on the utterance of the Prophet transmitted by al-ZuhrI195 saying that since .Adam descended on earth God did not send a prophet without appointing as his qibla the Rock of bayt al-maqdis: lam yab'ath allahu mundhu ohbata iidasna u« l-dunya nabiyyan illa ja' ala qiblatahu $akhrata bayti l-maqdis. The tradition of al-Zuhri is indeed transmitted by Yiinus b. Yazid alAylI,196 a faithful student of al-Zuhrt, and is recorded by al-Musharraf b. al-Murajja.P"
191 See C. Brockelmann, GAL, II, 112. And see the fatwa of Burhan al-DIn b. Jama'a on the problem of sama', MS Hebrew University AP. Ar. 158, fols. 11a-20a: hadha su'alun sa'alahu shakhsut: mina l-fuqara'i ghafara llahu lalvu amfn amfn li-
maulana qarf,'1I-qurf,atiburhani l-dini bni jama'a taghammadahu llahu bi-ral].matihi ami"n lamma kana khati"ban bi-bayti l-maqdisi wa-dhalika fi sanati ithnatayni wasab''1na wa-sab'imi'atin.
192 MS Hebrew
University,
Yahudah
Col., Ar. 318.
193 MS Yah. Ar. 318, fol. 89a.
al-Tabaqiit al-kubra (Beirut, 1377/1957), VII, 112-17. GAS, I, 280-83. 196 See Ibn Hajar al-IAsqalant, TahdMb al-tahdMb, XI, 450-52, no. 869. 197 AI-Musharraf b. al-Murajja, Farf,a'il bayti l-maqdis wa-l-khali"l wa-farf,a'il ol-shiim; MS Tiibingen 1, fol. 36a inf. Mahmud Ibrahlrn, Farf,a'il bayti l-maqdis (Kuwayt, 1406/ 1985), p. 306 (from al-Miknasi's Farf,a'il bayti l-maqdis). Al-Wasitt, Farf,a'il al-bayti l-muqaddas, ed. I. Hasson (Jerusalem, 1979), p. 51, no. 78 (and see the references of
194 See Ibn Sa'd , 195 See F. Sezgin,
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There are several traditions attributing the virtue of prophethood to Jerusalem or to al-shiini in general. A peculiar utterance transmitted by Damra b. Rabra198 stated: "Never was a prophet sent except from Syria [Sham l; if he was not from Syria, he was moved to Syria": lam yub' ath nabiyyun illa mina l-shiimi, fa-in lam yakun minhii usriya bihi ilayhii.199 The idea that the prophets turned their faces towards the Ka'ba as their qibla was also popular. "Never did God send a prophet without enjoining him to pray in the direction of the Ka'ba. The Jews and the Christians were ordered to do so but strayed from the right path.,,200 A tradition recorded on the authority of 'Urwa says that every prophet performed the pilgrimage to Mecca except Hiid and Salih; Niih too performed the pilgrimage. Hiid was sent by God to perform the pilgrimage, but he was impeded by the troubles of his people and could not carry out his mission. After Ibrahim every prophet without exception performed the pilgrimage to Mecca and performed the rites of the circumambulation of the Ka'ba.201 According to another tradition traced back to Mujahid, seventy prophets performed the hajj to Mecca; among them was Moses clad in a Qatwani woolen striped cloak, and Yunus, who uttered the talbiya: labbayka kiishifa l_kurab.202
the editor). Ibn al-JauzT, Falja'il al-quds, p. 114. 1985ee MTzan al-i'tidal, I, 330, no. 3959. 199 Al-Suyutr, al-Durr al-manthur, III, 112. 200 Al-Suyutt, Saji'at al-haram, MS Leiden, Or. 1526, p. 225 sup.: wa-qad ruwiya: rna ba'atha ilahu nabiyya~ iI/a qfla'iahu: ila I-ka'bati ~allu, wa-anna I-yahuda wa-Inasara umiru biha wa-Iakinnahum 'anha dalli; .... 20i Al-Suyutt, al-Durr al-manthur, I, '129. Al-Sayyid al-BakrT b. al-Sayyid Muhammad Shata al-Dimyati, ['anat al-talibfn 'ala fatlJi alfa~ fatlJi I-mu'fn, II, 277: Illm yab'ath al/ahu nllbiYYlln ba'da ibrahi:ma 'alayhi I-~alatu wa-I-salam ilia lJajja; llIa-l/adhi: sorroho bihi ghayruhu annahu mii min nabiyyin ilia lJajja khilafan Ii-man istaitmii hiidon. wa-~alilJan ... qala l-r olliim« 'abd al-ra'uf: wa-qa'iluhu 'urwatu bnu 1zubayr raljiya lliihi: 'anhuma qiila: balaghanf anna adama wll-nulJan lJajja duna hudin 1lI1l-~alilJin li-shtighalihima bi-amri qaumihima, thummll ba'atha lliihsi ibrahi:mll fa!llljjahu wa-'allama manasikahu, thumma Illm yab'ath al/ahu nabiyyan ba'dahu uts !lIljjllhu. wa-yujabu 'an qauli 'urwata bi-anna I-lJadftha 'ala farlji ~ilJlJatihi mu'araljun bi-lllJadftha kathi:ratin annahuma lJajja, minhii qaulu l-hosani /I risiilatihs anna rasiila Ilt1hi [~l qiila: inna qabra nulJin uia-hiidin. wa-shu'aybin wa-~alilJin /lma bayna 1"ukni wa-I-maqami wa-zamzama. wa-mina I-ma'/iimi annahum 10. ya'tiina I-bayta Ili-ghayri lJajjin .... Further the author discusses the problem whether the prayer in t.he barom of Mecca is permitted, as the locality contains the tombs of the prophets. III! says it is permissible, arguing: wa-Ia tukrahu I-~alatu bayna I-rukni wa-l-maqami Illtl-zamzama tawahhuman min ~adfthi l-hasat: li-kaunihima maqburatan, li-annaha maqburatu I-anbiya'i wa-hum alJya'u /I qubiirihim. The author attempts to prove that the tradition of the Prophet, 10. tattakhidhu qubilra anbiya'ikum masajida, can1I0t. be applied in case of the tombs in the court of the horam. of Mecca. And see IHI.I:l.q b. Bishr, Kitab al-mubtada' (al-juz' al-khamis), MS ;:;ahiriyya 359 (majmu'a), 1"01. 132a. '1II2 Al-Suyutt, al-Durr al-manthur, I, 129.
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Another view as to the sojourn of the prophets in Mecca is seen in several traditions stressing that the prophets used to set out to Mecca either when persecuted by their people203 or when their people perished; the prophets then stayed in Mecca worshipping God until they died. Nuh, Hud, Shu'ayb and Salih are buried in the sanctuary of Mecca, between Zamzam and the I,Iijr.204 Ibn Jama'a, aware of the contradiction in the opinions of the two scholars, states that the way chosen by him in his scrutiny is to follow the path of explication which may result in a harmonization; if this is hard to achieve another way should be chosen: the two opinions are to be considered as if they were two buildings in danger of collapse; sound, searching scholars have to be consulted. Ibn Jama'a promises to base himself on the opinions of these scholars and provide a historical outline of the subject chronologically arranged. The first man chosen by God for the rank of prophecy was Adam. We do not know however whether the Temple of Jerusalem existed in his time, except in God's preconceived knowledge, says Ibn Jama'a. It is essential for Ibn Jama'a to establish when the Temple of Jerusalem was built. He quotes Abu Muhammad al-Qasim Ibn 'Asakir who recorded in his al-Musiaqsii fi farJ,ii'ili l-masjidi l-aqsii the opinion of Ka'b al-Ahbar saying that the ancient foundation of the Temple was laid by Sam b. Niih; later Dawiid and Sulayrnan built upon this base. As it is stated in the reliable ~.adfth collection that between Adam and Niih there were ten generations (qurun), the earliest date for the building of the foundation of the Temple was that of Sam b. Nuh. There are however other traditions claiming that some of the sons of Adam laid the foundation of the Temple; another tradition claims that it was the angels who established its foundation after they had built the Ka'ba.205
203 Al-Mausili, al- Wasua, III/2, 309: mii min nabiyyin haraba min qaumihi illii haraba lliihi. bi-makkata fa-'abada lliilu: f!ha batu: miita. 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud b. 'Abd al-Rahrnan al-Marakashi, al-Raud al-mughtanam f! farjli ma'i zamzam, MS Firenze, Biblioteca Laurenziana, Or. 178, fol. 20a: kana l-nabiyyu mina l-anbiya'i idhii kadhdhabahu qaumuhu wa-halakat ummatuhu lahiqa bi-makkata sharrafahii lliihsi fa-ya'budu lliiha f!ha huwa wa-man ma'ahu ~atta yamii.ta. See A. ArazT, "Conflit de preseance entre la Mekke et Medine," JSAI 5(1984), pp. 212-13. 204 Al-'AqiilI, 'Arf al-!fb, MS Leiden Or. 493, fol. 70a: kana l-nabiyyu min a 1anbiya'i idhii halakat ummatuhu lahiqa bi-makkata yata'abbadu f!ha al-nabiyyu waman ma'ahu ~atta l-mauti; [a-miiia biha nii.~ um-hiid wa-shu'ayb wa-~ali~ waqubii.ruhum bayna zamzam uia-l-liijr. Ibn AbT I-Dunya, al-Lshriif f! maniizil al-oshrti], MS Chester Beatty 4427, fol. 80a sup.: 'an ibni "abbnsin: f! masjidi l-huriimi qabriini, qabru shu'ayb mustaqbal al-~ijr wa-qabru isma'u f! l-~ijr. Muhammad b. Yiisuf alGharnatr l-Jiyanl, Tafsir al-bahr al-mu~f! (Cairo, 1328), I, 140: wa-li-dhii.lika summiya wasa!uhii bakkata Ii-anna l-orda bukkat min ta~tihii; uia-khtussat bi-l-dhikr liann aha maqarru man halaka qaumuhu min a l-anbiya'i wa-dufina bihii nii~ wa-hii.d wa-~ali~ bayna l-maqiim wa-l-rukn .... 205 Ibn Jarna'a, Istiqbtil, MS Yah. Ar. 318, fol. 89b. And see Nasir al-Drn b. Khadir, al-Mustaqsii, MS Escorial 1767, fol. 5b: f! muthfri l-gharami 'an abf l-'abbiisi 1-
un
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As to the Ka'ba, the sanctuary existed and was frequented by the people who came either for pilgrimage or for a visit . .Adam performed the I},ajj and the circumambulation of the Ka'ba. According to a tradition recorded by al-Shafi'I in his Umm the angels met Adam on his return from the I},ajj and greeted him with the greeting burra I},ajjuka; they told him that they used to perform the pilgrimage two thousand years before his pilgrimage. Ibn Jama'a quotes other sources as to Adam's stay in Mecca and the ritual practices performed by him, or performed in his time. He is said to have performed forty pilgrimages from India to Mecca on foot (from Tabari's Ta'rzkh). According to another tradition he sojourned in Mecca until his death; he used to circumambulate the Ka'ba seven times a night and five times a day (from al-Azraqi's, Ta'rzkh). Ibn Jama'a emphasizes that these traditions cannot be rejected except by people who assume that the first to build the Ka'ba was Abraham and that it did not exist before him. This opinion is shared by some people in later times, but the majority of scholars opposes it. Ibn Jama'a is of the opinion that the prayer (al-~aliit) was a legally binding practice (kiinat al-saliiis: mashrii: atan) already at the time of Adam, The tradition of Adam's request on his deathbed to have a bunch of grapes from heaven mentions that Adam was washed and clad with a shroud; Jibrll performed the prayer at his grave and he was buried (from 'Abdallah b. Ahmad's Ziyiidiit al-musnad).206 Another tradition says that the angels carried the body of .Adam and placed it at the door of the Ka'ba; then Jibril performed the prayer (from FakihI's Ta'rzkh Makka). A tradition that goes back to Ibn 'Abbas says that Jibril refused to pray on the grave of .Adam, but instructed Shlth to pray on his father's grave thirty tokbiras: five as a prayer (~aliit), twenty-five as a distinctive, supererogatory practice in honor of Adam (taf¢zlan li-iidam) (from Ibn 'Asakir's Ta'rzkh). These traditions, maintains Ibn Jama'a, support each other to establish the fact that the prayer for the dead (~aliit al-janiiza) was mandatory at the time of Adam, He assumes that other prayers were probably established at that period and quotes from the commentary of al-Rafi'I to the Musnad of al-Shafi'I that the morning prayer was the prayer of Adam, the prayer of midday (al-?uhr) was the prayer of Dawud, the afternoon prayer (~aliit al-'a~r) was the prayer of Sulayman, the prayer of sunset was the prayer of Ya'qub and the prayer of the evening ('ishii') was that of Yunus. There are no explicit traditions about the qibla of the pre-Islamic prophets, Ibn Jama'a admits; but he assumes that the qibla of .Adam was the Ka'ba; it was already mentioned earlier, says Ibn Jarna'a, that Adam circumambulated the Ka'ba and performed the
quriubi: yajiizu an yakiina banat-hu l-malii'ikatu 206 Ibn .Iama'a, Istiqbiil, fol. 8gb. ba' da binii'i l-bayti bi-idhni lliihi.
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pilgrimage to it and it is therefore plausible that he also prayed in the direction of the Ka'ba.207 In a special passage dealing with the qibla of the prophets Ibn Jama'a remarks that there is no explicit mention of the qibla of the prophets who lived in the period between Adam and Abraham, but it is well known that they revered the House, performed the pilgrimage to Mecca, performed the circumambulation, prayed at the House and made invocations there. Stories about the pilgrimage of Nilh , Hiid, Salil; , Shu'ayb and 'Ad are widely circulated. Ibn Jama'a reiterates the tradition about the prophets who moved to Mecca after their people perished and who stayed there worshipping God until their death (see above, notes 203-204). The graves of these prophets are found around the House and it is not far fetched to assume that they faced it in their prayers (fa-muqtarja hiidha alta yub'ada annahum kanu YUljaltuna ilayhi). Additionally AbU l-'Aliya reported that he saw the grave of $alil} with the qibla in the direction of the Ka'ba; that was also the qibla of the grave of Daniyal. As to the question how one can know it, since the tradition says that the Deluge ruined the House and erased it, Ibn Jama'a adopts Mujahid's view according to which the place of the Ka'ba became erased by the flood and hidden, but there remained nevertheless a red hill which the flood did not submerge. People knew that that was the place of the Ka'ba, and those who suffered from ill-treatment used to frequent this spot and mentioned their grievances in their invocations; they were answered and got help. Ibn Jama'a states that this tradition is sounder than the one transmitted by Hudhayfa saying that the House was lifted (rufi' a) and nobody performed the Ij,ajj in the period between Nuh and Ibrahim. (recorded by al-FakihI).208 A later chapter is dedicated to the elucidation of the direction of the qibla of Abraham and his descendants. Abraham, rescued from the ruse and deceit of Namrud in Babil, set out (hajam) to Syria (ai-sham) and settled in the Holy Land (al- arrj al-muqaddasa); he dedicated himself to the worship of God. People of the Book claim that he set up his tent to the East of Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis). In that period Hajar became pregnant and bore his son Isma'Il. Then happened the famous event between her and Sarah, as a result of which Abraham moved Hajar and her son to the wadz of Mecca. Abraham used to visit them from time to time riding the beast named al-Buraq and would return to the Holy Land. We have no information, says Ibn Jama'a, what his qibla at that time was. After he set out to Mecca on the order of God and built the Ka'ba at His order, the Ka'ba became his qibla and that of his descendants; so things continued until the time of Moses. The Muslim
207 208
Ibn Jama'a, Istiqbiil, fol. gOa. Ibn Jama'a, Istiqbiil, fol. gOb.
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community is unanimous concerning this matter; only the Jews have a different opinion about it. The qibla of the descendants of Abraham seems to have been a subject of controversy. Ibn Jama'a quotes the commentary of al-Wal;tidI in which the suffixed personal pronoun in the word qiblatihim and kanu 'alayha in the phrase: mii wallahum 'an qiblatihim uou kii,nu 'alayhii (Qur'an 2:143) refers to Ibrahim, Isma'Il, Ishaq, Ya'qub and the tribes, because they claimed (falsely) that the qibla of Abraham was the Temple of Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis). But that is not the first case of their slander (this obviously refers to the unbelievers and the People of the Book). Ibn 'Abbas is said to have interpreted the phrase fa-Ia-nuwalliyannaka qiblatan tanJ,aha as referring to the qibla of Ibrahim, i.e., to the Ka'ba. The question of some believers why the faces of the patriarchs in their graves are not turned in the direction of the Ka'ba is answered that they remain in the position in which they threw themselves down at their decease. 209 The traditions about the qibla of Moses are confused. Ibn Jarna'a states that according to what he could gather Moses prayed in the direction of the Rock. Ibn Jama'a mentions a story which corroborates this view: when 'Umar consulted Ka'b al-Ahbar as to where to establish the place of the Aql?a mosque he advised him to put it behind the Rock. In that case the mosque would combine two qibla: that of Moses and that of Muhammad. 'Umar rebuked him, accusing him of trying to imitate the Jewish ritual practice. A different tradition says however that Moses' qibla was the Ka'ba. Some scholars championed this tradition, interpreting in this way the verse uia-kadhalika ja'alnakum ummatan wasatan [Qur'an 2:143]. Ibn Jama'a considers the two opinions plausible, as Moses revered both the Temple and the Ka'ba. His reverence of the Ka'ba is proved by the fact that he performed the pilgrimage to the Ka'ba. The reverence of the Temple can be deduced from the fact that before his death he prayed that he might be brought close to the Holy Land to a "stone-throwing" distance. A third opinion says that Moses observed the prayer towards the Tent of the Time (qubbat aI-zaman) also called the Tent of the Covenant (qubbat al-' ahd) which God ordered to make from wood of shamsluid and to embellish it with gold, silver and silk. After the death of Moses, when Yusha' b. Nun took control of Jerusalem, he put the Tent on the Rock; he and the people of Israel prayed in the direction of the Tent and they were followed in their practice by succeeding generations. When the Tent was worn out after long use people prayed in the direction of the Rock, the spot where the Tent had been placed. Ibn Jama'a points out that it is obvious that this way of prayer was
209
Ibn Jama'a,
Istiqbal,
fols. 90b-91a.
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observed according to a revelation of God; were it not so the Prophet would not have agreed with praying in the direction of Jerusalem. The Rock thus remained the qibla of the prophets who dwelt in the Holy Land (al-arrf, al-muqaddasa); but these prophets revered the Ka'ba as well and performed the pilgrimage to Mecca. Ibn Ishaq stated that after Abraham all the prophets sent by God performed the pilgrimage to Mecca. Many sources report the pilgrimage of Moses, Jesus and Jonah (Yunus): in some reports the talbiyat of the prophets are recorded.U" Ibn Jama'a dedicated a lengthy passage to the discussion of the qibla of the Prophet in the various periods of his prophetical career and provided a scrutiny of the different traditions concerned with this subject. It is the unanimous opinion of the scholars of Islam that God combined the two qiblas for the Prophet. The differences between them refer to the particular circumstances (kayfiyya) of the event. According to the opinion of Ibn 'Abd al-Barr (al-Qurtubr), the Prophet prayed during the period of his stay in Mecca in the direction of the Ka 'ba When he went out to Medina on his hijra, he prayed in the direction of Jerusalem. Later he turned to the Ka'ba and prayed in the direction of the Ka'ba. Thus the abrogation of God's injunction as to the qibla took place twice. AI-Tabari records in his TaNir the opinion of Ibn Jurayj stating that the Prophet prayed during the first period in Mecca in the direction of the Ka'ba, and then turned away from it (~urifa 'anha) towards Jerusalem. The Ansar thus prayed in Medina towards Jerusalem for three years. AlTabari also records the opinion of Qatada saying that they prayed for two years towards Jerusalem. When the Prophet arrived in Medina after his hijra they prayed with him towards Jerusalem; then they changed direction and prayed towards the Ka'ba. Ibn Jama'a expresses his reservation: the majority of scholars assume that the Prophet prayed in Mecca only in the direction of Jerusalem. He used however to perform the prayer between the Yam anI Column and the Black Stone (bayna l-rukni l-yamanf uia-l-luijari l-aswad); in this position the Ka'ba was in front of him and the person behind him could think that he prayed towards the Ka'ba. There is, however, the possibility, says Ibn Jama'a, that he did it out of preference for facing the Ka'ba, since the Ka'ba was the qibla of his ancestor Ibrahim, and in order to gain the sympathy of Quraysh (li-kauniha qiblata abfhi ibriihima wa-ta'allufan li-qurayshin). When the Prophet came to Medina - in which it was impossible to combine between the two qiblas - he prayed in the direction of Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis) in order to gain the sympathy of the Jews. When he realized that they did not abstain from their wrong course he turned while praying in the direction of the Ka'ba.
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The scholars who adopted these opinions differed as to the question of what caused the Prophet to turn towards Jerusalem in his prayer while he was staying in Medina. Some of them assumed that it was a firm decree imposed on the Prophet (lJ,atman); this is indicated by the verse uia-mii ja' alna l-qiblata llat'i kunta 'alayha (Qur'an 2; 144). Another group of scholars assumed that God granted the Prophet the option between the two qiblas at his arrival in Medina. Others say that he was given the free choice of the four sides and was permitted to turn in his prayer in whatever direction he wanted, and he opted for the Temple of Jerusalem (fa-khtara bayta l-maqdisi). Later he turned to the Ka'ba. As evidence for this opinion, Ibn Zayd quoted the verse wa-li-llahi l-mashriqu wa-lmaghribu fa-aynama tuwallu fa-thamma wajhu tui« (Qur'an 2:115) There is now general consensus that members of the community should turn their faces towards the Ka'ba, except in the case of great fear or when one performs a supererogatory prayer (nafila), as is indicated in the books of fiqh. Scholars were unanimous as to the verse dealing with the change of qibla: qad narii taqalluba wajhika fi l-sama'i (Quran 2:145), but they differed as to the date of the revelation. Some of them gave as the date of the revelation Rajab of the second year of the hijra; others established the date as Sha'ban of that year. That was the reason why some doubts were raised as to the length of period during which the Prophet prayed in Medina in the direction of Jerusalemwhether it was sixteen or seventeen months. Ibn Abr Hatim assumed that he prayed in the direction of Jerusalem for seventeen months and three days and that the change of qibla took place in the middle of Sha'ban. Al-Waqidi stated that it happened on a Tuesday. As to the time of the change, there are different traditions: some say that the first prayer in Medina in the direction of the Ka'ba was the afternoon prayer (al-' aF) - this is the tradition recorded in al- Bukhari's $alJ,fl;,on the authority of al-Bara', Others say that the revelation of the change was granted before the midday prayer (al-?uhr) and that that was the first prayer performed in the direction of Mecca - this tradition was recorded by al-Nasa'I on the authority of Abu Sa'Id b. alMu'alla, A third tradition says that the revelation was released after the first two rak'as of the midday prayer were performed by the Prophet (wa-qad sollii rasiih: llahi sollii usn« 'alayhi wa-sallam mina l-zuhri rak'atayni) in the mosque of the Banii Sulayrn; the believers in the mosque turned around (istadaru) and the Prophet completed the prayer with them. Therefore, the mosque of the Banii Sulaym was called masjid al-qiblatayn.211
211
Ibn Jama'a, Istiqbiil, fo1. 92a.
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Ibn Jama'a finally touches upon the interpretation of the tradition recorded on the authority of al-Zuhri after finishing the treatise of "Facing the Two Qiblas" ("Kitiibu stiqbiili l-qiblatayn") written in haste. The tradition saying that all the prophets prayed in the direction of the Temple of Jerusalem cannot be explicated in the way conceived by al-Zuhrt, It has to be interpreted in connection with the tradition of the isrii', During this event, all the prophets were gathered for the Prophet and he headed the prayer; they stood behind him. This event took place before the hijra and, of course, before the change of the qibla. In connection with the Prophet's prayer during the isrii', Ibn Jama'a notes the tradition recorded in the Mustaq~ii according to which the Prophet performed the prayer standing to the north of the Rock (waqafa min shiimi l-~akhra); in this way he combined the two qiblos. That, remarks Ibn Jarna'a, does not invalidate the claim that the Prophet was enjoined to pray in the direction of the Temple of Jerusalem and that all the prophets prayed behind him. This problem of facing the two qiblas belongs to the problems of transmitted lore (al-masii'il al-naqliyya) and cannot be treated by logical analysis (llatz Iii tnajiila li-l-' aqli fihii). Ibn J ama'a ends the treatise by calling for a cautious approach to the lJ,adzth and by urging that the soundness of the transmitted traditions be established. The attempts to raise Jerusalem to a position of importance comparable to other religious centers in the Muslim empire are reflected in some reports and stories depicting the marvels of Jerusalem in ancient times, relating the tales of the prophets in Jerusalem and virtues of the holy places in this city, and recording the utterances of the Prophet about its virtues. The unfortunate conditions in Medina are reflected in the following report: Medina was in a sad situation at the Prophet's arrival (on his hijra-k). The report says that the people of the city were in a poor state: they did not ride horses, nor did they gain booty. After the arrival of the Prophet, they obtained sufficient means of subsistence. It is evident that the improvement in the economic situation in Medina was due to the raids and expeditions of the Prophet's troops against the hostile tribes.212 The superiority of Jerusalem to Medina is reflected in the following utterance of the Prophet, issued by him after his return from his nocturnal journey isrii' to Jerusalem. When 'Imran b. Husayn expressed his
212 Al-Sarnarqandi, Tajsir, MS Chester Beatty 3668, I, fol. 277b: wa-dhiilika anna 1nabiyya, ~allii lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallam, qadima l-madlnata wa-kiina ahlu I-madlnati fi shiddatin min 'ayshihim Iii yarkabuna l-khayla wa-lii yal],uzuna l-qhanimata [a-lammii qadima I-nabiyyu l-truuiinata staghnau.
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high opinion about the beauty of Medina, the Prophet remarked: "But what if you had seen Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis)? And how not, added the Prophet, as everyone in this city is visited, but does not set out to visit [other places-k]; the souls al-arwiilJ, are dispatched to Jerusalem, but the soul of Jerusalem is directed only to God." God honored Medina, said the Prophet, and made it pleasant by his stay in this city. "I shall stay in it, [i.e., in Medina-k] he said, in my lifetime and after my death. Were it not for this reason, I would not have performed the hijra from Mecca [sci1. to Medina-k], as the moon in Mecca looks more beautiful than in any other place.,,213 The stories about the virtues of the sanctuary of Jerusalem were embellished by the legends of the building of the Temple by David and Solomon and the miracles witnessed by the people during the centuries on the Temple precincts and on the Rock.214 Several stories record the discussions between the Jews and the Muslims as to whether Jerusalem surpassed Mecca or whether Mecca surpassed Jerusalem in virtues and distinctive features. The Jews claimed that the Temple surpassed the Ka'ba in excellence and greatness (wa-qiilat al-yahudu: baytu l-maqdisi aJ4alu um-n' zamu. mina l-ka'bati) because it was the place of refuge of the prophets (muhiijar al-anbiyii') in the Holy Land; the Muslims stated that the Ka'ba surpassed the Temple in excellence.P!" It was in connection with disputes of this kind that God revealed the verse: Surely the first House founded for mankind is that at Bacca, abounding in blessings and a guidance for all peoples.r!" God created it two thousand years before He created earth.217 The following widely circulated utterance of the Prophet seems to have been a final solution to the question under discussion: the first House created by God for worship was the Ka'ba; and forty years later the Temple in Jerusalem was built.218 The high position of Jerusalem is reflected in another utterance of the Prophet, in which he allotted to Jerusalem the second place in rank after Mecca; Jerusalem follows Mecca as a sanctuary and is not preceded by any other holy place. The Prophet is said to have stated: ~aliitun fi
213 Shams al-Dt al-Suyfitr, Itl}ii./ al-okhissii, I, 99. 214 See e.g., al-Wasitr, Faq,ii.'il, pp. 6-11, 19-20. 215 See al-Martzr, Kitii.b fihi dhikru mii. warada fi bunyii.ni l-ka'bati l-muaHama, MS Leiden Or. 560, fo1. 165a; and see al-Saqsmi, Zahrat al-riyii.q" MS Hebrew Univ. Yah Ar. 571, p. 221. 216 Qur'an 3:97. 217 See al-Tabari, Tajsir, ed. Shakir, VII, 19-22; and see al-Bayhaqt, Shu'ab al-fmii.n, VII, 542-43, no. 3697. 218See al-Tabarr, Tajsir, VII, 22, no. 7434; Diya' al-Din al-Maqdisr, Faq,ii.'il, p. 47, no. 13; al-Bayhaqt, Shu'ab al-imii.n, VII, 541, no. 3696 (and see ib., p. 542, notes); al-Suyutr, Fii.kihat ol-sau], p. 213; al-Tahawr, Mushkil al-iiihiir, (Hyderabad, 1333), repr., I, 32-33.
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bayti l-maqdisi khayrun min alfi saliitin. fi ghayrihii illa l-ka'bata.219 This utterance is obviously a transformation of the utterance saliitus: fi masjidr hadhii afrl,alu min alfi ~alatin fima siwahu mina l-masajidi illa l-masjida l-hariima. 220 It was probably current and widely circulated in the early period, when the journey to the distinguished mosques was recommended only to the two sanctuaries: Mecca and Medina.P! Jerusalem, put in place of Medina, could take pride in spots of unsurpassed sanctity like the Rock which God had chosen as His throne and from which He ascended to Heavan.222 On this Rock, God will judge mankind (on the Day of Judgment-k) and on this Rock, the Scales will be placed. Jerusalem gained its high position concurrently with the decrease in the authority of Medina. Orthodox scholars admitted that Medina had surpassed other centers of knowledge of the prophetic tradition until the period of Malik b. Anas. But already in the first period of Islam the great majority of the Companions left Medina and settled in different regions of the Islamic Empire. They created new centers of knowledge which did not lag behind Medina.223 Ibn Hazm was outspoken on the subject of the ijma' of the scholars of Medina: people of Basra, Ktifa, Syria, Mecca and Yemen adopted the tradition of the Prophet from his Companions. They transmitted the traditions of the Prophet told by the Companions of Medina who either emigrated to other cities or remained in Medina. The Qur'an is one, and is the same both in Medina and in other places; the sunan of the Prophet are well know in Medina and outside Medina. The people in the various localities of the Muslim Empire are as knowledgeable as those of Medina. Ibn Hazm further stresses that Malik, Shafi'f and Abu Hanifa did not practice taqlrd, nor did they bid anyone to imitate the sunna of Medina or of any other place.224 It is against the background of these ideological contentions that there grew the tradition of the virtues of Jerusalem and arose the inquisitiveness as to the change in the direction of the prayer and the
219Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa uia-l-ta'rikh; II, 292-93; al-Khattb al-Baghdadi, al-Rihla fi talabi I-I].adfth, ed. NUr al-Drn 'Itr (Beirut, 1395/1975), 134-38. 220 See e.g., al-Munawt, Fayg, IV, 226-27, nos. 5104-5108 with different versions of the hadfth. 221See note 3 above. 222 See Diya' al-Din al-Madisl, Faga'il, 57-59, nos. 27-33. 223 See e.g., Ibn Taymiyya, fiil].l].at u~ul madhhab ahli l-madfna, ed. Ahmad Hijasi l-Saqqa (Cairo, 1988), 44, 48. 224Ibn Hazm, al-Il].kam fi u~uli l-al].kam, ed. Muhammad Ahmad 'Abd al-'Aziz (Cairo, 1398/1978), 1139-47.
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sojourn of the prophets in Jerusalem, as exposed in the treatise of Ibn Jama'a, the preacher of the Aqf?a.
The treatise of Ibn Jama'a concerning the direction of the prayer of the Prophet and the tale of the Rock was preceded by a significant treatise by a preacher in the Aqsa mosque, Abu Hafs 'Umar b. Badr alMausili (d. 627 AH). In a series of concise assertions, the author refuted the validity of prophetic traditions relating to various topics of beliefs, tenets, religious practices and ritual prescriptions. The subjects refuted in the treatise are usually preceded by a headline: ... Iii ya~ilJ,lJ,u hiidhii fi l-biibi 'an rasuli lliihi ~alla llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam shay' un. The short treatise entitled al-Mughnf 'ani I-lJ,if? wa-I-kitab (Cairo, 1342), was "absorbed" by Majd aI-DIn Muhammad b. Ya'qub alFayruzabadi, the author of the Qamus (d. 1175 AH) wrote a critical commentary on the last chapter of Fayriizabadi's Sifr ol-so' ada, entitled al- Tankii um-l-ijiida fi takhrfji alJ,adfthi khiitimati sifri l-sa: ada (ed. Ahmad al-Barza [Beirut, 1407/1987]). Another scrutiny of the treatise of 'Umar b. Badr al-Mausilr al-Hanafi was written by Husarn al-Dl alMaqdisI and entitled, Fasl al-khitiib bi-naqdi kitabi l-muqhni ' ani I-lJ,if?i um-l-kitiib, The book was edited as a critical edition with an introduction and abundant comments and references by Abu Ishaq al-Huwayni al-Athari ~ijazI b. Muhammad b. Sharif (Beirut, 1405/1985).
The treatise of 'Umar b. Badr al-Mausili, the preacher of the Aqsa mosque, contains a significant passage with which we are concerned here. This passage was, of course, transmitted in the treatises mentioned above and thoroughly commented upon: Biib faq,a'il bayti l-maqdis uia-l-sokhra uia-t asqaliin waqazuiin. qiila l-musanni]: lii ya~ilJ,lJ,u hiidhii l-biibi shay'un fi 'an rasiili sallii lliihn: 'alayhi wa-sallam ghayra ihaliithati alJ,adftha fi bayti l-maqdis, ahaduhii: "la tushaddu l-rilJ,alu uta u« thalathati masiijida," uia-l-iikharu annahu su'ila 'an awwali bay tin wuq,i' a ff l-arq,i [a-qala: "al-masjidu lhariimu:" thumma qua "miidhii?" qiila: "al-masjidu l-aqsii." qua: "karn kana baynahuma?" qiila: "arba'una 'iiman." wal-iikhiru: "inna l-saliita fihi ta'dilu sab' ami' ati saliitin. ,,225
tuu«
225 'Umar b. Badr al-Mausilr, al-Mughnf 'ani I-I}if~ uia-l-kitiib, 25; al-Fayruaabadt, Sifr al-sa'ada (Beirut, 1398/1978), 149; Ibn Himmat , al-Tankit wa-I-ifiida, 53-63 (with the head line: biib fatf.a'il bayti I-maqdis uia-l-sakhra um-i asqaltin. uia-qazuiin. wa-I-andalus wa-dimashq); al-Huwayni, Kitab [asl ol-khiiiib bi-naqdi kitiib al-muqhru 'ani I-I}if~i uia-l-kitiib, 42-45.
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Authors of collections of weak and forged traditions did not refrain from severe censure of the l},adfths about the virtues of Jerusalem and the Rock. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya (d. 751 AH) marked in his al-Maniir al-munf/ if l-$al},fl},wa-l-q,a'f/ all the traditions in praise of the Rock as deliberately invented lies. The footprint in the Rock is an obvious lie, invented by forgers in order to increase the number of visitors to the place. The most favorable thing which may be said about the Rock is that it was the qibla of the Jews. It corresponds in its location to the Sabbath in time; God gave the Muhammadan people the Ka'ba in exchange: ... kullu l},adfthin /f l-sakhrati /a-huwa kadhibun wa-l-qadamu lladhf ifhii kadhibun mauq,ii'un .... muftaran,
. . . wa-ar/a'u shay'in if l-$akhrati annahii kiinat qiblata lyahiidi, wa-hiya if l-makiini ka-yaumi l-sabti if l-zamiini; abdala llahu bihii hiidhihi l-ummata l-mul},ammadiyya l-ka'bata l-bayta l-l},ariima.226 The author records some sound traditions about Jerusalem (ibid., p. 86, nos. 159-161). However, he assesses as "confused" the tradition recorded by Ibn Majah, according to which the prayer in al-Aq~a has the value of fifty thousand prayers in another mosque.227 Ibn Qayyim considers the tradition about the isrii' to Jerusalem, the tying of the Buraq to the door of the mosque and the mi'riij from the mosques as sound traditions.v" Ibn Qayyim marks also the tradition saying that the believers will seek protection from Yajuj and Majuj in the sacred precincts of Jerusalem, as a sound one.229
The severe verdict of the collections of forged traditions on the /aq,a'il of Jerusalem, Hebron, Acre and other places in the Holy Land did not stop the incessant flow of these larJ,a'il. The lengthy chapter on the virtues of the holy places in Jerusalem in the work of Jalal al-Din al-Suyutl (d. 911 AH), Fiikihat al-$ayl wa-anfs al-rJ,ayl [pp. 213-25]' the abundant quotations on the virtues of the sanctuaries in Jerusalem recorded in his al-Durr al-manihiir If l-tofsir bi-l-ma'thiir bear evidence to the vitality of these traditions.
226 Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, al-Maniir, ed. Ahmad 1988), 85, nos. 156-7. 227 Ibid., 86, no. 162 ... wa-huwa tuuiitliut: miuitarib 228 Ibn Qayyim, ibid., 87, no. 164. 229Ibn Qayyim, ibid., 87, no. 165.
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At the end of the ninth century, MujIr al-D'in al-'UlaymI al-Hanbali (d. 928 AH) wrote his comprehensive work al-Uns al-jalzl bi-ta'rikhi 1qudsi wa-l-khalU.23o The work is indeed a treasure of traditions on the virtues of Jerusalem and Hebron. But despite the revival of the traditions in praise of Jerusalem, conditions in the Aql'!a mosque in the eleventh century AH, as described by Abu l-Fath Shams al-Din al-Dajjani al-QudsI al-Shafi'I in his treatise Jawiihir ol-qalii' id fi [adli l-masajid,231 were rather gloomy and disheartening. The recent revival of research on the historical, social, and religious aspects of the customs, beliefs and ritual practices in the early Islamic period and the incessant flow of editions of early Arabic sources may bring about a revaluation and an elucidation of some hitherto overlooked or insufficiently scrutinized details concerning the ideas on holy places in the first centuries of Isiam and their development during the following centuries.
230 (,Amma.n, 1973), see the detailed indices of the book prepared by Ishaq Miisa al-Husaynt, Hasan 'Abd al-Rahman al-Silwadi, Munlra Muhammad al-Daghlawl and Muyassar lsma't Ghannarn (Jerusalem, 1988). 231 Edited by MOBhe Perlmann, IDS 3 (1973), 261-92.
rajab.pdf "RAJAB
IS THE MONTH OF GOD ... "
A Study in the Persistence of an Early Tradition
M. J. KISTER
in memory ofmy student
DAVID
S.
ELLER
The holy month of Rajab was observed during the period of the Jahiliyya in spring.1 It was the month of the `umra and of offering of the sacrifices of the `ata'ir to the pagan deities.2 The people of the Jahiliyya kept the sanctity of the month by refraining from raids and warfare.3It is said to have been a month of devotional practices and of fasting.4 According to some traditions swearing
1 See EI, s.v. "Radjab" (M. Plessner); S. D. Goitein, Studies in Islamic History and Institutions (Leiden 1966), pp. 92-93; J. Wellhausen, Reste arabischen Heidenturns (Skizzen und Vorarbeiten) (Berlin 1887), pp. 74, 93; G. E. von Grunebaum, Muhammadan Festivals (New York 1951), p. 36; W. Gottschalk, Das Geliibde nach iilterer arabischer Auffassung (Berlin 1919), pp. 106-107; K. Wagtendonk, Fasting in the Koran (Leiden 1968), p. 106; M. Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Le Pelerinage ala Mekke (Paris 1923), pp. IV, 192-198; C. Rathjens, Die Pilgerlahrt nach Mekka (Hamburg 1948), p. 66. [The above books are quoted by the names of their authors.] 2 See EI2 s.v. '''Atira'' (Ch. Pellat); F. BuhI, Das Leben Muhammeds (Heidelberg 1955), p. 88 (and see note 246, ibid.); al-Anbiirl, Shar/.l al-q~ii'id al-sab' al-(iwiil, ed. 'Abd al-Saliim Hdriin (Cairo 1963), pp. 294, 484; Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'iinl al-kahlr (Hyderabad 1949), I, 67; al-NuwaYrl, Nihiiyat ai-arab (repr. Cairo 1964), III, 120; Ibn Durayd, al-Ishtiqiiq, ed. 'Abd aI-Salam Hdriin (Cairo 1958), p. 280 (with a divergent version: inna 'alii kulli muslimin Ii kulli 'iimin 'atiratan, wa-hiya shiitun kiinat tudhba/.lu Ii I-mu/.larrami la-nasakha dhalika I-at/bii. The month of sacrifice here is Mul;larram, not Rajab); J. Wellhausen, pp. 94, 115-116; W. Gottschalk, p. 119; W. Robertson Smith, Lectures on the Religion 01 the Semites (London 1914), pp. 227-228; K. Wagtendonk, p. 36; al-Jal;liz, Kit. al-lzayawiin, ed. 'Abd al-Saliim Hariin (Cairo 1965), I, 18. 3 See J. Wellhausen, p. 94; al-Farra', al-Ayyiim wa-I-Iayiill wa-I-shuhur, ed. Ibrahim alIbyiirl (Cairo 1956), pp. 12-13; al-Marziiql, al-Azmina wa-I-amkina (Hyderabad 1332 AH), 1,282,90,278; al-Jumal;lI, Tabaqiit lu/.lul al-shu'arii', ed. MaJ;unud Mul;l. Shakir (Cairo 1952), p. 61; VA,s.v. "~mm, ~/, rjb"; al-Turtushl, Kit. al-/.Iawiidith wa-I-bida', ed. Mul;l. al-Tiilibl (Tunis 1959), pp. 123, 125; 'All al-Qari', al-Adab Ii rajah, Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Ms. Arabe 6084, Majmu'a, fol. 65a (wa-yuqiilu rajabun al-~ammu li-annahu Iii yuniidii lihi "yii qaumiih" wa-"yii ~abiibiih" wa-li-annahu Iii yusma'u lihi /.Iissu I-silii/.li Iii Ii I-~abiibi wa-lii Ii I-rawii/.li); Ibn Qutayba, Tatsir gharib al-Qur'iin, ed. Al;lmad ~aqr (Cairo 1958), p. 185. 4 See S. D. Goitein, pp. 92-93; K. Wagtendonk, pp. 117, 120-122.
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against the iniquitous and wrong-doers in this month was especially efficacious. 5 The veneration of this month seems to have continued in the period of Islam and to have survived until recent times. Contradictory traditions attributed to the Prophet, recommending some practices of Rajab or interdicting it, bear evidence of divergent opinion on this subject in the Muslim community during the early centuries of Islam. Heated discussions among Muslim scholars concerning different aspects of these practices make it possible to understand them better. These Rajab traditions are to be surveyed in the following pages of this paper.
I
The widely circulated utterance of the Prophet Iii fara'a wa-lii "atirata, "no sacrifice of the firstlings (of the flock) nor of the animals slaughtered in Rajab",« indicates explicitly the interdiction to perform the sacrifices of Rajab. This hadith is however contradicted by a tradition reported by 'Amr b. Shu'ayb.? The Prophet, when asked about the 'aqiqa, the fara'a and the 'atira, stated concerning the "atira: al-' atiratu haqqun, "the "atira is 0bligatory" (verbatim: the 'atira is an obligation). The word "atira is explained in the tradition as a sacrifice of a ewe, which the people of the Jahiliyya used in Rajab to slaughter, cook, and whose meat they used to consume and feed from (scil. the needy and poor).s More explicit about the obligatory character of the 'atira, the sacrifice of Rajab, is the tradition reported on the authority of Mikhnaf b. Sulaym.? "Upon the people of every house, stated the Prophet, there is an obligation every
5 See al-Kala'I, al-Iktifii' maghiizi l-mustafd wa-l-thaliithati l-khulafd'; ed. H. Masse (Alger 1931), I, 123-124; al-Jtlant, al-Ghunya li-fiilibi tariqi l-haqqi 'azza wa-jalla (Cairo 1322 AH), I, 196. 6 Ahmad b. Hanbal, Musnad, ed. Ahmad Muh. Shakir (Cairo 1949-1956), XII, 104, No. 7135 and XIV, 171, No. 7737; al-Suyutl, al-Jiimi' al·~aghir (Cairo 1320 AH), II, 202; L 'A, s.v. "fr'"; comp, W. Robertson Smith, pp. 227, note 3, and pp. 462-465; al-Shaukiini, Nayl al·aufar(Cairo 1347 AH), V, 119; AbU I-Mabiisinal-:aaniifI,al-Mu'ta~ar min al-mukhtasar (Hyderabad 1362 AH), I, 274; Abu Da'ud, $a/;li/;l unan al-mustafii (Cairo 1348 AH), II, 8; s al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak (Hyderabad 1342 AH), IV, 236; al-Muttaql al-Hindl, Kanz al'ummiil (Hyderabad 1954), V, 48, No. 428; al-Tirmidhi, $al;li/;l(Cairo 1931), VI, 311-312; Muslim, $a/;li/;l(Cairo 1285 AH), II, 159; al-'Azizi, al-Siriij al-munir (Cairo 1957), III, 473, ult.; al- Tibrizi, Mishkdt al-masdbib (Karachi), p. 129. 7 See on him al-Dhahabl, Miziin al-i'tiddl, ed. 'Ali Muh, al-Bijiiwi (Cairo 1963), III, 263268, No. 6383; Ibn I;iajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib (Hyderabad 1326 AH), VIII, 48-55, No. 80. S Ahmad b. Hanbal, XI, 4-7, No. 6713; al-Shaukani, Nayl, V, 119; al-Suytltl, al-Jiimi' al-saghir, II, 67; al-Muttaqi al·Hindi, V, 48, No. 427; al- 'Azizi, II, 467, info 9 See on him Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Istt'ab, ed. 'Ali Muh, al-Bijawi (Cairo, n.d.), p. 1467. No. 2534; Ibn I;iajar, Tahdhib, X, 78; idem, al-Isiiba, VI, 72, No. 7842.
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year (to slaughter) a victim (scil. of the Sacrificial Feast) and a "atira", The "atira is glossed in the tradition as "al-rajabiyya", ('Alii kulli ahli bay tin fi kulli 'iimin UfJ/.liyyatun10 wa- "atiratun: hal tadriina mii 1-'atiratu? hiya l-rajabiyyatu).l1
It is evident that these traditions are contradictory and reflect two diverse attitudes towards the continuation of the practices of the sacrifices of Rajab in Islam: the one approving of the rajabiyya and incorporating it into the body of Islamic sacrifices, authorized by the utterance of the Prophet; the other one aiming at the abolition of the Rajab sacrifice, it too basing its arguments on the utterances of the Prophet. The two contradictory traditions tld fara'a wa-lii 'atirata and inna 'alii kulli ahli bay tin) are discussed by AbU 'Ubayd (d. 224 AH). Stressing the Jahill character of the 'atira, he remarks that this sacrifice was abolished by Islam. In his opinion, the hadith of "Iii fara'a" abrogates the hadith of "'alii kulli ahli bay tin ... " iwa-l-hadithu l-awwalu niisikhun li-hiidhii}.12 Al-Khattabi (d. 388 AH) records the opinion of AbU Da'ud (d. 275 AH) about the tradition of Mikhnaf b. Sulaym, which is identical with the opinion of Abu 'Ubayd, "The "atira, says Abu Da'ud, is (an) abrogated (practice)", al- 'atiratu mansiikhatun.tt Al-Khattabi emphasizes the difference between the meaning of 'atira in the times of the Jahiliyya and that of Islam. In the period of the Jahiliyya "atira denoted a ewe sacrificed for the idol; its blood was poured on the head of the idol - argues al-Khattabi. But in this hadith (i.e. in the hadith of Mikhnaf b. Sulaym) it denotes the sacrifices of an animal in Rajab. This, says al-Khattabt, fits the intent of the hadith and is compatible with the prescription of the religion.t+ Al Khattabi does not consider the
In some traditions "ar/./:Iiitun". Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba, VI, 72; AbU Nu'aym, Akhbiir Isfahan, ed. S. Dedering (Leiden 1931). 1,73; al-Shaukani, Nayl, V, 117; L'A, s.v. '''atr''; AbU l-Mahasin al-l;IanafI, I, 274; 'Abd al-Ghant al-Nabulsi, Dhakhii'ir al-mawdrtth (Cairo 1934), III, 95; al-Suyiitl, al-Jdmi' alsaghtr, II, 60 (with a slightly different version: 'alii ahli kulli bay tin an yadhbahu shdtan ft kulli rajabin wa-ft kulli ar/./:Iiihtitan); al-Muttaql al-Hindl, V, 48, No. 429 and V, 57, No. s 500-502; al-Bayhaql, al-Sunan al-kubrii (Hyderabad 1356 AH), IX, 260; Muslim, II, 159; Abu Da'ud, II, 2; Ibn al-Athlr, al-Nihdya, ed. al-Tana1).i (Cairo 1963), III, 178 ('alii kulli muslimin at!/:Iatun wa-'atiratun); Ibn al-Athlr, Jiimi' al-usa; min al;liidith al-rasid, ed. MuI;1. l;Iiimid al-Fiqql (Cairo 1950), IV, 121, No. 1624. 12 Abu 'Ubayd, Gharib al-hadith, ed. MuI;1. 'Azim al-Dln (Hyderabad 1964), I, 194-195; VA, s.v. "tatr" (where the opinion of Abu 'Ubayd is recorded differently: wa-l-hadithu I-awwalu a~a/:l/:lu); nd see the note of the editor in Ibn al-Athlr's Jiimi' al-usid IV, 122 (Abu a 'Ubayda stated that the hadlth: "ld faraa ... " abrogated the hadlth: '''alii ahli kulli baytin ... "). 13 Hamd b. MuI;1.al-Khattabt, Ma'iilim al-sunan (Balab 1933), II, 226. 14 lb., ( ... al- "atiratu tafsiruhd Ii l-hadithi annahd shdtun tudhbahu Ii rajabin wa-hddhii huwa lladhi yushbihu ma'nd l-hadithi wa-yaliqu bi-hukmi l-dtn: [in text: l-tadayyunii); L'A, s.v. "'atr" (correctly: l-dini}; Ibn al-Athlr, al-Nihdya, III, 178 (correctly: l-dini).
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'atira as abrogated; he seems to consider it lawful, although he has some reservations in connection with one of the transmitters of the hadith.t> The opinion that the "atira was abrogated by the Sacrificial Feast is plainly reflected in the hadith reported on the authority of This date is given as well by some ShI'I sources.46 Some traditions assert that the event of laylat al-mi'riij occurred in Rajab.s? The Prophet gathered the people in Rajab, according to a tradition reported
Ibid., p. 29. See Muh. b. Pattal, Raudat al-wa'iztn (Najaf 1966), p. 396; Ibn Babuyah, p. 52. 40 G. E. von Grunebaum, "The Sacred Character of Islamic Cities", Melanges Taha Husain, ed. Abdurrahman Badawi (Cairo 1962), pp. 26-27. 41 Al-Zurqant, Sharh 'ala l-mawdhib al-Iadunniyya (Cairo 1325 AH), I, 131, line 4; Ibn Hajar al-Haythaml, al-Ni'ma al-kubrii 'alii 1-'iilam bi-maulidi sayyidi bani Adam, Ms (in my possession), fol. 19a, line 1. 42 Al-Zurqant, I, 132, line 19 (quoted from 'Abdari's Mudkhal); and see Ibn Hajar alHaythamI, al-Ni'ma al-kubrii, fol. 19a, lines 3-6; al-Majlisl, Bibiir al-anwiir, XX, 113, line 25 (lithogr. ed.); and comp. al-Suyiitl, al-Hiiwi, I, 305 sup. 43 Ibn l,Iajar al-Haythamt, al-Ni'ma al-kubrd, fol. 12b; al-Shatibl, al-Jumdn It akhbar al-zamdn, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3008, fol. 48a. 44 Al-Halabt, Insiin al-'uyun (Cairo 1932), I, 68; al-Zurqanl, 1,105, line 10. 45 Al-Suyutl, al-Durr al-manthiir (Cairo 1314 AH), II, 235 ult.; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Zad al-ma'iid (on margin of Zurqanl's Sharb I, 58); Ibn al-Jauzl, Sifat al-safwa (Hyderabad 1355 AR), I, 27; al-Ghazall, Ibya' 'ulum al-din, (Cairo 1933), I, 328. 46 Ibn Babiiyah, p. 57; al-Tiisi, Amdli (Najaf 1964), I, 44; al-Bahranl, al-Hadii'iq anniit/ira ft ahkdm al- 'itra al-tdhira (Najaf 1384 AH), XIII, 362-363; al-Majlisl (Teheran 1386 AH), XVIII, 189. 47 Al-Zurqanl, I, 306, 308; al·'Abdari, al-Mudkhal (Cairo 1929), I, 294, line 10; see alDirini, Taharat al-quliib (Kafr al-Zaghara 1354 AH), p. 93, line 11; EI, s.v. "Mi'radj"; Abii Talib al-Makkt, I, 93; al-Ghazzall, I, 328; 'Ali al-Qari', al-Adab, fol. 66a.
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on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas, and informed them about the virtues of his All the rivers of the world visit in Rajab the well of Zamzam according to a tradition reported by Wahb b. Munabbih.s? The sanctity of Rajab was assessed in comparison with that of the other months in a peculiar utterance attributed to the Prophet. The Prophet said: "Rajab is the month of God, Sha 'ban is my month, Ramadan is the month of my people. "50 Close to this tradition is a hadith counting the rewards for the believers observing Rajab, Sha'ban and Ramadan and reported on the authority of Anas b. Malik. It is recorded in al-Bayhaqi's (d. 458 AH) Fadd'll al-auqdt and quoted by Ibn Hajar, "The month chosen by God is Rajab" - says the Prophet. "He who honours the month of Rajab - honours the order of God and he who honours the order of God - God will introduce him into the Gardens of Paradise and grant him His favour", etc.S1 Al-Bayhaqi marks the hadith as munkar, but Ibn Hajar differs, classifying it as "forged with obvious features of forgery" (bal huwa maudii'un ziihiru l-wad'i) and attributes the forgery to one of the transmitters, Nul). al-Jami', "Nul). the Collector", about whom people used to say that "he collected everything except truth."s2 Nevertheless al-Suyutl (d. 911 AH) recorded this tradition in his commentary of the Qur'an.53 A peculiar sun tradition sheds some light on the similarity of growth of pro-Rajab tenets in Sunni and Shi'I societies as well as on the manner of casting of the Shi'I traditions in this matter. 'Ali, says the tradition, used to fast the whole month of Rajab, and he used to say: "Rajab is my month, Sha'ban is the month of the Messenger of God, Ramadan is the month of God."S4 It is evident that this is a Shi'i re-moulding of the hadith "Rajab is the month
pedigree.sf
al-Qandilzl, Yandbi' al-mawadda (Najaf 1965), p. 16. Al-Dlrinl, p. 93. 50 AI-SahmI, Ta'rikh Jurjdn (Hyderabad 1950), p. 184; al-Sakhiiwi, al-Maqdsid al-hasana fi bayiin kathir min al-a/;liidith al-mushtahira, ed. 'Abdallah Muh, al-Sadlq (Cairo 1956), p. 224, No. 510; al-Jarrahl, Kashf al-khafii' wa-muzil al-ilbds (Cairo 1351 AH), I, 423, No. 1358; al-Suyutl, al-Jiimi' al-saghir, II, 21 inf.; Ibn Hajar, Tabyin al- 'ajab, p. 10 sup.; alJllanl, I, 200; al-Shaukanl, al-Fawii'id al-majmu'a fi l-ahddtth al-maudii'a, ed. 'Abd alRahman al-Mu'allamt al-Yamant (Cairo 1960), p. 439, ult.; idem, Nayl, IV, 210; Ibn Biibiiyah, p. 52; al-Pattanl, Tadhkirat al-maudii'iit (Cairo 1343 AH), p. 116 inf.; and see a divergent tradition: sha'biin shahrt wa-ramaddn shahru lliihi... , in al-Jarraht's Kashf II, 9, No. 1551 and in Ibn Biibiiyah's Amalt, p. 13; and see 'Ali al-Qari', al-Adab, fol. 65a inf.; idem, Risdlat al-a~iidith al-maudii'a, Majmu'a, fol. 61a. 51 Ibn Hajar, Tabyin al- "ajab, p. 13. 52 See on Nub al-Jami": a1-Dhahabi, Mizdn al-i'tiddl, IV, 279, No. 9143. 53 Al-Durr al-manthiir, 111,236 sup.; (and see Qasim al-Qaysl, Ta'rikh al-tafsir (Baghdad 1966), p. 132, about weak: and forged traditions in the commentaries of al-Suyiitl). 54 Al-Bahrant, XIII, 381 inf.; cp, Ja'far Mansnr a1-Yaman, Ta'wil al-zakdt, Ms. Leiden
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198
"Rajab is the Month of God ... " of God, Sha 'ban is my month (i.e. of the Prophet), Ramadan is the month of my people". Another assessment of Rajab in relation to other months is reported in a hadith recorded on the authority of Anas b. Malik. The Prophet said: "The superiority of Rajab over other months is like the superiority of the Qur'an over other speech; the superiority of'Sha'ban over other months is like my superiority over other prophets; the superiority of Ramadan over other months is like the superiority of God over (His) believers."55 The scale of qualities is, in this hadith, rather different. The highest rank is, like in the Shi'I tradition mentioned above, given to Ramadan,
III One of the most controversial practices of Rajab was the practice of fasting. Just as in the case of the sacrifices of Rajab, the partisans of fasting in Rajab took recourse to alleged utterances of the Prophet56 pointing to the merits of fasting and the efficacy of fasting during some particular days in this month. The antagonists rejected the sanctity of the month altogether, basing their arguments again on alleged utterances of the Prophet and marking the traditions in favour of fasting in Rajab as weak, untrustworthy or even forged. The lines of discussion on fasting resemble those of the discussion about the sacrifices. "In Paradise there is a river called Rajab" - says a tradition attributed to the Prophet. "This river is whiter than milk and sweeter than honey.
Or. 1971, fol. 38a: wa-qdla rajabun shahru lldhi wa-sha'biinu shahri wa-ramadanu shahru "aliyyin. 55 Al-Samarqandi, Tanbth al·ghiifilin (Cairo 1347 AH), p. 116; Ibn Hajar, Tabyln al-'ajab, p. 14; al-Pattanl, p. 116 inf.; al-Sakhawi, p. 299, No. 740; Ibn al-Dayba', Tamyiz al-tayyib min al-khabtth flma yadiiru 'alii alsinati l-ndsi min al-I;zadith (Cairo 1324 AH), p. 137; alShaukanl, al-Fawii'id, p. 440 sup.; and see an interesting shrt tradition in al-MajlisI's Bi/:liir XXXVII, 53 (newed.): Muhammad among his believers is like Ramadan in relation to other months, the family of Muhammad among the believers is like Sha'ban in relation to other months, "Ali among the family of Muhammad is like the best of the days of Sha "ban, i.e. the fifteenth day of this month. The believers of the family of Muhammad are like Rajab in relation to Sha 'ban. 56 Comp. J. Goldziher, "Neue Materialien zur Litteratur des Oberlieferungwesens bei den Muhammedanem", ZDMG L (1896), p. 482: "allerdings haben die Theologen mit seltener Ktihnheit in jedem auftauchenden Falle, den sie zu entscheiden hatten, ihre eigene Ansicht oder die der Lehrpartei der sie angeherten als Spruch des Propheten ausgegeben, zuweilen Spruche die lange Zeit als Urtheile angesehener Leute aus der Gemeinde des Islam bekannt waren, an den Propheten selbst angelehnt urn dadurch grossere Authoritiit fUr dieselben zu erlangen."
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He who fasts one day of the month of Rajab - God will give him to drink from that river."57 "In Paradise" - asserts another tradition - "there is a palace (prepared) for the people fasting in Rajab."58 The obligation of fasting in Rajab is motivated by miracles of God, His aid and deliverance of the righteous after plight and distress and His favour and grace granted to His believers in this month. Fasting is in fact an act of gratitude. God bade Nuh to set out on his ark in Rajab. He fasted this month, thanking God for His grace and ordered the people of the ark to fast this month according to some traditions. 59In Rajab God split the sea for Moses; Ibrahim and 'Isa were born during Rajab. God forgave the people of Yiinus their sins in Rajab; in this month too God forgave Adam.6o Rajab is nicknamed "the Deaf" (al-asammy; because the wrath of God was never heard of during this month; God punished peoples in other months, but never in Rajab.s! Rajab was also nicknamed al-asabb, "the Pouring", because the mercy of God poured forth during this month and flooded His servants; God bestows on them in this month graces and rewards which never an eye has seen, nor an ear heard, nor had it occurred to the mind of a man.62 Special rewards were promised, according to some traditions, for fasting on some particular days in Rajab. One of these especially venerated days is the twenty-seventh day of Rajab. On this day Muhammad was granted his prophethood. "He who fasts on the twenty-seventh day of Rajab will be granted by God the reward (otherwise) due for fasting sixty months", says a tradition reported on the authority of Abii Hurayra and attributed to the Prophet.O In another version of this hadith, he who fasts the twenty-seventh day of Rajab, and spends the preceding night awake (praying) will be rewarded just
57 Al-Jllanl, I, 200; al-Suytitl, al-Jami' al-saghir, I, 91 inf.; aI-'AzizI, I, 513; al-Dhahabl, Miziin al-i'tidiil, IV, 189, No. 8797; al-Bahrani, XIII, 381; Ibn Biibiiyah, p. 52; Ibn l;Iajar, Tabyin al-iajab, pp. 5-8; MuQ.. b. FattiiI, p. 401; al-Muttaql aI-Hindi, VIII, 360, No. 2646; al-Zurqanl, VIII, 128; al-Turttlshl, p. 125; 'Ali al-Qari', al-Adab, fol. 65a; al-Suyntt, alHdwt li-l-fatiiwl, ed. MuQ.. Muhyl l-Dln 'Abd al-Hamld (Cairo 1959), I, 145; and comp, alAsyiiti, al-Kanz al-madfiin (Cairo 1288 AH), p. 74. 58 Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rikh (Tahdhib), ed. Ahmad 'Ubayd (Damascus 1351 AH), VII, 137; al- 'Azrzr, I, 513; al-Suyutt, al-Durr al-manthiir ,III, 235; al-Muttaql al-Hindl, VIII, 409, No. 2967-2968; al-Dlrlnl, p. 93, line 3; al-Zurqanl, VIII, 128; AbU Shama, al-Bd'ith. 'ala inkari l-bida'i wa-l-hawiidith; ed. Mahmud Fu'iid Minqara al-Tarabulsi (Cairo 1955), p. 55. 59 Al-Jtlant, I, 197; Ibn Hajar, Tabyin al- "ajab, p. 17; al-Suyutt, al-Durr al-manthiir, III, 235; and see aI-ShaukiinI, al-Fawii'id, p. 440, line 12; 'All al-Qari', al-Adab, fol. 65a. 60 Ibn Hajar, Tabyin al-'ajab, p. 17. 61 Al-Jiliini, I, 196 info 62 Ibid., I, 197. 63 Ibn Hajar, Tabyin al- "ajab, p. 28; aI-Jiliini, I, 205.
200
"Rajab is the Month of God ... " as if he fasted one hundred years and spent the nights of a hundred years awake.s+ According to a tradition reported on the authority of 'Ali b. Abl Talib, the Prophet promised forgiveness of ten years (of sins) to the man who would fast that day and would supplicate at the breaking of the fast (da'ti 'inda l-if!tir).65 It is noteworthy that 'Abdallah b. 'Abbas - according to a tradition reported on the authority of al-Hasan al-Basrl - used to practice the i'tikiif on the twenty-seventh day of Rajab, and recite (among other sura's of the Qur'an) the sura of Laylat al-Qadr.66 This may, of course, point to the continuity of the Jahiliyya practice of i'tikiif during Rajab in the period of Islam and support the proposition of Wagtendonk about the link between the laylat al-qadr and the twenty-seventh day of Rajab.s" The link between laylat al-qadr and the month of Rajab is indicated in some comments on Sura XIII, 39. Mujahid relates this verse to the former, while Qays b. 'Ubad refers it to the tenth of Rajab.67a Of special merit was also fasting on the first day of Rajab. The Prophet, according to a tradition reported by Abu Dharr, said: "He who fasts the first day of Rajab, will get the reward equivalent to the fasting of a month." The seven gates of Hell will remain closed - continues the tradition - for a man who fasts seven days of Rajab; he who fasts eight days - the eight gates of Paradise will be opened for him. God will turn into good deeds the wrong ones of a man who would fast ten days of Rajab. He who fasts eighteen days - a herald will call from Heaven: "God already forgave you (your sins), so start work (soil, of worship) again".68 Slightly different is the scale of rewards in a Shi'I tradition. Nub embarked on his ark on the first day of Rajab and ordered the people of the ship to fast this day. The fire of Hell will keep a distance of one year's journey from a man who fasted this day. The seven fires of Hell will be closed to a man who fasted seven days of Rajab. The eight gates of Paradise will be opened in the face of a man who fasted eight days of Rajab. The wishes of a man who fasts ten days of this month will be fulfilled. The sins of a man who fasted twenty five days will be forgiven and he will be told: "start again your (Pious) work". He who adds (days of) fasting - his rewards will be augmented.69 A tradition reported on the
64 Ibn I,Iajar, Tabyin al-tajab, p. 27; al·Suyuti, al-Durr al-manthar, III, 235 inf.; al-Jtlant, 1,205; 'All al-Qiiri', al-Adab, fol. 65a. 6S Ibn I,Iajar, Tabyin al- 'ajab, p. 28. 66 Al-Jtlanl, I, 205. 67 K. Wagtendonk, pp. 117-118. 67a AI-TabarI, Ta!sir, ed. Mahmud Mul,l. Shakir, XVI, p. 479, No. 20471 and p. 489, No. 20505. 68 AI·JUiini, I, 201. 69 Al-Bahranl, XIII, 381; al-Suytltl, aI-La'iili I-masnu'aft l-a/,liidlthi l-mauda:« (Cairo n.d.) II, 115; see Ibn I,Iajar, Tabyin al-tajab, p. 23.
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M.l. Kister authority of Ibn 'Umar records as reward for fasting on the first day of Rajab the equivalent of fasting a year. If the believer would fast seven days, the seven gates of Hell would be closed for him. If we hould fast ten days, a herald would announce from Heaven: "Ask (anything you like) and you will be granted (it)"70. A gradually decreasing list of rewards is given in a tradition reported on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas: God will forgive the sins of three years for fasting on the first day of Rajab, two years for fasting on the second day of Rajab, one year for fasting on the third day of Rajab, then fasting on every following day will be counted with reward of one month."! A considerable reward is promised for fasting on the first day of Rajab in another tradition: God will forgive sixty years' sins to the man who fasts on the first day of Rajab; God will bring a mild judgment upon a man (I;zasabahu hisiiban yasiran) who fasts fifteen days; God will grant His favour to a man (kataba lliihu lahu rir}wanahu) who fasts thirty days of Rajab and He will not punish him.72 Some versions of the traditions quoted above do not mention the first day of Rajab, but mention only the rewards of fasting "a day of Rajab". Unusual in its generosity is a list of rewards reported on the authority of 'Ali. The Prophet said: "The month of Rajab is a great month; he who fasts one day of this month - God will count for him (the reward of) fasting a thousand years. He who fasts two days - God will count for him (the reward of) fasting two thousand years. He who fasts three days of this month God will count for him (the reward of) fasting three thousand years. He who fasts seven days - the gates of Hell will be closed for him ... "73 Among the fourteen nights of the year, which the faithful are urged to spend awake, there are three nights of Rajab: the eves of the first, of the fifteenth and of the twenty seventh of Rajab.74 The eve of the first day of Rajab is counted among the five nights in the year; if its practices are properly observed by the believer he will enter Paradise.T' Of special merit is also fasting on the first Thursday of Rajab (connected with the vigils of the eve of Friday and saldt al-raghd'ib], the fifteenth and the last day of Rajab.76
AI·Muttaqi al-Hindt, VIII, 360, No. 2648. Ibid., VIII, 360, No. 2647; al-Suyutt, al-Jiimi' al-saghir, II, 45; al- 'Azizi, II, 391. 72 Al-Jtlant, I, 201 info 73 See Ibn al-Jauzl, Kit. al-maudu'at, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman MuQ.. 'Uthman (Cairo 1966), II, 206-207. 74 Al-Jllanl, I, 202; AbU Tiilib al-Makkl, I, 93; al-Ghazall, I, 328. 75 Al-Jiliini, I, 202. 76 Ibid., I, 204.
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"Rajab
is the Month of God ... "
A current tradition about fasting in Rajab reported on the authority of Sa'id al-Khudri gives a detailed account of the rewards of fasting on every day of the month. "Rajab is the month of God, Sha'ban is my month, Ramadan is the month of my people" - says the Prophet. Therefore he who fasts one day?? of Rajab out of belief and piety (imdnan wa-htisdbany deserves God's greatest favour (istaujaba ridwdna lliihi l-akbara) and God will lodge him in the upper part of Paradise. He who fasts two days of Rajab will get a double reward; the weight of every single reward will be like the mountains of the world. He who fasts three days God will put between him and between the fire (of Hell) a ditch extending for a distance of a year's journey.78 He who fasts four days of Rajab, will be healed from madness, elephantiasis, leprosy, the trial of the false Messias (fitnat al-masihi l-dajjali) and the chastisement of the grave Cadhiib al-qabr). He who fasts five days, will be protected from the chastisement of the grave (wuqiya "adhiiba l-qabri).79 He who fasts six days, will step out from his grave, his face shining more than the moon at the night of full-moon. He who fasts seven days - God will close for him the seven gates of Hell (closing for every day of fasting one gate). He who fasts eight days of Rajab, God will open for him the eight gates of Paradise (opening for every day of fasting one gate). He who fasts nine days, he will step out from his grave proclaiming lii iliiha illd lliihu and his face will not be turned away from Paradise. He who fasts ten days - God will lay for him at every mile of the path to heaven bedding (fariish) on which he might rest. As for him who fasts eleven days - there will be at the Day of Resurrection no believer superior to him except a believer who would fast the same number of days or more. He who fasts twelve days - God will bestow upon him two garments, one of which would be better than the world and all that is in the world. He who fasts thirteen days - a table will be put up for him in the shade of the Throne (of God) and he will eat from it, while other people will remain in distress (wa-l-niisufi shiddatin shadidatin). He who fasts fourteen days - God will grant him a reward which no eye has seen, no ear has heard, and which has not occurred to the mind of men twa-ld khatara 'alii qalbi basharin). He who fasts fifteen days - God will raise him on the Day of Resurrection in the stand (mauqif) of the believers.w He who fasts sixteen days - he will be among the
"Youman" omitted in Ibn al-Jauzt's Maur!u'iit and in Suyfitf's La'iili. Compo MuQ.. b. al-Hasan al-'Amili, al-Jawiihir al-saniyya fi I-al)iidith al-qudsiyya (Najaf 1964), p. 140. 79 The reward of five days is not mentioned in Ibn Jauzi's Maur!u'iit and in SuyiitI's La'iili. 80 Here the tradition stops in Ibn al-Jauzl's Maur!u'iit II, 206, in Ibn Hajar's Tabyin p. 12 and in Suyiitt's La'ali II, 115, line 2 (there is however an additional phrase in Jnani's Ghunya I, 198: fa-ld yamurru bihi malakun muqarrabun wa-ld nabiyyun mursalun iIIii qdla ruba laka anta min al-iiminin); it is continued in Jllanl's Ghunya with the remark: wa-ft lafzin dkhara ziyiidatun 'alii khamsata 'ashara wa-hiya ... ; and see Ibn l;Iajar, Tabyin al- 'ajah, p.12 info
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M. J. Kister first who would visit the Merciful, look at Him and hear His speech. He who fasts seventeen days - God will arrange for him at every mile of the path to Heaven a resting place.s! He who fasts eighteen days - God will build for him a palace opposite the palace of Ibrahim and Adam; they would greet him and he would greet them. He who fasts twenty days - a herald will proclaim for Heaven: "God has forgiven you what passed, begin thus anew your (Pious) work."82 Some descriptions of the rewards of people who fasted the whole month of Rajab are of the type of stories of the qu~~ii~ describe the palaces in Paradise, and the meals and the /:tiiris awaiting these people in Paradise.83 A Shi'I tradition gives the following vivid description of the Day of Resurrection. "At the Day of Resurrection - says the tradition reported on the authority of Ja'far al-Sadiq - a herald will call from the interior of the Throne: "Where are the Rajabis (people fasting in Rajab) 1" Then will stand up people with faces shining for the gathered (crowds), on their heads will be crowns of kingdom inlaid with sapphires and pearls. On the right side of every man of them will be a thousand angels and on the left side a thousand angels. They will say: "0 servant of God, mayest thou enjoy the grace of God". Then will follow the call from God, the Exalted: "My servants and My maidens, I swear by My majesty and power: I shall honour your residence and I shall bestow upon you gifts in bounty. I shall introduce you into apartments in Paradise under which rivers will flow and you will be for ever in it. How good is the reward of the pious. You volunteered to fast for Me a month which I sanctified and whose observance I bade. My angels, Introduce My servants and maidens into Paradise". Then Ja'far b. Muhammad said: "That concerns also people who fasted a part of Rajab, even one day at the beginning of the month, in its midst or at its end". 84 One of the most discussed topics involving the Rajab fast was fasting during the whole month.8s The opponents of fasting in Rajab based their argument
See above the reward for fasting ten days. AI-Jiliini, I, 198-199; al-Suyutl, al-La'iili, II, 114-115; Ibn I;Iajar, Tabyin al-lajab, pp. 10-12,29-30; comp. Ibn Biibiiyah, pp. 52-57 sup. (continued until the thirtieth of Rajab); Muh. b. Fattiil, 396-400 (continued until the thirtieth of Rajab); and see al-Sahml, pp. 56 inf., 302 info 83 J. Goldziher, Muh. Studien (Halle 1890), II, 160; al-Babrsnr, XIII, 400; al-ZajjiijI, Amiili (Cairo 1935), p. 134. 84 Al-Bahranl, XIII, 401 (and see ibid., pp. 381, 396 about rewards for fasting of the first and the fifteenth of Rajab). 8S See K. Wagtendonk, p. 121.
81 82
204
"Rajab is the Month of God ... " on the well-known hadith reported on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas: "The Prophet forbade fasting in Rajab".86 Later scholars transmitted this tradition with the addition of the word "whole" (nahii 'an saumi rajabin kullihi).87 Partisans of fasting in Rajab criticized this tradition, emphasizing that two of its transmitters were "weak". The two weak transmitters were Da'ud b. 'Ata'88 and Zayd b. 'Abd al-Hamtd.s? They argued further that the word "nahii" was erroneously inserted into the text, as the tradition referred originally to the actions of the Prophet; it was the transmitter who changed erroneously the word into prohibition twa-innamd l-riwdyatu fihi min fi'Ii I-nabiyyi salld lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallama fa-harrafa l-riiwi l-fi'la ilii l-nahyi). If this version (i.e. nahii) is correct, the interdiction indicates merely a preventive measure (thumma in $abIJafa-huwa mahmidun 'alii I-tanzihi). It has to be interpreted according to the opinion of al-Shafi't. AI-Shari'i stated that he would disapprove of fasting a whole month like the fasting of Ramadan, or fasting on a peculiar day. He was afraid that some ignorant person might imitate such practices considering it obligatory.w This opinion of al-Shafi'I is quoted by al-Subki (d. 771 AH),91 (like by Ibn Hajar), from al-Bayhaqi's (d. 458 AH) Fa(lii'il al-auqdt. Al-Bayhaqi records the opinion of al-Shafi'I with a remarkable phrase: "wa-in fa'ala fa-hasanun", and comments that as it is common knowledge among the Muslims that the only obligatory fast is Ramadan, the idea of reprehensibility (connected with fasting a whole month, in this case Rajab) is accordingly lifted (fa-'rtaja'a bi-dhdlika ma'nd /kariihiyyati). Consequently it can be deduced from the arguments of al-Bayhaqi that the tradition of Ibn Majah merely expresses disapproval of fasting the whole of Rajab if this fast is put on an equal footing with Ramadan as obligatory. As the Muslim community is aware of the fact that the only month of mandatory fasting is Ramadan, there is no reprehensibility in fasting a whole month (in this case Rajab); if the believer fasts this month - it is a good deed. Although al-Subki could not find the additional phrase wa-in faala jabasanun in other sources - he accepts the version recorded by al-Bayhaqi
86 Ibn Miijah, I, 531 (anna I-nabiyya ~allti lldhu 'alayhi wa-sallama nahd 'an saumi rajabin); aI-Shaukiini, Nayl, IV, 210; comp, about the interdiction of fasting of the whole month of Rajab: Ahmad b. l;Ianbal, I, 231, No. 181; al-Turtushi, p. 130; ai-Khatib al-Baghdiidi, II, 227; K. Wagtendonk, p. 121 (and note 4). 87 Ibn Hajar, Tabyin al- 'ajab, p. 33; al-Dhahabl, Miziin al-i'tiddl, II, 104, No. 3015. 88 See on him Ibn l;Iajar, Tahdhib, III, 193, No, 370; al-Dhahabi, Mizdn, II, 12, No. 2631. 89 See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, III, 417, No. 764. 90 Ibn Hajar, Tabyin al- 'ajab, p. 31 inf.-32 sup.; and see al-Shaukani, Nayl, IV, 210, line 8 from bottom. 91 Tabaqdt al-Shdfi'iyya al-kubrii, ed. al-Hilw, al-Tanahl (Cairo 1966), IV, 12-13.
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M.J. Kister
as sound. As the interdiction of fasting of the whole month of Rajab is not a sound one - it has to be considered, states al-Subki, as mustahabb, desirable (wa-idha lam yakun al-nahyu 'an takmili saumihi $abiban baqiya 'ala asl! l-istihbiib); the utterance of al-Shafi'I indicates that fasting the whole month of Rajab is good (hadha l-nassu lladhi rawiihu l-Bayhaqiyyu 'an alShaji'iyyi fihi daliilatun bayyinatun 'ala anna sauma rajabin bi-kamdlihi hasanuny. This, al-Subkl states, confirms the opinion of 'Izz al-Dln b. 'Abd al-SaHim92 that he who forbids to fast in Rajab is ignorant of the principles of the Law
(man nahii 'an saumi rajabin fa-huwa jdhilun bi-ma'khadhi ahkdmi l-shar'Ii. Al-Shaukanl (d. 1250 AH) discusses the problem of fasting in Rajab in
connection with fasting the whole month of Sha 'ban and concludes that the traditions enjoining fasting during the holy months (al-ashhur al-burum) include the recommendation of fasting of the month in Rajab. There are no traditions stating that fasting in Rajab is reprehensible (makruh).93 Al-Qastallani discusses the contradictory traditions about fasting during the whole month of Sha 'ban.94 The reference to fasting on Sha 'ban is indicated in the hadith reported on the authority of Usama b. Zayd in which the Prophet said: "That (i.e. Sha'ban) is a month neglected by the people, (a month) between Rajab and Ramadan, It is a month in which the deeds are brought before the Lord of the Worlds, and I want therefore that my deeds be brought before Him when I am fasting."95 Al-Qastallani remarks that many people think that fasting in Rajab is preferable to fasting in Sha 'ban, because Rajab is one of the holy months (al-ashhur al-hurumy; but it is not so (i.e. fasting of Rajab is not preferable to the fasting of Sha 'ban). Al-Zurqani supports the opinion of al-Qastallani, quoting the hadith reported on the authority of 'A'isha, that when people fasting Rajab were mentioned to the Prophet, he said: "How (poor are) they (in their reward compared to those fasting in) Sha 'ban."96 Nevertheless al-Qastallanl admits that some of the Shafi'tyya considered fasting of Rajab as more meritorious than fasting of other months. Fasting in Rajab is recommended as Rajab is one of the holy months; the fast of these months is indicated in the tradition recorded by AbU Da'ud. 'Abdallah b.
See below, p. 207. Al-Shaukanl, Nayl, IV, 209-210. 94 Al-Zurqanl, VIII, 124-125. 95 Ibid., VIII, 126; and see al-Shaukanl, Nayl, IV, 210 sup.; al-Haythaml, Majma' alzawa'id, III, 192. 96 Al-Zurqanl, VIII, 126; this tradition is recorded by Ibn Hajar, Tabyfn al- 'ajab, p. 33 with the following story: "A woman entered the home of 'A'isha and mentioned that she fasted Rajab. 'A'isha said: fast Sha'ban, as the merit is in (fasting) Sha'ban." She then quoted the utterance of the Prophet.
92 93
206
"Raiab
is the Month
of
God ... "
'Umar stated that the Prophet used to fast in Rajab and honoured this month. Although the hadith of Ibn Majah forbidding the fast of the whole month of Rajab is a weak one - the Hanbalis considered it as valid. They concluded on the basis of this tradition, says al-Zurqani, that it was reprehensible to single out the month of Rajab as a month of fasting (yukrahu ifrdduhu bi-l~aumi).97
A significant passage quoted from a book of al-Damlri (d. 808 AH) by 'Ali b. Ahmad al-'Azizi (d. 1070 AH)98 records the favourable opinion of two scholars of the seventh century of the Hijra towards fasting in Rajab. Abu 'Amr b. al-Sala1;t99was asked whether fasting the whole month of Rajab was a sin or whether it was a rewarded practice. He answered that there was no sin in it at all. None of the Muslim scholars, argued Abu 'Amr b. alSalah, considered it as sin. It is true that some scholars of hadith stated that there were no sound hadiths about the merits of fasting Rajab; that does not however imply any sin in fast; traditions about fasting in general and about fasting in the holy months in particular indicate that this fasting (i.e. in Rajab) is meritorious. The tradition of Ibn Dihya claiming that the fire of Hell is kindled every year for the people fasting Rajab is not sound and its transmission is unlawful.100 Tzz al-Dln b. 'Abd al-Salamlv! was asked about the opinion of scholars who denounce the fast of Rajab and its observance and whether fasting the whole month as a vow was lawful. 'Izz al-Dln gave permission to vow fasting the whole month arguing that none of the scholars of Islam included Rajab among the reprehensible periods of fasting (fima yukrahu saumuhuy; on the contrary: it is a pious deed (qurba) as indicated by sound traditions and it is recommended. He who honours Rajab in a different way than the people of the Jahiliyya, the argument says, does not imitate them. Besides, not everything practised by the people of the Jahiliyya is forbidden to follow (in Islam), unless it is interdicted by the Law (wa-laysa kullu md fa'alathu l-jdhiliyyatu manhiyyan 'an muldbasatihi illii idhii nahat al-shari'atu 'anhu wadallat...). Truth should not be abandoned on the ground that people of falsehood practised it, says 'Izz al-Dln. Furthermore, he gives his statement about the ignorant scholar who forbids fasting on Rajab as quoted above from Subki's Tabaqat. Al-Damirl sums up the two fatwds in a poem of ten verses, concluding that
Al-Zurqanl, VIII, 127. Al-Sirii] al-munir, II, 391-392. 99 See on him al-Dhahabl, Tadhkirat a/-l;lUffa?, IV, 1430, No. 1141. 100 See this fatwd in Fatdwd Ibn a/-Sa/ab (Cairo 1348 AH), p. 21. 101 See on him al-Kutubl, Fawat al-wafayat, ed. Muh. Muhyl I-Din 'Abd al-Hamtd (Cairo 1951), I, 594, No. 234.
97 98
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M.J. Kister
fasting the whole month of Rajab is recommended. A vow of fasting in the month is binding (wa-bi-l-nadhri yajib). In the opinion of Ahmad (b. Hanbal) singling out the month for fasting is reprehensible, but the opinion that forbids it should be rejected. The prohibition of fasting was reported by Ibn Majah, but the badith. proved to be weak because of its (weak) isndd. The shaykh 'Izz al-Din stated that he who forbade fasting in any case is heedless. He strongly rejected the opinion of scholars who forbade fasting, and stated that they should not be consulted for fatwii. The transmitters of the Shart'a did not reprehend fasting the whole (month). The recommendation of fasting (in this month) is included in the recommendation of fasting in general and there is no sin upon the fasting (person). Ibn al-Salah stated that the haditb about punishment for fasting in Rajab was not a sound one, and it was not permissible to attribute it to the Prophet. The merits of fasting in general, as stated in (valid) texts, indicate that it is even desirable (mustahabbi in particular - this is how al-Damirl concludes his poem. Ibn 'Asakir (AbUI l-Qasim 'Ali b. al-I;Iasan)102 devoted a special chapter in his Amiili to the merits of Rajab. He composed some verses in which the river Rajab in Paradise is mentioned: a drink from Rajab in Paradise, If you desire it - fast for God in Rajab And pray the prayer of the longing103 and fast Because everyone who exerts himself in (deeds of) obedience will not be disappointed. 104 Orthodox scholars denied any merit to fasting in Rajab, basing their argument on the tradition reported on the authority of Sa'id b. Jubayr.l05 When Sa'Id b. Jubayr was asked about the merits of fasting in Rajab, he said: "I was told by Ibn 'Abbas that the Prophet used to fast (to an extent) that we thought that he would never break his fast, and he used to break his fast (so often) that we thought that he would not (start again to) fast." 106 Al-Qastallani remarks rightly that this tradition indicates that fasting in Rajab is neither forbidden nor recommended (wa-l-zdhiru anna murdda Sa'idin - i.e. Sa'Id b. Jubayr bi-hiidhii l-istidldlu 'alii annahu Iii nahya 'anhu wa-lii nadbafihi, bal lahu hukmu biiqi l-shuhftri).107 The opponents of fasting in Rajab argue that this tradition
See on him C. Brockelmann, GAL, SI, 566. "Saldt al-riighibtna": the ~aliit al-raghii'ib is here, of course, alluded to. 104 AbU Shiima, pp. 55-57. 105 See on him Ibn Khallikan, Wafayiit al- a'yiin, ed. Ahmad Fartd Rifii'i (Cairo n.d.) VI, 127-136. 106 Al-Turtiishl, p. 128; Ibn l;Iajar, Tabyin al-tajab, p. 32. 107 Al-Zurqanl, VIII, 127; and see al- 'Azizi, II, 392, line 23 (the opinion of aI-Nawawi).
102 103
o he who wants
208
"Raiab is the Month of God ... " points clearly to the fact that the Prophet used to fast during different months of the year. It is accordingly evident that the Prophet did not single out any month for fasting, and therefore no special merit can be attached to the fasting of Rajab; the only meritorious month of fasting is Ramadan, There is a version of the tradition of Sa'Id b. Jubayr quoted above, reported on the authority of 'A'isha. "The Prophet used to fast (to an extent) that we thought... etc." This hadith has however a significant addition: "And I did not see the Prophet, states 'A'isha, completing the fast of any month at all except Ramadan, and I did not see him fasting more (in any month - K) than in Sha'ban."108 Two points in this tradition are noteworthy: the one stressing that the Prophet did not complete fasting in any month except Rama<;lan. his implies that it is not permitted to fast a whole month except in RamaT <;lan. he other point emphasizes that he used to fast in Sha 'ban more than in any T other month. One may not be surprised to find a contradictory tradition, reported on the authority of 'A'isha, stating that the Prophet used to fast the whole month of Sha'ban (kii.na yasianu sha'biina kullahu).109 Another tradition, reported on the authority of Abu Hurayra, gives a different version: "The Prophet did not complete the fast of any month besides Ramadan except for Rajab and Sha'ban "(anna rasiila lldhi ~alla lldhu "alayhi wa-sallama lam yutimma sauma shahrin ba'da ramaddna illd rajaba wa-sha'biina).110 Ibn Hajar classifies the tradition as "munkar",l11 because of the transmitter Yusuf b. 'Atiyya,112 who is considered as "very weak".113 It is not surprising, however, that the hadith on which opponents of fasting in Rajab based their argument is also reported on the authority of 'A'isha: "The Prophet did not single out any month of the year for fasting" (inna l-nabiyya sallii lldhu "alayhi wa-sallama mii kana yakhussu shahran min al-sanati bi-saumin ).114 Opponents of fasting in Rajab attempted to prove that the Companions, like the Prophet, disapproved of fasting Rajab, did not attach any sanctity to the month and considered fasting during Rajab as adherence to Jahiliyya observ-
9949), II, 77 ult., No. 711. 108 Muh, Fu'iid 'Abd al-Baql, al-Lu'lu' wa-l-marjdn fimd ttafaqa "alayhi l-shaykhdn (Cairo 1949), II, 22 ult., No. 711; Ibn Haiar, Bulugh al-mariim, ed. Muh, I;Iiimid al-Fiqql (Cairo 1933), p. 137, No. 701. 109 Al-Haythaml, Majma' al-zawii'id (Cairo 1352 AH), III, 192; and see ibid.: kiina yasiimu sha'bana wa-ramaddna yasiluhumd. 110 Al-Haythaml, III, 191 penult.; Ibn Hajar, Tabyln al-tajab, p. 9 info .111 See about the definition of "munkar" Muh, 'Abd aI-I;Iayy al-LuknawI, al-Raf" wa-l-takmil, ed. 'Abd al-Fattah AbU Ghudda (I;Ialab, n.d.), pp. 92-99. 112 See on him al-Dhahabt, Miziin al-i'tidal, IV, 488, No. 9877. 113 Ibn I;Iajar, Tabyin al-' ajab, p, 10, line 1. 114 A1-TurtiishI, p. 128.
209
M.l. Kister ances. 'Umar, says the tradition, used to beat the hands of people fasting in Rajab when they lifted them from (dishes of) food and compelled them to put them into it. He used to say: "Eat because Rajab was merely adored by the people of the Jahiliyya."llS In another version of this tradition, 'Umar used to flog people who fasted the whole month of Rajab.116 Another tradition states that Ibn 'Umar disliked to see people prepare for fasting Rajab. He told them: "Fast (some days) of it (i.e. of the month) and break the fasting; it is merely a month which the people of the Jahiliyya revered" .117 According to these traditions fasting on some days of Rajab, just as fasting some days of other months, is not forbidden; but fasting for the whole month and attaching sanctity to the month itself are not lawful. The adoration of Rajab might endanger the position of Ramadan, This is reflected in a story about Abu Bakr. When he saw his people prepare for fasting Rajab he said: "Do you make (i.e. observe) Rajab like Ramadan 7" (a-ja'altum rajaban ka-ramat/ana).1l8 Ibn 'Abbas insisted that Rajab be not established as an obligatory feast ("id) like Ramadan, Al-Turtushi concludes that these traditions indicate that "the honouring of Rajab by some people is a vestige of the bonds of the Jahiliyya" (dallat hddhihi l-dthiiru 'alii anna lladhi
fi aydi l-niisi min ta'~imihi innamii hiya ghabariitun min baqdyii "uqiidi l-jiihi/iyyati).119 In summary al-Turtushi states that fasting in Rajab is not obligatory, it is not a sunna of the Prophet and is not meritorious; it is reprehensible.120 A special treatise against fasting in and veneration of Rajab, named Adii'u mii wajab min bayiini wad'i l-waddd'Ina fi rajab, was compiled by Ibn Di1;tya,121 From this treatise the following hadith is with all probability quoted: "The Prophet said: 'Hell is kindled from year to year for the people fasting in Rajab'. "122 One of the main arguments of the opponents of the Rajab fast was the tenet
us Al-Shaukant, Nayl, IV, 210 (here the tradition is quoted from Ibn AbI Shayba's al-Musannaf. The remark of Wagtendonk, p. 121, note 3 that "these are late traditions" can hardly be accepted.); al-Turtusht, p. 129; Ibn Hajar, Tabyin al-tajab, p. 32; al-Haythaml, Majma' al-zawii'id, III, 191; Jamal al-Dln al-Qasiml, I#ab al-masdjid min al bida'i wa-I'awa'id (Cairo 1341 AH), pp. 76-77; al-Muttaql ai-Hindi, VIII, 409, No. 2966; AbU Shama, p. 38; al-Manbijl, Kit. al-samii'i wa-l-raqs in Majmu'at al-rasii'il al-kubrd It-Ibn Taymiyya (Cairo 1323 AH), II, 360 inf, 116 Al-Turtusht, p. 129. 117 Ibid., p. 129. 118 Ibid., p. 129; al-Qasimi, p, 77; AbU Shama, p. 38. 119 Al-Turtnsht, p. 129 ult.-130 sup. 120 Ibid., pp. 130-131; Ibn Hajar, Tabyin al- 'ajab, pp. 34-35; al-Qasiml, pp. 77-78; AbU Shama p. 38 (all quoting al-Turtusht). 121 See on him al-Dhahabl Tadhkirat al-buifa? (Hyderabad 1958) IV 1420 No. 1136. 122 Al-'Azizi, II, 391, line 6 from bottom; and see abovep. 207.
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"Rajab
is the Month of God ... "
that the believer is not entitled to establish days or months of religious practices to which particular merits may be attached; this privilege is exclusively reserved for the Lawgiver (fa-l-/:zii~i/u anna l-mukallafa laysa lahu mansibu l-takhsisi bal dhiilika i/o. l-shari'i).123 As the tradition reported by Sa'Id b. Jubayr (stating that the Prophet used to fast through the whole year) refutes the traditions about fasting in Rajab, as the Companions repremanded this fasting, as the traditions about fasting in Rajab are weak and untrustworthy - the view that the Rajab fast may be included into the category of good deeds has to be rejected. Good deeds necessitate the approval of the Prophet, which the fasting of Rajab did not get. As the traditions about fasting in Rajab are lies, the fast is, of course, unlawful (fa-in qila- a-laysa hddhii huwa isti'mdla khayrin? qila
lahu: isti'miilu khayrin yanbaghi an yakima mashrii'an min al-nabiyyi salld lldhu "alayhi wa-sallama; fa-idhii "alimnd annahu kadhibun kharaja min almashru'iyyati).124
Opponents of Rajab tried to show the weakness or the forgery of the proRajab traditions, revealing the weakness of the isndd. AbU Shama (d. 665 AH), who devoted a good deal of his Bii'ith to the rebuttal of pro-Rajab hadiths, and Ibn Hajar (d. 852 AH) in his Tabyin al-lajab, a treatise with the same aim, both used the same method of scrutinizing isniids. The tradition about the Rajab river in Paradise was rejected by AbU Shama125 on the ground that Musa al-Tawil126 was a liar. The hadith: "Rajab is the month of God, Sha'ban is my month etc." was discarded because the transmitter was al-Naqqash al-Mausilt.t-? a famous liar and forger of hadith. The hadith:
"kana rasiilu lliihi salla lliihu "alayhi wa-sallama idhd dakhala rajabun qdla lldhumma biirik lana Ii rajabin wa-sha'biina ... etc."128 was rejected on the
ground that Ziyad b. Maymun129 was considered as "discarded" (literally: "abandoned", "matriik"). Ma'mun b. Ahmad al-Sulamlrw and Ahmad b. 'Abdallah al-Juwaybari,l3l transmitters of pro-Rajab hadiths, were known as notorious liars; 132Ibn al-Jauzi counts both Ma'mun b. Ahmad and Ahmad
Abu Shama, p. 37. Ibid., p. 38. 125 Ibid., p. 55 penult. 126 See on him al-Dhahabl, Mizdn al-i'tidiil, IV, 209, No. 8888. 127 See on him al-Dhahabl, Miziin al-i'tiddl, III, 520, No. 7404. 128 See Ibn al-Sunnl, 'Amal al-yaum wa-l-layla (Hyderabad 1358 AH), p. 178; al-Suyutt, al-Jiimi' al-saghir, II, 105; ai-Khatib al-Baghdadl, Miir!i/:l auluim, II, 473; al-Jarraht, I, 186, No. 554; 'Ali al-Qari', al-Adab, fol. 65a, inf.; al-Majlisl, Bibtir, XX, 338 (lithogr. edition). 129 See on him al-Dhahabl, Mizdn al-i'tiddl, II, 94, No. 2967. 130 See on him al-Dhahabl, Mizdn al-i'tiddl, III, 429, No. 7036. 131 See on him al-Dhahabl, Mizdn al-i'tiddl, I, 106, No. 421. 132 AbU Shama, p, 55.
123 124
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b. "Abdallah in the list of "big liars" .133Both are accused of the transmission of the forged hadith, in which the Prophet foretold: "Among my people will be a man called Muhammad b. Idris; he will be more harming for my people than Iblis"; one of them invented the badith.134 By Muhammad b. Idris, the imam al-Shafi'I is meant. It is quite plausible that al-Shafi'I's assessment of the personality of Ma'mun b. Ahmad was concise: Ma'miin ghayru ma'mun.135 The hadith: "He who fasts the twenty seventh day of Rajab, God will write for him a reward of sixty months; it is the first day when the angel Gabriel brought the Prophet the Message" is marked by AbU Khattab (i.e. Ibn Dihya) as a spurious tradition. The tradition that the date of the Isrii' was the twenty seventh day of Rajab is marked as "the essence of lie". 136One of the transmitters of the tradition: "He who fasts three days of Rajab - God will count for him (the reward of) fasting of a month ... etc." was Aban (b. abl 'Ayyash).137 Ibn al-Jauzl rejects the tradition as unsound because of Aban, He quotes negative opinions of scholars about Aban, and records the saying of Shu 'ba138 that he prefers adultery to transmission of the traditions reported by Aban.139 The scholars opposing the fasting of Rajab faced the hostile attitude of the common people who practised fasting and special devotions in some nights of Rajab. They faced the pressure of the rulers as well. A peculiar case of this kind is reported in connection with the activities of Tzz al-Djn b. 'Abd alSalam, whose favourable opinion about Rajab fasting was mentioned above. In the year 637 AH 'Izz al-Dln acted as preacher and imam of the mosque of Damascus; he was a very learned and pious man, strictly following the sunna. Just before the beginning of Rajab, he preached in the mosque on Friday, and stressed that the $aliit al-raghd'ib was a bid'a and that the badtth. enjoining the practice of this prayer was a lie. 'Izz al-Din compiled a treatise in which he expounded his view and warned the people against the practice of this bid'a; he named it "al-tarhib 'an saldti l-raghii'ib". He was however compelled by the common people and the sultan to change his mind and to compile a treatise which contradicted his former treatise. In his second treatise he issued a favourable judgment about the $aliit al-raghii'ib.140 The orthodox permission of the popular Rajab fast in the tenth century of the Hijra is fairly exposed in the treatise of the HanafI scholar "Ali al-Qari'
133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140
Al-Shaukanl, al-Fawd'id, p. 426. Ibid, p. 420; see al-Dhahabl, Miziin, III, 430; al-Suyutl, al-La'iilt, I, 457. Abu Shiima, p. 55, line 5 from bottom. Ibid., p. 56 sup. See on him al-Dhahabl, Miziin I, 10-15, No. 15. See on him al-Dhahabt, Tadhkirat al-/.Iuffiiz, I, 193, No. 187. Ibn al-Jauzl, al-Maur!u'iit, II, 206. And see his assessment of isndds, ibid., pp. 207-28 AbU Shiima, pp. 32-33.
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"Rajab
is the Month of God ... "
"al- Adab fi rajab". Although he follows strictly the path of orthodox assessment of the hadith concerning fasting Rajab, he nevertheless gives his consent to
fasting Rajab and regards it rewardable. The interdiction of fasting Rajab in the hadith of Ibn Majah - argues 'Ali al-Qari' - has to be considered as an interdiction of its obligatory character, as it was in the period of the Jahiliyya
(wa-ammii md rawiihu Ibn Miijah. annahu 'alayhi l-saliimu nahd 'an siyiimi
rajabin fa-mahmidun 'ala "tiqiidi wujiibihi kama kdna fi l-jahiliyyati).141 Except that (i.e. this reason for the reprehensibility of fasting) none of the scholars said that fasting in Rajab was reprehensible (wa-illii fa-lam yaqui ahadun min al- 'ulamd' bi-kariihati ~aumihi).142 The opinion that every hadith about fasting Rajab and prayers in some nights of Rajab is a forged one deserves to be re-examined. It is true that there are some forged traditions, but traditions about fasting in Rajab are numerous and they, although weak, strengthen each other.143 Scholars agree, argues al-Qari', that it is permissible to perform pious deeds having recourse to "weak" traditions (wa-ajma'a 1- 'ulamd'u bijawiizi l- 'amali bi-l-abddithi l-da'ifati l-wdridati fi farjii'ili l-a'mdli). The interdiction of fasting Rajab by some scholars and considering it a bid'a is therefore not plausible (wa-lii ma'nii li-nahyi...). What is required from the believers is worship and obedience according to their ability. Rajab, as can be deduced from tradition, is a month surpassing other months in merits.144 Radical and uncompromising scholars rejected all the traditions about the virtues of Rajab and the merits of its fast. Ibn Taymiyya states that all the traditions about fasting in Rajab, fasting on the first Friday of Rajab and other merits are lies according to the consensus of the scholars. The best hadith on this subject is, of course, the hadith recorded by Ibn Majah, stating that the Prophet forbade the fast of Rajab.14S
IV Among the distinctive features of Rajab are the special prayers and supplications connected, of course, with the fasting. These special prayers, devotions and supplications were the subject of fervent discussions and were strongly reproved by orthodox scholars. Rajab is a month of repentance, of refraining from sin and of doing pious
'Ali al-Qari', al-Adab, fol. 65b. 'Ali al-Qari', al-Al;uidith al-maudu'a, fol. 61a. 143 Ibid., fol. 61a. 144 Idem, al-A dab, fol. 65b. 145 Al-Manbijl, II, 306; Ibn al-Jauzl, al-Maudii'iit, II, 208 (mii ~aMa ft fadli rajabin wa-ft #yiimihi 'an rasidi lliihi ~allii lldhu 'alayhi wa-sallama shay'un); al-Jarrahl, II, 421.
141 142
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M.l. Kister deeds. This idea of Rajab is expounded in a tradition attributed to the Prophet. In a speech delivered a week before Rajab, the Prophet stated that the rewards for good deeds in this month were doubled, supplications responded to by God and distress relieved by Him. The Prophet bade the believers to fast the days of Rajab and to keep vigilance in its nights. He who prays during some days of Rajab fifty prayers, reciting in every rak'a passages from the Qur'an - God will grant him rewards for his good deeds as much as the number of his hairs. He who fasts one day - God will reward him with the reward of fasting of a year. He who keeps his tongue (from bad speech)God will tutor him in arguments of his defence when the two angels Munkir and Nakir would come to question him (in his grave). He who would give some alms - God will save his neck from the fire of Hell. He who does good deeds to his people - God will treat him kindly in this world and in his life to come, and will help him against his enemies during his lifetime. He who visits a sick person - God will order the noble of His angels to visit him and greet him. He who prays in a funeral ceremony during this month, is as one who revives a buried girl-child. He who gives food to a believer - God will lodge him on the Day of Resurrection at a table where Ibrahim and Muhammad will be sitting. He who clothes a believer during this month - God will put on him a thousand of the suits of Paradise. He who bestows a favour upon an orphan and strokes his head - God will forgive him as many of his sins as the number of the hairs (scil. on the head of the orphan) upon which his hand passed. God will grant forgiveness to the believer who asks it. He who praises God once - will be counted in God's presence among the people mentioning God many times. He who completes in this month the reading of the Qur'anGod will crown him and his parents with crowns inlaid with pearls and he will be assured not to be inflicted with the horrors of the Day of Resurrection. 146 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr is said to have stated: "He who comforts a believer in his hardship during the month of Rajab, 'the Deaf', the month of God God will grant him a palace in Paradise as big as his gaze can reach. Therefore, urges the tradition, venerate Rajab and God will bestow upon you a thousand graces."147 He who gives alms once in Rajab - says a hadith attributed to the Prophet - God will keep him away from the fire of Hell, at a distance equivalent to that which a crow flies during its lifetime (literally flight of a crow since flying as a chick until its death in decrepitude - a crow lives five hundred years).148 A hadith reported on the authority of Salman al-Farisi records the following utterance of the Prophet:
146 Ibn Hajar, Tabyin, pp. 25-26; al-Shaukanl, al-Fawd'id, p. 439, lines 9-12 (the beginning of the tradition). 147 'Abd al-Qadir ai-JUan!, I, 200. 148 Ibid., I, 200.
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"Rajab is the Month of God ... " "He who fasts one day of Rajab is (considered) as if he had fasted a thousand years. He who grants alms (once) is (considered) as if he would give alms of a thousand dinars and God will credit him for every good deed with a number of rewards equal to the number of his hairs. God will raise him a thousand steps, erase a thousand of his sins and credit him for every donation of alms with (the reward of) a thousand pilgrimages and of a thousand 'umras and build for him in Paradise a thousand courts and a thousand palaces and a thousand apartments; in every apartment there will be a thousand enclosures, in every enclosure a thousand /:zUris, who are a thousand times more beautiful than the sun.149 According to a Shi'i tradition, an angel called al-Da'I proclaims every night of Rajab from the seventh Heaven on the order of God: "Blessed are those who remember (Me), blessed are the obedient." God the Exalted says: I am the Companion of (the believer) who would sit by Me, I obey him who obeys Me, I forgive (the believer) who asks My forgiveness; the month is Mine, the servant is Mine, the mercy is Mine; he who would call Me - I shall respond to him; he who supplicates Me - I shall give to him, he who will ask my guidance - I shall guide him. I made this month a rope between Me and My servants; he who will hold fast by it will reach Me.1so Al-Shaukani points out as a reprehensible innovation in Rajab and Sha 'ban, that people use to exert themselves in acts of obedience and adhere to religious prescriptions during these months, but neglect these actions during the rest of the year.1S1 Of interest is an Isma'ili exhortation stressing the sanctity of Rajab (called al-asamm, al-fard, al-asabb) and summoning the faithful to practise fasting, repentance and submission to God. The rewards of good deeds in this month are multiplied.tss The main point in the fervent discussion about Rajab devotions is the topic of sald: al-raghd'ib, a prayer performed on the eve of the first Friday of Rajab.1S3 To this saldt al-raghd'ib the Prophet referred in a /:ladith reported on the authority of Anas b. Malik. The Prophet, when asked why the month of Rajab was nicknamed "the. month of God", answered: "It is because it is singled out (makh$u$) with (the quality of) forgiveness. In this month bloodIbid., I, 201. Al-Majlisl, XX, 338 (lithogr. ed.). 151 Al-Fawd'id, p. 440. 152 Al-Majdlis al-mustansiriyya, ed. MuI.).. Kamil Husayn (Cairo, n.d.), p. 112. 153 But saldt al-raghd'ib was formerly called the prayer of the midst of Sha'biin; see Abu Shama, p. 29, line 8 from bottom.
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M. J. Kister shed is prevented. God forgave his prophets in this month and rescued his saints (au/iya') from the pains of punishment." The Prophet further counted the rewards of fasting in Rajab and recommended to an old man, who had complained that he would not be able to fast the whole month, that he restrict his fasting to the first day of Rajab, to the middle day of Rajab and to its last day. "Do not be heedless - continued the Prophet - about the eve of the first Friday of Rajab; it is a night called by the angels al-rahgii'ib, "the large (desirable) gifts"." This (is so) because after passing of the first third of this night no angel on Earth or in Heaven remains who does not gather in the Ka'ba or around it. God the Exalted has a look (at them) and says: "My angels, ask Me whatever you want", and they answer: "Our need is that Thou mayest forgive the people fasting Rajab". Then God the Exalted says: "I have done it already". The Prophet enjoined the believers to fast the day of the first Thursday of Rajab and to pray in the first third of this night (i.e. the eve of Friday) twelve rak'as reciting in every rak'a the fali/;la once, the sura "innii anzalndhu fi laylati l-qadri" three times, the sura "qui huwa lldhu ahadun" twelve times; between every rak'a a taslima has to be recited. After this prayer the believer has to recite seventy times "lliihumma salli 'ala l-nabiyyi l-ummiyyi wa-'ala iilihi". Then he has to perform a prostration during which he has to say seventy times "sabiihun, quddiisun, rabbu l-mald'ikati wa-l-riihi", Then he would raise his head and say seventy times "rabbi ghfir wa-rham wa-tajdwaz "ammd ta'lamu, innaka anta t:'azizu l-a'samu", Then he should prostrate a second time repeating the supplication quoted above (in the first sajda). Then he pleads for his needs and his plea will be responded to by God. Every servant of God with no exception - says the tradition - praying this prayer, God will forgive him all his sins even if they were (as much) as the foam of the sea and numbering the number of leaves of the trees, and he will intercede for seven hundred of his people at the Day of Resurrection. At the first day of his stay in his grave, he will be visited by the Reward of this prayer. The Reward will greet him with a bright countenance and tell him: "0 my beloved, rejoice because you were delivered from every woe". He will then ask: "Who are you, as 1have not seen a face finer than yours and 1 have not smelled a smell more fragrant than yours". Then Reward will reply: "0 my beloved, 1 am the Reward of the prayer, which you prayed that night of that and that month; 1came this night to you in order to fulfil the obligation towards you and to cheer you up in your loneliness. When the Horn will be blown, 1 shall be the shade above your head. Rejoice, because you will receive bounty from your Lord."154
154 Ibn l:Iajar, Tabyin, pp. 19-21; AbU Shama, pp. 29-32; 'Abd al-Qadir al-mani, I, 204205; al-Suyutt, al-La'ali, II, 55-56; al-Shaukant, al-Fawa'id, pp. 47 inf.-50; al-Majlisi, XX, 344 (lithogr. ed.); Ibn al-Jauzt, al-Mau4u'at, II, 124--125.
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"Rajab is the Month of God ... " Al-Nawawi classifies the saldt al-raghii'ib as a shameful bid'a (hiya bid'atun qabihatun munkaratun), which has to be abandoned, reprehended and prevented. In his fatwd he points out that although many people observe this prayer and that the hadith about the merits of the prayer was recorded in AbU Talib al-Makkt's Qut al-quliib and in al-Ghazall's Il;zya'155- it is nevertheless a futile bid'a tbid'atun biitilatun).156 Ibn Hajar classifies this hadith as forged. 'Ali b. 'Abdallah b. Jahdam is accused of the forgery of this l;zadith,157Al-Turtusht mentions as the $alat alraghii'ib the prayer of fifteenth Sha'ban158 and Rajab. The prayer of Rajab was introduced for the first time in Jerusalem: it happened after 480 AH,159 AI- "Abdari refutes in a special chapter, 160the opinion that the $alat al-raghd'ib is meritorious or even lawful. He records the fatwd of 'Abd al-Aziz b. 'Abd al-Salam161 strongly condemning this prayer. It is evident that this fatvii is the firstjatwa of 'Izz al-Dln mentioned by AbU Shama. 'Izz al-Din was compelled, as quoted above, to compile a fatwd with a contradictory opinion about this prayer. Beside the detailed refutation of the lawfulness of this prayer in the special chapter - al-'Abdarl stresses the reprehensible features of the performance of the prayer: men and women mix together in the mosque during the $alat al-raghii'ib. If somebody claims that there exists a I;zadith recommending this prayer quoted by al-Ghazall - then the prayer has to be performed by the believer privately (fi khiissati najsihi), not as a common prayer in the mosque. Further it is reprehensible to tum it into a continuous and obligatory sunna (sunna da'ima Iii budda minjrliM). The traditions about "merits of actions" (faqa'il al-a'mdl) have weak isndds - argues al-" Adbart; although Muslim scholars permitted believers to act according to these hadiths, they allowed it on the condition that the practice would not be a continuous one. Thus if the believer acts according to such a tradition even once in his life, he would be considered as obeying the (recommendation of)
155 I/;Iya' (Cairo 1289 AH), I, 182 (al-Ghazall remarks that the people of Jerusalem are eager to perform this prayer). 156 Al-Nawawi, Fatiiwd al-imdm al-Nawawi (al-masii'il al-manthiira), ed. 'Ala l-Dln b. al-'Attar (Cairo 1352 AH), p. 28; aI-'AbdarI, IV, 259. 157 See AbU Shama, pp. 30-31; al-Shaukani, al-Fawii'id, p. 49, n. 1; al-Suyiltl, La'ali II, S6inf.,aI-Dhal;labi,Miziin al-i'tidiil,III,142,No. 5879; Jamal ai-Din al-Qasiml, pp. 105-106; al-Pattanl, pp. 43 ult.-44; 'Ali al-Qari', al-A/;Iiidith al-mauda'a, fol. 61 a. Ibn Jahdam is said to have confessed to the forgery of this tradition before his death; cf. Sibt Ibn al-Jauzl, Mir'at al-zamdn, Ms. Karacelebi 284, fols. 272b-273b. 158 See above, note 153. 159 Al-Turtusht, pp. 121-122; and see ibid., note 4 of the editor, M. Taibi. 160 Al-Mudkhal IV, 248-282. 161 Ibid., pp. 277-282 (he is, however, mentioned as Abii Muhammad b. 'Abd aI-'Aziz 'Abd al-Salam b. Abi Qasim al-Sulami al-Shafi't).
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M. J. Kister tradition - if it is indeed a sound one; if, however, the tradition has an isniid which is dubious and open to dispute (wa-in yakun al-hadithu fi sanadihi mat'anun yaqdahu fihi) - his action (performed according to this !)adfth) would not harm (him) as he performed a good deed (li-annahu fa'ala khayran) and did not turn it into a publicly performed rite (sha'iratun ?
la taqrau.pdf La taqra'u l-qur'ana `ala l-mushafiyyin wa-la tahmilu l-`ilma `ani l-sahafiyyin ... Some Notes on the Transmission of If adith M.J. Kister
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
In memory of my brother Dr. Isaac Kister.
The question of whether it is permissible to record, in writing, the utterances of the Prophet, caused a heated debate already in the early period of Islam. The reports concerning the subject are divergent and even contradictory. A scrutiny of these reports may shed some light on the development of social perceptions, in so far as the transmission of hadith is concerned. Several traditions state that the Prophet permitted some of his Companions to write down his utterances. `Abdallah b. 'Umar says that he was in the court of the Prophet with a group of Companions; he was the youngest among them. The Prophet said: "Whoever tells lies about me, let him be placed in his abode in Hell."l
1 See, e.g., different versions of this tradition: Nur al-DIn al-HaythamI, Kashfu l-astar 'an zawa'idi l-bazzar, ed. Habibu l-Rahman al-A`zami (Beirut, 1399/1979), I, 112-17, nos. 204-17. AI-QuQa'I, Musnad al-shihiib, ed.HamdI'Abd al-MajId al-Silaff (Beirut, 1407/1986), I, 324-31, nos. 547-66, and see the references of the editor. AI-TabaranI, Musnad al-shiimiyyfn, ed. HamdI 'Abd aI-MajId al-Silan (Beirut, 1409/1989), I, 137, nos. 218, 142, no. 227; see the references of the editor. And see al-Haytham b. KuIayb al-SMshI, al-Musnad, ed. Mahfiiz al-Ra.l].manZayn (al-Madlna al-munawwara, 1410), I, 96-101, nos. 33-42; 245, no. 206; 249-50, nos. 215-16; 320-23, nos. 283-89; II, 80, no. 598; 116-18, nos. 642-47j and see ibid. the references of the editorj al-MunawI, Faylju l-qadfr, shar~u l-jami'i l-~aghfr (Beirut, 1391/ 1972), VI, 214-15, no. 8993, and see the references of the editor, ibid. AI-QaQI'IYaQ al-Yal).l;!ubI,ai-lima' ila ma'ri/ati u~Uli l-riwaya wa-taqyfdi l-sama', ed. al-Sayyid A~mad ~aqr (Cairo, 1389/1970), 11, 12; Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI, Fat~u I-ban, sharI} Ifa~fl} al-bukhiin (Cairo, 1300, repr. Beirut), I, 178-81j and see al-DhahabI, Tadhkirat al-~uJJa~ (Hyderabad, 1375/1955), I, 3-4. And see I. Goldziher, Muslim Studies, trans!. C.R. Barber and S.M. Stern, ed. S.M. Stern (London, 1971), II, 127. AI-SuyutI, Jam'u l-jawami' (Cairo, 1978), II, 53j 'All b. al-Ja'd al-JauharI, Musnad al-Ja'df, ed. '.A.mir A~mad Haydar (Beirut, 1410/1990), nos. 140, 337, 541, 560,817, 1428, 2045, 2067. And see the different versions of the ~adith: man kadhaba 'ala7lya muta'ammidan /a·I-71atabawwa' maq'adahu mina l-nar in Mu~ammad Murtac;la al-HusaynI l-ZabidI's Laqtu I-la' alf l-mutanathira If l-a~adithi l-mutawatira, ed. Mu~ammad 'Abd al-Qadir 'A~a (Beirut, 1405/1985), 261-82, no. 61. And see this utterance thoroughly analysed by M. Muranyi in his article: "Man ~ala/a 'ala minban athiman," Die Welt des Orients (1987): 92, 131. And see Abu l-Qasim Sulayman b. A~mad al-Tabarani, Turuq ~adfth man kadhaba 'alaY7la muta'ammidan, ed. 'All Hasan 'All 'Abd al-Hamld and Hisham b. Isma'ii al-Saqqa ('Amman, 1410/1990).
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Later, Ibn 'Umar asked the people how they transmitted traditions about the Prophet and how they made efforts to report the Prophet's utterances after they heard his words. They laughed and said: "0 son of our brother, everything we heard from the Prophet is already recorded with us in writing."2 A similar tradition is reported by Rafi' b. Khadijr' he asked the Prophet whether he would be permitted to write down the utterances heard from him. The Prophet gave his permission and remarked: "There is nothing bad in it," uktubuhii wa-lii lJ,araj.4 Abu Hurayra is said to have abstained from recording the utterances of the Prophet. This can be deduced from his statement that there was nobody (scil. from among the Companions of the Prophet -k) who surpassed him in the knowledge of lJ,adith except 'Abdallah b. 'Amr,5 for the latter used to write down the traditions while Abu Hurayra did not.6 It is significant that the first tradition permitted by the Prophet to be written in the !!alJ,fja!!ii.diqa of 'Abdallah b. 'Amr is said to have been an official letter addressed by the Prophet to the people of Mecca,"
2 Ibn 'AdI, al-Kamil /'f gu'afa'i I-rijal, al-muqaddima, ed. Subht l-Badrf l-Samarra'T (Baghdad, n.d.), 48; al-Ramhurmuzr, al-Mu1}addith al·fa~il, 378, no. 361. 3 On him, see Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI, ol-Isiiba /'f tamyfzi l-sohiibo, ed. 'All Muhammad al-Bijawi (Cairo, 1392/1972), II, 436-37, no. 2528 4 Ibn 'AdI, al-Kamil, al-muqaddima, 48. And see another version of the story in Ibn al-Hajj, al-Madkhal (Beirut, 1972), IV, 288; quoted from Abu Dawud's Sunan. 'Umar b. Ahmad b. 'Uthman b. Shahtn, Nasikhu 1-1}adfthi wa-mansukhuhu, ed. Samlr b. AmIn al-Zuhrr (al-Zarqa', al-Urdunn, 1408/1988), 470, no. 626; and see the references of the editor. 5 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. al-'As 6 'Abdallah b.'AdI, al-Kamii, muqaddima, 48; Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalanr, ol-Istiba /'f tamyfzi I-~al,laba, IV, 194, no. 4850; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isti'ab /'f ma'rifati l-a~1}ab, ed. 'All al-Bijawf (Cairo, 1380/1960), III, 957, no. 1618; al-Tal).awT,Sharl,l ma'anf I-iithar, IV, 318-19; al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, I, 106; al-Dhahabt, Mfzan al-i'tidal, ed. 'All Muhammad al-Bijawl (Cairo, 1382/1963), II, 567, no. 4879; Ibn Hajar al'AsqalanI,Fatl,lu I-barf, I, 184-85; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jami'bayan al·'ilm wa-faglihi (al-MadIna al-munawwara, n.d.), I, 70; and see ibid., I, 72 sup., 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. al-'A.!;l ays that two things stimulate him in his desire for life: the scroll dictated s to him by the Prophet, al-~al,lffa al-~adiqa, and the estate of Wah]. See this report: al-Ramhurmuzt, al-Mul,laddith al-falfil bayna I-rawf wa-I-wa'f, ed. Muhammad 'Ajjaj al-Khattb (Beirut, 1391/1971), 365-67, nos. 319-24; and see the references of the editor. And see Abu Bakr al-BayhaqI: al-Madkhal ila I-sunani I-kubra, ed. Muhammad Diya'u l-Rahman al-A'aamr (Kuwayt, 1405/1984), 412-13, nos. 748-51, and see the references of the editor; Shams al-Dtn Muhammad b. Ahmad al-DhahabI, Siyar a'lami I-nubala', ed. As'ad Talas (Cairo, 1962), III, 58 and vol. II, ed. Ibrahtm al-Abyart, p. 432. A peculiar statement of Ka'b (al-Ahbar) says that Abu Hurayra knew more about the Torah than any man who did not read the Torah; al-Dhahabl, Siyar, II, 432. 7Ibn AbI 'A.!i\im al-Shaybant, Kitab al·awa'il, ed. Muhammad b. N~ir al-'AjamT (al-Kuwayt, n.d.), 98, no. 140. Al Hasan b. 'Arafa mentions in his Juz", MS Chester Beatty 4433, fol. 141a, from the I!al,lffa al-I/adiqa a supplication which the Prophet advised Abu Bakr to utter in the morning and evening.
Iii taqra'i:
l-qur'iina
'alii l-mu~lJ,afiyyfn
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The letters of the Prophet seem to have been especially appreciated. This is emphasized in the utterance of Muhammad b. SIrln:8 "Had I decided to write [these things) down [in) a book, I would record in writing the letters of the Prophet." The letters of the Prophet addressed to kings, rulers, governors and tribal chiefs are the earliest documents reflecting the problems of the nascent Muslim community, the policy of the Prophet towards his supporters and foes, his tactics and his military resolutions. Mujahid (d. 104 H) one day visited 'Abdallah b.'Amr and noticed a scroll under his head. 'Abdallah refused to allow him to peruse the scroll, tamanna' a 'alayya, asserting that it was the ~alJ,ffasiidiqa which the Prophet had dictated to him when they were alone." The servant of the Prophet, Anas b. Malik, is said to have been in possession of scrolls which contained the utterances dictated to him by the Prophet. lO There is a report recorded on the authority of AbU Juhayfa which mentions a ~alJ,ffa of 'All b. AbI Talib, 'All is said to have asserted that the ~alJ,fja contained only the prescriptions concerning the payment of the bloodwit, the freeing of prisoners, and the order not to kill a Muslim for (the crime of) killing an unbeliever. 11
Sa'd, al- Tabaqat al-kubra, VII, 194 Siyar a'lam al-nubala', III, 58, inf. Al-Suyntt, Jam'u l-jawami', II, 525 sup.; al-FliBI, al-'Iqd al-thamin Ii ta'n'khi 1baladi l-amin, ed. Fu'ad Sayyid (Cairo, 1385/1966), V, 225. 10 Al-Ramhurmust, al-Mul}addith al-fal/il, 367, no. 325; and see the references of the editor. And see the tradition iii BayhaqI's al-Madkhal ila l-sunani l-kubra, 415, no. 757 with the important correction of majall instead of mikhlat; and see the references of the editor. 11 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jami' bayan al-'ilm, I, 71. And see al-Tabart, Tafstr = Jiimi' al-bayan 'an ta'wil ayi l-qur'an, ed. Mahmtld and Ahmad Shakir (Cairo, 1958), XIII, 135-36, no. 15150, containing the tal}nm al-madina .... See also Abi1Ya'Ia al-Mausilr, Musnad, ed. Husayn SalIm Asad (Beirut-Damascus, 1404/1984), I, 228-29, no. 263; and see the references of the editor and his comments. Al-Suytrtr, Jam'u l-jawami', II, 56, 60, 63. It is evident that this statement is attributed to 'AlI in order to refute the belief held by some of his adherents that the I/al}ifa contained God's decree about the inheritance of the caliphate by 'All and his descendants. 'Abdallah b. al-Mubarak al-MarwazI, al-Juz' al-thalith min musnad abi 'abel al-ral}man 'abdallah b. al-mubarak ... , MS aI-~ahiriyya 18, majmi1'a, fol. 121b: ... fa-qala: ma 'ahida ilayna rasulu llahi, I/alla llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam, shay' an lam ya' hadhu ila I-nasi kaJJatan. It is not rare to find in a collection of traditions a refutation of a claim put by opponents into the mouth of the claimant; see I. Goldziher, Muslim Studies, 11,114-15. 'All is said to have allowed Abtl l-Shah to copy from this I/al}ifa the injunctions concerning the payment of bloodwit, the payment of charity, I/adaqa, and other religious obligations; see al-Dhahabt, Siyar a'lami l-nubala', III, 58; and see the discussion on this subject: Ibn Hajar aI-'AsqalanI, Fatl}u I-ban, I, 182-83. Another case of a piece of writing, a I/al}ifa, sent by 'All to 'Uthman is recorded in Ibn Haem's al-Il}kam Ii ul/uli l-al}kam, ed. Muhammad Ahmad 'Abd aI-'AzTz (Cairo, 1398/1978), I, 396. 'All stated that a certain spot to which 'Uthman sent his tax
9 Al-Dhahabt, 8 Ibn
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Another l!alJ,zfa is said to have been kept in the sheath ofthe Prophet's sword. It contained a curse on people who steal the land of their neighbours by changing the boundary markings and a curse on those who deny the favours granted them by forging their genealogy and by attaching themselves falsely to tribal factions.P Sulayman al-Yashkuri, when staying in Mecca, wrote a l!alJ,zfa dictated by the Companion of the Prophet Jabir b.'Abdallah. The l!alJ,zfa remained after his death in the house of his mother in Basra, She was asked by the people of Basra to lend it to them, but she refused. She only allowed some people to read the l!al],Zfa. Among those who came and read the l!alJ,ifa was the famous Qur'anic commentator, Qatada.13 AbU l-Nadr stated that he memorized this l!alJ,zfa of Jabir b.'Abdallah with greater concentration than the Silrat al-Baqara.J! The commentator of the Qur'an, Mujahid, is said also to have transmitted traditions from the l!alJ,zfa of the Companion of the Prophet Jabir b. 'Abdallah.P Ibn Jurayj is said to have brought a l!alJ,zfa to Hisham b. 'Urwa and asked him for permission to transmit, on his authority, the traditions heard from him and written down in the l!alJ,zfa. Hisham b.'Urwa granted him the permission.l" Abu Hurayra seems, at some stage, to have been given the permission to write down the utterances of the Prophet. One day he approached the Prophet and complained that he was forgetting the numerous utterances. The Prophet advised him: "Get help by your right hand," ista'in biyamznika, i.e., write down the utterances with your right hand.l"
collectors, su'at, is a ~adaqa of the Prophet. This statement, of course, made it necessary for 'Uthman to recall the tax collectors. 12 Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, Jami' bayan al-'ilm, I, 71, inf. Cf. the tradition recorded by Abu Ya'la al-Mausill, Musnad, VIII, 197, no. 4757: ... wajadtu Ii qa'imi sayfi rasiili llahi (i!) kitaban ... ; and see ibid. I, 424, no. 562. 13 AI-FasawI, al-Ma'rifa wa-l-ta'n""kh, II, 279. 14 AI-FiUlawI,al-Ma'rifa wa-l-ta'rfkh, II, 278, inf. 15 See al-FasawI, Kitab al-ma'rifa wa-l-ta'rfkh, ed. Akram Qiya' al-'UmarI (Beirut, 1401/1981), III, 11. 16 Al-Fasawt, Al-ma'rifa wa-l-ta'n""kh, II, 824; and see the references of the editor. 17 Ibn Shahtn, Nasikhu l-I}adfth, 469, no. 625; and see the references of the editor. 'Abdallah b.'AdI, op. cit., muqaddima, 49, and see the references of the editor; on other cases of the Prophet's permission to write his utterances, see Ibn 'Abd alBarr, Jami' bayan al-'ilm, I, 72-75. And see the report saying that Sa'Id b. alMusayyab permitted 'Abd al-Rahman b. Harmala to note I}adfth in writing because of his weak memory: YaJ:!.yab. Ma'In, Ta'n""kh, ed. Ahmad Muhammad Nnr Sayf (Makka al-mukarrama, 1399/1979), II, 346, no. 950; al-Dhahabt, Mfzan al-i'tidal, II, 556, no. 4848. And see I. Goldziher, Muslim Studies II, 183, 184. As for the injunction qayyidii l-'ilma bi-l-kitab see: al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, I, 106, reported on the authority of the Prophet and transmitted by Anas b. Malik. Ibn Shahtn, Nasikhu l-I}adfth, 466, no. 624, and see the references of the editor.
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A book of traditions transmitted by Abu Hurayra is mentioned in a report of 'Ali b. al-Madtni. The book was in the possession of yaJ:tya b. Sirin.18 It was written on old vellum, kitab /f raqqin 'cuq, and preceded by the sentence: hadha ma lJ,addathana abii. hurayra, qala abii. l-qiisim .... Every lJ,adfth ended with the sentence hiidhii lJ,adfth abf hurayra and was separated by a line which was followed by a sentence qala abu hurayra .... Every line of separation was marked by the word 'iishiratun, surrounded by dots.l" The servant of the Prophet, Anas b. Malik, used to transmit the traditions of the Prophet. When the listeners swarmed around him, he used to bring forth some scrolls and handed them over to the Iisteners.P? He said that he had heard the traditions from the Prophet, had written them down, and had read them aloud in front of the Prophet, 'orada 'alayhi, and the Prophet had given his approval to transmit them.21 Ibrahim al-Nakha'i admitted that the traditions transmitted by Salim b. Abi l-Ja'd were more accurate because he used to record them, while he (i.e., Ibrahim al-Nakha'I) merely memorised them.22 A tradition recorded by Ahmad b. Hanbal says that the Prophet permitted to write down his injunctions concerning the sacred area, the lJ,aram of Mecca, which he issued on his conquest of the city.23 The traditions about the recording of lJ,adfth at the time of the Prophet vary as to whether the Prophet permitted or prohibited to do that.24 The Companions of the Prophet were in the habit of circulating the utterances of the Prophet among themselves. Some of them used to write them down, like 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. al-'A.S.25 After the death of the Prophet, some of the Companions recorded the traditions, others did not. Ibn Rajab provides us with important in18 Because Muhammad b. STrin did not like to keep a book of lJadiths in his abode; see al-FasawI, Al-ma'rifa wa-l-ta'rfkh, II, 54, 59. 19 AI-FasawI, Al-ma'rifa wa-l-ta'n"kh, II, 54-55. 20 See above note 10 concerning the emendation by Muhammad I;>iya'u l-Rahrnan, who reads majall; this emendation should be applied to this text as well, and the word to be read thus instead of mujalis. 21 'Abdallah b.'AdI, op, cit., Muqaddima, 49. 22 'Abdallah b. 'AdI, op. cit., Muqaddima, 50. 23 Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Musnad, ed. Ahmad Muhammad Shakir (Cairo, 1373/ 1953), XII, 232-35, no. 7241, and see ibid., the abundant references and notes to this lJadfth; Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, Jami' bayan, I, 70; al-Ramhurmuzt, al-MulJaddith al-fal!il, 363, no. 314, and see the references of the editor; Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalli.nI, alIsiiba, VII, 202, no. 1090; al-BayhaqI, al·Madkhal ila l-sunani l-kubra, 411, no. 745; and see the references of the editor. 24 The different reports are mentioned in Ibn Rajab's (d. 795 H) SharlJ 'ilali 1tirmidhf, ed. Subhi l-Samarra'I (Beirut, 1405/1985), 49-50. 25 See above, note 6.
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formation about the first collections of lJadfth. In the initial period after the death of the Prophet, at the time of the Companions and the generation following the Companions, namely the tiibi'ii.n, the collections were not divided into chapters according to subject; the purpose of those collections was merely to preserve, in script, the traditions of the Prophet. In the following generation, that of the tiibi'ii. l-tiibi'fn, the collections were arranged according to subject, ~unnifat al-ta~iinff; some scholars recorded the utterances of the Prophet, others collected the sayings of the Companions.P'' Ibn 'Abd al-Barr gives an interesting exposition on the evolution of ideas concerning the writing down of the traditions and utterances of the Prophet. The natural disposition of the Arabs, he says, was revealed by the fact that they preserved the sayings of the Prophet in their memory .... They were granted this disposition and were equipped with the gift of an unusual memory; they would not forget what they heard. The men who were endowed with this rare capacity of memory were Arabs, among whom were people like al-Zuhri, al-Sha'bt and Ibn 'Abbas. Times have changed, however, and people nowadays do not possess this. faculty of memory. Had the utterances of the Prophet not been written down, many traditions would have been lost. The Prophet gave permission to write down the knowledge of the traditions, 'ilm, and a group from among the Companions did SO.27 The injunction of the Prophet concerning the recording of lJadfth was formulated in a brief sentence: "Do not write anything on my authority except the Qur'an; whoever has written anything else on my authority should erase it.,,28 'All is said to have enjoined people who were in the possession of pieces of writing to erase them. "People perished," he said, "because
26Ibn Rajab, op. cit., 50. 27Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jami' bayan al-'ilm, I, 69-70. 28See the different versions in al-Khatlb al-Baghdadt's, Taqyfd al-'ilm, ed. Yusuf al'Ishsh (Dar i~ya'i I-sunnati I-nabawiyya, 1974), 29-35. Ibn Shahin, Nasikhu I-I}adfth, 471, no. 629j and see the references of the editor and his notes. See I. Goldziher, Muslim Studies, II, 184. And see Ibn Abi Shayba, al-MulJannaJ, ed. 'Abd al-Khaliq Khan al-Afghant (Hyderabad, 1386/1966), I, 293: ... Ja-qala abu sa'fd: kunna la naktubu shay'an ilia I-qur'ana wa-I-tashahhudaj and see ibid., 294: 'an ibni mas'udin qala: mii kunna naktubu Ii 'ahdi rasuli lIahi lJalla llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam min alal}adfthi ilia I-istikharata wa-I·tashahhudaj and see the report of Tawiis ibn Abr Khaythama Zuhayr b. Harb al-Nasa't's Kitab al-'ilm, ed. Muhammad N~ir al-Dtn al-Albant (Beiriit, 1403/1983), 11, no. 27: ... 'an tawus qala: in kana I-rajulu yaktubu ila bni 'abbasin yas'aluhu 'ani I-amri, Ja-yaqUlu li-l-rajuli lIadhija'a bi-I-kitab: akhbir lJal}ibaka bi-anna I-amra kadha wa-kadha, Ja-inna la naktubu Ii 1·lJul}ufiilia I-rasa'ila wa-I-qur'anaj "rasa'il" is rendered by the editor: ya'nf lIatf kana rasulu llahi (IJ) kataba biha ila ba'4i l-ashkhalJi wa-I-qaba'ili. And see Ibn al-Jauzt, Akhbar ahli 1rusukh Ii I-fiqhi wa-I-tal}dfth bi-miqdari I·mansukh mina I-I}adfth, ed. Taha 'Abd al-Ra'uf Sa'd (Cairo, n.d.), 13-14, no. 8.
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they followed the traditions of their scholars and abandoned the Book of their God.,,29 'Alqama and al-Aswad brought a written piece to Ibn Mas'ud, asserting that it contains a "good tradition," 1}adfth hasan. But Ibn Mas'Iid ordered it be erased and said: "The hearts are vessels; keep them for the Qur'an only."3o One tradition couples the prohibition against recording the Prophet's utterances with the permission to transmit the stories of the Banil Isra'il: Abu Hurayra was sitting in the courtyard of the Prophet with some other Companions and was writing down the utterances of the Prophet when the Prophet came and, looking at their work, forbade them to do that. He gave them, however, permission to tell the traditions of the Banu Isra'i1.31 Abu Sa'Id al-KhudrI is said to have been asked to write down the traditions transmitted by him; he refused and said that 1}adfths should not be set down in ma~ii1}if; the Prophet issued his utterances and the Companions kept them in their memory. The people of 1}adfth should merely keep in memory what the transmitters tell them.32 The aversion to write down the 1}adfth went together with the aversion to the reading of the Qur'an from a written book without keeping the words in memory. A saying of the people of the 1}adfth which won wide circulation was as follows:
Iii taqra'ii l-qu.r'iina 'alii l-mu.~1}afiyyfnwa-lii ta1}milii l-iilm« 'ani 1-~a1}afiyyfn,"Do not read the Qur'an to people who rely on Qur'an codices, and do not carry further the 1}adfth
knowledge which you obtain from people who use scrolls.,,33
Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jami' ballan al-'ilm, I, 64, sup. 'Abd al-Barr, Jami' ballanal-'ilm, I, 66, inf.; and see ibid.: Abu 'Ubayd explains that Ibn Mas'nd assumed that the written piece was taken from the People of the Book, ahlu l·kitab, and did not like to see it. 31 Al-Dhahabt, Mfzan al·i'tidal, II, 265, no. 4868. And see the utterance of the Prophet forbidding writing anything on his authority except the Qur'li.n and demanding that 1}adfths already committed to writing be erased, at the same time encouraging people to transmit the traditions of the BanU IsrA'l1. The same utterance warns against transmitting deceitful traditions, which would be punished with torture in Hell. See NUr al-Dtn al-Haythamt, Kash/u l-astar 'an zawa'idi l-bazziir, I, 108-109, no. 194. And see ibid., 1,.109, no. 195, AbU Burda was requested to bring to his father written down traditions, which he had heard from him. The father ordered to erase the written traditions saying: "You have to memorize the traditions as we did when we heard them from the mouth of the Prophet." Also see the story concerning the traditions written down by AbU Burda and erased by his father: al-Dhahabt, Siyar a'lami l-nubala', II, 280, 287. 32 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jami' ballan al·'ilm, I, 64. 33 I.e., people who read the scrolls, or dictated from the scrolls, without mastering the knowledge of the traditions by heart -k. See al-Ramhurrnuzr, al-Mu1}addith alla~il, 211, no. 101; and see the references of the editor; the opinion ofYaJ:!ya (b. Adam)
29 30 Ibn
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Malik b. Anas gave an opinion concerning a trustworthy transmitter, who presented a book of traditions which he had heard, but was unable to keep them in memory. Students of l)adfth, according to Malik b. Anas, should disregard this transmitter. 34 Ibn al-JauzI reports on the authority of Ibn Qutayba a significant explanation for the change in the Prophet's prohibition to write down the l)adfth. The Prophet initially forbade to write his utterances, but when the sun an increased in number and exceeded the quantity that could be kept in memory, the Prophet allowed to write them down.35 The high honour accorded to the memorization of ~adfth goes hand in hand with the low standing of written l)adfth. AI-Auza'I formulated it in the following saying: "This knowledge, 'ilm, was an honourable thing when it came from the mouths of men who collected and carried it in memory together with others; when it got written down in books, it lost its light, dhahaba nii.ruhu, and became the possession of unworthy people." 36 Hushaym (d. 183 H) gave a succinct definition of the proper people of ~adfth: he who does not know the l)adfth by heart cannot be counted as among the people of l)adfth; such a man comes (to attend the assembly of lJ,adfth people -k) with a large book that looks like a document of manumission. 37 It is evident that "a scholar with a large book" is one who dictates lJ,adfth to students because he does not know the traditions by heart. The main argument against recording the utterances of the Prophet was the desire to avoid creating another book, a book of prophetic l)adfth, for fear that it might be considered equal to the Qur'an. One of the Companions of the Prophet, Abu Sa'Id al-Khudrl, was asked by Abu Nadra to dictate a tradition of the Prophet transmitted by him. He refused, however, arguing that he was not going to transform the dictated utterances into a QUr'an.38 As mentioned above, orthodox men avoided writing down the collected utterances of the Prophet. Abu Bakr is said to have collected five hundred utterances; after consideration he ordered
is indeed of some interest: kamj YUlJa"i/Una ma yujadu Ii l-kutub, "people treated the traditions recorded in books as weak," Ibid., 212 sup. And see Ibn 'AdI, al-Kamil, al-muqaddima,246. And see this advise in aI-FasawI's al-Ma'ri/a wa-l-ta'n1.:h, II, 412. 34AI-Kha~Ib al-Baghdadt, al-Ki/aya Ii'ilmi l-riwaya (Hyderabad, 1357), 227; and see ibid., 227-29 other stories of I}adfth scholars who transmitted from books. 35Ibn aI-JauzI, Akhbar ahli l-rusukh, 14. 36Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jami' bayan al-'ilm, I, 68 sup.; aI-BayhaqI, al-Madkhal ila l-sunani l-kubra, 410, no. 741, and see the references of the editor. 37Al-Khattb al-Baghdadt, al-Ki/aya, 228; Ibn 'AdI, al-Kamil, al-muqaddima, 154. 38'Abdallah b. al-Mubarak, al-Musnad, 142, no. 232, and see the references of the editor; Abu Bakr aI-BayhaqI, al-Madkhal ila l-sunan al-kubra, 405-406, nos. 725, 727, and see the references of the editor.
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'alii l-mu~l],afiyyzn
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the collection to be burned.P'' 'Umar is said to have intended to write down the traditions of the Prophet; however, he changed his mind fearing that it would bring forth a book in addition to the book of God.40 One report says that 'Umar wrote to the garrison cities (al-am~ar) enjoining them to erase the records of the traditions written down by some people.V 'Umar, who is said to have tried to restrict the number of the traditions reported on the authority of the Prophet, threatened that he would banish Abu Hurayra to the territory of Daus if the latter did not refrain from transmitting a great number of l],adzth utterances.V While transmitting prophetic traditions after 'Umar's death, Abu Hurayra admitted that 'Umar would have severed his head if he transmitted these traditions during his lifetime.43 'Umar is said to have enjoined the transmitters of l],adfth to confine themselves to traditions which have to do with the observance of ritual duties, aqillu l-riwayata 'an rasuli llahi ~alla llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam ilia fima yu'malu bihi. Here Abu Hurayra recalls the angry reaction of 'Umar against the transmission of l],adzths of the kind narrated by him after the caliph's death.v' 'Umar's inclination to limit the transmission of l],adfth was submitted to harsh criticism by Ibn Hazm. In a series of arguments based on quotations culled from early collections of l],adzth and fiqh, Ibn Hazm refutes 'Umar's utterances against the transmission of l],adzth. He also refutes similar utterances of Malik b. Anas, mentioning the fact that Malik himself collected a large number of traditions. In some of his arguments, Ibn Hazm goes as far as stating that such restrictions on the transmission of sound l],adzth are tantamount to kU/r.45 Early transmitters of l],adfth were divided as to their opinion concerning the reliability of utterances transmitted by Abu Hurayra. 'Abdallah b. 'Umar states that he did not reject any tradition transmitted by Abu Hurayra; "he was courageous, [ijtara'a]," he said, "we were faint hearted
Tadhkirat al-l}uJJa~,I, 5. See Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jami' bagan al-'ilm, I, 64; Abii Bakr al-Bayhaqt, alMadkhal ila I-sunani I-kubra, 407, no. 731, and see the references of the editor; alKhattb al-Baghdadt, Taqyfdu I-'ilm, 49-51; 'Abd al-Raasaq, al-Muljannaf, XI, 257-58, no. 20484. 41 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jami' bayan al-'ilm, I, 65. 42 AI-DhahabY, Siyar a'lami I-nubala', II, 433. Cf. Ibn Rajab al-l;IanbalY,Fa41u 'ilmi I-salaf 'ala I-khalaf (Cairo, n.d.), Maktabat al-kulliyyat al-azhariyya, 23 the opinions of al-Auza'I and Ahmad b. Hanbal: qala al-auza'f: al-'ilmu ma ja'a bihi aljl}abu mul}ammadin Ijalla llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam, fa-ma kana ghayra dhalika fa-Iaysa bi'ilmin. wa-kadha qala I-imamu al}mad, wa-qala /f l-tabi'fna anta mukhayyarun, ya'nf mukhayyaran [sic] /f kitabatihi wa-tarkihi; wa-qad kana al-zuhri yaktubu dhalika, wakhalafahu Ijalil}u bnu kaysan, thumma nadima 'ala tarkihi kalama I-tabi'fn. (On the differences between the opinions of al-Zuhrf and 1?lUi~ Kaysan see below, note 50). b. 43 Al-Dhahabt, Siyar a'lam al-nubala', II, 433. 44 'Abd al-Razaaq, al-Muljannaf, XI, 262, no. 20496. 45 Ibn Hazm, al-Il}kam /f uljuli I-al}kam, I, 311-23.
40 39 Al-Dhahabt,
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[jabunna].,,46 Another report says that people used to transmit from the traditions recorded by Abu Hurayra only utterances concerning Paradise and Hell.47 It is significant that the soundest traditions of Abu Hurayra were transmitted by al-ZuhrI.48 It was, again, 'Umar who enjoined people who went out to Iraq to reduce the number of traditions which they transmitted.t'' The scope which traditions should cover was not defined. $alil:l b. Kaysan and al-ZuhrI worked together collecting traditions on sunan; they collected the sunan of the Prophet. They were not, however, in agreement as to the sunan of the Companions. $alil:l b. Kaysan did not consider it appropriate to transmit the sunan of the Companions, as this was not a sunna in his opinion. AI-ZuhrI, however, wrote down both the sunan of the Prophet and of the Companions. "He won the day," says $aJ.il:l,"and I lost [{layya' tu]." 50 There was a need to draw a line between the Qur'an and the I}adith. Abu Sa'Id al-KhudrI warns the transmitters from turning the collected I}adiths into a "book," a kind of Qur'an; "learn by heart what we transmit as we did with the Prophet," he said.51 Stories about other peoples who collected the sayings and utterances of their prophets, sages, and saints were used as warnings for the believers. 'Umar asked the Prophet to grant him permission to write down the stories circulated by Jews and Christians, inn a nasan min a l-yahud wa-lna~ara yul}addithUna bi-al}aditha, a-Ia-la naktubu ba'{laha. The Prophet refused to give his permission and explained that Jews and Christians had become too deeply involved in writing: "I brought you a faith white and pure; were Moses alive he would have to follow me.,,52
46See al-Dhahabt, Siyar a'lam, II, 437. 47Ibid., II, 438. 48See ibid., II, 438. 49'Abdallah b. al-Mubarak, al-Musnad, 139-40; al-Dhahabl, Siyar a'lam al-nubala', 11,433. 50'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mu~annaf, XI, 258, no. 2487; and see this report: Ibn 'Asiikir, Ta'rfkh, tahdhw, VI, 281; Ibn Kathtr, al-Bidaya wa-l-nihiiya (Beirut-al-Riyad, 1966), IX, 344; Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, Bayan farf,l al-'ilm, II, 187; Ibn Khalfun al-Andalust, Asma'u shuyukhi I-imam malik b. anas, ed. Muhammad Zaynham Muhammad 'Azb (Cairo, n.d.), 154; Abu Nu'aym, Ifilyat al-auliya', III, 360 inf.-361 sup. al-Suyutt, Jam'u l-jawami', II, 813. 51Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jami' bayan al-'ilm, I, 64; and compare the report of Abu Burda about his father who erased the traditions transmitted by him, arguing that traditions should be transmitted orally and learnt by heart as he and his generation had done: al-DhahabI, Siyar a'lam al-nubala', ed. Ibrahtm al-Abyl!.ri (Cairo, 1957), II, 280, 287 ult.; Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, Jami' bayan al-'ilm, I, 65-66. 52 Nasr b. Muhammad aI-Samarqandi, Bustan al-'ari/fn (Cairo, 1348),4, ult.-5 sup. And cf. Abu Bakr b. Abi 'Af.limal-Shaybanr, Kitab al-sunna, ed. Muhammad Nasir alDin al-Albant (Beirut, 1400/1980), I, 26-27, nos. 47-50. Cf. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jiimi' bayan al-'ilm, I, 65: The Banil Isra'tl went astray because of the written scriptures which they inherited from their fathers. And cf. above, no. 29.
Iii taqra'u
l-qur'iina
'alii l-mu~l],afiyyfn
137
Knowledge of I],adfth should be kept in memory. Al-Khalil b. Ahmad said in a verse: "Knowledge is not what is contained in a book case, knowledge is only that which is contained in the heart."53 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr explains the reasons which brought about the dislike of writing down I],adfth. A collection of I],adfth should not be like a Qur'an, for a collected volume impedes the way of oral transmission. People would then rely on the book and neglect to learn by heart the transmitted knowledge.54 A I],adfth attributed to 'AlI b. AbI Talib says that 'All was told that people engaged in I],adfth and abandoned the Qur'an. Then, the angel Jibrtl descended to the Prophet and predicted that his community would fall in temptation after his death55 and would leave the Qur'an. When asked about the way of escape, the angel answered: "The revealed Qur'an": he repeated this three times.56 A similar prediction is recorded on the authority of al-Dahhak: "Time will come," he said, "when the I],adfths will increase until the book of the Qur'an will be abandoned, covered with dust, with nobody looking at it.,,57 This warning is given in the traditions attributed to AbU Sa'Id alKhudrI and other Companions of the Prophet, recorded in al-Khatib's
Kitiib taqyfd al-'ilm.58
It was Shu'ba, a scholar with deep insight and a committed searcher of truth in this field,59who spoke out against the activities of the transmitters of I],adfth: "It is better to sit in the company of Jews and Christians than to sit with you," he said addressing these transmitters. He accused them of departing from the recollection of God, dhikru lliih, and from prayer, and called upon them to desist from their activities.P?
bayan al·'ilm, I, 68: laysa bi-'ilmin ma I}awa l-qimatru: illa ma I}awahu l-~adru. And see Abu Talib al-Makkt, Qii.t al-qulii.b (Cairo, 1351/1932), II, 17 sup.; al-Bayhaqt, al-Madkhal ila l-sunani l-kubrii, 410. 54Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jami' bayan al-'ilm, I, 68; and see ibid., the saying of a scholar of I}adfth: la taktubii. fa-tattakilii., 55Scil. by being engaged in learning I}adfth -k. 56Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rfkh dimashq, (Tahdhw), VII, 348. 57Ahmad b. Hanbal, Kitabu l-zuhd (Beirut, 1398/1978), 213. 58Taqyld, 36-40; and see Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rfkh dimashq, VI, 14: ... turfdii.na an taj'alii.hii malfal}ifa .... And see the warning of Shu'ba (d. 160 H) stating that I}adfth distracts the believers from recalling the name of Allah, dhikru llah, and the obligatory prayers. Shu'ba asks the believers to refrain from busying themselves with I}adfth: Yahya b. Ma'tn, al-Ta'rfkh, ed. Ahmad Muhammad Nnr Sayf (Makka al-mukarrama, 1399/1979), II, 255, no. 4276; al-Fasawt, al-Ma'rifa wa-I-ta'rfkh, II, 284; Abu Nu'aym al-Isfahant, lfilyatu l-auliya', VII, 156. 59See al-Shiblt, Mal}asin al-wasa'il, 330: ... awwal man takallama /f l-rijali shu'ba; ma l·'ilmu
53 Ibn
'Abd al-Barr, Jiimi'
and see ibid., the reports concerning the permissibility of examination of the validity of the traditions and the truthfulness of the transmitters, 331 60Ibn 'AdI, al-Kamil, muqaddima, 125. And see al-Khatrb al-Baghdadi, Mukhta~ar na~fl}ati ahli I-I}adfth, 31, inf.: ... malik b. anas qala li-bnay akhlhi abl bakrin wa-
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M.J.
Kister
Some scholars, however, pointed out the utility of dissemination of for a better understanding of the Qur'an and of the ritual practices. 'Imran b. Husayn justifies the study and the transmission of lJ,adfth by saying that lJ,adfth may serve as a tool to explain many ritual practices not included in the Qur'an.61 The opinions of the scholars of lJ,adfth as to the importance of tradition for the understanding of the Qur'an and for establishing the prescribed ritual practices are clearly reflected in the report of Abu Nadra. It is true, said 'Imran b. Husayn, that the prescribed prayers were mentioned in the Qur'an, but the number of rak' as in every prayer was only specified in the lJ,adfth.62 It was because of the importance of lJ,adfth that the believers should be careful not to transmit traditions of dubious transmitters. The famous scholar of lJ,adfth, Shu'ba, said that one should only record well-known traditions related by well-known scholars, uktubii 1mashhiir 'ani l-mashhiir.63
The Prophet is said to have told the believers to pay attention as to the persons with whom they talked and from whom they derived their faith, un~urii man tujalisiina wa-'an man ta'khudhiina dfnakum. At the end of time, Satans will appear in the garb of people of lJ,adfth, using the formulae lJ,addathana and akhbarana; people should, therefore, be cautious and inquire about the names of those persons and their Iathers.P"
isma'ila bnay aM uwaysin: arakuma tul}ibbiini hadha l-sha'na wa-tatlubiinihi. qala: na'am. qala: in al}babtuma an tantafi'a bihi wa-yan/a'a llahu bikuma/a-aqilla minhu wa-ta/aqqaha. 61 'Abdallah b. al-Mubarak, Musnad, 143, no. 233; and see references of the editor. 62 'Abd al-Raszaq, al-Muljanna/, XI, 255, no. 20474. 63'Umar b. Ahmad b. Shahln, Ta'n1r.h asma'i l-thiqat mimman nuqila 'anhumu l-'ilm, ed. Athar al-Mubarakpnrt (Bombay, 1406/1986), 78. 64 Al-Nasilr, Ma/za' al-khala'iq, 15; Shirawayh b. Shahridar al-DaylamI, Firdausu 1akhbar, ed. Fawwaz Ahmad al-ZimirlI and Muhammad al-Mu'tasim bi-llah l-Baghdadt (Beirut, 1407/1987), I, 144, no. 358; and see the references ofthe editors. And see Ibn Sa'd, al-Tabaqiit al-kubra (Beirut, 1377/1958), VII, 194: ... Ibn SIrln: inna hadha l-'ilma dfnun /a-n~urii. 'an man ta'khuclhunahu. Cf. Ibn 'AdI, al-Kamil, Muqaddima, 227-29: "My people will perish for three vices-the 'aljabiyya, the qadariyya and the transmission of l}adfth on the authority of an unreliable transmitter," said the Prophet. And cf. al-Suyutt, Jam'u l-jawami' = al-Jami' al-kabfr (Cairo, 1978), I, 904, sup.: lii taqumu l-sa'atu l}atta yamshr iblfsu If l·turuqi wa-l-aswaqi yatashabbahu bi-l'ulama'i yaqUlu l}addathanf /ulanu bnu fulanin 'an rasuli llahi Ijalla llahu 'alayhi wasallam bi-kadha wa-kadha. And see al-Suyutt, Jam'u l-jawami', I, 1012: ... yakunu If akhiri I-zaman dajjalUna kadhdhabuna ya'tunakum mina l-al}adfthi bima lam tasma'u antum wa-la abii'ukum, /a-iyyakum wa-iyyahum la YUlJillunakum wa-la yaftinunakum.
la taqra' U l-qur' ana' alii I-mufilJ,afiyyin
139
The prediction about forgers and Satans walking in the streets and markets, claiming false knowledge, quoting the isnads of "reliable" scholars and transmitting forged traditions, reflects, truly, the situation during the period of decline when forgers of isnads did not hesitate to appear in the market place and disseminate invented traditions. The flood of traditions circulating in the Muslim community in the early period is said to have aroused the concern of 'Umar, who tried to curb the activity of these transmitters. According to a report, 'Umar ordered to detain in Medina three Companions of the Prophet because of their efforts to disseminate the numerous IJ,adiths of the Prophet. The detained persons were Abu Darda', Ibn Mas'ud, and Abu Dharr.P'' Ibn Hazm refutes this report with great vigour.66 'Umar, as mentioned above, is said to have enjoined limiting the number of IJ,adiths transmitted by the Companlons.f" An utterance attributed to the Prophet recommends reducing the number of transmitted traditions: "It is sinful enough to transmit everything which a man has heard," said the Prophet.P'' In an interesting passage al-Dhahabi draws a line between the old times of the righteous 'Umar and his own time. In 'Umar's time, transmitters were prevented from circulating large amounts of traditions, even though they were people of truth and righteousness, and the IJ,adith itself was reliable. Now people transmit strange traditions and unknown stories, riwayat al-ghara'ib wa-l-manakir, provided with long chains of isnad, containing many groundless opinions and mistakes. Some of these people transmit forged traditions, groundless stories, abiitll, and untenable doctrines concerning the essentials and ramifications of religious law, al-mustalJ,ll Ii l-UfiUl wa-l-furii,', stories of asceticism and atrocious and bloody civil wars, malalJ,im.69 An early development, connected with the social standing of the scholars of IJ,adith and their ambitious striving to gain recognition and respect in the Muslim community, brought about the appearance of a special branch which originated on the margin of IJ,adith literature: treatises and books examining the reliability of the transmitters of IJ,adith, which contain praises for the righteous and reliable transmitters of traditions.
65 AI-DhahabI, Siyar a'lam al-nubala', II, 249; al-Dhahabt, Tadhkirat al-I}uffa~, I, 7; the list of the detained includes three names: Ibn Mas'ud, Abu Darda' and Abu Mas'nd al-Ansart, Al-Khatrb al-Baghdadr, Shara] a~l}ab al-I}adith, 87, no. 190. 66 Ibn Hazm, al-Il}kam Ii u~uli l-al}kam, I, 316 67 Al-Dhahabt, Siyar a'lami l-nubala', II, 433. 68 Al-Hakim al-Naysabart, al-Mustadrak, I, 112; 'Abdallah b. al-Mubarak, 01Musnad, 10, no. 19, and see the references of the editor; al-Munawt, Fay4u l-qadlr, IV, 551, no. 6236; and see the version in al-QayrawanI, al-Jami', 149 of a similar utterance attributed to Malik: laysa yaslamu rajulun I}addatha bi-kulli mii sami'a wa-la yakunu imaman abadan. 69 AI-DhahabI, Siyar a'lami l-nubala', II, 433.
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Compilations dealing with faults, vices and deficiences of scholars of lJ,adfth also came into being. The beginning of this branch of lJ,adfth scholarship is traced back to the very early period of Islam.?" 'All b. al-Madini (d. 234 H) interpreted the utterance of the Prophet: "there will remain a steadfast group of people who will fight for the cause of truth ... " as referring to the people of hadith; they care for the implementation of the Prophet's customs and protect the knowledge, 'ilm, i.e., the knowledge of I],adfth. Were it not for their activity, one would not be able to find any trace of the sunan of the prophets in the books of the Mu'tazila, the Jahmiyya, the Rafida, (i.e., the ShI'a -k), and the schismatic ahl al-ra'y.71 Muhammad b. al-Munkadir states that the word riiwiya was used exclusively to denote the transmitters of poetry; the transmitter of lJ,adfth was named 'iilim. 72 A significant tradition reported on the authority of the Prophet says that the Prophet named the people of lJ,adfth "Caliphs," successors of the Prophet. "They transmit my I],adfths and my sunna and teach them to the people," the Prophet said.73 Knowledge of lJ,adfth endowed the scholar a high position in society. The lJ,adfth scholar al-A'mash explained his success in society in unequivocal terms: "Were it not for the [knowledge]of Qur'an and lJ,adfth, I would have been a greengrocer in Kufa, selling onions.,,74 Reading the traditions of the Prophet was considered a kind of worship. According to one tradition the reader of lJ,adfth will be granted forgiveness of sins as if he were a reader of the Qur'an.75 A gifted and able scholar who memorised 100,000 lJ,adfths, including their isniids, gained the honorific title al-I],iifi~. 76 According to the Prophet, he who trans70See al-ShiblI, Mal}asinu I-wasa'il fi ma'riJati I-awa'il, ed. Muhammad al-Tunjf (Beirut, 1412/1992), 330-31: ... awwalu man Jattasha 'an amri l·mul}addithrn wajanaba 1-tf,u'aJa'a wa-I-matrtlkfn shu'batu bnu I-I}ajjaj .... Some scholars traced back the history of testing the reliability of the transmitters to the Prophet himself; see ibid., 330 inf. 71Ibn 'Adr, al-Kamil, muqaddima, 195. And see the different versions of this interpretation in al-Khatlb al-Baghdadt's SharaJ a~l}ab al-I}adlth, 26-27, nos. 46-51. Cf. al-Qagl 'Iyad, al-Ilma', 26. 72 Al-Ramhurmuzt, al-Mul}addith al-Ja~il, 180, no. 34. 73 Al-Ramhurrnuzt, al-Mul}addith al-Ja~il, 163, no. 2; al-Khatfb al-Baghdadt, SharaJ a~l}abi I-I}adrth, 30-32, nos. 58-59; al-Zurqant, Sharl) al-mawahib al-Iadunniyya (Cairo, 1328), V, 304; al-QagI 'Iyag al- Yahsubt, aI-lIma', 17. Nizam al Mulk, Abu 'AlI l-Hasan b. 'All, Juz' fihi majlisani min amalr l-~al}ib, ed. Abu Ishaq al-Huwaynr l-Atharf (Cairo, 1413/1993), 53, no. 22. And see ibid., 41, no. 11: '" sami'tu alshaft'r ratf,iya lliihs: 'anhu yaqiilu: "ldha ra'aytu rajulan min a~l}abi I-I}adfth [a-kaannr ra'aytu rasiila llahi §alla llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam." 74Cf. al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, SharaJ a~l}ab al-I}adfth, 135, no. 320; Ibn 'AdI, alKamil, al-muqaddima, 112. 75Al-Diyarbakrt, Ta'n"khu I-khamfs (Cairo, 1283), I, 219, inf.; it is noteworthy that some distinguished scholars got the honourable title amfru I-mu'minfna fi I-I}adfth;
see ibid. 76 Al-Zurqant,
al-Mawahib
al-Iadunniyya,
V, 304.
Iii taqra'u
l-qur'iina
'alii l-mu~lJ,afiyyfn
141
mits forty traditions concerning the sunna, will stand among a chosen group of scholars and fuqahii' on the Day of the Resurrection. 77 According to some traditions, the reading of lJ,adfth is not inferior to the reading of a Qur'anic sura.78 We can even find a tradition which states, outright, that the words of the Prophet, in matters of faith, are on the same level as revelation.P Another tradition formulated the standing of the lJ,adfth, in relation to the Qur'an, as a revelation granted to the Prophet by God, being, like the Qur'an, the Word of God.8o One tradition says that the reading of a lJ,adfth has a reward superior to voluntary prayer"! and voluntary fasting.82 The transmitters of lJ,adfth should be scrupulous of their ritual purity when communicating traditions. They should act with dignity during transmission and refrain from reporting traditions while walking or standing on a road.83 Malik b. Anas and Layth b. Sa'd never touched books of lJ,adfth except after attending to their ritual purity. 84 The initiation of a young scholar in order to join the circle of lJ,adfth was a serious event. The mother of Malik b. Anas dressed him in especially nice clothes before sending him off to attend his first lJ,adfth lecture.f" The atmosphere of lJ,adfth lectures was solemn and' serious. The lecture was sometimes accompanied by marks of awe such as sweating and trembling on the part of the transmitter. Being emotionally affected, the transmitter of lJ,adfth was often unable to quote the exact words of a tradition, and could only state that the wording is similar, but not
al-QaQi 'Iyad , ol-Itmn'; 12-13. Al-Khatlb al-Baghdadt, Sharaf a~l}abi I-I}adath, 83, no. 180; al-Ramhurmuzt, alMul}addith al-fa~il, 178, no. 29. 79 See 'Alr b.Hazm, al-ll}kamfiu~uli I-al}kam, ed. Muhammad Ahmad 'Abd al-'Aziz (Cairo, 1398/1978), I, 135; and see ibid., 136: ... wa-I-dhikru ismun waqi'un 'ala kul/i ma anzala l/ahu 'ala nabiyyihi min qur'anin au min sunnatin wal}yun yubayyinu biha I-qur' ana .... 80 See Jalal al-DIn al-Suyutt, al-lfawali-I-fatawl, ed. Muhammad Muhyt l-Dtn 'Abd al-Harntd (Cairo, 1378/1959), 1,471: ... wa-amma hal yajuzu an yuqala "al-al}adlthu kalamu llahi" fa-na'am, bi-ma'na annaha min 'indi llahi ... ; and see ibid., 472, sup.: ... wa-qala I}assan b. 'atiyya: "kana jibn1 yanzilu 'ala I-nabiyyi, ~al/a llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam, bi-I-sunnati kama yanzilu bi-I-qur' ani. " 81 Al-Khatlb al-Baghdadt, Sharaf, 84-85, nos. 182-85. 82 Al-Khatlb al-Baghdadt, Sharaf, 85-86, nos. 186-88. 83 Al-Zurqanf, SharI} al mawahib, V, 304; and see al-Qa<;li'IYaQ al-Yahsubl, al-Ilmii", 50. 84 AI-QaQI 'IYaQ al- Yahsubr, Tartabu I-madarik wa-taqrfbu I-masalik li-ma'rifati a'iam madhhab malik, ed. Ahmad Bakir Mahmild (Beirut, 1387/1967), I, 161; and see ibid., I, 155: .,. kana miilik: idha jalasa li-I-I}adfth tawarjrja'a wa-jalasa 'ala ~adri firashihi wa-sarral}a lil}yatahu wa-tamakkana fi julusihi bi-waqarin wa-hayba. Thumma baddatn«, fa-qua lahu fi dhalika, [a-qiil«: ul}ibbu an u'a-Hima I}adatha rasuli l/ahi ... ; and see ibid., 179. 85 Al-Ramhurmuzt, al-Mul}addith al-fa~il, 201, no. 80.
78 77 See
142
M.J. Kister
exact. 86 The inability to transmit exactly the traditions was a wellknown phenomenon. It is not surprising, then, that the Prophet is said to have given permission to transmit the meaning of the tradition, even if the transmitter added or omitted some expression. One should only be careful not to prohibit a permissible deed or allow a prohibited deed.87 The high opinion accorded to 1}adfth made it necessary to use special measures in order to eliminate unreliable transmitters, tendentious scholars and even forgers of 1}adfth. The most commonly adopted measure was the isniid, the chain of transmitters. The transmitters, or musnidun, had to be noble, sincere, just and truthful people. During the first period of Islam, before the fitna, transmitters of 1}adfth were not concerned about isniid; people were decent and truthful and did not transmit untrue traditions. In the early period of Islam, the respect for a noble and righteous transmitter was so high that a student of 1}adfth did not dare ask the master from whom he had received the tradition.f" At a later time, people started to inquire about isniids in order to ensure that those suspected of bid' a did not infiltrate into the ranks of mu1}addithUn and did not include innovations in their transmission.P'' Ibn al-Mubarak
86 See 'Abdallah b. al-Mubarak, al-Musnad, 140, nos. 227-28, and see the references of the editor. Cf. the interesting argumentation of Wathila b. al-Asqa' as to the permissibility of the transmission of the tradition bi-I-ma'na, comparing it with the transmission of the Qur'an in al-Tabaranf's Musnad al-shamiyyrn, ed. Hamdt 'Abd al-Majld al-Salafi (Beirut, 1409/1989), II, 368, no. 1510; and see the references of the editor. Al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, I, 111; al-FasawI, al-Ma'rila wa-I-ta'rfkh, I, 817; al-Tabarant, al-Mu'jam al-kabrr (n.p., 1400/1980), IX, 129-33, nos. 8612-27; al-Shasht, al-Musnad, I, 394, II, 194, no. 762; Khaythama b. Sulayman al-Atrabulst, Min I}adrth khaythama ... , ed. 'Umar 'Abd al-Salam al-Tadmurl (Beirut, 1400/1980), 167. See also the tradition related about the Companion of the Prophet, 'Abdallah b. Mas'ad, in al-QaQr 'Iy~ 's ai-lima', 177: Ibn Mas'ud sometimes refrained for a whole year from mentioning the expression qiila rasulu lliihi ~allii lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallama. When he uttered this formula he would tremble and transmit the tradition saying: so or so, or a similar wording, aw hiikadhii aw nal}wahu aw shibhahu; and see the copious references of the editor. 87 AI-NazilI, Malza' al-khalii'iq, 13, ult.: '" qiilu: yii rasula lliihi, innii nasma'u minka I-I}adrtha wa-lii naqdiru 'ala ta'diyatihi. Fa-qala: Iii ba'sa bihi in zidtum au naqostum idhii lam tul}illu I}ariiman wa-Iam tul}ammu I}aliilan wa-a~abtumu I-ma'na. And cf. al-FasawI, al-Ma'rila wa-I-ta'n'kh, II, 19: 'Amr b. DInar used to transmit the prophetic tradition 'alii I-ma'nii, while Ibrahtm b. Maysara used to transmit according to what he heard; this way.of transmission is called 'alii I-Ial:f; and see the references of the editor. 88 See, e.g., al-FasawI, al-Ma'rila wa-I-ta'n'kh, 11,18: qiila qatiida: wa-lliihi in kunnii la-nahiibuhum an nas'alahum mimman sami'ta. 89 See, e.g., al-Ramhurmust, al-Mul}addith al-Ialfil, 208 inf.-209 sup.; Ibn 'AdI, alKiimil, al-muqaddima, 194. There were, however, some reservations as to the measures taken with regard to checking the reliability of those constituting an isnlid: alShafi'l states that the evidence of people with sectarian leanings, ahl al-ahwii', may be accepted; but the evidence of people of the ShI'I khaHiibiyya should be rejected, because they approve of false evidence, al-shahadatu bi-I-zur, given by their adherents. See Ibn ~alal], al-Muqaddima, 228-29; but see ibid., the contradictory opinions
Iii taqra'ii.
l-qur'iina
'alii l-m1.l.lj1J.aJiyyfn
143
stated that were it not for isniid, anyone could say what he wanted.P? The 1].adfth should not deal with injunctions touching upon Islamic law. God, therefore, prevented the mu1].addithii.n from finding a report based with an isniid on the authority of the Prophet or his Companions concerning such mattera.P! AI-Zuhri used severe language to reprimand the mu1].addith Ibn Abi Farwa, who reported traditions without isniids.92 The increase in the number of isniids, and in particular artificial and forged isniids which were made to show the veracity or reliability of a 1].adfth, undermined people's confidence in the voluminous collections of 1].adfth. Y~ya (b. Ma'in -k) is said to have invoked against the scholars who quoted complicated traditions with elaborate isniids: "May God punish these people who take care of the isniid traditions because they have made the people lie.,,93 The political struggles within the Muslim community, which began a short time after the death of the Prophet, the clashes between the different ideological factions like the Shi'a and the Khawari], the rise of the madhiihib, the struggle between the mawiilf, and the Arab population all these factors brought about the development of a rich 1J.adfth literature in the very early period of Islam. The events which took place during the life of the Prophet, and in the stormy period after his death, were duly recorded in the books of the sfra, the maghiizf, the ridda and the books of ta'n"kh. These books were usually arranged in the form of 1].adfth collections and the different reports were usually furnished with
of other scholars who refuse the evidence of a bad innovator, a mubtadi'. And cf. 'Abdallah b. AbI Zayd al-QayrawH.nI, Kiiiibu I-jiimi', ed. Muhammad Abii l-Ajtan and 'Uthrnan Bi~~Ikh (Beirut-Tunis, 1402/1982), 147: qiila ma'n b. 'rsii: sami'tu miilikan yaqiilu: Iii yu'khadhu I-'ilmu 'an arba'atin wa-yu'khadhu 'amman siwiihum: Iii yu'khadhu min mubtadi'in yad'u ilii bid'atihi, wa-lii 'an sajfhin mu'linin bi-Isa/ahi, wa-lii 'an man yakdhibu If al}iidrthi I-niisi wa-in kiina yafduqu If al}iidrthi I·nabiyyi fallii lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallam wa-lii 'an man Iii ya'ri/u hiidhii I-sha'n; and see another version of the utterance of Malik, provided by the editors, ibid. 90 Al-RAmhurmuzI, al-Mul}addith al-/iil/il, 209, no. 96. Ibn al-Mubarak is even more outspoken: The isniid is a part of faith, al-isniid mina I-drn; were it not for the isniid anyone could say whatever he wanted; see Ibn 'AdI, al-Kiimil, al-muqaddima, 194-95; and see Ibn al-!;;allil}.,Muqaddimatu bni I-I/aliil} wa-mal}iisinu I-il!tiliil}, ed. 'A'isha 'Abd al-Rehman, (=Bint al-Shli~i') {Cairo, 1396/1976),378. 91 Ibn 'AdI, al-Kiimil, muqaddima, 195: wa-qiila ghayruhu: (in the text: ghayr -k) abii lliihu. an yaj'ala sunnatan au shanrlrejected was the permission to pray anywhere on Earth; every place on Earth would be considered a masjid, a place of prayer and prostration.P"
See al-Tabart, Ta/sfr=Jami'u I-bayiin 'an ta'wl/i ayi I-qur'iin, XIII, 123-25, nos. 15132-33; cf. the sentence: .,. wa-kana man qablahum yaqro'una kitabahum na"aron, ~atta idha ro/a'uha lam yaMa"u shay'an wa-Iam ya'rifUhu ... ; and see ibid., 123, no. 15131: the wrath of Moses was caused by the fact that he found in the Tablets the virtues of another people, not of Bann Isra'Il. Al-Mawardt, Ta/sfr=al-Nukat wa-I.'uyun, ed. Khadir Muhammad Khadir (Kuwayt, 1402/1982), II, 62. Ibn Kathtr, Ta/sfru I-qur'ani I-'a"fm (Beirut, 1385/1966), III, 225-26. Idem, Shamii'ilu I-rosul, ed. MUI1~afa.Abd al-Wahid (Cairo, 1386/1967), ' 114-15. AI-Suyu~I, al-Durr al-manthUr (Cairo, 1314), III, 129. Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rikh dimashq, tahdhrb, ed. 'Abd al-Qli.dir Badran (Beirut, 1399/1979), V, 264-65. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Bada'i' al-/awa'id (Beirut, n.d.), repr., IV, 78. cr. Ibn Qayyirn al-Jauziyya, Hidayat al-~ayara /f ajwibati l-yahUd wa-I-na~ara (Beirut, n.d.), 127-28. AI-MajlisI, Bi~ar al-anwar, LVII, 317-18. See a fragment of the Munajat musa, recorded by Ma'mar on the authority of alZuhrI: Abil Nu'aym, lfilyat al-auliyii', III, 375--76 and see the note of Abil Nu'aym: hadha ~adrthun ghano min ~adfthi I-zuhriyyi, lam naktubhu ilia min 1}adrthi roba1}i bni ma'mar, wa-robah wa-man /auqahu 'udulun, wa-I-jababiri /f 1}adrthihi Ifnun wa·nakarotun; cf. this version on the authority of al-Zuhrf in Ibn AbI 'Al!im alShaybant, Kitabu I-sunna, ed. Muhammad N~ir al-Dtn al-Alban! (Beirut, 1400/ 1980), I, 305-306, and see the notes of the editor. And see the 1}adrth quoted from the Sunna of Ibn AbI 'A~im in al-Dhahabt's Mfzan al-i'tidal, II, 159--160, no. 3280, s.v., Sa'Id b. Musa al-Azdt. 146 Al-Husayn b. Mas'nd al-Baghawt, ai-Anwar /f shama'ili I-nabiyyi I-mukhtiir, ed. Ibrahtm al-Ya'qnbr (Beirut, 1409/1989), I, 8-9, nos. 7-9, and see the copious references of the editor. Al-Suyu~I, al-Khafa'i~ al·kubra, ed. Muhammad Khaltl Harras (Cairo, 1386/1967), III, 154, 186. Ibn Babnyah al-QummI, al-Khi~al, ed. 'All Akbar al-Ohaffarr, (Tehran, 1389), I, 201, no. 14. Ibn Khuzayma al-Naysabnrt, $a1}r1}, ed. Muhammad MUI!~afa.al-A'aamt (Beirut, 1391/1971), II, 6-7, nos. 788-91. AIMunawt, Fay~u I-qadlr (Beirut, 1391/1972), IV, 438-39, nos. 5880-83: (a) fu~~iltu 'ala I-anbiya' bi-sittin ... (b) fu~~iltu 'alii I-anbiyii' bi-khamsin ... (c) fu~~iltu biarba'in ... (d) fu~~iltu bi-arba'in bi-arba'fna. Idem, I, 566-68, no. 1174: ... u'tftu khamsan lam yu'tahunna a~adun wa-ju'ilat II al-ar~u masjidan wa-tahuron, [aayyuma rojulin min ummatf adrokathu I-faliitu /a-I-yufalli ... j and see the comments of al-Munawt: '" masjidan, ma1}alla sujudin wa-Iau bi-ghayri masjidin wuqi/a li·lfalati, /a-lii yakhtaHu bi-ma1}allin, bi-khilafi I-umami I-sabiqati, /a·inna I-falata la ta~iMu minhum iIIii /f mawii~i'a makhfu~atin, min na1}wi bay'atin au kanlsatin, /aubr1}at al-~alatu lana bi-ayyi ma1}allin kana .... Najm al-Dtn 'Umar b. Muhammad al-Nasaft, al-Qand /f dhikri 'ulama'i samarqand, ed. Muhammad al-FariyabI, alMarba' (Su'udiyya, 1412/1991), 368, no. 667: ... ju'ilat II al-ar~u masjidan ... And seeal-Suyntr, Jam'u I-jawami', I, 392, II, 522. Cf. Muwaifaq al-Dln Ibn Qudllma al-Maqdist, Dhammu I-muwaswisln, ed. Abu l-Ashbal aI-ZuhayrI Hasan b. Amtn Al Manduh (Cairo, Jlza, 1407), 33: ... wa-qala 'alayhi I-faliitu wa-I-salam: ju'ilat II al-ar~u kulluha masjidan wa-tahuron /a-~ay1}tuma adrokatka I-falatu /a-~al/i. Muhammad b. Ibrahtm b. aI-Mundhir al-Naysaburt, al-Ausat, ed. Abu Hammad Saghtr Ahmad b. Muhammad Hantf (Riya.Q., 1405/1985), II, 11-12, nos. 505-507. See no. 505:fu~~ilnii 'ala I-nasi bi-thaliithin: ju'ilati I-ar~u kulluha lana masjidan wa-ju'ilat turbatuhii lanii tahuron ... and see no. 507: ... wa-ju'ilat If kullu ar~in tayyibatin masjidan wa-tahflronj and see the note of the author: "qiila abu bakrin: wa-/f hadha I-~adrthi dall/un 'ala anna lIadhr yajuzu an yutayammama bihi mina I-ar~i al-tayyibu duna mii huwa minha najisun."
lii taqra'u l-qur'iina
'alii l-mu§lJaJiyyzn
155
The idea that the "whole earth is a place of prayer and prostration," a masjid, for the believer seems to have survived in the Muslim community. It remained similar to the concept of pure faith, free from dependence on sumptuous mosque buildings, erected by kings and rich donors.lf? The idea that a mosque should be a modest building, not put up for profit or for parading luxury, or in order to vie with sanctuaries of other religions, was expressed in a seminar in Cairo in 1989, following the presentation of the Aga Khan Awards for Architecture. A famous builder and architect, Abdel Wahed al-Wakil was accused of trying to transplant Western and Judaeo-Christian ideas about "sacred art" into Islam. The point made by his critic, the Moroccan Professor Mahdi al-Mandjara, as summarized by Neal Ascherson.P" was that Islamic architecture was not sacred: the mosque was just a place of praying and teaching. "Islam came to desacralise the material world and to make the immaterial sacred instead." Further, he stated that "politics and reactionary movements were behind the attempt to give the mosque a significance it should not have." The discussion in this seminar is instructive for seeing how the idea that the "whole earth is a masjid," a place of prayer and prostration for the Muslim believer, has lived on to the present day. The end of the first century of Islam was a period of profound change in the transmission of lJadfth. The Umayyad rulers did their best in order to gather around them scholars of lJadfth who would support their ideas concerning authority and government control, basing themselves on traditions attributed to the Prophet, whether authentic or forged. The rulers did not refrain from using various stratagems in order to have the lJadzths of the Companions of the Prophet recorded.P'' Those who
The I}adfth mentioned above in the version: u'tftu khamsan lam yu'tahunna al}adun qablr. .. , recorded by Ibn l,Iazm, is preceded by a note of the author, who writes: ''we are not permitted to follow a religious law, sharra, which existed before the Prophet." Ibn Hasm argues that the prophets preceding Muhammad were sent to their peoples and their prescriptions of the religious law, the ahara' i', were incumbent merely on the peoples to whom tliey were sent. See Ibn Hazm, al-Mul}alla, ed. Ahmad Muhammad Shakir (Cairo, n.d.), I, 65, no. 102. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Hidayatu 1-l}ayara If ajwibati l-yahUd wa·l-na~ara (Beirut, n.d.) 77, ll. 2-3, 84. Al-Suyutl, al-Durr al-manthur, III, 125, ll. 4-5. l47See M.J. Kister, " 'A Booth Like the Booth of Moses': A Study of an Early Hadlth," BSOAS 25(1962): 150-55; repro "Variorum," Studies in Jahiliyya and Early Islam (London, 1980), no. VIII. 148"Islamic Visions, Ancient and Modern," Observer, Sunday, 22 October 1989. 149Cf. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jami' bayan al-'ilm, I, 63: When Zayd b. Thabit visited the court of Mu'lI.wiya, he was asked about a tradition of the Prophet; Mu'awiya ordered a man of his court to write down his reply. Zayd b. Thabit reminded Mu'awiya of the Prophet's prohibition to write down his utterances and Mu'awiya ordered the tradition be erased. Al-Dhahabt, Siyar a'lami l-nubala', II, 431: Marwli.n ordered a scribe to sit behind a curtain and write down clandestinely the traditions transmitted by Abu Hurayra,
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Kister
kept company with governors were sharply condemned by pious scholars of lJ,adfth, who stated that a scholar of lJ,adfth loses part of his faith when he enters the court of a ruler. There was only one exception: the rule of the pious 'Umar b.'Abd al-'Azlz; the orthodox scholars of lJ,adfth gladly cooperated with the righteous Caliph. AI-ZuhrI says, probably with some satisfaction, that 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Azlz ordered to write down the sun an of the Prophet; he and others wrote them down, [akatabniihii, and the written documents, the daJiitir, were dispatched to the provinces, each province getting a da/tar.150 At the same time, the Abbasids developed their claims for the caliphate.P! It was natural that new elements from among the population were called to take part in the discussion concerning the rights of the different candidates for the rule and control of the Muslim Empire. There were some changes in the way the reliability of different groups of people was evaluated. Orthodox scholars warned that one should be cautious concerning the traditions of poor mulJ,addithii.n. Shu'ba was the scholar who expressed this in plain words: "Do not record the traditions reported by the poor, because they lie to you." A note attached to the utterance mentions that Shu'ba himself was at that time poorer than a dog.152 It is noteworthy that the critical attitude towards the Bedouins changed entirely. In contrast to the former assertions as to the bad character of the Bedouins, Shu'ba states that the Bedouins do not lie in questions of lJ,adfth.153 The Prophet predicted that there would be violent civil wars after his death; the best people in these wars would be the Muslims of the desert, muslimu ahli l-bawiidf, who had no blood on their hands and did not touch forbidden property. 1M It is evident that an essential change took place in the opinions of the scholars of lJ,adfth towards the Bedouins. They are the righteous people, untainted by spilled blood or wealth. They, of course,
Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rikh dimashq, tahdhib, VI, 59 inf.: Marwan ordered one of his mawalr, Slilim b. al-Zu'ayzi'a, to write down the utterances of the Prophet transmitted by Abu Hurayra, who was seated behind the throne of Marwan; Slilim carried out the order of Marwan, After a year, Marwan invited Abu Hurayra to his court and asked him about the traditions which he transmitted a year ago; he repeated them exactly. Marwan attempted to test him and sent him a hundred dInars. Later, he sent him a messenger and asked Abu Hurayra to give the hundred dInars back, claiming that he had intended to send them to another person. Abu Hurayra apologized, saying that he had already spent the money, but asked to detract the sum from his payment of 'ata'. 150 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jami' bayan, I, 76. 151 See, e.g., 'All Khan al-MadanI al-Shlrli.zI, al-Darajatu I-ra/i'a, 132-39. 152 Ibn 'AdI, al-Kamil, al-muqaddima, 247j Abu Nu'aym, Iftlyatu I·auliya', VII, 147, mentions that he was sustained by his nephew and his son in law. 153 See Ibn 'AdI, al-Kamil, al-muqaddima, 250. 154 Al-Tabaranr, Musnad al-shamiyyrn, II, 394, no. 1562: sa-yakunu ba'dr fitanun shidadun, khayru I-nasi fiha muslimu ahli I-bawadr lladhfna la yatanaddauna min dima'i I-nasi wa-amwalihim shay'an.
Iii taqra'u l-qur'iina 'alii l-mu§~afiyyfn
157
need to obtain the required knowledge of l}adfth. It is not surprising that al-ZuhrI is said to have gone many times to visit the dwellings of the Bedouins to teach them ~adfth.155 The strong injunction against teaching knowledge of Muslim law to ruffians and people of the lowest classes, formulated in the saying of Makhul: "tafaqquhu l-ra'ii'i fasiidu l-dfn wa-tafaqquhu l-siflati fasiidu l-dunYii," 156 totally lost its importance. The new trend found its expression in the well known saying of alZuhrI: qad akrahanii hii'ulii'i l-umarii' .... This saying was given several contradictory interpretations.P? It may, however, be remarked that an expression resembling to some extent that of al-Zuhri, can be traced to an earlier authority. In a story reported by Shahr b. l,Iaushab158 about his journey to Syria at the time of Yazld b. Mu'awiya, he mentioned that he met Nauf (obviously al-Bikalt) and 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. al-'AS. When Nauf noticed 'Abdallah b.'Amr b. al-'AS, he cut short the transmission of a l}adfth in which he was engaged. 'Abdallah encouraged him to continue, but Nauf refused, saying 'Abdallah was a Companion of the Prophet and it was more appropriate that he should transmit traditions. 'Abdallah said that: "These umarii' prevented us from transmitting ~adfth," inna hii'ulii'i qad mana'unii 'ani l-~adfth-ya'nf l-umarii', When Nauf beseeched him, he agreed to tell those present a l}adfth about the apocalyptic events preceding the advent of the Dajjiil.159 We have here a phrase reminiscent of al-ZuhrI's expression. The difference in time between the two phrases is interesting: 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. al-'AI? died ca. 70 H. Muhammad b. Muslim al-ZuhrI died in 124 H. 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. al-'AI? was prevented from transmitting traditions, al-ZuhrI had an aversion to writing them down, but was compelled to do it. In both cases we have an interference on the part of the Umayyad umarii'. The formulation of al-Zuhrf's statement deserves notice: kunnii nakrahu kitiiba l-'ilmi ~attii akrahanii 'alayhi hii'ulii'i 1umarii'u, fa-ra'aynii an Iii namna'ahu al}adan min a I-muslimfna.16o The logical construction of the statement of al-Zuhri is incoherent: the fact
KathTr, al-Bidaya wa-l-nihiiya (Beirut-Riyad, 1966), IX, 345. 'Abd al-Barr, Jami' bayan al-'ilm, I, 160 inf.; al-Tartusht, al-Ifawadith wal-bida', 72. 157 See T. Ivanyi, On the Linguistic Methods of I. Goldziher, Jubilee Volume 0/ the Oriental Collection: 1951-1976 (Budapest, 1978), 109-110. Sezgin's attempt in GAS I, 74 and 281, to correct Goldziher's reading and translation is far fetched. I would like to thank Dr. Miklos Muranyi for drawing my attention to this article and providing me with an offprint. 158 See on him Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'n"kh·tahdMb, VI, 345-46; Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanT, TahdMbu l-tahdMb, IV, 369-72, no. 625. 159 'Abd al-Raazaq, al-Mul/anna/, XI, 377, no. 20790. Al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, (Hyderabad, reprint al-Riyaq, n.d.}, IV, 486-87. 160 Abu Bakr al-BayhaqT, al-Madkhal ila l-sunani l-kubra, 409, no. 739.
156 Ibn 155 Ibn
158
M.J. Kister
that the umarii' compelled him to write down the 1J,adfth does not imply that he had to dictate the 1J,adfth to others.161 It would be too simple to suppose that al-Zuhri was angry at the fact that he had to gather traditions for the Caliph. He used to visit the court of the Caliph and received marks of respect and attention at the court. He was highly esteemed as a colleague and the mere mention of a scholar by him was considered a recommendation of that scholar to the Caliph.162 The large number of traditions left by al-ZuhrI after his death and found in his home and the numerous traditions of al-Zuhri found in the library of Malik b. Anas,163bear evidence to the fact that al-Zuhrl wrote down 1J,adfth, and not in negligible numbers. The great number of students that he had, and the books of 1J,adfth to which he often granted his consent, even without reading the text, imply that alZuhrI did not refrain from writing and dictating 1J,adlth. The construction of the sentence: ... akrahana 'alayhi hii'ulii'i I-umarii'u, fa-ra'aynii an Iii namna'ahu al)adan mina I-muslimln ... , "We had an aversion to the recording of knowledge, i.e., the I)adlth, until these amlrs compelled us to it, and we then considered it right not to prevent anyone of the Muslims to write down I)adlth" - is rather vague. It is not absolutely clear what the phrase "fa-ra' aynii ... " implies. A rare case of this kind is probably the following I)adlth of the Prophet: "kuntu nahaytukum 'an ziyiirati
l-qubur, fa-zuril l-qubiira, fa-innahii tuzahhidu
fi
I-dunyii wa-tudhakkiru
161 See al-Khattb al-Baghdadt, Taqyidu I-'ilm, 107; and see the copious references of the editor. And see Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jami' bayan, I, 77:... istaktabani l-mulUku fa-aktabtuhum, fa-stal}yaytu llaha idh katabahii l-mulUku alia uktibahii li-ghayrihim. And see ibid., I, 76:... kunna nakrahu kitaba I-'ilmi I}atta akrahana 'alayhi hii'ula'i I-umara'u, fa-ra'ayna an la namna'ahu al}adan mina I·muslimina. And see this version: 'Abd al-Razzliq, al-Muflannaf, XI, 258, no. 20486. A similar version is recorded in Abu Nu'aym's lfilyatu I-auliya', III, 363: kunna nakrahu I-katb I}attii akrahana 'alayhi I-sul~iin, fa-karihnii an namna'ahu I-nasa. And ibid., 363: Abu l-Mulayh: kunna Iii na~ma'u an naktuba 'inda I-zuhri I}atta akraha hishamun alzuhriyya [a-kataba li-banihi, fa-kataba I-nasu I-I}adith. Another tradition, ibid., 361, says that Hishim sent al-ZuhrI two scribes who wrote down traditions dictated by him for his son during the course of a year. 162 See Ibn KathIr, al-Bidiiya, IX, 345, inf.: AI-ZuhrI was asked at the court about Sa'Id b. al-Musayyab and gave a favourable opinion about him; when ZuhrI came to Medina and greeted Ibn Musayyab, he did not reply. When asked about his uncouth behaviour he answered: "You mentioned me to the Bann Marwin." The reaction of Ibn al-Musayyab indicates that al-ZuhrI was highly esteemed at the court of the Caliph and that the pious Ibn al-Musayyab was vexed about it, fearing that he might be invited to the court. See the comprehensive article of M. Lecker on the political and cultural activities of al-ZuhrI, in his "Biographical Notes on Ibn Shihab al-Zuhrl," Sixth International Colloquium: From Jiihiliyya to Islam (Jerusalem, 1993). 163 See Abu Nu'aym, lfilyatu I-auliya', III, 361 and al-QiQI 'IyiQ, Tartibu I·madiirik wa-taqnou I-masiilik li-ma'rifati a'liim madhhab malik, ed. Ahmad Bakrr Mahmild (Beirut, 1387/1967), I, 149. And see Ibn Sa'd, al-Tabaqatu I·kubrii, al-qismu 1mutammim, ed. Ziyad Muhammad Mansur (al-MadIna al-munawwara, 1408/1987), 170; and see the copious references of the editor.
Iii taqra'u l-qur'iina l_iikhira.164
'alii l-mu~l}afiyyfn
159
The fa in fa-zurU denotes a reversal of the prohibition to visit graves into a positive injunction to visit them. In our case, the order to write l}adfth, which the speaker deplores, is followed by the fa of fa-ra' aynii, which may be explained: "and as a result of the ruler's command and of the fact that we were compelled to write l}adfth, we came to the conclusion that we shall not prevent any Muslim from writing of the 1],adfth." The only assumption which may be put forward is that the 1],adfths which ZuhrI was bidden to write down for the sons of the Caliph were of an official character. They may have touched upon events which affected peoples' opinions, such as those connected with the role of some Qurashi enemies of the Prophet who later embraced Islam and became virtuous believers.P" Other 1],adfths which may fall into this category are those that contain unknown injunctions of the Prophet concerning the women and children of enemies put to death,166 or the Prophet's injunction against killing hypocrites who pray and utter the shahiida, 167 or the behaviour of tax collectors in cases of attempted bribery,168 or the rules of jizya levied from the Zoroastrians.P? These kinds of traditions seem to be the reason why al-Zuhrf was vexed and decided to change his manner of transmission, permitting every Muslim to write down l}adfth. A puzzling case of such a tradition is recorded in Ibn Hazm's alI1J,kiim If u~uli l-al}kiim.170 AI-ZuhrI records a document of the Prophet concerning the ~adaqa. It begins with the phrase: "hiidhihi nuskhatu kitiibi rasuli lliihi M lladhf kataba If l-sadaqa" The document was in the possession of the family of 'Umar b. al-Khattab. AI-ZuhrI provides additional details: The document was read to him by Salim b. 'Abdallah b. 'Umar and he learnt it by heart. This document was copied by 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'AzIz from the text of 'Abdallah b. 'Abdallah b. 'Umar and Salim b. 'Abdallah b. 'Umar when he was the amir of Medina; he then ordered his officials to act according to this document. The later Caliphs continued to order the implementation of the document until Hisham b. Muhammad b. HanI ordered to copy the document and to send it to all of his governors and ordered them to act according to the document.F! Ibn Hazm criticizes sharply the fact that this document was granted legal authority. The document is, in fact, a sheet, ~al}f/a, not provided with proper isniids. Besides, only eighty years after the death of the
164Al-Munawt, Fa1l4U l-qadrr (Cairo, 1391/1972), V, 55, no. 6430. 165See, e.g., the story of !;lafwll.n Umayya and his wife, the daughter of aI-Waiid b. b. al-Mughtra, and their conversion to Islam: Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Tajrfdu l-tamhrd, 152-53, nos. 482-83, and see ibid., 152, no. 478. 166See, e.g., Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Tajrfdu l-tamhrd, 147, no. 468. 1611bn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Tajrfd, 144, no. 458. 168Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Tajrfd, 138-39, no. 438. 169See, e.g., Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Tajrfdu l-tamhrd, 154, no. 487. 1101,289-90 111This is probably a mistake; read: until Hisham ordered Muhammad b. HlI.nI....
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Prophet did people begin to act according to this ~alJ,ffa. The governors of 'Uthman followed another document. The governors of 'All, of Ibn al-Zubayr and Abu Bakr as well did not act according to this document. The Medinan family of Hazm, al hazm, was in the possession of another ~alJ,ffa. Thus, one wonders what caused the practice of the iniquitous Waltd and the caliphs who succeeded him, whose practices are not to be taken into consideration, mimman la yu'taddu bihi, (except 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'AzIz), to be regarded as preferable to the practice of Ibn al-Zubayr, of 'All, of 'Uthman and of AbU Bakr al-Siddlq, This difference of opinions must be resolved according to the injunctions of the Qur'an and the practice of the Prophet as proved by traditions with sound asanfd.172 The criticism of Ibn Hazm is an example of strict, unbiased and uncompromising evaluation of a legal practice according to the validity of recorded traditions. The transition into a new period of lJ,adfth transmission is highlighted by a statement of Malik b. Anas, the student and friend of al-Zuhrl. "If knowledge is barred from common people because of the chosen group, the kha~~a, the chosen group will not get any good from it, lam tantafi' bihi l-kha~~a," said Malik.l73 The idea that lJ,adfth should be spread and transmitted even by men who know less than those to whom the traditions are transmitted gained wide expression in books of lJ,adfth, compendia of ta~awwuf, collections of adab and books of ta'n"kh. A tradition of this kind which was in wide circulation in the second part of the second century is: naq.q.aralla;hu imra'an.174
172 Ibn Hazrn, al-Il}kam If u~uli I·al}kam, I, 289-93; see also the discussion concerning the legality of the practices of the governors in the different provinces of the Muslim Empire. And see, e.g., the information about the various documents concerning the ~adaqa in al-Haklm's al-Mustadrak, I, 390-97. 173 AI-Qii.Q.I 'IYaQ, Tartrbu I-madarik, I, 160: Ja·qala malik: inna I-'ilma idha muni'a mina I·'iimmati li-ajli I-khii~~ati lam tantafi' bihi I-khiiffatu. And see ibid., 188: ittaqu lliiha If hiidhii I·'ilmi wa-lii tanzilu bihi dara magi"atin wa-baththiihu wa-Ia taktumiihu. And see 189: ittaqii llaha wa-nshurU hadha I-'ilma wa·'allimiihu wa-/{i taktumiihu. 174 See Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasirn b. Sallam, al-Khutab wa-I-mawa'i~, ed. Ramadan 'Abd al-Tawwab (Cairo, 1406/1986), no. 140,205-207: (the first part of the combined tradition), ... Zayd b. Thabit-the Prophet: ... nar!-gara llahu imra'an sami'a minna I}adfthan Ja-I}amalahu I}atta yuballighahu ghayrahu, Ja-rubba I}amili fiqhin li-aJqaha minhu, wa-rubba I}amili fiqhin laysa bi-Jaqrhin. "... may God illuminate the man who heard from us a I}adrth and carried it until he forwarded it to another person, because it often happens that a man carries knowledge of the law to a man who is more familiar with the law than himself, and it often happens that a man who carries knowledge of the law is himself not a man of the law, laysa bi·Jaqrhin"; and see the references of the editor. Other versions of this tradition: Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jami' bayan al-'ilm, I, 38-43; II, 27. Ibn Taymiyya, al-Jawab al-I/al}rl} Ii-man baddala dina l-masi1.l, ed. 'All alSayyid Subh al-MadanI (Cairo, 1381/1962), III, 132; and see the arguments of Ibn Taymiyya concerning the understanding of the transmitter of the tradition. And see
lii taqra'ij l-qur'iina 'alii l-mu~l],afiyy'n
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Ibn Taymiyya, al-lfasanatu wa-l-sayyi'atu, ed. Hanan bint 'AIIb. f.Iafi~(Cairo, 1408/ 1988), 65; and see the references of the editor. AI-Qaq.I'Iyad al-Yahsubl, al-Ilmii", 13, 15, li-yuballigha l-shahidu l-gha'iba [a-inna I-shahida 'asa an yuballigha man huwa aw'a lahu minhu; and see the references ofthe editor Ahmad Saqr. Al-Munawt, Faytju l-qadir, IV, 29, no. 4443: ... ml,lima llahu imm'an sami'a minna l,Iadfthan fa-wa'ahu, thumma ballaghahu man huwa auw'a minhu; see the explication of al-Munawt, Al-Khattb al-Baghdadr, al-Faqfh wa-lmutafaqqih, ed. Isma'tl al-Ansarr (Beirut, 1400/1980), II, 71. Ibn al-'Arabi, Al,lkamu I-qur'an, ed. 'All Muhammad al-Bijawt (Cairo, 1387/1967), I, 49-50; and see the discussion concerning the duty of forwarding the l,Iadfth to another person. Ibn Kathir, 1'u/.lfatu l-talib bi-ma'rifati al,ladfthi mukhta~ari bni l,Iajib, ed. 'Abd al-Ghani b. Humayd b. Mahmnd al-Kubaysi (Makka al-mukarrama, 1406), 212-13, no. 102; and see the references of the editor and his evaluation of the l,Iadlth. Al-Tabarant, al-Mu'jam al-kablr, ed. Hamdr 'Abd al-Majtd al-Silaff (n.p., n.d.), XVII, 49, no. 106. And see the version in Abii Talib al-Makki's Qutu l·qulUb, II, 16 and his notes. AlMuttaqi l-Hindl, Kanzu l-'ummal (Hyderabad, 1382/1962), X, 127-28, nos. 1082-85, 131-32, nos. 1112-20, 154, no. 1394. Al-Shafi'I, al-Risala (Cairo, n.d.), 126. AlTa~awi, Mushkilu l-athiir (Hyderabad, 1333), II, 231 inf.-233; the word jiqh rendered by fahm. Al-Qastallant, Sharl,l al-mawahib al-Iadunniyya (Cairo, 1328), V, 304 inf. Khalifa b. Khayyat, Musnad, ed. Akram Qiya' al-'Umari (al-Madina al-munawwara, 1405/1985), 47-48, no. 46; and see the references of the editor, Abii Bakr Ahmad b. al-Husayn al-Bayhaql, al-Arba'una al-~ughra, ed. Abii Ishaq al-Huwaynr al-Athari (Beirut, 1408/1988), 11-18, no. 1; and see the copious references of the editor. AlRamhurmuzt, al·Mul,laddithu l-fa~il, 164-69, nos. 3-11; and see the notes and references of the editor. AI-Kha~Ib al-Baghdadt, Shamfu I-l,Iadlth, 17-19, no. 24-26. AI-Wa.qidi, al-Maghazf, ed. MarsdenJones (Oxford, 1966), 111,1103. Ibn Babtiyah al-Qummi, al-Khi~al, ed. 'Ali Akbar al-GhafIarI (Tehran, 1389), I, 149, no. 182. Abii Yiisuf, Kitabu l-kharaj (Cairo, 1382), 9 inf.-p. 10 sup. Malik b. Anas, Risalatu I-imam malik /f l-sunan wa-I-mawa'i~ wa-I-adab, ed. 'Abdallah Ahmad Abii Zaynab (Cairo, 1403/1983), 24. AI-Haytham b. Kulayb al-Shasht, Musnad, ed. Ma~fii~ al-Rahrnan Zaynullah (al-Madtna al-munawwara, 1410), I, 314-16, nos. 275-78; al-MundhirI, alTarghlb wa-I-tarhlb, ed. Muhammad Muhyi l-DIn 'Abd al-Hamtd (Cairo, 1379/1960), 1,85-86, nos. 150-53; Abu 'Abdallah al-Surt, Jus'; MS Leiden Or. 2465, fol. 2a, sup.; al-Snrt, al-Fawa'id al-muntaqat 'ani I-shuyukhi l-kujiyyfn, ed. 'Umar 'Abd al-Salarn TadmurI (Beirut, 1407/1987), 39, no. 2, and see references; al-Hakim, al-Mustadmk (Riyad, n.d.), repr. of the Hyderabad edition, I, 77; Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'nkh dimashq al-kablr, ed. 'Abd al-Qadir Badran (Beirut, 1399/1979), III, 264; al-Nasillt, Maf~a' al-khala'iq manba' al·l,laqa'iq (Cairo, 1293), 13; al-Suyutr, Jam'u l-jawami' (Cairo, 1978), I, 853, II, 513; 'Abd al-Hakam al-Ishbili, al-Al,lkam al-kubrii, MS Br. Mus. Add. 27, 253, fol. 5b; al-HaytamI, al-Zawajir 'an iqtiraji l-kaba'ir (Cairo, 1390/1970), I, 97; al-Shafi't, al-Risala (Cairo, al-Maktaba al-tijariyya, n.d.), 106; al-Shiblt, Mal,lasin al-wasa'il ila ma'rifati I-awa'il, ed. Muhammad al-Tiinji (Beirut, 1412/1992), 37, penult.; al-Suhrawardt, 'Awarif al-ma'arif (Beirut, 1966), 19; Abii Nu'aym, lfilyatu I-auliya' (Beirut, 1387/1967), IX, 308; al-Subkr, Tabaqat al-shaji'iyya, ed. Mahmud Muhammad al-Tana~i and 'Abd al-Fattah Muhammad al-Hulw (Cairo, 1383/1964), I, 319-21, and see the discussion; al-Kultnt, al-Ka/f, ed. Najm al-Dln al-Amili and 'All Akbar al-Ghaflari (Tehran, 1386), I, 332-33, nos. 1-2; al-Haythamt, Majma' al-zawa'id (Beirut, 1967), I, 137-40; al-Bayhaqr, Ma'rifatu I-sunan wa-I-athar, ed. Ahmad Saqr (Cairo, 1969), I, 43, and see references; Muhammad b. Hibban al-Bustt, Kitab al-majrul,lfn, ed. Mahrnud Ibrahim Zayid (Beirut, n.d.), I, 5, and see note I; al-Majlisr, Bil,laru I-anwar (Tehran, 1384), XXI, 138. Shirawayhi b. Shahridar al-Daylamt, Firdausu I-akhbar, ed. Fawwas Ahmad al-Zimirli and Muhammad alMu'tasim bi-Ilahi al-Baghdadi (al-Ramla al-bayda', 1407/1987), V, 30, no. 7081; and see the references of the editors; 'Ali b. al-Hasan al-Khila't, al-Fawa'id al-muntaqat
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It is evident that this J:&adlthwas well known in the middle of the second century. This is proven by the fact that AbU Yusuf (d. 182 H) and Malik b. Anas (d. 179 H) recorded it in their books. One of transmitters of the 1}adlth, as recorded by AbU Yusuf, is Ibn Shihab al-ZuhrI. This is not surprising. The Banu Isra'Il, as already mentioned, heedlessly and stubbornly refused to accept the grace of God to read the Torah by heart; the Torah would then be read by a man, a woman, a free-man, a slave, a boy or an old man.175 It is startling how the idea that 'ilm may be transmitted by all classes of people was embraced by Muslim scholars. The old idea that 1}adlth should be transmitted only by ashraf was discarded. The new idea extolled the transmission of 1}adlth by every person in Muslim society, young or old, rich or poor, and is very reminiscent of the grace of God, which was to be granted to Banu Isra'tl. A 1}adfth recorded on the authority of Ibn 'Umar says: "The Prophet [I?] said: Write down this knowledge from every rich and poor man, from every young or old man. He who abandons knowledge because the man of knowledge is poor or younger than he, let him take his seat in Hell."176 The traditions quoted above bear witness to the fact that the idea of 1}adlth being transmitted only by the ashraf and that its transmission should be controlled by rigorous scholars and honourable transmitters, was gradually abandoned from the beginning of the second century onwards. The transmission of J:&adfths,edifying stories, stories of prophets and saints, was widely disseminated by the new generations of scholars, among whom the mawall probably formed the majority.
al-~isan, MS Museum al-Aqllli., no. 91, fol. 35b. Muhammad b. Ja'far al-Kattant, Na~m al-mutanathir mina l-~adrth al-mutawatir (Cairo, n.d.), 33-34, no. 3. 175.,. wa-aj'alukum taqro'iina l-taurata 'an ~ahri qulUbikum, yaqro'uha l-rojulu minkum wa-l-mar'atu wa-l-~urru wa-l·'abdu wa·l-~aghfru wa-kabfru. See al-Qur~ubI, Ta/sfr, VII, 297. 176 Al-Samarqandi, Bustan al-'arifin, 6.: '" 'an nafi'in 'an ibn 'umaro rotjiya llahu 'anhum qala, qala rosiilu llahi ~alla llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam: "uktubii hadha l-'ilma min kulli ghaniyyin wa-/aqrrin wa-min kulli ~aghfrin wa-kabrrin. wa-man taroka 1'ilma min aj/i anna ~a~iba l-'ilmi /aqrrun au a~gharu minhu sinnan /a-l-yatabawwa' maq'adahu mina l-nari."
khadija.pdf TIlE SONS OF KHADIJA
M.J. Kister
I The reports about the various events in the life of the Prophet, recorded in the early sources of the sira, hadith, historical works and adab literature, are divergent and even contradictory. The discrepancies in the traditions occasionally relate to prominent incidents in the Prophet's career, which had a bearing upon the relations between the Prophet and the influential families in Mecca, and which shaped, to some extent, the destiny of the Prophet and the fate of the nascent Muslim community. One such case which deserves to be examined and elucidated concerns certain events in the matrimonial life of Khadija. These are brought to light in the reports about the two husbands who preceded the Prophet, and also the children she bore these husbands during the period of the Jahiliyya and in the first years of Islam. Some of the early reports are concise. According to a tradition on the authority of Ibn Ishaq, as transmitted by Yunus b. Bukayr,l Khadija's first husband, whom she married when she was a virgin, was 'Atiq b. 'A'idh b. 'Abdallah b. 'Umar of the Makhzum. She bore him a female child. 'Atiq died and Khadija married AbU Hala b. Zurara al-Nabbashi of the 'Amr b. Tamim She bore him one male and one female child. He died and Khadija, again a widow, married the Prophet He was her third husband, she was his first wife.
1 Ibn Ishaq, al-Siyar wa-i-fTIIlghlui, ed. Suhayl Zakkar, Damascus 1398/1978,p. 82
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Kister: Sons of Khadija
In contrast to this is the report given in Ibn Sa'd's Tabaqat? Khadija was "mentioned" to Waraqa b. Naufal, but the marriage was not concluded. Khadija's first husband was Abu HIHa Hind b. al-Nabbash b. Zurara b. Waqdan b. Habib b. Salama b. Ghuwayy b. Jurwa b. Usayyid b. 'Amr b. Tamim. Two phrases which occur in this report on the authority of Ibn al-Kalbi are of some importance: Abu Halas father was a man of high position in his (tribal - K) group,' He settled in Mecca and became an ally of the Banii 'Abd al-Dar b. QU$aYY. The explicatory phrase "and Quraysh used to give their allies their daughters in marriage?' helps us to understand the relations between the influential clans in Mecca and their allies, the newcomers whom they welcomed, aided and tried to absorb into their clans and families. Khadija indeed married Abu Hala and bore him one male child named Hind and another named Hala Her second husband was 'Atiq b. 'Abid [not: 'A'idhl b. 'Abdallah b. 'Umar b. Makhziim. She bore him a female child named Hind. The kunya of Khadija was Umm Hind. Hind grew up, married Sayfi b. Umayya al-Makhziimi, and bore him a son named Muhammad, The children of Hind and Sayfi were called Banii 1-Tahira, because of Khadija, the mother of Hind; Khadija was called al- Tahira, The progeny of Muhammad b. Sayfi, who settled in Medina, perished. Similar to this account is the tradition recorded by Muhammad b. Habib in his Muhabbari Khadija's first husband was Abu Hala, to whom she bore a male child, Hind b. Abi Hala; but no other child of Abu Hala is mentioned. She bore her second husband, 'Atiq b. 'Abid of the Makhziim, a female child named Hind. A corroborative tradition which sheds some additional light on the position of the tribal members who flocked to Mecca and entered alliances with the prominent clans there is recorded by al- Tabari: Abu Hala al-Nabbash b. Zurara b. Waqdan b. Habib b. Salama b. Ghuwayy b. Jurwa b. Usayyid b, 'Amr b. Tamim came to Mecca with his two
2
3 4
5
Beirut 13nl1958, vn, 14-15. Wa-kana abUhu Iln text erroneously: abUhii] dhil sharafin Ii qawmihi. Wa-kanat qurayshun tuzawwiju halilahum. Ed. llse Lichtenstaedter, Hyderabad 136111942,pp. 78, 452
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brothers, 'Auf and Unays. They were accepted as allies of the Banu 'Abd al-Dar b. Qusayy, Abu Hala married Khadija bint Khuwaylid and she bore him two male children: Hind and Hala, Hala died,6 but Hind survived beyond the advent of Islam, to which he became a convert. Al-Hasan b. 'Ali transmitted Hind's traditions about the Prophet, mentioning that Hind was his maternal uncle. Ma'mar b. al-Muthanna reported that Hind died in Basra, and that people left their businesses in order to attend his burial? The report recorded by Ibn Habib in his al=Munammaq' is slightly different: AI-NabOOsh b. Zurara of the Banii Usayyid of Tamim joined the Banii Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf as an ally; but the author notes that the reasons for the conclusion of this alliance are not clear to him. Al-Nabbash b. Zurara, whose kunya was Abu Hala, married Khadija before her marriage to the Prophet; she bore him two male children, Hind and Hala, Certain new details are given in the Shi'i compilation of al-Majlisi, Bihar al-anwar" A tradition on the authority of Qatada says that Khadija's first husband was 'Atiq b. 'A'idh al-Makhziimi, and the second Abu Hala Hind b. Zurara al-Tamimi; Khadija bore him a son, Hind, who was thus called Hind b. Hind Another tradition says that Khadija married Abu Shihab 'Amr al-Kindi; her second husband was 'Atiq b. 'A'idh, after whose death she was courted by 'Uqba b. Abi Mu'ayt and al-Salt b. Abi Yahab, both of them very rich men: each possessed four hundred slaves. Abu Jahl wanted to marry her too; she refused all these matrimonial proposals'? A report transmitted on the authority of Abu Talib, that Khadija's first husband was 'Atiq b. 'A'idh, and the second 'Umar al-Kindi, to whom she bore a child, seems to be confused. A new detail is supplied by al-Baladhuri; The first husband was Abu Hala Hind b. al-Nabbash of Tamim; Khadija bore him Hind b. Abi Hala, The second husband was 'Atiq b. 'Abid of Makhziim, to whom she bore a female child named Hind 'Atiq divorced her and
6 7 8 9 10
Before the advent of Islam - K. Al-Tabari, Dhayl aJ-mudhayyaJ, Cairo 1358/1939, p. 40. Ed. Khurshid Ahmad Fariq, Hyderabad 1384/1964, p. 399. Tehran XVI, 10. Ibid., p. 22
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she married her third husband, the Prophet" This is in fact the first report saying that Khadija was a divorcee (not a widow) when she married Muhammad, Some divergent details deserve to be noted in Nur al-Din al-Haythami's Maimd al-zawatd wa-manbd al-Fawii'id:12 Khadija bore her first husband, 'Atiq b. 'A'id, a son named Hind; he was thus named Hind b. 'Atiq, She bore her second husband, Abu Hala Malik b. Nabbash b. Zurara, the ally of the Banii 'Abel al-Dar, Hind and Hala, Thus Hind b. 'Atiq, Hala and Hind b. Abi Hala, Khadija's children from her two first husbands, are brothers of Khadija's children from the Prophet The controversial problem of Abii Hala's name and the fate of the children of Khadija born to her first two husbands are examined in al-Zurqani's Shark al-mawahib al-laduniyyal? Al-Zubayr (scil, Ibn Bakkar - K.) and (the transmitter - K.) al-Daraqutni say that his name was Malik. Ibn Manda and al-Suhayli record his name as Zurara, Abii 'Ubayd gives his name as al-Nabbash, Al-'Askari records his name as Hind Abii Hala's son, Hind, is said to have fought on the side of the Prophet in the battle of Uhud or in the Battle of Badr. He spread the tradition on the description of the person of the Prophet; this tradition was transmitted on his authority by al-Hasan b. 'Ali Al-Zubayr b. Bakkar reported that he was killed in the Battle of the Camel, fighting on the side of 'Ali; others say that he died in the plague of Basra, The son of Khadija and Abii Hala, named Hala, was recorded as one of the companions of the Prophet According to one tradition, the Prophet arose and saw Hala in his room. He pressed him to his breast and uttered joyously: hala, hala, halal" A contradictory report states, however, that Hala, borne by Khadija to her husband Abii Hala, was in fact a female child Indeed, al-Muhibb al- Tabari in his al-Sinu
11 Al-Baladhurl, Ansab al-ahraf, ed. Muhammad Hamidullah, Cairo 1959, I, 406-407. I2 Beirut 1967, IX, 219. I3 Cairo 1325, I, 199-201 14 See e.g. Ibn I;Iajar, al-I $aba fi tamyizi /-$aI)iiba, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijiiwi, Cairo 1971,VI, 516, no. 8919.
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al-thamin tf manaqib ummahiu aJ-mu'minfn.15 records that Hala was the daughter of Khadija and al-Nabbash b. Zurara, who was accordingly given the kunya Abu Hala, Al-Muhibb records further traditions discussing the name of Abu Hala (Malik: b. al-Nabbash, Hind b. Zurara) and the problem of whether he was the first or the second husband of Khadija," Al-Muhibb reiterates the tradition that Hind b. Hind, the stepson of the Prophet, grew up, embraced Islam and was killed in the Battle of the Camel fighting on the side of 'Ali; another tradition says that he died in the plague of Basra, Important information about the son and grandson of Abu Hala is given in Ibn al-Kalbi's Jamharat al-nasabl' Khadija bore Abu Hala Hind b. al-Nabbash b. Zurara a son named Hind He fought in the Battle of Badr or in the Battle of Uhud, His son Hind b. Hind b. Hind was killed fighting on the side of Ibn al-Zubayr. This family perished and none of their progeny remained. It is worth noting the statement of al-Muhibb that nothing is known about the life and fate of the two female children borne by Khadija to her two husbands" Al-Diyarbakri quotes from the Sira of Mughultay some interesting reports: Khadija bore 'Atiq b. 'A'idh of Makhziim a female child named Hind and a male child named 'Abdallah or 'Abd Maruif. Al-Qurtubi, in his Tajsir (= al-Lami li-ahkam ai-qur'an),19 records a tradition saying that Khadija bore 'Atiq a male child named 'Abd Maruif. No less interesting is the tradition recorded by Diyarbakri that Khadija bore Abu Hala Hind a daughter, Zaynab, and two male children: al-Harith and Hind The tradition about a male child borne by Khadija to 'Atiq b. 'Abid is recorded in Ibn Hazm's Jawami' ai-sirai" Khadija, says the report, bore her first husband a male child named 'Abdallah, She bore
15 16 17 18 19 20
Cairo 140211983, p. 23. Pp. 6, 23. MS. Br. Mus, Add. 'l32fJ7, fol 93b. This very report is recorded in Diyabakrfs Ta'rikh ol-khamis I, 261 Cairo 1387/1967. XIV. 104. Ed. ll,Jsiin 'Abbas and Nasir al-Dln al-Asad, Cairo, rut, P. 3l
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her second husband Abu Hala Hind b. Zunlra two male children, Hind and al-Harith, and a female child named Zaynab. Hind b. Hind fought in the Battle of Uhud and dwelt in Basra. Al-Harith embraced Islam and was killed by an unbeliever at the Rukn al- Yamiini More details about al-Harith are provided by al-Baladhuri," Al-Harith b. Abi Hala was the first man killed at the Rukn al- Yamani, fighting for the sake of GodP One tradition says that he was under the tutelage of Khadija (ji hiin khadikua); he embraced Islam, manifested his faith openly and summoned people to convert to Islam. One day when he was with a group of Quraysh and heard a man slandering the Prophet he tried to defend the Prophet A row ensued in which al-Harith was beaten by a rude unbeliever who trampled him down and trod on his belly. He was carried away wounded and later died. Another tradition says that he was killed while performing his prayer at the Rukn al- Yamiini Ibn I:Iajar23provides us with information about the beginnings of al-Harith's missionary activity, which occurred when the Prophet was enjoined to call openly upon the people to convert to Is1am..24 Ibn I:Iazm25 records the story of al-Harith and furnishes us with an additional detail about him: $afwiin b. $afwiin b. al-Nabbash of Tamim is said to have been the first believer who killed an unbeliever after the mira; he killed the murderer of al-Harith b. Abi Hiila.26 Ibn Nasir al-Din al-Dimashqi, in Jiimi' al-athar fi maulidi l-rasidi l-mukhtar,27 records a significant report of Ibn 'Abd al-Barr stating that Khadija bore Abu Hala a male child named al- Tahir; he was the brother of Hind and Hala, The Prophet is said to have sent him as governor (ami!) to a district in al- Yemen,
21 Ansah ai-ashr1Jf, MS. foL 969b. 22 n sabili llah. 23 AI-I saba, I, 604, no. 1501 24 ... an yasdda bimii amarahu ... ; see SUrat ai hijr, 95: [a-sdd bimii tumaru wa-drid 'ani l-mushrikin: 25 Jamharas ansab ai-'arab, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hariin, Cairo l382/1962, p. 210. 26 And see about Safwiin b. Safwan: al-Tabarl, Ta'rikh; III, 268 and Ibn Hajar, ai-I saba, m. 435, no. ~. 27 MS, Cambridge Or. 9l3, foL 25Oa..
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Ibn 'Abd al-Barr in fact records a tradition transmitted by Sayf b. 'Umar on the authority of Abu Miisa al-Ash'ari saying that al-Tahir was among the five governors sent by the Prophet to the different districts of al-Yemen." An extended report about al-Tahir is given by Ibn I:Iajar.29According to the tradition transmitted by Sayf b. 'Umar, Tahir b. Abi Hala was sent as governor to a district of al-Yemen, as already mentioned. The important additional report says that al-Tahir succeeded in quelling the rebellion of the 'Akk (called al-akhilbith). These reports are corroborated by the information provided by al-Tabari; al-Tahir b. Abi Hala was appointed by the Prophet to be in charge of the 'Akk in Mecca. He was later sent as governor to a district of al-Yemen, or according to another version, was appointed over the tribes of 'Akk and the Ash'ariyyin, He faced the forces of al-Aswad al-Ansi and succeeded in crushing the rebellion of the 'Akk and the Ash'ariyyin after the death of the Prophet Later he was sent by Abu Bakr to San'a in order to help the Abna' in their fight against the unbelievers." Not much is known about al-Zubayr b. Abi Hala, Sayf b. 'Umar used to transmit his traditions. Ibn Manda reported his tradition saying that the Prophet killed a detained Qurashite and stated: ''Nevermore should a detained (or imprisoned - K) man from Quraysh be killed,'?' It is obvious that the traditions concerning the two husbands of Khadija to whom she was married prior to her marriage to the Prophet are obscure, confused and very often contradictory. The reports about the children borne by Khadija to these two husbands are
28 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, aI-lsti'ab. II, 775,no. 1297. 29 Al-I$aba,m, 515,no. 3258. 30 Al-Tabari, Ta'rikh al-rusui wa-l-muIUk, ed. Muhammad Abii l-Fadl Ibrahim, Cairo 1969,III, 228, 230, 318,320-321,328. 31 Ibn l:Iajar, al-Isaba; II, 558, no. im; and see Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-ghiiba tt mariiaii l-sahiiba; n.p., 1280 (repr, Tehran), II, 199inf~ and see this tradition with a significant phrase added: "Nevermore should a detained man from Quraysh be killed except the murderer of 'Uthman, you ought to kill him; but if they do not do it, then tell them that they will be slaughtered as a ewe is slaughtered," in Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kiimil [i 4u'ala'i i-rijaI, Beirut 1405/1985,VI, 2361
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blurred; there is hardly any agreement among the genealogists and the transmitters of haditb as to the details of the stories. Only a few of the persons mentioned in the reports lived until the advent of Islam, and we are told that even those few died or were killed and that their progeny ceased to exist It is noteworthy, however, that the settings of the stories about the two husbands possibly reflect the situation in Mecca. It is plausible that Khadija married a man from the aristocratic clan of Makhziim, in accordance with her position and wealth; but it is equally plausible that she married a Bedouin immigrant to Mecca., as this was a common custom in Meccan society. In this way the Meccan clans tried to strengthen their ties with the Bedouin tribes and to secure the commercial activities of the Meccan families.
n
The traditions concerning the Prophet's age when he married Khadija are divergent and confused. Many traditions report that he married her at the age of twenty-five, and that Khadija was then forty years 0ld32 Some sources record the tradition transmitted on the authority of Hakim b. Hizam, which confirms the data mentioned above: Khadija was born fifteen years before the Year of the Elephant; Hakim was born thirteen years before the Year of the Elephant; she was thus two years older than Hakim, and he could easily have established her age as forty. The Prophet, born in the Year of the Elephant, was thus twenty-five years old at the time of their marriage. 33
32 Al-Dimyati, al-Mukhiasar Ii sirati l-nabiyyi Cs), MS. Chester Beatty 3332,foL lOb; al-Mutahhar h Tahir, Kitah al-bad' wo-l-tdrikh; ed. ct. Huart, Paris 1916, V, 10; al-Majlisi, Bil)iJr al-anwiir, XVI, 19; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya wa-l-nihaya; V, 193!oo the authority of Hakim h l;Iizam); Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiu VIII, 15 (on the authority of Haklrn h l;Iizam);. al-Baladhurf, Ansah al-ashrii], ed. Mohammad Hamidullah, Cairo 1959,I, 98 (with the remark: "this is the accepted opinion of the scholars"). 33 See Ibn Nasir aI-Din, Jami' al-iJJhlJr, fol. 250a (quoted on the authority of Miisii b. 'Uqba and traced back to Haklm b, Hizam); aI-Majlisi, BiI)lu al-anwiir, XVI, 12; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiu, VIII, 17; and see H. Lammens, "L'Age de Mahomet et Ia Chronologie de la Sira," Journal Asiatique, XVII (1911)2()<}-150; and see the
Kister: Sons of Khadija
67
Ibn Qutayba'" only records the age of Muhammad when he married Khadija: He was twenty-five years 0ld3s An additional detail in connection with the date of his marriage is given by Ibn Qutayba" in a tradition saying that the Prophet went to Syria with the merchandise of Khadija when he was twenty-five years old; he married Khadi ja two months after his return. A corresponding tradition is recorded in the Sira aJ-halabiyya;37 He was twenty-five years old; some say twenty-five, two months and ten days; others say: and fifteen , days. Mughultay, in his aJ-Zahr ai-basim Ii sirat abi l-qasim,38 is even more precise in a tradition recorded on the authority of Abu 'Umar (i.e. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr); The Prophet married Khadija two months and fifteen days after his return from Syria, at the end of Safar in the year twenty-six, which corresponds to twenty-five years, two months and ten days after the Day of the Elephant The tradition of Ibn 'Abd al-Barr is recorded in Ibn Nasir aI-Din's Jam;' aJ-iithilr.39 Mughultay mentions a tradition from Ibn 'Asakir saying that the Prophet returned with Maysara from Syria on the fourteenth night from the end of Dhii l-Hijja in the year twenty-five counting from the Day of the Elephant 40 Niir al-Din al-Haythami records a tradition saying that the Prophet married Khadija at the age of twenty-five, and supplies
34 35 36 37 38 39 40
detailed study by Lawrence I. Conrad, "Abraha and Muhammad: some observations apropos of chronology and literary topoi in the early Arabic historical tradition," BSOAS L (1987),225-240. AJ-Ma'arif, ed. Tharwat 'Ukasha, Cairo 1969,p. 131 And so: al-Majlisi, Biblu, XVI, 10 on the authority of 'Amr b. 'Ala; Ibn Hazm, Jawarnl ol-sira; p. 31 P.15O. I, 154. MS. Leiden, Or. 370, foL 93a. MS. Cambridge, Or. 913, fol. 250a. And see Ibn 'Abd al-Barr's tradition: al-Zurqani, Sharh al-mawahib ol-laduniyya; I, 199. See this tradition: al-Maqrizi, Imt(/ al-asmd bimlJ li-l-rasidi miTUJl-anba' wa-l-amwill wa-l-haiadou wa-l-mata', ed. Mahmiid Muhammad Shakir, Cairo 1941,I, 9.
68
Kister: Sons of Khadija
another detail: Quraysh were then building the Ka'ba 41A contradictory tradition says that the Ka'ba was being built by Quraysh when the Prophet was thirty-five years old 42 However, al-Majlisi records yet another tradition in which the building of the Ka'ba by Quraysh is coupled with the date of Fatima's birth and the date of the Revelation granted to the Prophet 43 Some traditions about the age of the Prophet when he married Khadija are diverse: According to a report traced back to al-Zuhri, the Prophet was twenty-one years old when he married her.44 Another tradition says that he was twenty-three years old at the time," A tradition recorded on the authority of Ibn Jurayj says that he married her when he was thirty-seven years old 46 Other traditions give the age of the Prophet at his marriage as thirty'? or twenty-nine," The traditions recording the age of Khadija when she married the Prophet are likewise contradictory and blurred. The tradition based on the report that Khadija was born fifteen years before the Year of
41 Majma' al-zawii'id, IX, 219; the same tradition is quoted in Ibn Kathir's al-Bidiiya wa-l-nihaya; V, 293; al-Mutawwa'I, Man sabara zafira; MS. Cambridge, Or. 1473 (10),foL 38a. 42 A1-Majlisi, Bihiu aI-anwar, XVI, 7. 43 A1-Majlisi, Bi/JiJr,XVI, n. 44 Al-Zurqani, Sharh. al-mawahib, I, 199, III, 220 (and see the refutation of this report: al-Zurqani, ibid III, 227); 'Abd ai-Malik b. Husayn al-Tsaml, Simi aI-nujUin aI-'awiiJi, Cairo 1380, I, 365; al-Maqrizi, 1m/a', 1,9; al-Suhayli, ol-Raud al-unui, II, 246; al-Haythami, Majmd aI-zawa'id, IX, 219; al-Muhibb al-Tabarl, aI-Simt al-thamin; p. 14; Ibn Kathir, ol-Bidiiya wa-l-nihiiya, V, 293. 45 Muhammad b. Habib, ai-Muhabbar. p. 78; al-Baladhuri, Ansah aI-ashral, I, 98; al-Maqrizi, 1m/a', I, 9. 46 Al-Zurqanl, Sham al-mawahib, I, 199; al-Maqrizi, Imtis", I, 9; Mughultay, al-Zahr al-biisim; fol. 93a; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidiiya; V, 293; Ibn Nasir ai-Din, Jaml aI-1JJhiu,foL 25Oa. 47 Al-Muhibb al-Tabari, al-Sim; al-thamin; p. 14; Ibn N~ al-Din, Jaml aI-1JJhiu, fol. 25Oa; al-Zurqani, Shark al-mawahib, II, 199, III, 220, 227; al-S3liI:li,Subulu l-huda wa-l-rashad fi siraii khayri l-'ibad, ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-WaI.tid.Cairo 139411974, n. 225; al-Suhayli, al-Raud n 246. 48 Mughultay, al-Zahr al-basim; fol. 93a (nearing thirty}, aI-Maqrizi, Imtd, I, 9 (nearing thirty); al-Zurqani, Sharb aI-mawiihib, 1,199; al-S3liI:li,Subul al-huda; Il, 225 (nearing thirty).
Kister: Sons of Khadija
69
the Elephant, that the Prophet was born in the Year of the Elephant and that he married her when he was twenty-five years. old and she forty is, of course, consistent in itself, and adapted to the widely circulated data about the birth and death of the Prophet Divergent traditions say that Khadija was forty-five years old when she married him.49 Other reports relate that she was thirty years oldsO A tradition, traced back in some sources to Ibn (Abbas, states that she married the Prophet when she was twenty-eight years old," There are isolated traditions saying that she was thirty-five or twenty-five years old when she married the Prophet," All these traditions should be taken into consideration in evaluating the reports about the children Khadija bore the Prophet Scholars of haditb and sira are unanimous as to the number of female children borne by Khadija to the Prophet She bore him four daughters, all of whom were still young at the advent of Islam and embraced the new faith. All of them married, but only three bore children. Their progeny died, except for that of Fatima; they are the descendants of al-Hasan and al-Husayn, the sons of Fatima Scholars, however, are at odds as to the number of male children borne to the
49 Ibn Kathir, ai-Bidiiya; V, 293 (on the authority of al-Wiiqidi); Mughultay, al-Zahr al-biisim; fol 93a; Ibn N~ir al-Din, Jam'" al-iUhiir, fol 250a; Ibn 'Asiikir, Ta'rikh Dimashq (tahdhib), ed. 'Abd al-Qadir Badriin, Beirut 1399/1970, I, 302-303 (on the authority of al-Wiiqidi: forty-four years old); al-Zurqiini, Sharh al-mawllhib, I, 199 (on the authority of Ibn Sa'd), III, 220; al-Halabi, Sira; 1,156. 50 Al-Zurqani, Sharh al-mawilhib, I, 200, III, 220; Ibn N3$ir al-Din, Jami' al-llthllr, fol 250a; Ibn 'Asiikir, Ta'rikh (tahdhib) I, 302; al-$iilibi, Subul al-hudll, II, 225; al-l;Ialabi, Sira; I, 156. 51 Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya; V, 293; al-Zurqiini, Sharb al-mawahib, I, 200, III, 220; Mughultay, al-Zahr ai-basim; fol 93a; Ibn N3$ir al-Din, Jam'" al-llthiir, fol 250a (on the authority of Ibn Sa'd~ al-$iilibi, Subul, II, 225; Ibn 'Asiikir, Ta'rikh (tahdhib), I, 302 (on the authority of Ibn al-Kalbi); al-l:lalabi, Sira; I, 156; al-l:liikim, al-Mustadrak; Hyderabad (repr, Riyiid), III, 182; Muhammad b. Habib, al-Mul)obbar, P. 78; al-MajJ.isi,Bihlu al-anwlu, XVI, 12 52 Al-l;Ialabi, Sira; I, 156.
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Prophet by Khadija," The various traditions about the male children of Khadija are examined in the following lines. A significant report formulated concisely and recorded in an early source says that the Prophet began to practice tahannutb after some of his female children were born, Khadija bore him al-Qasim; some scholars claim that she also bore him another male child called al- Tahir, but other scholars say that she bore only one son, al-Qasim/" Al-Zurqani quotes the tradition saying that Khadija bore the Prophet only one son, al-Qasim, but provides us with a comprehensive review of other traditions which record various numbers for the male children whom Khadija bore the Prophet According to some of these traditions, Khadija bore the Prophet thirteen children," According to a tradition recorded by Ibn Ishaq, the male children of the Prophet were born before the Call; they were al-Qasim, al-Tahir and al-Tayyib, The Prophet's agnomen tkunya) was Abu l-Qasim, All the male children of the Prophet died before the advent of Islam (i.e. before the Call). Some traditions stress that they died while suckling,"
53 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, V, 321, no. 9718 ( ... wa-la-qad zdama bddu I-'ulamll annahii waladat lahu ghuliiman akhara yusamma al-tahir; wa-qda ba'4uhum: mij ndlamuha waladat lahu ilia l-qasim ... ). 54 See the tradition quoted from Ibn IsQaq'sal-Mubtadd stating that Khadija bore the Prophet only one son, named al-Qasim: Mughultay, al-Zahr al-basim; foL 94b: ... wa-it l-mubtada'i 'ani bni ishaqa: za'ama ba'4u I-'ulamlli anna khadijata (r) lam talid li-l-nabiyy! (s) mina l-dlwkUri ilia l-qasima; wa-hM.hil la shay'a. 55 Al-Zurqiini, Sharb al-mawahib, III, 193-194; see the tradition of the one child, al-Qasim, pp. 193, L 2 and 194, L 11:wa-tahsulu min jami'i l-aqwaJi thamaniyaiu dhukiain: ithnllni muuafaqun 'alayhima, al-qasimu wa-ibrahlmu wa-sittaiun mukhialatun fihim ... 56 Ibn Ishaq, al-Siyar wa-l-maghazl, pp. 82, 245; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidiiya wa-l-nihaya; V, 293; SulaymfuJb. Miisii al-Kalii'i, al-Iktifa' fi maghazi rasidi llllhi wa-l-thaliuhaii l-kJuJafa', ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wal).id, Cairo 138711968, I, 199 (on the authority of Ibn IsQaq}, l-Isaml, Simi aJ-fUljUm, , 406; Ibn 'Asakir, a I Ta'rikh Dimashq (tahdhlb), ed. 'Abd al-Qiidir Badran, Beirut 139911979, I, 302, ult.; Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, 'Uyu.n al-athar, II, 288 and ibid. this tradition recorded on the authority of Ibn Isbiiq; and see 'Abdallah b. Abi Zayd al-Qayrawanl, Kitiib aJ-jaml, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Ajfiin and 'Uthman Binikh. Beirut-Tunis
Kister: Sons of Khadija
71
According to the tradition of al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Khadija bore the Prophet only two male children: al-Qasim and 'Abdallah; 'Abdallah was also called al-'Tayyib and al-'Tahir. 'Abdallah was born after the Call and died as a small child. The first child of the Prophet who died was al-Qasim; the second was 'Abdallah," Some scholars identified al- Tahir with another child, named al-Mutahhar, alleged to have been the son of Khadija and the Prophet. They argued that al-Tahir was the name given to a child whom Khadija bore to a previous husband. However, this argument is rejected on the grounds that Khadija could not have given the same name to a child of a previous husband and a child of the Prophet" According to a tradition traced back to al-Zuhri she bore the Prophet only two children: al-Qasim and 'Abdallah," Other traditions say that the two male children borne by Khadija were named
1402/1982, pp. 128 ult-129, l 1; and see al-Zurqiini, Sharh al-mawiihib, III, 194, I. 7: ... wa-qala bnu isbaqa fi l-siraii 'inda dhikri tazawwu]i l-mustafi: khadi jata: kulluhum ghayra ibrahima wuIida qabla l-islluni. wa-m1Jtal-banUna
qabla l-islluni wa-hum yarta4tfm ... 57 Ibn Kathir. al-Bidiiya; V, 307; Ibn l:Iajar al-iAsqalani, al-Isaba; IlL 549 (al-Zubayr b. Bakklir on the authority of Musab, and see ibid another tradition transmitted on the authority of al-Zuhri); Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiu, VIII, 16; al-Kazariinl, al-Sira al-nabawiyya; MS. Br. Mus., Add. 18499, fol. 83a-b; al-Kala'I, al-Iktita', L 199 penult, (on the authority of al-Zubayr b. Bakkar); al-Zurqiini, Sharb al-mawiihib, IlL 193;Ibn 'Aslikir, Ta'rikh Dimashq (tahdhib). L 293; Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, 'UyiUI al-aihar, IL 288 (two traditions); Muhammad b. l:Iabib, al-Muha/Jbar,p. 78; Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamharat al-nasab, MS. Br. Mus.,Add. 23297, fol. 9a; al-Dimyati, al-Mukhiasar [i sirati I-nabiyyi ($), MS. Chester Beatty 3332, fol. 14a (a tradition of al-Kalbi traced back to Ibn 'Abbas as in al-Nuwayri, Nihaya: al-arab [i luniln al-adab, Cairo 1964, XVIII, 208 on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas: the first child born before the Call was al-Qlisim, who was followed by the four daughters. In the end Khadija bore the Prophet a male child named 'Abdallah who was also called al-Tayyib and al-Tahir, but some scholars assume that 'Abdallah is not to be identified with al-Tayyib and al-Tahir, and that they are two additional children). 58 Ibn Hajar, al-I$1Jba, I, 262; al-Zurqiini, Sharh al-mawiihib,III, 193info V 59 Ibn Hajar, al-lsaba; IlL 549; cf. al-Dimyati, al-Mukhta$ar, fol 14a; Ibn N~ al-Din, Jami' al-iUhiJr fol, 250b (on the authority of Hishlim b. 'Urwa and another tradition on the authority of Ibn 'Ahhii")
72
Kister: Sons of Khadija
al-Qasim and al- Tahir.60 A peculiar tradition is recorded on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas: Khadija bore the Prophet a child named 'Abdallah. Then there was a period during which Khadija ceased bearing children, One day during that period the Prophet met al-'& b. Wa'il, who mockingly called him al-abtar, and then the sura: al-kauthar was revealed. Later Khadija bore the Prophet Zaynab, Ruqayya, al-Qasim, al-Tahir, al-Mutahhar, al- Tayyib, al-Mutayyab, Umm Kulthiim and Fatima," The number of male children borne to Muhammad by Khadija according to this list was six; the number of female children was, as mentioned, four. Thus Khadija bore the Prophet ten children, A tradition transmitted by Ibn Lahi'a records four male children: al-Qasim, al- Tahir, al- Tayyib and 'Abdallah'" Noteworthy is a report which shortens the period in which Khadija bore children: al-Tayyib and al-Mutayyab were twins; al- Tahir and al-Mutahhar were also twins.63 A curious tradition is recorded in Ibn Nasir al-Din's Jami' ai-athar.64 Khadija, says the tradition, bore the Prophet four male children: al-Qasim, al- Tahir, Ibrahim and al- Tayyib, This tradition was nevertheless rejected by the scholars and considered erroneous, as Ibrahim was borne by the slave girl Mariya, not by Khadija. It is noteworthy that a very late compiler of a maulid commentary records an early tradition, according to which Khadija bore the Prophet only one male child, al-Qasim, while the scholars are
60 Abu I-Husayn Ahmad b. Faris, Aujazu l-siyar li-khayri l-bashar, Cairo 1359/1940,p. 9; Ya'qiib b. Sufyan al-Fasawi, aJ-Ma'rila wo-l-tarikh; ed. A.kram I;>iya'al-Umarl, Beirut 140111981, 'lfj9 inf.-270. II, 61 Ibn Kathir, ol-Bidiiya, V, m; Ibn 'Asiikir, Ta'rikh Dimashq;I, 294. 62 Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya; V, 307; Ibn Nasir aI-Din, Jamr al-iuhar, fol. 251a; al-Zurqanl, SharlJ,aJ-mawahib,III, 191 63 Mughultay, al-Zahr al-basim; fol. 94b; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya; V, 308; Ibn 'Asiikir, Ta'rikh, I, 294; Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, 'Uyful al-athar, II, 288; Ibn Hajar, al-Lsaba; VI, 262; al-Zurqani, Sharb al-mawahib, III, 193; al-'I$iimi, Simi al-nujiim; I, 406; 'Ali b. Burhan al-Din al-Halabl, Insim al-'uyful Ii sirati l-amini I-ma'miin (= ai-Sira aJ-/Jalabiyya),Cairo 1382/1962,III, 345; Ibn Niisir al-Din, Jarnl aJ-lIthiu,foL 25la 64 FoL 25la
Kister: Sons of Khadija
73
at variance as to whether she bore him another child. 'Abdallah," ill A remarkable tradition concerning Khadija's male children born to the Prophet reports that Khadija bore the Prophet two children: 'Abd al-'Uzza and 'Abd Manaf. This tradition was transmitted by al-Haytham b. 'Adiyy (d. 206 A.H.) on the authority of Hisham b. 'Urwa (d, 146 All) and traced back to his father 'Urwa,66 Ibn Nasir al-Din mentions another tradition quoted from a book by Abii 'Ubayda Ma'mar b. al-Muthanna (d 209 All, evidently from his Azwaju i-nabiyyi ts); mentioned fol. 251b), stating that in the period of the Jahiliyya Khadija bore the Prophet four children: al-Qasim, 'Abd Manaf, al-Tayyib (= 'Abdallah) and al-Tahir, This brings the number of children borne to the Prophet by Khadija to eight: four male and four female children. Abii 'Ubayda argues that 'Abd Manaf was born during the period of the Jahiliyya; had he been born during the period of Islam he would not have been called 'Abd Manaf, says Abii 'Ubayda, as stated in the summary of Ibn Nasir al-Din.67 It is indeed fortunate that Abii 'Ubayda's T asmiyatu azwaji i-nabiyyi ts) wa-auladihi is extant, and was edited by Nihad Miisii..68 Abii 'Ubayda's report in this treatise differs in an essential detail from
65 Muhammad Nawawi b. 'Umar al-Jawl, Tar ghib al-mushtiiqin li-bayiini manziimati l-sayyidi l-barzanji zayni l-'abidin, Cairo, n.d.,p. 24: ... wa- jumlatu auladihi $alla llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam sab'atun: thaliithatu dhukilrin wa-arbdu iniuhin; lakin wabidun mukhtalaiun [ihi; [a-l-dhukkr» l-qasimu wa-ibriihimu; wa-hadhan! muuajaqun 'alayhima, wa-'abdu llahi wa-hluiha mukhtalafun fi hi; wa-yuqalu lahu ai-tay yibu wa-I-rahiru; wa-l+qaulu t-athbatu wuiiiduhu; wa-summiya 'abdu llahi bi-I-rayyibi wa-l-tahiri li-annahu wulida bdda l-nubuwwati ... 66 Al-Zurqanl, Sham al-mawahib, III, 193 inf.-194 sup.; Ibn Nasir al-Din, Jami' al-iuhar, foL 252a; al-Tsaml, Simt al-nujism al-'awali, I, 408; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya; V, '!JJ7,308; Ibn I:Iajar al-'AsqaIani, Lisan al-mizlin, Hyderabad 1331, VI, 210,no. 740. 67 And see an anonymous tradition recorded in al-Halabfs Sira; III, 345 ult., saying that a child born to the Prophet before the Call was named 'Abd ManM. 68 Majallat mdhad al-makh{iUiital-'arabiyya, XIII (1967),244-279.
74
Kister: Sons of Khadija
the summary provided by Ibn Nasir al-Din; al-Qasim, says the report, was born during the period of Islam. The four daughters were born during the period of the Jahiliyya, The three male children of the Prophet borne by Khadija, 'Abd Manaf, al-Tayyib (= 'Abdallah) and al- Tahir, were also born in the period of the Jahiliyya,69 The arguments Abu 'Ubayda uses to support his chronology of the births of Khadija's children are instructive, and help us to understand the ideological basis of his treatise. The Prophet, says Abu 'Ubayda, gave his daughter Zaynab in marriage to Abu l-'As b. al-Rabi', When she converted to Islam, the Prophet prohibited her from staying with Abu l-'As, who remained an unbeliever, but when Abu l-'As later embraced Islam, the Prophet authorized their bond on the basis of the previously concluded Jahili marriage. The same applies to the marriages concluded between Ruqayya and Urnm Kulthiim with Abu Lahab's sons 'Utba and 'Utayba respectively, with the approval and blessing of the Prophet As for 'Abd Maniif, he was born during the period of the Jahiliyya; had he been born during the period of Islam the Prophet would not have given him this name. Further evidence that the male children of the Prophet borne by Khadija lived and died during the period of the Jahiliyya is adduced by Abu 'Ubayda, who cites the tradition about Khadija's conversation with the Prophet as to the fate of their deceased infants. The Prophet assured her that their infants were in Paradise, but added that the children borne by her to her former husbands, the unbelievers, were placed in He1l70 This had/til, argues Abu 'Ubayda, indicates that the male children of the Prophet, except al-Qasim, were born and died during the period of the Jahiliyya; had they died during the period of Islam, Khadija would not have enquired about their fate," It is evident that the problem touched upon in Khadija's conversation with the Prophet is the fate in the hereafter of children of believers, in contradistinction to the fate of children of unbelievers. The story about Khadija's grief at the death of al- Tahir also belongs
69 Tasmiya; pp, 248, ll, 1-2, 12-14, 249, ll, 1-12 70 See this tradition: Ibn Nasir al-Din, Ja,nl ai-iuhar, fol 25lb.
71 P.249.
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75
here. The Prophet consoled her, promising that after her death al- Tahir would welcome her at the gates of Pamdise.72 The essential question at issue, however, is whether the Prophet was granted infallibility before the Revelation, whether he was cleansed from the impurity of idol worship and of close contacts with unbelievers (kuffiir or mushrikun), and whether, prior to the Call. he refrained from committing deeds which might have been considered adherence to the customs or practices of the unbelievers. It is thus remarkable that the story of the Prophet's daughters who were married to unbelievers with the approval of the Prophet (a story adduced by Abu 'Ubayda as evidence for the validity of the tradition about the Prophet's child being named 'Abel Manat) is quoted and explicated by Ibn Qutayba (d. 276 A.H.) in his T awil mukhtaJif al-hadith'? as proof that the Prophet believed in God and yielded to His injunctions and commands. The Prophet gave his daughters in marriage to unbelievers because this had not been forbidden at that time according to God's injunctions, shard i'l" It was Ibn Qutayba's aim to prove that the Prophet acted in accordance with God's commands as revealed to former prophets, and to explain that the tradition about the Prophet's adherence to the tenets and beliefs of his people, kana 'alii dini qaumihi; means in fact that the Prophet followed his people, Quraysh, who adhered to certain beliefs, tenets and injunctions of the "Faith of Ishmael," din ismdil. Several of these practices were closely observed by the people of the Prophet, Quraysh,"
Bihar al-anwar, XVI, 16; and see ibid .⢠p. 15, a similar tradition on the consolation of Khadija after the death of al-Qssim; the Prophet promised her that al-Qasim would welcome her after her death at the gates of Paradise. 73 Cairo 1326, 134-139. 74 See p. 139. 75 See e.g. al-Suyutl, al-Rasaila His', Beirut, 1405/1985 (Masalik al-hunafi: [i walidayi l-mustafa salla llahu 'alayhi wa-iilihi wa-sallama); p. 49: ... [a-hasala mimma auradnahu anna ab1J'al-nabiyyi salla lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallama min 'ahdi ibriihima ila kabi bni lu'ayyin kanu kulluhum 'ala din: ibriihima 'alayhi l-saliimu, wa-waladuhu murratu bnu kdbin al-"fiihiruannahu kana ka-dhldika Li-anna abahu ausiihu bi-l-imani, wa-baqiya baynahu wa-bayna 'abdi l-muttalib arbdaiu aba' ... ; and see ibid .⢠p. 47: ... wa-qad akhraja ibnu
72 Al-Majlisi,
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This subject was discussed comprehensively by Muslim scholars. Ibn Hazm, for example, concludes his lengthy analysis by stating that the prophets could not have committed any sin or perpetrated any transgression before they were granted prophethood: ... ta-bt-yaqinin nadri anna llaha ta'aJa 'asamahum qabla l-nubuwwati min kulli mil yudhauna bihi bdda l-nubuwwaii ... 76 The problem of the Prophet's infallibility is discussed at length in al-Khafaji's commentary Nasim ai-riyad sharb shifa'i l-qQ.4i 'iyQ.4:77 The Prophet, like other prophets, was protected from any sin whatsoever both before and after being granted prophethood. The tradition saying that the Prophet adhered to the tenets of his people for forty years, kana 'ala amri qaumihi arbdina sanatan, does not indicate that he had no knowledge of belief in God; he merely lacked knowledge of God's ordinances and precepts, the taraid. which were granted him after the Revelation. The opinion of al-Kalbi and al-Suddi, who interpreted the words wa-wajadaka dalton; "and He found you erring" literally as denoting unbelief, kutr, "and God found you as an unbeliever" (scil, amongst the unbelieving people - K.) conflicts with the consensus of the community; it is inconceivable that such an accusation of shirk could be levelled against the Prophet 78 The same opinion appears in al-Mawardi's A'lam aJ-nubUWWa.79 The Prophet did not worship idols, and he distinguished himself by his noble character, his belief in the unity of God and his high moral qualities and ethical principles. Scholars disagreed as to which faith. religious law of God, shari'a the Prophet followed before he was granted the Revelation: the shari'a of Abraham, of Moses or of Jesus,"
76 77 78
79
80
habiba [i ta'rikhihi 'ani bni 'abbiisin qiila: kana 'adniinu wa-mo'addun wa-rabi'atu wa-mudaru wa-khuzaymatu wa-asluhu (?) 'ala millati ibrahima 'alayhi l-saliimu la-Ia tadhkuriihum. ilia bi-khayrin ... Ibn Hazm, ai-Fisal [i l-milal wa-I-ahwa'i wa-l-nihai, Cairo, n.d.,IV, 55. Cairo 1327,repr. aI-Madina, IV, 48 seq. Ibid., p. SO. Beirut, n.d.,pp.221-221 And see about his purification from idolatry, ibid., p. 224, inf.; and see the discussion as to the nature of the shari'a followed by the Prophet before the Revelation: Mughultay, al-Zahr al-basim fol. llOa-llOb; and see the lengthy discussionof this subject al-Zurqani, Sharn al-mawahib; VII, 239-242
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Muslim scholars have tried to justify the attendance of the Prophet at certain ritual celebrations of the unbelievers in their places of worship. A tradition transmitted by 'Othman b. Am Shayba (d, 235 A.H.), and traced back to the Companion Jabir b. 'Abdallah, records such an event: the Prophet, says the report, used to visit the places of celebration of the unbelievers, kana rasidu llahi is) yashhadu mda l-mushrikina mashahidahum: Once he heard an angel behind him saying to another angel: "Let us go and stand behind the Prophet" The second angel answered: ''How can we stand behind him, when it was his desire to attend the stroking of the idols?' tkayt« naqiunu khaltahu wa-innama 'ahduhu bi-sttlam: l-asnami qablu). The Prophet indeed never again attended the ritual practices of the unbelievers," It is the usual method of the Muslim scholars to reject controversial traditions of this kind by censuring some of the transmitters as "weak," "unreliable" or "neglected," and by appropriate explication and interpretation of the tradition itself. In the case of the tradition mentioned above, the editor quotes the opinions of the orthodox scholars denouncing the transmitter 'Uthman b. Abi Shayba. As for the content, the scholars explain that the Prophet aimed by his attendance at the ritual practices of the unbelievers to reproach them for these practices. Such was also the approach of the authors of the compendia of haditn and the authors of the sira in their assessment of the tradition of al-Haytham b. 'Adiyy. The isnad given in Ibn Nasir al-Din's Jami' aI-athilr ending with 'Urwa is extended in Ibn Kathir's al-Bidaya V, 307 to the first transmitter, Sa'id b. al-Musayyib (d. 94 A.H.), who transmitted traditions and utterances of the Prophet and of the companions of the Prophet and reported about their lives and their political activities," Al-Haytham's tradition about the sons of the Prophet allegedly named 'Abd al-Tlzza and 'Abd Manaf is completely rejected by the orthodox scholars of Islam. He is described as a liar, and the traditions
81 Abu Ya'la, Musnad, ed. Husayn Salim Asad, Beirut, 1404/1984, n, 398, no. 1877; and see this tradition: Niir al-Dln al-Haythaml, Majmd al-zawllid, vm, 226. 82 See e.g. Ibn Hajar al-'AsqaIani, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, Hyderabad 1325, IV, 84, no. 145.
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transmitted by him are described as reprehensible," It is impossible, says a comment on the tradition of the pagan names of the two children, that a deed of this kind could have been done by the Prophet," Al-Zurqani records the opinions of the scholars of haditb stating that none of the reliable transmitters (thiqiu) related the tradition of al-Haytham on the authority of Hisham b. 'Urwa," The opinion of Qutb aI-Din al-Halabi as recorded in his al=Maurid al-iadhb is that nobody is permitted to say that the Prophet called his children by these two names. There is, however, a certain reservation in the words of Qutb al-Din; If this in fact happened (ie, if the two children were really named 'Abd al-Uzza and 'Abd Mana! - K), it might have been done by one of Khadija's relatives; the Prophet might then have changed them (i.e, into Muslim names - K.). Further, Qutb al-Din conjectures that if this happened, it was because the Prophet was assiduously engaged in the worship of God so that the information about the names did not reach him; in addition, the life span of the two children thus named was very short Finally, he surmises that some of the Satans invented it in order to instill confusion in the hearts of the people of feeble faith..86 It was indeed a harmonizing solution to affirm the report that the two sons of the Prophet were named 'Abd al-'Uzza and 'Abd Manaf, and that these names were changed by the Prophet into al- Tahir and al- Tayyib," The full version of Haytham b. 'Adiyy's tradition contains an additional passage which reveals the essential differences of opinion and attitude between two centres of hadith: the Iraqi and the Medinan. The full version is recorded in Ibn Nasir al-Din's Jami' ai-athiu, in Ibn Kathir's al=Bidaya, in Zurqani's Sharb al-mawahib and in Ibn
83 See e.g. al-Dhahabi, Miziin al-itidiil, N, 324, no. 9311 84 Ibn Hajar, Lisan al-mizan; VI, 210 sup.; and see Ibn Nasir aI-Din, Jiimi' a/.-athiir, foL 252a 85 Sharb al-mawahib, III, 193penult 86 Al-Zurqani, Sharb al-mawahib, III, 194, sup; al-'I$iimi, Simi a/.-nujilm a/.-'awiili, 1, 408. 87 Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya; V, ?JJ7.
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Hajar's Lisan al-mizan: But the tradition with full isnads is recorded in Abu l-Jahm al-'Ala b. Miisa's (d. 228 Ali) Juz'.ss Itis noteworthy that another MS. of this JUZ'89 was identified and perused by Suliman Bashear, who quoted this very tradition in his rook, Muqaddima ti l-tarikh aI-Qkhar.90 The passage contains a conversation between al-Haytham b. .Adiyy and Hisham b. 'Urwa concerning the tradition that Khadija bore the Prophet 'Abd al-Tlzza, 'Abd Manaf and al-Qasim, Al-Haytham questioned Hisham about the sons of the Prophet, al-Tayyib and ul-Tahir, and Hisham b. 'Urwa answered: "That is a lie which you, the people of Iraq, have invented; but our elders, ashyakhunll, said: 'Abd Ill-'Uzza, 'Abd Manaf and al-Qasim?" 'Urwa's answer clearly reflects the rift between the Medinan and Iraqi hadith scholars. The Medinan lind Syrian scholars accused the Iraqis of forging hadiths of sectarian inclinations, of spreading reports encouraging rebellions and inflating utterances and traditions." IV According to tradition, the children of Khadija died while she was still alive. She was consoled by the utterance of the Prophet that they were granted residence in Paradise. As to al-Qasim, who did not live to complete his suckling, the Prophet promised Khadija that he would be given a wet nurse in Paradise to complete his suckling,"
xx MS.Hebrew Univ~Ar. 8" 273, pp. 59-60. !l9 MS.Z8hiriyya, Majmil 83, fols. 2115. 90 Jerusalem 1984, p. 168, n. 60. 91 Abu 1-Jahm, J uz', P. 60. iya' l-'Umari, al-Najaf 1386/1967, p. 9-10: a p in the Year of the Elephant, forty years after, thirty years after or fifteen years before; and see the different dates recorded in Muhammad b. Siilim al-Himawi, Ta'rikh al-siilihi, MS. Br. Mus., Or. 6657, fol 13Oa; and see the various traditions: Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya; II, 262: ten years after the Year of the Elephant, twenty-three years after, thiny years after, forty years after and fifteen years before the Day of the Elephant (this tradition is marked as gharib, munkar and (ja'it); and see the various dates recorded in al-Bayjiiri's
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Scholars of haditb and sira stress that the aim of the story of the miraculous salvation of Mecca was to herald the advent of the Prophet, and to emphasize the elevated position his people gained after humiliation during Abraha's expedition'?' Another crucial event mentioned in connection with the Prophet's birth was the Battle of Iabala. This battle was waged seventeen years before the birth of the Prophet; Islam began fifty-seven years after Iabala. Thus when 'Amir b. Tufayl, who was born on the Day of Jabala, came to visit the Prophet in the year of the Prophet's death he was eighty years old; the Prophet was then
Hiuhiyatun 'ala mauiidi abi l-baraka: sayyidi ahmadi l-dardlr, Cairo 1294, pp, 44-45; aI-Sinjari, Manllil)u l-karam bi-akhbari maldeota wa-l-haram; MS.
Leiden, Or. 7018, fol. 58a: born in the Year of the Elephant, or fifty days after the attack of the troops of the Elephant, or thirty years after the Year of the Elephant, or forty years after the Year of the Elephant Many traditions are recorded in Ibn N~ al-Din's Jami' al-iithiu, fols. 179b-180b:the Prophet was born in the Year of the Elephant, he received the Revelation forty years after the Elephant (The fight at - K.) 'Ukaz took place fifteen years after the Elephant and the Ka'ba was built twenty-five years after the Elephant; the Prophet was born thirty days after the Elephant, or fifty days, or fifty-five days, or two months and six days, or ten years; some say twenty years, some say twenty-three years, some say thirty years, some say that God sent the Prophet with his mission fifteen years after the Ka'ba was built, and thus there were seventy years between the Elephant and the mission (mab'aJh) of the Prophet; some say that he was born fifteen years before the Elephant, some say forty days or fifty days, some say thirty years before the Elephant, and finally, some say that there were ten years between the expedition of the Elephant and the mission, wa-bayna an buitha: See al-Bayhaqi, Dala'i/, I, 65: the Prophet was on the Day of 'Ukaz twenty years old; p. 67: the Ka'ba was built fifteen years after the Year of the Elephant and the Prophet received his revelation forty years after the Elephant According to another tradition, the Prophet received his mission fifteen years after the building of the Ka'ba, the mission of the Prophet, al-mab'ath; was seventy years after the Year of the Elephant; p. 68: the Prophet was born ten years after the Year of the Elephant 101 Al-Zurqanl, Sharb al-mawahib, I, 89: ... wa-qad kiinat h1uJhihi l-qissatu
dallatan 'ala sharafi sayyidinii muhammadin wa-irhasan iahii ... wa-fzazan li-qaumihi ... ts) wa-tdsisan li-nubuwwaiihi
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sixty-three years 01d102 The link between the date of the Prophet's birth and the Expedition of the Elephant is, however, denied by the Mu'tazila: God caused the miraculous event of Abraha's defeat for another prophet before Muhammad, such as Khalid h Sinful or Quss h sa'ida103 It is evident that the divergent and contradictory traditions give no clue as to the exact date of the Prophet's birth or of his marriage to Khadija, or the number of male children Khadija bore and their fate. Traditions about the death of Khadija link the time of the event with the time of the hijra of the Prophet to Medina She is said to have died three years before the hijra.104 Some sources record
102 Jarlr and Farazdaq, Naqlli4, ed. Bevan, pp. 230, 676, 790; and see Abu l-Baqa' Hibatullah, al-Manilqib al-mazyadiyya Ii akhbari i-mulUki l-asadiyya; MS. Br. Mus., Add 23296, foL 54b = ai-Manjjqib, ed. Siilil,1Miisii Dariidika and Muhammad 'Abd al-Qadir Khuraysat, 'Amman 1984, I, 191 ult.-I92, 1. 1: ... wa-qila inna yauma jabala kana qabia i-isiami bi-thiJIOlhina'iiman; wa-qila bi-arbdina ... ; and cf. al-Baladhuri, Ansah al-ashral, MS. Ashir Ef1 fol. 960a: ... wa-kanat [abalatu qabla maulidi i-nabiyy bi-sab'a 'ashrata sanatan; and see the detailed analysis of the Jabala tradition: Mughultay, al-Zahr al-basim, MS. Leiden, Or. 370, foL 130h 103 Al-Tabarsi, Majma' al-bayan [i tafsiri i-qur'an, XXx, 239: ... wa-kana hadha min a'?ami l-mujiziui i-qahirat wa-i-ayati i-bahirat [i dhiilika l-zamiin azharahu liahu ta'ala li-yadulla 'ala wujUbi mdrifauhi wa-lihi irhasun li-nubuwwaii nabiyyinii $alia llllhu 'alayhi wa-saliam li-annahu wulida [i dhalika i-'am; wa-qala qaumun mina i-mu'taziIaJiannahu klJna mu'jizatan li-nabiyyin mina i-anbiya'i [i dhalika i-zamiini wa-rubbama qalu huwa khiUidu bnu sinllnin . .. and see the cautiously formulated comment of 'AM al-Jabbar in his Mutashilbih al-qur'iin, ed. 'Adniin MuI,1ammad Zarziir, Cairo 1969, IL 700:.... [a-amma qauluhu ta'ala tarmihim bi-l)ijaratin min sijjil [a-innahu 'indanii ia budda min an yakiina dhalika mu'jizan li-ba'di i-anbiya'i [i dhiUika l-waqti li-anna [ihi 1UUJ.da 'adatin wa-dhalika ia yaiiau ilia Ii azmiini i-anbiya'i. 104 See e.g. al-Qayrawiini, Kitah al-jlunl, p. 131;Ibn Hazm, Jawlunl al-sira; p.31; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, Majma' al-zawa'id, IX, 219, ult, And see ibid an additional detail: she died in the seventh year of the Prophet's mission;and see al-'Isami, Simi al-nujiim; I, 367: she died three years before the hijra. Additional details: she lived with the Prophet for twenty-four years, five months and eight days, fifteen years of which preceded the Revelation; al-Mutahhar b. Tahir al-Maqdisi, Kitah al-bad' wo-i-tarikh; V, 11:she died
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divergent and conflicting data about the death of Khadija. The traditions that she died three years before the hijra are contradicted by a tradition that she died two years before the hijra and by another that she died five years before the hijra.IOS Ibn Qutayba'P" provides us with two different details: she died three days after the death of Abu Talib, and the Prophet went out to al- Ta'if accompanied by Zayd b. Haritha three months after her death. Al-Zurqani records different traditions about the date of Khadija's death:"? she died three, four, five or six years before the hijra. She died in the same year in which Abu Talib died. Further, Zurqani stresses that some of the details concerning Khadija's age at her death are not congruent with the data about the age of the Prophet when he married her.IOS Al-Hakim, who records the tradition saying that she died three years before the hijra; mentions nevertheless another tradition which holds that she died one year before the hijra. Noteworthy is the comment of al-Hakim concerning the tradition that she died at the age of sixty-five: according to him, this is an odd tradition; in his opinion she did not reach the age of sixty.109 The two comments as to the incompatibility of the contradictory, divergent and equivocal traditions indicate that these
105
106 107 I~ 109
three years before the hijra: Two additional details are provided: she died after the Banii Hashim left the shib, three days after the death of Abii Talib, AI-SaI.il:Ii, ubuJ ol-hudii; II, 571 Additional details are given: she died on the S tenth of Ramadan, The date coincides with the tenth year of the mission of the Prophet, after the Banii Hashim left the shi'b; Ibn 'Asakir, T'a'rikh Dimashq (tahdhlb) I, 303 has a similar report He records, however, an additional detail: her death occurred two years after the Banii Hashim had left the shi'b; al-Maqrizi, [mtTl al-asmd, I, 29 records that she died three years before the hijra; and mentions that her death occurred eight months and twenty-one days after the Banii Hashim had left the shib. Ai-Ma'1JTif, p. 151 Shml;z ai-mawahib, III, 2Zfr-227. Shark ol-mawahib. III, 227: ... amma 'ala anna sinnahu il;zda wa-tishrkna au thaJ.lIJhUna fa-Ia yatr/atta in qllla inna mautahiJ sanaia 'ashrin mina l-bdthaii: Al-Hakim, ai-Mustadrak, III, 182:... 'an hishami bni 'urwata qala: tuwuifiya: khadi jatu bint u khuwaylidin wa-hiya bnatu khamsin wa-sittina sanatan; hlzdhlz qaulun shadhdhun, [a-inna lladhi 'indi annahii lam tablugh
siuina sanoian:
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stories have to be reassessed against the background of the possible activities of the Prophet and his position during the initial period of his marriage in Mecca. It is plausible that during the first years of his marriage the Prophet devoted himself to his commercial business and the management of his household. Tradition explicitly says that he started to practice tahannuih after the birth of some of his daughters, and that all his daughters were born before the Call and the Revelation. It was only during the second period of his stay in Mecca that Muhammad was granted prophethood and became conscious of his mission. During that period, when he was faced with opposition and stubborn resistance, Khadija became his devoted adherent and intrepid supporter. It is possible that the Prophet married her when he was twenty-five years old, loving her passionately.'" In all probability, Khadija was not forty years old, and could still have borne him four daughters and one or two sons. The tradition that she was twenty-eight years old when she married the Prophet seems to be the sound one. If this is the case, and if we further accept as sound the tradition that she lived with him for twenty-four years, then she must have died at the age of fifty-two; the Prophet was then forty-nine years old. The early tradition that Khadija bore the Prophet only one male child, al-Qasim, seems to be trustworthy; the infant died after a short time. It is possible that Khadija bore him another male child, 'Abdallah, but it is not likely that she bore him other male children, as reported in later equivocal and dubious traditions/"
v
The death of one or two sons of the Prophet is reflected in several traditions, and is echoed in the commentaries of the Qur'an, According to tradition, the first of the children of the Prophet who died was al-Qasim; afterwards 'Abdallah died. Then al-'A~
no
ill
(0$1. al-hamdu li-lliihi lladhi at'amani l-khamir wa-zawwajani khadijaia wa-kuniu lahiJ 'iishiqan:
See e.g. al-I;Iakim, ai-Mustadrak., III, 182, inf; ... 'ani l-zuhri: qala rasUlu llllhi wa-albasani l-harir See the examination of the traditions about the children of the Prophet: A Sprenger. Das Leben und die Lehre des Mohammad. Berlin 1869, I, 188-206; W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad oJ Mecca, Oxford 1953, pp. 58-59.
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b. Wa'il called the Prophet al-abtar. God responded in the siirat a/-kauthar, the "Sura of Abundance," in which he revealed the verse: inna shimi'aka huwa t-amar, "surely he who hates thee is the one cut off.'~12The widely diffused tradition saying that al-'~ b. Wa'il called the Prophet al-abtar after the death of 'Abdallah, or al-Qasim or 'Abdallah and al-Qasim is contradicted by a version of the tradition traced back to Ibn 'Abbas, which holds that after the birth of 'Abdallah, there was a period during which Khadija ceased bearing children. AI-'~ b. Wa'il then called the Prophet al-abtar, because people used to call a man whose wife ceased bearing children a/-abtar. Khadija afterwards bore him al-Qasim and his other childreu'" In all
112 Ibn al-Jauzi, al-Wafa bi-aqwaJi i-n-wstafa..p. 655. And see: Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, VII, 389; al-Suyiitl, al-Durr al-mamhia, VI, 404; al-Shaukanl, FaJn al-qadir, Cairo, repro Beirut, n.d., V, 503; 'AIxI al-Razzaq, Tafsir, MS. Dar al-kutub, Tafsir 242, fol. 301a; Yabya b. Salam al-Taymi, Tafsir, Mukhtasar Ibn Zamanin MS. Fas, Qar. 34, p. 399121; al-Kazariini, al-Sira; MS. Br. Mus.,Add 18499,fol. 83a; al-Tabari, Jaml al-bayan fi tafsiri l-qur'an (= Tafsir), Biilaq 1329,XXx, 212;Ibn IsI)aq,al-Siyar wa-l-maghazi, pp. 245, 271; al-'As b. wsu called him al=abt ar after the death of al-Qasim, and then the siira: al-kauthar was revealed; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiu, I, 133; al-Nuwayri, Nlhaya: at-arab. XVIII, ~ Abii Hayyan al-Jayyani, Tafsir al-bahr al-rrwJ;it,Cairo 1328, VIII, 520; Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rikk Dimashq (tahdhib), I, 293; Ibn Nasir al-Din, Jiimi' al-athiir, fol. 251a: the man who named the Prophet al-abtar after the death of al-Qasim was 'Amr b. al-'As, but other reports say that the man who insulted the Prophet was al-'As b. Wa'il; Muqatil, Taf sir, MS. Ahmet III, 74-2, foL 254a; Al-Wiibidi, Asbab al-nuziU, Cairo 1388/1968, pp, 306 inf.-307; al-Khazin, Lubab al-tawil [i ma'iini i-tanzii (= Tafsir); 1381, VII, 253; al-Baghawi, Ma'aJim al-tanzil (= Tafsir), on margin of al-Khazin, Tafsir, VII, 253; al-Fakhr al-Razi, al-Tafsir al-kabir, XXXII, 132:After the death of 'Abdallah, the son of the Prophet, al-'As b. Wa'il offended the Prophet, calling him al-abtar. the man who had become cut off, devoid of male progeny; and see al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, XX, 222; and see al-Katakanl, al-Burhan [i tafsiri l-qur'iin; ed. Mahmiid b. Ja'far al-Zarandi, Qumm 1394, IV, 515: at-shant' refers to 'Amr b. al-'As. And see about the slirat al-katuhar Harris Birkeland, The Lord Guideth; Studies on Primitive Islam; Oslo 1956,pp. 56-99. ll3 Al-Mu'afa b. Zakariyya al-Nahrawani l-Jarirl, al-Jallsu i-SaJi/J al-kafi wa-l-anisu i-nlI.$ihui-shafi, MS. Topkapi Saray, ill Ahmet, No. 2321.foL 217a; Ibn 'Aslikir, Tdrikk Dimashq; I, 294; al-Suyutl, al-Durr al-manthUr,VI, 404.
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these traditions the enemy of the Prophet who is said to have insulted him was al-'~ h Wa'il There are, however, other traditions in which the word ai-shimi' is attributed to other persons. According to a report recorded by al-Fakhr al-Razi, the person who insulted the Prophet out of hatred after the death of the Prophet's son was Abu Jahl114 Other traditions say that the person who insulted the Prophet after the death of his son was Abu Lahah'" A conciliatory explanation is given by al-Halabi in his Sirct16 al-'~ and Abu Lahab were both named aJ-abtar because their sons had embraced Islam and they had become cut off from them; they are not considered to be "the children of Abu Lahab and al-'As," and are not permitted to receive the inheritance of their fathers. Several traditions do not link the verses of the sura with the death of the children of the Prophet,"? There are some other traditions saying that the verse inna shani'aka huwa l-abtar refers to the unbelievers who insulted the Prophet by calling him ai-abtar, thus referring to their assumption that he would not find adherents and helpers and would be cut off. This was denied by the sura, which assured him that God and Jibril would give him succour and help.118 According to a tradition recorded in Ibn
114 Al-Fakhr al-Razi, al-Tajsir al-kabir, XXXII, 133, 1ll-3; Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, VII. 390; and see al-Shaukani, Fatl) ai-qadir, V, 501 115 Ibn Kathir, Taisir, VII, 390. ll; and see al-Fakhr al-Razi, al-Tafsir aI-kabir. XXXII, 133 sup; Abii Lahab called the Prophet ol-abtar after the prediction about Abii Lahab's doom and perdition was declared in Siira CXI: tabbat yadii abi lahabin wa-tobba; and see the article by Uri Rubin, "Abu Lahab and siira ocr; BSOAS XLII (1979).13-28. 116 Al-Sira aI-l)alabiyya, m. 346. 117 See e.g. al-Fakhr al-Razi, ai-Tafsir aI-kabir. XXXII, 132 inf; Quraysh invited Ka'b b. al-Ashraf as arbiter and recounted the virtues by which they surpassed Muhammad; Ka'b confirmed their superiority in relation to Muhammad, a. al-Shaukanl, Fatl) al-qadlr, V. 504; al-Tabari, Tafsir, Xxx, 213; al-Khiizin, Tatsir, VII, 253; al-Baghawi, Tatsir, VII, 251 And see al-Fakhr al-Razi, ibid, for another tradition recorded on the authority of 'Ikrima and Shahr b. Haushab; the Prophet summoned Quraysh to embrace Islam; they refused, arguing that he had disobeyed his people and had become cut off from them 118 Al-Fakhr al-Razi, aI-Tatsir al-kobir, xxxn. 131
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Kathir.'" al-Fakhr al-Razi,120 al-Tabaril" al-Jawr22 and al-Suyiiti,123 the word shimi' refers to 'Uqba b, Abi Mu'ayt, An odd tradition links the verse inna shani'aka huwa /-abtar with the person of Abu Jahl, but does not connect it with the death of the children of the Prophet Abu Jahl hated the Prophet and spoke about him with scorn. One day he asked his guests to accompany him to Muhammad's abode. When they reached the house of the Prophet, Abu Jahl summoned him to a wrestling contest which he hoped would expose the weakness of the Prophet The Prophet, however, succeeded in flinging Abu Jahl down and putting his leg on Abu JahI's chest.124 The story of the Prophet's wrestling with an adversary and defeating him is not unique; in the case of Rukana, the Prophet wrestled with him and flung him down to the ground, and Rukana became convinced of the prophethood of Muhammad and embraced 1slam12S It is evident that all these traditions refer to the Meccan period in the life of the Prophet, and it is thus plausible that the siirat ai-kauihar was regarded as Meccan There are, however, traditions which speak of this siira being revealed under quite different circumstances. A report recorded by al- Tabarani on the authority of Abu Ayyiib says that after the death of Ibrahim, the son of the Prophet, the unbelievers told each other joyously that the Prophet had become an abtar. The sisrat al-kauthar constituted a denial of this false claim.126 A tradition traced back to al-Suddi reports that when al-Qasim and 'Abdallah died in Mecca and Ibrahim in Medina, the unbelievers
Ai-Tafsir aJ-kabir, xxxn m Tafsir, xxx, zn Marah labid, Cairo, n.d., II, 468. Ai-Durr aJ-manlhUr, VI, 404. AI-Fakhr a1-Razi, Tafsir, XXXII, 133; a1-Jiiwi,MarlJh labid, II, 468. A1-Fakhr remarks that the connection of the word shani' with Abu Jahl and the wrestling event is based on stories circulated by the qrL$oYll$. 125 See e.g. Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba; II, 497, no. 2691; and see the story of Rukfula in a1-Fiikihi, Tdrikk makka; MS. Leiden, Or. 463, fo1474b. 126 A1-Silaukiini,Fath aJ-qadir, Y, 504; a1-Suyiiti,aJ-Durr aJ-manlhUr, VI 403 info 120 121 122 123 124
119 Tafsir, VII, 389.
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in Mecca said that the Prophet had become an abtar, a man bereft of progeny. The siaa: al-kauthar was a denial of this claim; in fact, the progeny of the unbelievers were cut off, while the progeny of the Prophet increased and grew abundantly,"? The "pseudo-historical background" of the tradition seems to indicate that after the death of Ibrahim in Medina (in the year 10 All.) there were quite strong groups of Qurashi opponents who expected the power of the nascent Islamic community in Medina to be shattered. But some traditions linking the revelation of siir at al-kauthar with the death of one or more sons of the Prophet are clearly anachronistic. To this group belongs the tradition reported on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas saying that when Ibrahim, the son of the Prophet, died, Abii Jahl joyously told his companions that Muhammad had been cut off from his progeny, butira muhammadun: Then God revealed the sisrat al-kautharli" The legendary character of this tradition is evident Abii Jahl was killed in the Battle of Badr in 2 AH., while Ibrahim died in the year 10 AR It is no wonder that the scholars of the Qur'an held different views as to whether the siira was revealed in Mecca or in Medina..129 A peculiar tradition, obviously Shi'i, on the authority of al-Hasan b. 'Ali, gives a significant background for the shani' verse of the siinu al-kauihar: the Prophet saw in a dream the Banii Umayya successively ascending his minbar; he was grieved by this vision, and then God revealed the siaa: al-kauthar. The word shimi' thus refers to the Banii Umayya. Al-Fakhr al-Razi remarks that the rule (mulk) of the Banii Umayya had indeed vanished and they had become cut off.l30
127 AI-Fakhr al-Razi, Taisir, XXXII, 133; cf. al-Qurtubl, Tajsir, xx, 222-223; and see the comments in al-Fadl b. al-Hasan al-Tabarsi's Jawami< aI-jarni' ti taisiri l-qur'ani I-majid, Tabriz 1379, pp. 553-554. 128 Abu H3yy8n. aI-Bahr aI-mu/.lit,VIII, 520; al-Shaukani, Fath d-qadir, V, 503; al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, xx. 222 129 See e.g. Abu Hayyan, al-Bahr al-muhit; VIII, 519: hadhihi I-suratu makkiyyatun [i l-mashhuri; wa-qaulu I-jumhuri madaniyyatun [i qauli l-hasani wa-Tkrtmata wa-qasadata; and see T. Noldeke-F. Schwally, GeschichJedes Qorlms, Hildesheim 1961. I, 92. 130 Al-Fakhr al-Razi, Tofsir, XXXII, 134 sup.
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The conflicting views of the Muslim scholars as to whether the sura: ai-kaiahar is Meccan or Medinan are revealed in a remarkable discussion of a tradition about a nap the Prophet took, reported on the authority of Anas b. Malik. The Prophet is said to have taken a nap. Then he lifted his head and smiled. When asked about the reason for his smile he told the attending people that he had earlier (1m.ifan)been granted a sura; he then recited the siira: at-kauiharl" The pivotal issue in the discussion is whether the vision the Prophet had during his nap in Medina was merely a recollection of the Meccan sura, or a new revelation. or a vision of a sura, which would be endorsed by a revelation. The serious topic which had to be considered was whether a revelation of a sura could be granted during a nap. Some scholars were of the opinion that prophets could be granted revelation in dreams, while others denied it It was probably a conciliatory opinion put forward by some scholars who maintained that the verse inna shani'aka huwa I-abtar had been revealed in Mecca. while the two other verses had been revealed in Medina. This presumption was, however, contradicted by reports in which the sisrtu aJ-kauthar was included among those suras which came down as complete, undivided units revealed at once (dar atan wahidatan). To these sil.ros belong the fiuiha; the sUrat a/-ikhlas and the siaa: al-kaiahar." The sura: al-kauthar probably reflects the Prophet's grief after the death of his child and the mocking of his enemies in Mecca who called him al-abtar, but the reports of the transmitters referring to some historical events cannot be considered reliable and trustworthy. It is noteworthy that there was some aversion to recording chronological data relating to age. Malik b. Anas is said to have been reluctant to reveal a person's age: laysa min muruwwati I-rajuli an yukhbira bi-sinnihi.133 Al-Zurqani explains that the dates of the Prophet's children's deaths and their ages at the time are unknown due to the lack of
Falh al-qadir, Y, 503; Ibn Kathir, Taf sir, YIL 384; aI-Suyii~i,aJ-Durr aJ-manthUr, VI, 401 132 Al-l;IaIabi, al-Sira aJ-haIabiyya, III, 346. 133 Ibn al-'Arabi, Ahkiim al-qur'iin; ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijiwt, Cairo 1388/1968, N, 1968.
131 See e.g. al-Shaukani,
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historical interest in that period: ... lam tulam muddatu hayatlhi li-qillati l-ttindt bi-l-ta'rikhi idhdhilka.134 The male children of the Prophet borne by Khadija died as infants; some traditions say that they died as sucklings. Ibrahim, the son of the Prophet borne him by the slave girl Mariya, died as a small child of sixteen or eighteen months. The Prophet, afflicted by this distress, gave vent to his feelings, weeping and bewailing the beloved son. A significant utterance of the Prophet emphasized the high status of the deceased child: "Had he survived he would have been a siddiq and a prophet'[" It was indeed a fatal calamity which the Prophet had to acceptl36 However, by God's grace the Prophet was compensated for his suffering and distress at the loss of his male progeny. He is said to have asked God to grant him children of the highest quality, and God responded and granted him female children. The Prophet further proudly stated in his utterance that anyone wanting to see the ''Father of Daughters" should see the Prophet, as he is the Father of Daughters. Miisa, Shu'ayb and Lut were also ''Fathers of Daughters'P? Another tradition of this kind is reported on the authority of Abu Hurayra and 'Uqba b. 'Amir: ... la takrahis l-banaii fa-inni aha I-banati wa-innahunna I-ghizlibiltu I-mu'nisiltu I-mujhiriltupa
134 Al-Zurqiini, Shorb,ol-mawahib, III, 193,112 135 See e.g. al-Suyiiti, al-Hiiwi li-I-falawi, ed. Muhammad Mubyi l-Din 'Abd al-Hamid, Cairo 1378/1959, II, 187-190;and see the detailed study of the different versions of this tradition in Y. Friedmann's "Finality of Prophethood in Sunni IsIam,"JSAl 7 (1986),187-191 136 Ibn Hajar, ai-I saba, I, 175:... inna l-'ayna tadmau wo-l-qalba yahzanu wa-llI naqUluilia rna yurdi rabbaniJ... 137 Al-Daylami, Firdaus ol-akhbar, MS. Chester Beatty, no. '!JJJ7, fol 89b: Ibn Mas'iid: ... sa'oltu rabbi khayra l-waladi fa-alani rabbi khayra l-woladi [a-razaqani l-baniiti; fa-man kana yuridu an yara aba l-baniiti fa-anii abu l-baniiti wa-milrii abu l-baniiti wa-slulayb abUl-baniiti wa-liil abU l-baniiti. 138 AI-Daylami, Firdaus, MS. Chester Beatty, no. '!JJJ7, fol187a; and see a similar tradition in which, however, the expression abu l-baniit is not mentioned: Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kiimil [i du'af1ii l-rijaIi. Beirut 1405/1985, I, 2281 and Niir aI-Din V aI-Haythami, Majmd ol-zaw1iid. VIII, 156.
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Daughters were indeed never joyously welcomed in Muslim society; they were unwanted in accordance with a longstanding tradition of the Jahiliyya period. These two haditbs attributed to the Prophet allayed the feelings of bitterness, grief and disappointment of the families "afflicted" with a great number of female children and granted the fathers comfort, relief and perhaps even a bit of pride.
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crowns.pdf "THE CROWNS OF THIS COMMUNITy" ... SOME NOTES oN THE TURBAN IN THE MUSLIM TRADITION M.J. Kister
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
I The tradition recorded in Nabia Abbot's Studies in Arabic Papyri III was only conjecturally read by the author: balaghana anna rasula llahi salla llahu `alayhi wa-sallama qala: tijanu hadhihi l-ummati l-`amalu [] yaquluha fi l-`idayni wa-yauma I-jum`ati. Professor Abbot described the papyrus as a document written in the late second century of the hijra; she assumed that the author- of the· papyrus was Qutayba b. Sa`ld al-Balkhi (d. 240/854).2 This partly deciphered statement, attributed to the Prophet and transmitted in various versions in the compendia of hadith, is often coupled with two or three additional statements ascribed to the Prophet. The first phrase of the combined statement, often quoted separately, and provided with explanations and comments, was transmitted in a concise form: al-`ama'imu tijanu I-`arabi, "The turbans are the crowns of the Arabs."3 This seems to be with all probability the correct reading of
1 Qur'anic Commentary and Tradition, The University of Chicago, Oriental Institute Publications, vol. 76, 11, 1967, Document 3, verso, 11.15-16. 2 Ibid., pp. 143-145. 3See e.g., Ibn Hajar al-`AsqalanI, Fada'ilu l-qur'ani l-karim, al-Sayyid al-Jamili, ed. (Beirut, 1986), p. 144: wa-huwa ka-qawihim: al-'ama'imu tfjanu l-'arabi li-kauniha taqllmu maqama l·tfjani; and see `Abd ai-Malik b. Mul]ammad alTha`aIibI, Thimaru l-quillb /f l-mudaJ wa-l-manfllb, MUl}ammadAbu I-Fa4I IbrahIm, ed. (Cairo, 1384/1965), p. 159 (see the references of the editor). MUQammad DarwIsh ai-Hut, Ama I-matalib /f a/}aduha mukhtaliJati I-maratib, Khalil ai-Mays, ed. (Beirut, 1403/1983), p; 208, no. 942 stresses the weak character of the tradition: turuquhu kulluha da`fjatun, Wa-!lunua min kalami l-zuhri kama dhakarahu l-ba!lhaqi. Mul]ammad b. Al]mad b. Jiira11iihal-~afadr I-YamanI, al-Nawajilu I-`atira /f l-a/}oduhi I-mu.htahira, Mul]ammad `Abd al-Qadir `A~ii,ed. (Beirut, 1412/1992), 207, no. 1130 (see also the references of the editor); Mul}ammad b. `Abd al-Ralpnan al-SakhiiwI, al·Maqofidu l./}a.ana ji-ba!lani kathfrin min al·a/}aduhi l·mu.htahira `ala l-al,ina, `Abdallah MUl}ammad al-~q and 'Abd al-Wahhiib `Abd al-La~if, eds. (Beirut, 1399/1979),291, no. 717; (see the various versions and the references). Abu Sa'd 'Abd ai-Malik b. Mul]ammad al-Wii`i~ al-KhargiishI, al-Bi,hara wa-l-nidhara /f ta`biri l-ru'!la wa-l-muraqaba, MS. Br. Mus., Or. 6262, fo!' 127a: wa-aula l-ki.wati bi-taqdfmi I-dhikri al·'amo'imu Ja-innaha tfjanu I-'arabi ... ; al-Raghib al-¥ahanI, Mu/}adaratu I·udabii' (Beirut, 1961), vo!' 4, p. 371; Abu Bakr Al]mad b. `Abdallah al-
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the short phrase of the tradition, as given in the papyrus: tZjiinu hiidhihi l-ummati l-camii'imu, "The crowns of this people are the turbans." This statement is attributed in several early sources to 'Umar b. alKhattab." It is recorded in Mughultay's al-Zahr al-biisim and is attributed to cAll b. AbI Talib, though Mughultay mentions that it was attributed to the Prophet as well.5 This notion of equating turbans with crowns was rooted in the society of the Arab peninsula in the period of the Jahiliyya. Wearing a turban implied strength and honour, symbolized the authority of a clan or tribal group and reflected high military position and leadership. MuCammam or muiassab, "dressed in a turban," referred to a man appointed as chief of his people. It corresponds to the expressions tuwwija, "he was crowned," or suwwida, "he was granted the control of a tribal group," which are used regarding the non-Arabs." The expression almu' ammam also entailed the responsibility ofthe appointed chief: every offense committed by a member of the tribe was figuratively fastened to his turban; he was responsible for the evil deeds of the members of his clan or tribe." Before the advent ofIslam, only the Arabs (i.e., the tribal society of the Arab peninsula-k) wore turbans, the crowns of the Arabs.8 The Bedouin provenance of the above statement - "The Crowns of the Arabs" is clearly reflected in CAlIb. Ahmad al-cAzlzI's explanation of the tradition: "The turbans are like the crowns for the kings of the Arabs, because the majority of the Arabs (i.e., the Bedouins-k] are bareheaded and turbans are scarce among them."?
Kindt al-Samdf al-NazwI, al-Mufannaf, 'Abd al-Mun'im 'Amir and Jadallah Ahmad, eds.(Cairo, 1979), 12, p. 70; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, A~kam ahli I-dhimma, Subhl l-Salih, ed. (Damascus, 1381/1961), vol. 2, p. 739. 4 AI-Ja\:li~, al-Bayan wa-l-ta~yfn, 'Abd al-Salam Muhammad Harlin, ed., n.p., n.d. (probably Beirut, fourth edition), vol. 3, p. 100 and vol. 2, p. 88; al-Raghib al-Isfahanr, Mu~at/arilt al-udaba', vo\. 3-4, p. 371. 5 Mughultay, al-Zahr al-basim, MS. Leiden, Or. 370, fo\' 219b. And see Ibn alDayba', Taysfr al-wuful ila jami' I-Uful min ~adfthi l-rasiil (Cairo, 1390/1970), vo\. 4, p. 186. 6 See L'A, s.v. 'mm: ('ammama) wa-'ummima l-rajul, suwwida, Ii-anna tfjana l-'arabi l-'ama'imu, [a-kullamii qua if l-'ajami tuwwija, tpia if l-'arabi 'ummima. And see Hamza al-~fahanI, al-Durra al-fakhira if l-amthiili l-sa'ira, 'Abd al-Majjd Qa~amish, ed. (Cairo, 1971), vo\. 1, p. 123, no. 115: fa-ka-anna 'ummima bi-iza'i ma yuqalu if l-'ajami tuwwija. 7l;Iamza al-Isfahanf', al-Durra al-fakhira, vo\. 1, p. 123; and see al-Raghib al-Isfahant, Mu~at/arat al-udaba', vo\. 3-4, p. 371: wa-qau/uhum "sayyidun mu'ammamun, mu'aHabun" ifhi ta'Wfiani a~aduhuma huuia l-muta'aHabu bijara'iri qaumihi uia-l-iikh aru bi-ma'na I-sharafi. 8 Ibn N~ir al-Dm, Jami' al-iiihiir , MS., Cambridge Or. 913, fo\' 204a: amma fa~ibu l-taj, [a-qiila abu I-fat/I 'iyat/ [a-l-muriid bihi l-'imama, lam takun ~fna'idhin ilia li-l-i arabi ; and see al-MajJisI, Bi~aru 1-IJnwar, vo\. 16, p. 131, Jawad al-'AlawI and Muhammad al-AkhundI, eds.(Tehran, 1379): wa-amma I-taju [a-l-murnd bihi l-'imamatu, wa-lam yakun ~fna'idhin ilia li-I-'arabi. 9 'Alf b. Ahmad al-'AzIzI, al-Siraj al-munfr, shar~ 'ala I-jami' I-lJaghfr if a~adfthi
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According to tradition, several' eminent persons in Mecca, such as the leaders of tribal clans, attained a conspicuous privilege: when the leader wore a turban of a certain colour, no one else in Mecca had the right to wear one of the same colour. For instance, in the late period of the Jjihiliyya, SacId b. al_c.A~ Umayya who received the sobriquet dhii b. l-cimiima was granted such a privilege.l? According to a verse recorded in Hamsa al-Isfahani's ol-Durra al fiikhira, a poet praised Sa'Id b. al-c.A~, saying: "When Abii-cUl].ayl].a,(i.e., Sa'Id b. al-'.A~-k), puts the turban on his head (in his characteristic way -k}, any man who imitates him will be beaten, even if he is a man of wealth and [has a] large number" (scil. of relatives and allies). 11 A tradition recorded by al-.AbI12provides a vivid description of the rivalry between Sa'Id b. al-c.A~and the renowned warrior who distinguished himself in the battle of al-Fijar, al-Zubayr b. cAbd al-Muttalib. AI-Zubayr was the leader of the Hashimi branch of Quraysh in the war of Fijar. He initiated the confederation of the ~ilf al-fu¢.iil, and was appointed by his father as his heir and trustee and became a mediator in the complicated problems of conflicts and peace making. He was the uncle of the Prophet and was highly respected in Mecca.P According
I-bashir l-nadlur li-Jaliili i.ot« I-Suy11tf (Cairo, 1377/1957), vol. 2, p. 474: al'amii'imu tfjiinu I·' arabi, ay hiya lahum bi-manzilati I.tfjiini li-l-mulUki, li-annahu aktharu mii yakununa bi-I-bawiidf, ru'usuhum makshuJatun, wa-I-'amii'imu fihim qalilatun; cr. al-Kinanf', al-Di'iima li-ma'riJati a/]kiimi sunnati I-'imiima (Damascus, 1342), p. 6, ll. 1-3. 10 See Abu 'Ubayda Ma'mar b. al-Muthanna, Kitiib al-dibiij, 'Abdallah b. Sulayrnan al-Jarbu' and 'Abd al-Rahman b. Sulayman al-'Uthaymin, eds. (Cairo, 1411/1991), p.130. ll.l:lamza al-Isfahant, al-Durra al-Jiikhira, vol. 1, p, 122: Abu U/]ay/]ata man ya'tammu 'immatahu ywjrab, wa-in kiina dhii miilin wa-dhii 'adadi. See also the reference of the editor. For more on Sa'Id b. al-'A~, nicknamed dhu I-'imiimati, see Muhammad b. Hablb, al-Mu/]abbar, lise Lichtenstaedter, ed. (Hyderabad, 1361/1942), p. 165; and see Muhammad b. 'Abdallah al-Shiblt, Ma/]iisin al-wasii'il :If ma'riJati I-awii'il, Muhammad al-TunjI, ed. (Beirut, 1412/1992), 241; al-Jahis, al-Bayiin wa-I-tabyfn, 'Abd al-Salam Mul}ammad Harun, ed., vol. 3, p. 97; al-Jahis, al- Tiij:lf akhliiqi I-muluki, Al}madZakI Pasha, ed. (Cairo, 1732/1914), pp. 47, p. 196. Ibn Hajar al~'AsqalanI, al-Ifiiba :If tamyfzi I-fa/]iiba, 'All Muhammad al-Bijawr, ed. (Cairo, 1970), vol. 3, p. 289 inf., no. 3768; al-BaladhurI, Ansiib al-ashriiJ vol. 1, Muhammad Hamtdullah, ed. (Cairo, 1959), index; Abu Dawud al-Sijistani, alMariisil, 'Abd al-'AzIz 'Izzu l-Drn al-Sayrawan, ed. (Beirut, 1406/1986), 241, no. 98, 3; Abu Bakr passed by the grave of Sa'td b. al-'A, and cursed him because he opposed God (kiina mU/]iiddan li-lliihi) and His apostle. A son of Sa'Id b. al-'A~ replied by cursing Abu Bakr's father. The Prophet then prohibited the cursing of individual unbelievers, as this may enrage the living (descendants or relatives -k). However, he permitted the cursing of unbelievers as a group. See also Ahmad b. 'All al-QashanI b. Babah, Ra'su miili I-nadfmi :If tawiin'khi a'yiini ahli I-isliim, Suhayl Zakkar, ed., Beirut, 1418/1997, p. 111. 12 Mansur b. al-Husayn al-AbI, Nathr al-durr, Muhammad 'All Qarna and 'All Muhammad al-Bijawl, eds.(Cairo, 1380), vol. 1, p. 395-6. 13 For more on him, see: Abu Hilal al-Hasan b. 'Abdallah al-'AskarI, al-Awii'il
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to the story recorded by al-AbI, al-Zubayr b. cAbd al-Muttalib returned from a journey in Syria and went to. his dwelling. When he lay down, putting his head on the bosom of his maid-servant who combed his hair, he was surprised by her question: "Are you not frightened by the story?" She told him that Sa'Id b. al-cAI!!orbade any distinguished QurashI (alf abta~i -k) to wear a turban (similar to his own -k) on the same day that he wore it. AI-Zubayr, shocked by the news, seized the lock of his hair from the hand of the servant, ordered her to bring him his turban ("the long one"), jumped hastily on the saddled horse and hurriedly traversed the wadI in order to apprehend Sa'Id b. al_cA~. When Sa'Id received the news concerning al-Zubayr b. "Abd al-Muttalib, he fled in haste to al-Ta'if. Since the imiima was a symbol of strength and power, apostles, saints and prophets are said to have been granted the privilege of wearing the Cimiima among their insignia. "I was ordered to wear the cimiima, the sandals, and the seal," said the Prophet.l" According to a tradition recorded by al-Zurqani, one of the titles of the Prophet mentioned in the Gospel (inju) was ~ii~ibu l-tiij, which is glossed by the author ~iihibu
C
l_cimiima.15
In the traditions concerning the imiima, there is an evident tendency to praise the value of Bedouin dress, customs and weapons. The story of the appointment of CAllas the head of the expedition against some Arab tribes, reported by Abu 'Ubayda al-Hima, contains a peculiar passage concerning the Prophet's attitude towards the Bedouins. The Prophet dtessed CAllb. Abi TaIib in a black Cimiimaj he put the (fringes -k) of the cimiima on his back (or on his shoulder -k) and said: "You should use the Arab spears [i.e., the Bedouin ones -k) and Arab bows (al-qisiyy al-Cambiyya). By the means of these (weapons -k) God will grant victory to your faith (yan~uru lliihu di7U.Ikum) and will aid you in conquering the lands (wa-yafta~u lakumu l-biliida) .16
(Beirut, 1"407/1987), 37-38: .â¢. wa-qala l-zubayru, wa-kana fa~iba hadha 1-~iljL .. ; Ibn Sa'd, al- Tabaqat al-kubra (Beirut, 1380/1960), vol. 1, p. 85 inC.: ... wa-qala 'Abdu I-Muttalibi jf dhalika: sa-u§f Zubayran in tawaJat maniyyatf: bi-imsaki ma baynl wa·bayna banI 'amri wa·an ya~Jafi 1-~iIJa lladhf sanna shaykhuhu: wa-lti yu/~idan jfhi bi-fu/min wa·la ghadri qiila: Ja·au~ii 'Abdu I-Muttalibi ilii 'bnihi I·Zubayri bni 'Abdi I·Muffa/ibi, wa-au§a I-Zubayru ilii Abf Talibin, wa-aufii Abu rsuu« ilii 1·'Abbasi bni l-Muttalibi. 14 AI-NazwI, al-Mu~annaJ, h, 70. Cf. Al}mad b. Mul}ammad al-MaghribI, Fat~ almuta'iil jf mad~i I-ni'iil (Hyderabad, 1334), p. 101: wa-fihi annahu fii~ibu I-mi¢ra'ati wa-I-'imiimati wa-hiya I-tiiju, wa-I-hariiwati, wa-hiya I-qa¢lbu. And see the statement of Malik (b. Anas) in al-'AynI's' Umdat al-qiirf, shar~ fa~i1}i I·Bukhtirf (Beirut, 1348), vol. 21, p. 307:' al-'immatu wa-I-i~tibii'u wa·l-inti'iil min 'amali I-'arabi. 15 AI-Zurqaru, Shar~ 'alii I-mawiihibi I-Iaduniyya li-I-Qastalliinf (Cairo, 1326), vol. 3, p. 135, I. 4. 16 Ibn ~ajar al-'Asqalaru, al-Ifoba jf tamyfzi I-fa~iiba, 'All Muhammad al-BijawI,
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Tradition
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The debate over the quality of Arab weapons is repeated some seven centuries after the death of the Prophet. According to this report, the people of Khurasan claimed that it is useless to fight with the Arab bow; the most useful and efficientweapon being the Persian bow. People in.the border areas of the Muslim empire found the Persian bow incomparable to any other weapon because of its fine quality. A I],adfth of the Prophet was quoted in order to refute the erroneous opinion as to the preference of the Persian bow; it is, in fact, the I],adfth quoted in the preceding story with some minor changes.!" The importance of caring for the Bedouins' welfare is emphasized in the will of 'Umar, who named the Bedouins "the root of the Arabs and their mainstay." 18 In another letter of 'Umar, which he sent to the Muslim warriors in Adharbayjan, he summoned them to follow the ways of their ancestor Isma'Il, to wear the iziir, the ridii' and the sandals,
ed. (Cairo, 1971), vol. 4, p. 25; and see another version, ibid.: The Prophet dressed 'AlI in an 'imama on the day of GhadIr Khumm. See also al-Maqrfzr, Imta'u 1aama' bi-ma li-l-raauli mina l-anba'i wa-l-amwali wa-l-I}afadati wa-l-mata', Mahmud Muhammad Shakir, ed. (Cairo, 1941), vol. 1, p. 502: The Prophet sent 'All at the head of a troop to Yemen; he took a turban ('imama), rolled it two or four times, placed it on a spear and handed it over to 'All as a flag. He then dressed 'All in a .black turban, and wound it three times around his head, letting (the fringe of the imama -k) hang one .cubit in front of him and a certain distance (shibr) from behind him. The Prophet then said: "This is the proper way of winding the 'imama" (hakadha l-'imamatu). And see the version recorded in Dhahabr's Mfzan al-i'tidal, 'All Muhammad al-Bijawl, ed. (Cairo, 1382/1963), vol. 2, pp. 396-7. The Prophet stated that the angels sent by God to aid him on the day of Hunayn and on the day of Badr were clad in turbans wound in this fashion. He further remarked that the turbans distinguish between the Muslims and the unbelievers, Glancing at the attending people, the Prophet noticed a man with an Arab bow, and another with a Persian bow. The Prophet recommended the Arab bow and the Arab spears; by these God will aid the believers on Earth. See another version of the story of 'All who was sent by the Prophet on the day of Bi'r Khumm (the correct name of the place is evidently "Ghadlr Khumm" -k) with a group of warriors. The Prophet noticed a man with a Persian bow and another with an Arab bow among the warriors. The Prophet addressed the man with the Persian bow saying: "Throwaway this bow, as it is a cursed bow and cursed is the man who carries it. You have to carry the Arab bow." The Prophet enjoined the use of Arab bows and Arab spears; by these weapons God will strengthen the faith (of Islam -k) and make your grip on the land firm (wa-biha yumakkinu llahu jf l-bilad), in Abu Dawnd Sulayman b. al-Ash'ath alSijistani, al-Marasil, 'Abd al-'Azlz 'Izzu l-Din al-Sayrawan, ed. (Beirut, 1406/1986), p. 182, no. 28; and see Ibn Abll;!atim, 'Ilal al-I}adfth (Cairo, 1343), vol. 1, p. 486, no. 1457. l7lbn Taymiyya, Iqtitja'u l-firati l-mustaqfm mukhalafatu afl}abi l-jal}fm, Muhammad I;!a:mid al-Fiqt, ed. (Cairo, 1369/1950), p. 140. Note the expression, rimal} ol-qan« in this version; and see the interesting remark of the editor concerning the need to improve the weapons of the Muslims. Cf. the tradition in al-Bayhaqr's al-Sunan al-kubrii (Hyderabad, 1355), vol. 10, p, 14-15. 18 See 'Umar b. Shabba, Ta'n"kh al-madfna al-munawwara, Fahrm Muhammad Shalttlt, ed. (Makka al-mukarrama, 1399/1979), vol. 3, p, 937: ... wa-u§ikum bi-l-
a'rabi, facinnahum
aflukum wa-maddatukum
....
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M.J. Kister
to throwaway the trousers (al-sariiwiliit) and the boots (al-khifiif), to enjoy (the warmth of) the sun as that of a bath, and to stay away from alien fashions (ziyy al-Cajam) and luxuries (tanaCum). He advised them to live frugally, to gallop on horses and to engage in target practice with arrows. 19 The pious among the Umayyad governors demanded justice for the Bedouins. The famous ascetic, cA~a.)b. Abi Rabal}., a black slave in Mecca, was one of the great scholars widely respected for his knowledge of lJaduh and fiqh as well as his integrity. According to a report recorded in the Tadhkira of Ibn Hamdiin, cA~a.)entered the court of Sulayman b. cAbd al-Malik; when asked about his wishes, he bade the ruler to act according to the will of the Prophet. He asked to give the sons of the Muhii.jirun and the sons of the Anlllar their pay, and to care for the welfare of the desert dwellers (al-biidiya), since they are the mainstay (miiddatun) of the Arabs. He also requested that Sulayman alleviate the khariij tax levied on the dhimmis, since they help defend the ruler from the Muslim community's enemies as well as their own. In addition, he asked to extend help to the people of the frontiers (ahl al-thughiir), because they serve by defending the community (fa-innahu yudfaCu bihini
an hiidhihi l-umma).2o
The Prophet is said to have predicted that after his death there will ensue vehement civil wars (fitan) in which the dwellers of the deserts (ahlu l-bawiidi) will not be wet by the blood of the people nor by the seizing of their possessions. 21 _ The "imiima remained a symbol of strength, power, dignity, and honour. ''The turban denotes the dignity of the believer and the strength of the Arabs; if they remove their turbans, they will lose their strength." 22
19 Al-BayhaqI, al-Sunan al·kubra, vol.. 10, p. 14inf.j and see the explanation of some of the expressions in the letter of 'Umar: aI-Sar-arInI, Ghidha'u l-albab li-8har~i man~umati l-adab (Cairo, 1325), vol, 2, pp. 280-82; and see another version of this letter in Ibn al-JauzI, Manaqib amiri l-mu'minina 'umara bni l-khattabi, Zaynab Ibrahtm aI-Qiiriit, ed. (Beirut, 1402/1982), 127 inf.-128 sup. 20 Muhammad b. aI-ijasan (Ibn Hamdan), al· Tadhkira al·~amduniyya, Il;tsan 'Abbas, ed. (Beirut-Tripoli [Tunis], 1984), vol. 2, p. 92j cf. aI-FasI, al-'/qd althamin fi ta'n'khi l-baladi I-amin (Cairo, 1386/1966), vol. 6, p. 92; and see Abii Yiisuf, Wafiyyat Abi YU8UJ/i-Hanin al·Ra,hid, Mul;tammad b. ibrahIm al-Banna, ed. (Cairo, 1971), p. 25, no. 31. 21 Sulaymiin b. Al;tmad aI-TabaranI, Mu.nad al-.hamiyyin, ijamdr 'Abd aI·MajId aI-Silall, ed. (Beirut, 1409/1989), vol. 2, p. 394, no. 1562. 22 See aI-Mawardi, al-Amthal wa-l-~ikam, Fu'iid 'Abd aI-Mun'im Al;tmad, ed. (aIDauhe, 1403/1983), p, 133, no. 554 (191): i'tammu tazdadu ~ilman. And see Anonymous, Mal]allin al-ma,a'ifi manaqib al-Auza'i p. 54. (The saying is attributed to aIAuza'I). Cf. al-Raghib aI-~ahiinI; Mu~a4arat al-udaba', vol. 3-4, p, 371 (attributed to the Prophet); al-NazwI, al-MufannaJ, /2, p. 10 (attributed to the Prophet; another version, 'ilman is also recorded). This tradition was considered as "a weak one" by al-Bukharr, but was considered sound by aI-ijakim; see the discussion in ZurqiinI's Shar~ al-mawahib, vol. 5, p. 14 11.8-9. The tradition which claims that believers who
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Tradition
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The Bedouin customs were considered worthy of imitation. The Prophet himself is said to have approved of them. Al-Sharif al-Hadi quotes the prophetic statements concerning the crowns of the Arabs, coupled with the saying about the fashion of sitting peculiar to the Arabs (scil. the Bedouins -k): al-i/.ltiba' /.latan al-carab. In this style of sitting, the Bedouin places the palms of his hands, or a part of his garment which is fastened to his shoulders, under his thighs while sitting on his heels. This manner of sitting, called i/.ltiba', corresponds to the way the sedentary people sit, leaning their backs against a wall.23 A tradition recorded in al-Tirmidhi's Au~af al-nabi says that the Prophet used to sit in the mosque in the i/.ltibii' manner. 24 A widely circulated saying describes the carab in the following way: "God distinguished the Bedouins by four (favourable -k) features: the turbans are their crowns, their customary way of sitting (i/.ltibii') does not require walls, their swords are their clothing (sijanuha), and poetry is their dawan.,,25 The meaning ofthe statement al-suyiifu sajanuha can be gauged from a response given by one of the Shri imams: if a man has no garment (thaub), but is in the possessionof a sword, he is permitted to gird himself with the sword and pray.26 The same meaning is indicated in a statement of CAll . Abi Talib: "The sword has the status of a cloth; b the prayer of the believer is permitted if he is (merely -k) girded with a sword, except if he finds blood on it.,,27 The word "imiima implies the idea of nobility and dignity, corresponding to the idea of crowns (tijan) of the non-Arab kings. The Arabs therefore say: "Never did an cimama-wearing man lose his mind" (ma
remove their turbans will lose their strength is recorded in al-Daylami, Firdaus, MS. Chester Beatty 4139, fol. 36b: i'tammu tazdadu Qilman wa-waqaran, fa-idha tarakat ummatf l-a'immata tarakat 'izzaha wa-waqaraha; al-Munawt, Faytju l-qadir vol. 4, p. 392: al-'ama'imu tfjanu I-'arabi, fa-idha watja'u I-'ama'ima watja'u 'izzahum; alTha'alibt, Thimiiru I-qulub, Muhammed Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim, ed. (Cairo, 1384/1965), p. 159, no. 222; ja'a jf I-khabar: inna I-'ama'ima tfjanu I-'arabi fa-idha watja'uha
al-Majazat al-nabawiyya, Mahmud Mu~~aIa, ed. (Cairo, 1356/1937), pp. 152-3, no. 156; and see Ibn Qutayba, 'Uyunu l-akhbiir (Cairo, 1964), vol. 1, p. 300; and see the detailed explanation of this manner of sitting in Lane's Dictionary, s.v. Qbw. 24 Al- Tirmidhl, Au~af ai-nab! (I?), Samih 'Abbas, ed. (Beirut-Cairo, 1405/1985), p. 128, no. 122; and see the description of the iQtiba' manner of sitting supplied by the editor. 25 Al-Zamakhsharr, Rabi'u l-abriir , MS. Br. Mus. 6511, fol. 106b; on sfjan see Abu 'Umar Yusuf al-Qurtubi, Bahjat al-majalis wa-unsu l-rnujiilis , Muhammad Mursi al-Khulf and 'Abd al-Qadir al-Qi~~, ed. (Cairo, 1969), vol. 2, pp. 59-60; and see a slightly different version: "People used to say: the Arabs were singled out from among the other peoples by four features: the turbans are their crowns, the coats of mail (ai-duro') are their walls, the swords are their clothing (al-suyufu sfjanuha) and the poetry is their dfwan," in al- Tha'alibi, Tbimiir ol-quliib, p. 159, no. 222. 26 AI-MajlisI, BiQaru I-anwar, vol. 83, p. 191. 27 AI-MajlisI, BiQaru I-anwar, vol. 83, p. 189.
wada'a lliihu 'izzahum. 23 AI-Sharif al-Radi,
224
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M.J. Kister
qattu). In accordance with this perception, al-Sharif al-Radl explains the versElof al-Farasdaq: idhii miilikun alqii l-ciiniimata /(j-~dharfj: bawiidira kaffay miilikin ~fna yaghf!,abu
"When Malik discards the 'imiima, beware of the fits of passion of his hands when he becomes angry." AI-Sharifal-Ra4i explains convincingly that when the man is dressed in a turban his behaviour is quiet, without any fits of violence. In the same way he explains the famous verse:
anii bnu jalii wa-talliicu l-thaniiya: mata af!,aci l-cimamata tacri/iinf.
The verse implies a threat of violence when the man removes the
cimiima.28
II
A substantial change in the significance of the "imiima took place with the advent ofIslam. When the Prophet brought the clothes ofthe sadoqo and divided them among the Companions, he ordered them to wear the camii'im, in order to distinguish themselves from the people who preceded them.29 This prophetic injunction clearly implies that the "imiima is the headgear of the believers: the unbelievers of old did not wear
camii'im.
Another tradition with an obvious Muslim tendency contains the dictum about the camii'im as crowns of the Arabs and the statement about the il}tibii'; the third phrase of the tradition says: the sitting of the believer in the mosque is his ribat (i.e., his military station in which he expects to receive the order to fight the unbelievers _k).3o This segment of the tradition is indeed innovative and surprising. The ancient
28 AI-Shari1'al-RaQ1, al·Majazat al-nabawiyya, pp. 152-153, no. 156; see the editor's critical remark claiming that in this verse "mata alja'i l-imama" means: "when I put on the 'imama," and not "when I remove the 'imama." In the preceding verse I read "yaghljabu," following the edition of the Diwan of al-Farazdaq by 'Abdallah Isma'Il al-$&wI (Cairo, 1354/1936), p. 31, penult. instead of tU'fabu, as read by aI-Sharif al·RaQi. On Ibn Jala, see L'A, vol. 14, pp. 152-3, s.v. jala. 29, All b. Mul}.ammad b. 'Ariiq al-KinanI, TanzIh al-.han ...⢠al-marfii' a 'ani l-akMan a I-.hani'ati I·maulju'a, 'Abd al-Wahhab 'Abd al-La~if and 'Abdallah Mul}.ammad al-Slddrq, ed. (Beirut, 1399/1979), vol. 2, p. 272: ... i'tammu khalifii l·umama qablakum .... sOShIrawayh b. Shahridar, Firdaull al-akhbar, Fawwiiz al-Zimirli and Muhammad al-Mu't~im bi-llah (Beirut, 1407/1987), ed., vol. 3, p. 117, no. 4110; al-MunawI, Faylju I.qadir, vol. 4, p, 392, no. 5723; el-Shauksnr, al-Fawa'idu l-majmu'a fi 1al}adfthi l-maulju'a, 'Abd al-RaI].miin b. YaI}.ya1- Mu'allamII-YamanI, ed. (Beirut, 1393), p. 187, no. 538; al-'AjlUnI al-JarraJ:ir, Kashf al·khafa', vol. 2, p. 72, no. 1783: ... wa·l-iljtija'u fi 1- ma,iijidi ribiitu l-mu'min. 'All al-QarI, Ri.ala I}awiya li-masa'ila mu.htamilatin 'ala l·'imama wa-l· 'adhaba kammiyyatan wa·kayfiyyatan, MS. Hebrew University, Yahuda Ar., 990, 8, fol. 20 b, II. 3-4.
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customs of Bedouin society are mentioned in this tradition jointly with a Muslim virtue. A tradition recorded by al- Tirmidhi states that the 'imiima forms a sign which separates the Muslims from the unbelievers; Muslims wear turbans, unbelievers do not.31 A more detailed tradition says that what marks the difference between the believers and the unbelievers are the turbans placed on the caps of the believers.V Since turbans are exclusively worn by believers, the privilege of wearing them should not be granted to the unbelievers. This is exemplified by the treatment meted out by 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Azlz to the delegation of the Christian Banii Taghlib. They entered the court of 'Umar wearing turbans like those of the (Muslim -k) Arabs. They asked the Caliph to attach them to the heads of the Arabs (al~iqnii bi-l- 'ambi). The Caliph asked: "So who are you?" They answered: "Weare the Banii Taghlib." Then 'Umar inquired: "Are you not from among the noble Arabs?" (a-wa-Iastum min awiisiti l-'ambi?) They replied suecintly: "We are Christians." Then 'Umar ordered to bring him shears (al-jalam); he cut a part of their forelocks, removed their turbans and cut a part (shibr) of their dress (ridii'). He enjoined them to refrain from riding on saddles (al"suriij), and ordered them to put both their legs on one side of the riding beast.33
31 Al-Kinani, al-Di'Bma, 6 inf.: ... al- 'imama I}ajizatun bayna l-kufri wa-I-fmani, bayna I-muslimfna uia-l-mushrikin . Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI, al-Matiilibu I-'iiliya bizawii'idi I-masiinfdi I-thamiiniya, Yusuf 'Abdal-Hahman al-Mar'ashi, ed. (Beirut, 1407/1987), vol. 2, p. 257, nos. 2158-59; Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI,Fatl}u t-ss«, sharI} ~al}fl}i l-Bukhiiri, Bulaq, 1301 (repr. Beirut) vol. 10, p. 232; al-'AynI, 'Umdatu I-qiirf, sh arb. ~al}fI}iI-Bukhiirf, vol. 21, p. 308 ... anna rasiila lliihi da'ii 'Alf b.Abf '!'iilib (r) yauma Ghadtri KhummJa-'ammamahu wa-arkhii 'adhabata l-'imiimati min khalfihi, thumma qiila: hiikadha la-i'tammu, [a-inna I-'ama'ima sfma'u I-islami wa-hiya 1I}ajizu bayna I-muslimfna uia-l-mushrikina, 32 Al-Kinanr, al-Di'Bma, 6-7; Ibn al-Dayba', Taysfru al-wu~iil ila jami'i l-usiil min I}adfthi l-rasiil (Cairo, 1390), vol. 4, p. 186; Ibn Qayyim a1-Jauziyya, Al}kiimahli I-dhimma, vol. 2, .p, 739 (and see the references of the editor); al-Munawl, FaytJu 1qadtr (Beirut, 1391/1972), vol. 4, p. 392, no. 5725 (and see the comments of Munawi;
al-Munawt, Sharl}u I-shama'ili li-I-tirmidhf ('alii .hamishi jam'i I-wasii'il If sharl}i 1shama'il li·l-tirmidhf li-'alf I-qarf) Cairo, 1318 (repr. Beirut), p. 165; al-Tabarani, al-Mu'jam al-kobir , Harndf 'Abd al-Majld al-Silafi, ed. (n.p., 1405/1984), vol. 5, p.
71, no. 4614. 33 Ibn Taymiyya,
and see ibid. 429, no. 5849, and see the important explication of al-Munawt, ibid.); al-Dhahabi, Mfziin al-i'tidal, 'AlI Muhammad al-Bijawf, ed. (Cairo, 1382/1963), vol. 3, p. 546, no. 7522; al-Suyu~I, al-fliiwf li-I-Iatiiwf, Muhammad MUQyI I-Din 'Abd al-Hamrd, ed. (Cairo, 1378/1959), vol, 1, p. 111; 'All b. Burhan al-Din al-Halabr, al-Sira al-I}alabiyya (Insan al-'uyUn jf sfrati I-amfnil-ma'mun) (Cairo, 1382/1962), vol. 3, p. 379; Ibn Hajar aJ-'AsqalanI, al-Iljaba jf tamyfzi I-Ijal}aba, 'All Muhammad al-Bijawl, ed .. (Cairo, 1971), vol. 6, p. 336; CC. al-Daylamr, Musnad al-firdaus, MS. Chester Beatty no. 3037, fol. 190 b: lii tazalu ummatf 'ala I-fitrati mii labisu I-'ama'ima 'ala l-qaliinisi; Ibn 'Araq, Tanzilui I-shari'a, vol. 2, p. 272; 'Abd al-Ra'ijf
lqtitja'u
I-lJiriiti I-mustaqfm,
Muhammad
l;Iamid al-FaqqI,
ed.
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M.J. Kister
The change in the significance of the turban and its practical benefits, usually related in the books of adab,34 is evident in a tradition transmitted by Malik b. Anas. Malik recommends that the believers wear the turban and the striped garment (like that worn by the Prophet -k) on the two feasts (Ii l-efdayn) and on Friday, because the Prophet used to wear such clothes on these days. Malik quotes the saying of the Prophet: "God strengthened Islam by the turbans and the flags.,,35 He himself urged the people to wear turbans; he began to wear the eimama when he was very young and he did not have even one hair on his face. He reported on the authority of cAbd al-eAzlzb. al-Mu~~alib36 that he had been severely admonished by his father when he entered the mosque without an eimama.37 Malik relates that in the court of Rabi'a b. eAbd al-RaIpna.n38 he saw more than thirty people wearing t.urbans.39 In the mosque of the Prophet (in Medina -k), he met seventy men wearing turbans fastened under their chins (sabefna mu~annakan). All were righteous people: if one of them were to be put in charge of the treasury, he would be trustworthy (amfn). Malik did not begin to issue /atwas before he was granted the permission (ijaza) of forty men wearing turbans fastened under their chins.4o He reiterated his support for the fastening of the turban under the chin when he was asked about a believer who failed to fasten his turban in this manner. He disapproved of this act, stating that this is the fashion of the Nabatheans
(Cairo, 1369), p. 123; and see Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, A~kiim ahli I-dhimma, Subl}I l-~alil}, ed. (Damascus 1381/1961), vol. 2, pp. 742-44. 34 See e.g., Ibn Qutayba, 'Uyiinu l·akhbiir (Cairo, 1383/1963), I, 300: A Bedouin was asked why he frequently (tukthiru) wears the turban; he answered: a bone containing (the organs of-k) hearing and seeing indeed deserveti to be guarded from heat and cold. When the turban was mentioned in Abu I-Aswad al-Du'alI's presence, he stated: "The turban is a form of protection in war. It insulates both in cases of heat and cold, it raises one's stature (ziyiidatun ji.l-qiima) and is indeed a habit of the Arabs (' iidatun min 'iidiiti 1-'arab). 35 Malik b. Anas, Ri,ala j11·,unan wa-l-mawii'if wa-l.iidab, 'Abdallah Al}mad Abu ZIna, ed. (Cairo, 1983). inf: in i,ta~a'ta allii ta4a'a l·'imiimata wa-l-burda j11-'fdayni wa-l.jumu'atiJa-f'al; balaghanf 'ani I-nabiyyi (~alla llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam) annahu kiina yalba,u l·'imiimata wa-l-burda j11-'fdayni wa-l-jumu'ati wa-qiila: inna llaha ta'ala a'azza l-i.liima bi-l-'amii'imi wa-l-alwiyati. 36See on him: Ibn l;Iajar al-'AsqaliinI, Tahdhibu l·tahdhib (Hyderabad, 1326), vol. 6, p. 357, no. 682; and see Ibn Sa'd, al-Tabaqiit al-kubrii, al·qi,mu I-mutammim li-tiibi'f ahli I-madfna, Ziyad Mui}ammad M~ur, ed. (al-MadIna al-munawwara, 1408/1987),460, no. 392 (and see the references of the editor). 37Waki', Akhbiiru l-qu4iit, 'Abd al-'AzIz Mu,~ al-Maragru, ed. (Cairo, 1366/1947), vol. 1, p. 202. 3S See on him Ibn Sa'd, al- Taooqiit al-kubra, al-qillm al-mutammim, p. 320 (and see the abundant references of the editor). 39Waki', Akhbiiru l-qu4at vol. 1, p. 202; and see Ibn Sa'd, al- Tabaqiit, al-qiam al·mutammim, p, 321. 40 AI-ShaukanI, Naylu I-aufar, .har~ muntaqii I·akhbarmin a~iidfthi l-akhyar (Cairo, 1372/1953), vol. 2, pp. 121-22.
The Turban in the Muslim
Tradition
227
and not the fashion of the people (i.e., the believers -k). Only when the turban is a small one, and its fringes do. not reach the chin, or in the case of illness, is the believer permitted to refrain from fastening them under his chin and to remain at home. When Malik was asked about letting down the fringes of the "imiima behind the back of the believer, he stated that he knew only one man from among his contemporaries (mimman adraktuhu), who wore the turban in this way, namely cAmir b. "Abdallah b. al-Zubayr.t! "This fashion of wearing the turban is not forbidden (laysa dhiilika bi-I}ariim), but (it is preferable -k) to let the fringes down on the front (bayna yadayhi).42 Shici tradition asserts that a prayer recited by a believer wearing a turban not fastened under his chin is disliked.P The Shl'I imiims urged their followers to observe the custom of fastening the turban under their chin. The Prophet is said to have stated: "The distinction between the Muslims and the unbelievers is the fastening of the turbans under their chin.,,44 Another tradition attributed to the Prophet says that he enjoined the fastening of the turban under the chin and prohibited the wearing of the turban otherwise (wa-qad nuqila anhu (~aICam) annahu amara bi-l-talal}l}i wa-nahii cani l-iqtiCiit) .45 A very early statement transmitted by "Abd al-Hazzaq on the authority of Ma'mar-Layth- Tawus says that a believer who does not fasten the turban under his chin wears it in a satanic fashion (hiidhihi "immatu l-shaytiin).46 There is indeed a description of Satan fitting the description given in the utterance of Tawiis: when Iblis Was sent down from Heaven, he wore a turban not fastened under his chin, he was one eyed (aCwar), and wore a sandal (na I) on one of his legs.47 A turban worn by a believer who did not fasten it under his chin is called al-i imiima al-muqaCCata (or muqtaCita). This manner of wearing the turban is said to have been common among the people of Liit and
C C
41 See on him: Al-Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah b. al-Mus'ab, al-ZubayrI, Nasab quraysh, E. Levi Provencal, ed. (Cairo, 1953), p. 243, 1. 12; and see Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI, Toh dhibu I-tahdhib, vol. 5, p. 74, no. 117. 42 Al-'AynI, 'Umdat al-qan, vol. 21, p. 307; and see Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI, Fatly ai-barf, sharI} ~al}il}i l-Bukhiiri; vol. 10, p. 232,1. 10. 43 Muhammad b. al-Hasan b. 'All al-TusI, al-Nihaya if mujarradi I-fiqhi wa-IJatiiwa, Beirut, p. 98: wa-yukrahu li-I-insani an yu~alliya Jf'imamatin Iii lyunuko lahii. 44 Al-Majlisf, Bil}aru l-anwar, vol. 83, p. 194: ... wa-qala I-nabiyyu sollii llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam: al-Jarqu bayna I-muslimina uia-i-mushrikina al-talal}l}f bi-I'ama'imi. 45 Al-Majlist, Bil}aru I-anwiir, vol. 83, p. 194; al-Jauharf identifies the verbal noun al-talal}l}f with al-tal}annuk. 46 'Abd al-Razzaq b. Hammam al-San'anr, al-Mul/annaJ, Habrbu l-Rahman alA'!?amI, ed. (Beirut, 1392/1972), vol. 11, p. 80, no. 19978; and see Ibn Qutayba, Ta'wil mukhtalifi I-I}adfthi, p. 422. 47 Al-Tha'Iabi, 'Ara'is al-majalis, (Qillal! al-anbiya'), n.p., n.d., p. 50 ult.
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was forbidden by the Prophet.48 A Shi"I statement, recorded on the authority of the imam al-Sadiq says: "He who wore the "imiittu: and did not fasten it under his chin, let him not blame anyone except himself if he is inflicted with a pain for which there is no remedy."49 The opinions of the scholars who urged the fastening of the "imiima under the chin are contradicted by ShaficI scholars who did not consider the fastening of the Cimama under the chin as sunna.50 Some reservations concerning the fastening of the cimama's fringe under the chin can be discerned in the formulation of the ~adfth attributed to the Prophet, which states that the fastening of the fringe of the cimama under the chin marks the difference between the believers and the unbelievers. 51 The peculiar additional phrase in this ~adfth indicates the possibility of change in the future: "This ~adfth was uttered at the beginning of Islam and in its first period."52 It is this phrase which becomes problematic for the scholars of ~adfth, since they are confronted by traditions urging believers to wear the cimiima with the ends hanging loose on their backs or on their chests. 53 The ta~annuk is "nowadays" practiced only by the descendants of al-Husayn in Bahrayn; it is a practice inherited from their ancestors. 54 The superiority of Islam over other religious communities, and the injunctions which claim that the Muslims differ in their lifestyle from others, was the main reason for the restrictions imposed on the ahl aldhimma in their dress, including the wearing of the 'imiima. The utterance according to which "contempt and humiliation became the lot of those who disobey my order" is said to refer to ahl al-dhimmaj they surpass other people in their disobedience of God's orders and in their insubordination. Therefore they ought to be singled out by a humiliating sign in their dress (al-ghiyar). On the other hand, God singled out the believers by dress which emphasizes their obedience to God and to His messenger. In accordance with the statement of the Prophet: "He who
48 AI-TurtushI, Kitiib al·~awiidith wa-I-bida', Mul}ammad aI-TiilibI, ed., Tunis, 1959, pp. 65-66. 49 Yusu{ aI-Bal,triinI, al.lfadii'iqu l-niitJira, Muhammad T~ aI-AyrawiinI, ed. (NajaC, 1379), vol. 7, p, 126; aI-MajlIsI, Bi~iir al-anwiir, vol. 83, p. 194. 50 AI-Sayyid al-Bakrf, ['iinat al·tiilibin 'alii ~alli al/ii:;/at~i l-mu'in, n.d., vol. 2, p. 82 inC: ... 1Oa-liiYU6annu ta~niku l·'imiimati 'inda 1-6hiiJi'iyyati .... 51 See above, note 47. 52 AI-Bal;IrinI, al-Ifadii'iqu l-niitJira, vol. 7, p, 126, I. 15: .â¢. lOa-dhiilika fi alO1Oali I·ialiimi wa-btidii'ihi. 53See e.g., al-Bal,triinI, al·lfadii'iqu l-niitJira, vol. 7, p. 127: ... aqulu: wa-'indi;lf mii dhakariihu hunii min i8ti~biibi l.ta~annuk dii'iman i,hkiilun Ii-anna dhiilika lOa-in kiina huwa :;iihiru l·akhbiiri l-mutaqaddimati illii anna hunii jumlatan mina l-akhbiiri Â¥iihirati l-munii/iiti li-dhiilika, ~aythu anna Â¥iihirahii anna l-mu.ta~abb li-I-mu'tammi dii'iman innamii huwa l-i.diilu duna l-ta~annuki. And see the discussion on this topic in al-Sayyid al-Bakrr'e ['iinat al-tiilibin, vol. 2, p. 83 seq. 54 AI-Bal;IriinI, al-I]adii'iq al·niitJira, vol. 7, p. 129, II. 6-7.
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Tradition
229
assimilates himself to a people becomes one of them" (man tashabbaha biqaumin fa-huwa minhum) ;55believers ought to dress like believers, and the disobedient ahl al-dhimma must also dress in a distinctive fashion.56 According to some traditions, the Prophet stated: "Disagree with the Jews and do not wear turbans that are not fastened under the chin, or with their fringes not let down (on their backs -k), as this fashion of wearing the turban (ta~mim) is the fashion of the Jews."57 Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya forbade the ahl al-dhimma to wear the turbans in the fashion of the Prophet and the Companions. His prohibition is based on historical facts: the turbans were the crowns of the Arabs and their glory (Cizzuha). By wearing them they surpassed other peoples. The Prophet and the Companions wore this headdress; the turbans were thus the dress of the Arabs in the "old time" (qadiman) and became the headdress of the Muslims. Turbans were not worn by Banu Isra'Il, they Werethe headdress of the Arabs. Ibn Qayyim quotes the opinion of Abu l-Qasim al-Tabarani, who stated that a dhimmf is not allowed to wear the turban because he has no honour (La cizza Lahtt) in the abode of Islam, and this headdress is not (a part -k) of his dress.58 Ibn Qayyim further traces the opinions of later scholars who were prepared to allow the ahl al-dhimma to wear turbans on the condition that they be marked by special pieces of cloth, clearly indicating that they are not Muslims.P? If ahl al-dhimma are allowed to wear the turban, they are forbidden to fasten it under their chin (al-tala~~i), or to let its fringes hang loosely behind their backs (La yursiliina atrafa l-'imamati khalfa ~uhiirihim).60 A particular version offashion restrictions imposed on ahl al-dhimma
55 See e.g., al-Munawt, Fayt/u l-qadfr, vol. 6, p. 104, no. 8593 and the thorough explanation of the statement by Munawf; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, A~kam ahli 1dhimma vol. 2, p. 736; M. J. Kister, "Do Not Assimilate Yourselves ... " JSAI 12 (1989): 321-353. 56 See e.g., Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, A~kam ahli l-dhimma, Subhr al-Salih, ed. (Damascus, 1381/1961), vol. 2, pp. 737-739. 57 Al-Safarrnr, Ghidha'u l-nlbiib li-sharryi man~iimati l-adab (Cairo, 1325), vol. 2, p. 207, penult.: khaliJii l-yahiid wa-Ia tu~ammimii [a-inno ta~mfma !-'amii'imi min ziyyi ahli I-kitiib; and another tradition: a'iidhu bi-lliihi min 'imiimatin §ammii'; 'All al-Qarr, al-A sriir ol-rnarjii" a If 1-akhbari l-maut/ii' a, Muhammad al-Sabbagh, ed. (Beirut, 1391/1971), p. 190, no. 184: a'iidhu bi-llahi min 'imiimatin §ammii', ibid. p. 100, no. 47 (and see the explanation of the word §amma', glossed on page 190, note 4: al-'imama al-§ammii' hiya al- 'imiima lIatf la 'adhabata laha). 58 Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, A~kiim ahli-I-dhimma, 739-40. 59 Ibn Qayyim, A{ikiim ahli I-dhimma, 740-45. 60 Ibn Qayyim, A~kam ahli I-dhimma, 745-46. And see the thorough discussion on the subject of fastening the fringes of the 'imama under the chin, or letting them down on the believer's back. It is noteworthy that there is another way of combining the fastening of the fringes of the 'imama under the chin, while letting the other end hang down on the back, which was a perfectly acceptable way of wearing the 'imama. However, this manner of wearing the 'imama became obsolete and is disapproved of by the religious scholars. Ibn al-Hajj, al-Madkhal (Beirut, 1972), vol, 1, pp. 134-37.
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is concerned with the cap (al-qalansuwa). They took upon themselves to refrain from wearing caps similar to those worn by the Prophet and his Companions. In later times the cap was worn by distinguished scholars, judges, lawyers (Juqahii'), nobles (al-ashriif) and preachers. This fashion of wearing the cap was continued until the end of Salah al-Din's dynasty.P! The difference between the appearance of the believers and the unbelievers is the shape of the turbans worn over their caps.62 It was thus essential to order the ahl al-dhimma to change the fashion or the colour of their caps. 63 The first person who wore the turbanwas Adam after he was expelled from Paradise and descended to dwell on Earth. Jibril descended from Heaven and dressed him in an cimiima.64 Likewise Dhii l-Qarnayn wore an "imiima; he was compelled to wear it in an attempt to conceal the horns on his head.65 According to a traditionofthe Prophet, transmitted by cA'isha, the majority of the angels whom the Prophet saw in Paradise also wore turbans.P'' The traditions concerning the colour of the turbans worn by the angels sent by God to support the Muslim forces on the day of Badr are not unanimous. Some of the early scholars reported that the angels wore white turbans; the fringe of their turbans hung down on their backs (qad arsaliihii fi ~uhiirihim); others reported that on the day of Hunayn the angels wore red turbans.67 The tradition of the white turbans conforms to the widely circulated statement of the Prophet, in which he recommended the living wear white clothes and to bury the dead in white.68 A peculiar tradition says that Jibril descended on the day of Badr wearing a yellow turban; this headdress was in the style of
61 Ibn Qayyim, A~kam ahli I-dhimma, pp. 737-8. 62 See al-Shaukani, al-Fauui'Ldu I-majmii' a fi-I-a~adfthi I-maul/ii' a, 'Abd alRahman b. Ya~ya l-Mu'allimt l-Yamanf, ed. (Judda, 1380), p. 188, no. 540; and see the references of the editor. Cf. Ibn Qayyim, A~kiim, pp. 738-39. 63 See e.g., Ibrahim b. 'Arr b. Yusuf al-FayriizabadI al-Shafi'I, al-Muhadhdhab jf fiqhi l-Imiimi l-Shafi'f, Beirut, 1379/1959 (repr.) vol. 2, p. 355 sup., where some special features of dress which should be imposed on ahl al-dhimma are suggested. 64 Al-Kinanr, al-Di'amajf al}kami sunnati I-'imama, 5 sup.; in Paradise Adam wore a crown on his head. 65 Al-Kinani, op. cit., p. 5. 66 Al-Suytiti, Jam'u I-jawami' (Cairo, 1978), vol. 1, p. 531. 67 Al-Suyutr, al-Durr al-manthiir jf l-tajsfri bi-I-ma'thiir, Cairo, 1314, [repr. Tehran), vol. 2, p. 70 sup.: wa-akhraja ibn Isl}aq wa-l- Tabarani 'ani bni 'Abbiisin qiila: kiinat sfma I-mala'ikati yauma badrin 'ama'ima btl/an, qad arsaliihij. jf fuhiirihim, wa-yauma ~unaynin 'ama'ima l}umran ... ; and see the early Tajsfr of Muqatil b. Sulayrnan, 'Abdallah Mahmud Shahatah, ed. (Cairo, 1979), I, 299: '" musawwimiina: ya'nf mu'allamiima bi-l-~iifi l-abyal/i jf nawa~f l-khayli wa-adhnabiha, 'alayha I-bayal/u, mu'tammiina bi-I-bayal/i wa-qad arkhau atriija 1'ama'imi bayna aktiifihim. ... ; and see Ibn Kathir, Tajstra l-qur'ani l-'affm (Beirut, 1385/1966), vol. 2, p. 108. 68 Al- Tabarani, Musnad al-shamiyyfn, Hamdi 'Abd al-Majid al-Silafi, ed. (Beirut, 1409/1989), vol. 2, p. 332, no. 1439: ... Ii-yalbasi I-bayal/a al}yii'ukum wa-yukaffinii
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al-Zubayr b. al-'Awwam, who wore a yellow turban on this day.69 According to another tradition, all the angels who were ordered to attend the battle of Badr wore yellow turbans following the fashion of al-Zubayr b. al-'Awwam. It is not surprising that the tradition was transmitted by 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr."? A harmonizing tradition, traced back to 'Abbad b. 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr, claims that the angels attending the battle of Badr descended as white birds, wearing yellow turbans, like that of Abu 'Abdallah. The Prophet affirmed the tradition. On the day of Badr he himself wore a yellow turban."! Yellow seems to have implied beauty and emphasized the high position of the person who wore it.72 In some cases it symbolized the believer's hope that his prayers would be fulfilled. This notion is implied in the tradition attributed to Ibn 'Abbas: "He who wears a yellow sandal (na'l), his prayer will be granted and his needs will be fulfilled." The author of the tafsir hesitates as to the validJfhii mautiihum; Muhammad N~ir al-Din al-Albani, Mukhta~ar al-shamii'il almul]ammadiyya li-t-imnm aba 'fsii mul]ammadi bni saurata I-tirmidhf ('Amman-alRiyad, 1406), p. 50, nos. 54, 55: ... 'alaykum bi-l-bayii4i mina I-thiyiibi, li-yalbas-hii al]yii'ukum wa-kaffinu ./Ihii mautiikum, Ja-innahii min khayri thiyiibikum and: ilbasu l-bayii4a, Ja-innahii atharu wa-atyabu wa-kaffinu ./Ihii mautiikum; cf., Ibn KathIr, Tajsir al-qur'iin al-'a:ffm (Beirut, 1385/1966), vol. 3, p. 161 sup.; al-Dimyati, Kitab mukht as ar Jf strati I-nabiyyi ~allii lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallam, MS. Chester Beatty no. 3332, fol. 55a, inf. 556; BIbI bint 'Abd al-Samad al-Harawiyya al-Harthamiyya, Juz', 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Abd al-Jabbar al-Fartwa'I, ed. (Kuwayt, 1406/1986), p. 51, no. 47: 'All b. Balaban al-Farisf, al-Il]siin bi-tartfbi ~al]fl]i bni I]ibbiin, Kamal Yusuf al-I;Iut, ed. (Beirut, 1407/1987), vol. 7, p. 393, no. 5399; al-MundhirI, al- Targhfb wal-Larhib mina I-I]adfthi l-sharfJ, Muhammad Muhyt I-DIn 'Abd al-Harnrd, ed. (Cairo, 1380/1961), vol. 4, p. 157, nos. 2947-8; Ibn al-Jauzt, Kitiib al-I]adii'iq ./I 'ilmi 1I]adfthi wa-I-zuhdiyyiit, Mu~tafa l-Sabkr, ed. (Beirut, 1408/1988), vol. 3, p. 24; al-Shaukani, Naylu I-autiir bi sharl]i muntaqii l-akhbiir min al]iidfthi I-akhyiir (Cairo, 1372/1953), vol. 2, pp. 110-111; Ibn Sa'd, al-Tobaqiit al-kubrii (Beirut, 1380/1960), vol. 1, pp. 449-50; al-DhahabI, Mfziin al-i'tidiil, vol. 4, p. 346, no. 9400; Nur al-Dtn al-Haytharni, Mawiirid al-:fam'iin ilii zawii'idi bni I]ibbiin, Muhammad 'Abd al-Razzaq Hamza, ed. (Cairo, n.d.), p. 348, no. 1339; Ibn I;Iajaral-HaytamI, alFatiiwa al-I]adfthiyya (Cairo, 1390/1970), p. 172; al-Katakant, al-Burhiin ./I taJsfri I-qur'iin, Mahmud b. Ja'far al-Musawi al-Zarandl, ed. (Tehran, 1375), vol. 1, p. 312. Muhammad b. 'Abdallah b. Ibrahim al-Shafi'r, Kitiib al-Jawii'id, al-shahir bil-ghuiiniyyiit, Hilmf Karnil As'ad 'Abd al-Hadt, ed. (al-Riyad, 1417/1997), vol. 1, p. 133, no. 89: ... Mul]ammad b. Hiliil: ra'aytu 'Air b. al-IJusayn (r) ya'tammu bi'jmiima bay4ii'a yurkhf'imiimatahu min warii'i :fahrihi; and see on white dress and white turbans: al-Tabarani, al-Mu'jam ol-kabir , vol. 7, nos. 6759-62 and nos. 697577; al-Munawi, Fay4u l-qadir , vol. 2, pp. 155-56, no. 1583, vol. 4, p. 337, no. 5517; al-Suyuti, al-Hawi, vol. 2, p. 116 imp., 117 sup. 69 Al-Tabarant, al-Mu'jam ol-kabir , vol. 1, p. 120, no. 230. 70 Al-Suyutl, al-Durr al-manthur, vol. 2, p. 70; cf. al-Hasan b. Muhammad b. alHusayn al-QummI al-Naysaburi, Gharii'ibu I-qur'iin wa-raghii'ibu l-furqiin; Ibrahrm 'Atwa 'Awad, ed. (Cairo, 1381/1962), vol. 4, p. 60; al- Tabarf, Tafsir (Jiimi' al-bayiin 'an ta'wui iiyi I"qur'iin), Mahmnd and Ahmad Shakir, ed. (Cairo, Dar al-Ma'arif, n.d.) vol. 2, pp, 188-9, nos. 7786-90. 71 Al-Suyutr, al-Durrol-mantbur, vol. 2, p. 70; al-Zamakhshari, Rabi'u I-abriir, Salim al-Nu'aymI, ed. (Baghdad, 1982), vol. 4, p. 38. 72 See e.g., the article "zbrq" in L,'A.
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ity of this statement, but mentions the opinion of some commentators, who claim that God satisfied the needs of the Banii Isra'Il because of the commandment of the yellow cow ala baqaratin ~afra'). The angels clad in yellow turbans let their fringes hang down between their shoulders. 73 Waqidi records an anonymous tradition claiming that on the day of Badr, the fighters' turbans were green, yellow (~ufr) and red.?" A single tradition, transmitted on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas, says that on the day of Uhud the angels wore red turbans; on the day of Badr they wore black turbans.f" Wearing black garments carried pejorative connotations. AI-SafarInI records the opinion of Ahmad b. Hanbal, who states that black was the colour of the people of the sultan and of the wrong-doers (~alama). Some scholars. were of the opinion that the black clothes of the deceased had to be burnt after the burial. Black clothes were worn fOTthe first time in the period of the Abbasids; the first person who wore them was 'Abdallah b. 'All b. 'Abdallah b. 'Abbas. Black was worn as a sign of mourning, as a symbol of grief and disaster. The Abbasids began to wear black after the murder of the Abbasid imam Ibrahlm.76 It may be mentioned that on the day of 'Uthmau's murder the Companions delivered their eulogies wearing black turbans."? Although 'All b. AbI Talib wore black on that day, he generally advised to refrain from wearing black clothes, because they are the dress of Fir'aun.18 But Jibril, who participated in the drowning of Fir'aun, was also dad in a black 'imama on that day. 79 A rare tradition concerning the fate of the Abbasid dynasty was transmitted by a rather unreliable muf:iaddith, Shah b. ShIT Mamiyan.80 Jibril came to the Prophet clad in a black gown with full sleeves (alqaba')' and informed him about the descendants of 'Abbas: they will be leaders of the people and will be followed by the people of Khurasan. They will rule the world (yamlik~ unildu l-'abbasi al-wabar wa-l-madar
r
73 Abu Bakr Muhammad b. 'Abdallah, known as Ibn al-'ArabI A~kiimu I-qur'iin, 'All Muhammad al-Bijawr, ed. (Cairo, 1387/1967), vol. 1, p. 297. 74 AI-WaqidI, Kitiib al-maghiizf, Marsden Johns, ed. (Oxford, 1966), vol. 1, p. 75. 75 Al-Suyu~I, al-Durr al-manthur, vol. 7, p. 70, 1. 1; Ibn Kathrr, Tajsfr, vol. 2,
p.108.
Al-SafarInI, Ghidhii'u l-albiib, vol. 2, pp. 146-7. Al-Munawt, Shar~ 'alii jam'j I-wasii'il if shar~i l-shamii'il (Cairo, 1318), vol. 1, p. 165; al-Suytitr, al-Jfawf li-I-jatiiwf, Muhyr I-DIn 'Abd al-Hamld, ed. (Cairo, 1378/1959), vol. 1, p. 119: on the day of 'Utbman's murder 'All wore a black 'imiima. 78 Al-Bahranr, al-Jfiidii'iqu l-nodira, vol. 7, p. 116: Iii talbosa l-sawiida ja-innahu libiisu fir' auna. ' 79 Al-Suyutf, al-Jfawf, vol. 1, p. 121; Roberto Tottoli, "11 Faraone nella traditioni Islamiche: Akuna note in margine alla questione della sua conversione," Quaderni di Studi Arabi 14 (1996): p. 21; Burhan al-Dtn al-Halabr, Insiin al-'uyun jf siraii I-amfni l-ma'mun (al-Sfra al-~alabiyya) (Cairo, 1391/1971), vol. 3, p. 379. 80 See on him al-Dhahabr, Mfziin al-i'tidiil if naqdi l-rijii]; 'All Muhammad alBijawr, ed. (Cairo, 1382/1963), vol. 2, p. 260, no. 3650 (Shah b. Shir Bamiyan),
76 77
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233
wa-l-sanr wa-l.minbar) until the day of resurrection/" A version of this tradition recorded by (All al-QarI contains a passage which emphasizes its pro-Abbasid tendency. When the Prophet asked Jibril about his unusual dress, JibrIl answered that it is the dress of the descendants of cAbbas, the kings.82 The Prophet inquired whether they would be righteous and JibrIl affirmed that they would. The Prophet then asked to forgive them theirsins.83 According to reports of some Abbasid caliphs (the sons of al-Mu'tasim] the Prophet granted al-cAbbas an (imama and this is indeed the (imama with which the chosen caliphs were crowned. This "imiima is currently in possession of the caliphs' descendants in Egypt.S4 The tradition of the black cimama, which the Prophet put on the head of CAlIwhen he sent him with the mission of conquering Khaybar,85 and other reports on the black 'imama of (All, caused a new series of stories concerning Shns wearing black turbans. Shn scholars also permitted praying in black turbans and in black boots.86 A noteworthy tradition concerning the details of the turban is recorded.on the authority of the Companion of the Prophet, Abu Umama: The Prophet did not appoint a governor (kana ta yuwaUiwiiliyan) without dressing him in an cimama, letting down its fringes, the "adhaba, on the back of the appointed governor on his right side in the direction.of his (right) ear (wa-yurkM laha cadhabatan min al-janibi l-ayman nalJ.wal_udhun).81 The tradition implies that the Prophet invested the appointed governor (or the military leader) with authority by dressing him in the turban, letting down its fringe (or fringes), the "odhaba. The custom of dressing an appointed governor in a turban, practiced by the Prophet, is in fact a continuation of the customs of the Persian rulers, who invested their provincial governors with authority in this way in the Arab peninsula. The (imama was a headdress of the aristocratic leaders
81 Ibn I:Iajar aI-'AsqaIiini, Li,iin al-mfziin, Hyderabad, 1330, (second edition Beirut, 1390/1971), veil. 3, p. 136, no. 472. 82 See this prediction in Abil Nu'aym al-Isfahanf, Ifilyat al-auliyii' (Beirut, 1387/1967), vol. 1, p. 316 sup. 83 'AlI al-QarI, Jam'u I-wasii'il/f sharl}i I-shamii'il, Cairo, 1318, (repr. Beirut) vol. 1, p. 167. 84 'All al-QiirI, Jam'u l-wasii'il, vol. 1, p. 166. 85 Al-Suyutr, al.lfiiwr, vol. 1, p. 118 inC.; al-Shaukanf, Naylu l-autar bi-sharl}i muntaqii l-akhbiir min al}iidrthi sayyidi l-akhYiir (Cairo, 1312/1953), vol. 2, p. 121 (the end of the 'imiima hung down behind his back, or on his left shoulder); and see ibid.: a maula of 'AlI reporting that he saw 'AlI wearing a black 'imiima, and he let the ends hang down in front of him (i.e., on his chest -k] and on his back. 86 Abu Ja'far Muhammad b. aI-I;iasan aI-TilsI, al-Nihiiya jr mujarradi l-jiqhi waI-fatiiwii, Agha Buzurg al-Tahrant, ed. (Beirut, 1390/1970), 97; Ibn BabuyahalQummI, Kitiibu l·khifiil, 'AlI Akbar aI-Ghaflan, ed. (Tehran, 1389), 148, no. 179; aI-Ba.I:}riinI, al·lfadii'iqu l-niieJira,vol. 7, p. 116; al-Sar--anru,Ghidhii'u I·albiib, vol. 2, p. 146; al-MajlisI; Bil}iiru l-anwiir, vol. 83, p.249. 87 AI-SafiirInI, Ghidhii'u l-albiib', vol. 2, p. 205; aI-'AynI, 'Umdat al-qiirf, vol. 21, pp. 307-8; Nilr al-Dtn aI-HaythamI, Majma' al-zawa'id, vol. 5, p. 120, penult.
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of the Meccan community, and later of the commanders of the troops sent by the Prophet to raid the forces of the rebellious tribes and to conquer enemy territory. During the following generations, the cimama became the dress of the pious successors (tabictln), the distinguished scholars of the Muslim community, the judges, scribes and clerks in the offices of the rulers and governors. The scholars and judges wore fringes of the Cimama let down between the shoulders on their backs, or on their chests (bayna yadayhi wa-min khalfihi).88 The letting down of the cadhaba was included in the injunction of the Prophet concerning the wearing of the "imiima: "You shall wear the turbans, as they are the characteristic features (sIma) of the angels, and let down their ends on your backs."89 The Prophet is said to have referred to the graces granted to him by Allah, and mentioned among them the cadhaba of the cimama.9o The letting down of the cadhaba became a part of the prophetic sunna.91 AI-Suyii~i marks the cadhaba as one of the exclusive features (kha§a'z§) granted the Prophet (and his community -k): this is in fact one of the features (of the dress -k) of the angels.92 According to a tradition recorded by Ibn Taymiyya, the Prophet saw God in his dream. God asked him: "0 Muhammad, what is the subject debated by the angels in Heaven?" (if ma yakhta§imu l-mala'» l-aCla?). When the Prophet responded that he does not know the answer, Allah put His hand between the shoulders of the Prophet and apprised him of everything between heaven and earth. On that day the Prophet adopted the dress of the cadhaba (in the text: the shu'aba -k) hanging down between his
88 Al-Suyu~, al-Jfii.wf, vol. 1, pp. 117-19; al-SaIannf, Ghidhii.'u l-albii.b, vol. 2, pp.204·5. 89 Al-Salarinf, Ghidhii.'u l-albii.b, vol. 2, pp. ·204-5sup.: "'alaykun bi-l-'amii.'imi, Jainnahii. ,amii.'u l-malii.'ikati, fa-arkhuhii. khalfa tfuhurikum; Nnr ai-Din al-l;Ia.ythami, Majma' al·zawii.'id wa-manba' al-Jawii.'id (Beirut, 1967), vol. 5, p. 120; and see the story of al-I;lajjiij who wore the 'imii.ma letting down the 'adhaba behind his back, and entered the mosque in this fashion: al-FasawI, al-Ma'riJa wa·l-ta'n1ch, Akram Qiya' al-'Umari, ed. (Baghdad, 1401/1981), vol. 2, p. 481 sup.: Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'n1ch, vol. 4, p. 55; al-Shibli, Ma~ii.,in al-wasii.'il, p. 203; Ibn Sa'd, al- Tabaqii.t al-kubrii., vol. 6, pp. 282-83: ra'aytu ibrii.hfma (al-Nakha'a-k) ya'tammu wa yurkhf dhanabahii. (perhaps: dhu'ii.batahii.? -k) khalfahu. 90 'Ali b. Burhiin al-DIn al-l;lalabI, Insii.nu I-'uyun jf ,arati l-aman al-ma'mun (alSara al.i}alabiyya), (Cairo, 1382/1962), vol. 3, p. 343: ... wa-u'tftu I-cadhabata jf l-cimii.ma ... , 91 See the description in 'Ali al-Qiiri Jam'u I-wasii.'il jf shari}i I-shamii.'il, Cairo, 1318, (repr. Beirutvn.d.}, vol. 1, p, 167, on margin (the notes of al-Munawt]: ... wakii.na bnu' Umara yaralu dhii.lika, ya'na annahu sunnatun mu'akkadatun mai}fii.lFatun lam yartja l·~ulai}ii.'u tarkahii. .... 92 Al-Suyu~i, al-I(hafii.'ifu l-kubrii. =KiJii.yatu I·tillibi 1·labib jf khafii.'ifi I-i}abib, Muhammad Khalil Haras, ed.,(Cairo, 1386/1967), vol. 3, p. 199, I. 1: ... bii.bu ikhtifii.fihi ,alcam bi- 1- 'adhabati jf I-'imii.ma; and see ibid.: 'alaykum bi-l·camii.'imi wa-arkhiihii. khalfa 'fuhiirikum, Ja-innahii. samii.'u l-malii.'ikati.
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235
shoulders.P'' The prophetic injunction on letting down the fringes of the 'imiima seems to have been considered by some scholars only as a recommendation: it was up to the believer to observe this practice or to refrain from it. Neither was considered a bid' a. (wa-laysa tarku l-'adhabati bid'atan, ballahu fi'luhu wa-tarkuhu).94 A case of investing a military leader with authority by granting him a turban can be seen in the story of 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Auf. He was a faithful Companion and was ordered to march against Dumat al-Janda1. According to the plan of the raid, 'Abd al-Rahman was instructed to leave Medina at night with a force of some 700 warriors. He put a black "imiima made of cotton on his head (wa-qad i'tiimma bi-'imiimatin min kariibis) and intended to set out in the direction of Dumat al-Jandal. When he came to see the Prophet the next morning, he explained that he had ordered his force to set out and wait for him in al-Juruf.95 He came to say farewell to the Prophet dressed in military attire. The Prophet removed the turban from his head and dressed him in a black (or, according to another version, in a white -k) turban, the fringes of which he let hang down between his shoulders. "That is the way to wear the 'imiima," remarked the Prophet.P" The investiture of 'Abd al93 Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Zad al-ma'ad jf hadyi khayri I·'ibad (Beirut, repr., n.d.], vol. 1, pp. 34-35; this dream was transmitted by al- TirmidhI; see also the story in 'All al-QarI, Jam'u I-wasa'il jf sharM I-shama'il, vol. 1, pp. 167-68 (and see al-Munawt's notes on the story on the margin. Some scholars denounced the story as forged because of its anthropomorphic implications); see also the same story in al-Zurqanr's Shari}u I-mawahibi I-Iaduniyya li-I-Qastallanf (Cairo, 1326), vol. 5, p. 11 inf.-12. 94 AI-NawawI, al-Manthurat, ed. 'Abd al-Qadir Ahmad 'A~a, ed., p. 44, no. 70. 95 See on Juruf: al-Bakrt, Mu'jam ma 'ista'jama min asma'i I-biladi wa-I-mawatji', MU!1~afal-Saqqa, ed. (Cairo, 1364/1945), vol. 2, p. 377; and see the important note:
wa-hunaka kana I-muslimuna
96
yu'askiriina
idha aradu I-ghazwa.
Muhammad b. 'Umar al- WaqidI, K itab al-maghazf, Marsden Johns, ed. (Oxford, 1966), vol. 2, pp. 560-62; cf. al-ZamakhsharI, Rabi'u I-abrar, vol. 4, p. 39; al-WazIr al-Maghribl, al-Sira al-nabawiyya li-bni Hishiim, shari}uha, Suhayl Zakkar, ed. (Beirut, 1412/1992), vol. 2, pp. 1047-48; and see al- Taberant, Musnad alshamiyyfn, Muhammad 'Abd ai-Majid al-Silaff, ed. (Beirut, 1409/1989), vol. 2, p, 391, no. 1558; cf. al-Suyfi~I, al-IJawf li-I-fatawf, vol. 1, p. 469-70; Ibrahlm b. .Muhammad b. Harnsa al-Husaynf, al-Bayan wa-I-ta'nf jf asbabi wuriidi l-hadith; l-shcri] (Beirut, 1400/1980), vol. 2, p. 304-6, no. 982; Ibn AbI Hatirn, 'llal al-Eadith; vol. 1, p. 487, no. 1458; Nur al-Dtn al-HaythamI, Majma' al-zawa'id, vol. 5, p. 120; 'All al-QarI, Risala i}awiya li-masa'il mujtami'a 'ala I-'imama wa-I-'adhaba, MS. Yahuda Ar. 990, fol. 23a inf.-23b sup. (quotes the tradition from al- Tabaranr's alAusat and comments on the expression: fa-innahu a'rab wa-a~san: wa-jfhi ish'arun
bi-anna I-'imamata ma'a I-'adhabati ai}sanu, fa-yadullu 'ala i}usni I-'imamati biduni I-'adhabati; fa·yakunu jfhi raddun 'ala man qala bi-l-karahati ... ); Muhammad b. 'Abdallah al-Shibll, Mai}asin al-wasa'il jf-ma' rifati I-awa'il, Muhammad al- Ttinjr, ed. (Beirut, 1412/1992), 189-91 sup.; Ibn al-Dayba', Taysfru I-wu~ul ila jami'i 1u~ul min i}adfthi l-rasiil (~), vol. 4, p. 186: .. , 'Abdu I-Rai}man b. 'Auf: 'ammamanf rasulu llah bi-'imamatin fa-sadalaha bayna yadayya wa-min khaljf a~abi' a ... ; 'Amru bnu lfuraythin: ra'aytu rasula llahi (~) wa-'alayhi 'imamatun sauda'u qad arkha tarafayha bayna mankibayhi. See on 'Amr b. Hurayth: Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI, al-
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Rahman b. (Auf was an impressive ceremony: the Prophet performed the prayer standing behind (Abd al-Rahman b. (Auf and solemnly said: "A Prophet never died without praying behind a righteous believer." 97 This statement clearly indicates the high position granted to (Abd al-Hahman b. (Auf by the Prophet. 'Abd al-Hahman was urged by the Prophet to fight the unbelievers for the cause of Islam, while observing the rules enunciated by Islam. The Prophet also told him to marry the daughter of the ruler of Diimat alJandal; the Prophet meant al-Asbagh b. 'Amr al-Kalbi, (Abd al-Rahman indeed succeeded to convince the Christian chief of Dumat al-Jandal, alAsbagh b. 'Amrel-Kelbi, to embrace Islam; and al-Aebagh consented to give him his daughter, Turnadir bint al-Asbagh in marriage.98 She bore (Abd al-Rehman b. cAuf several of his children;99 It was Tumadir who advised 'Uthman to marry one of her relatives, Na'ila bint al-Furafisa. It was a happy marriage. Na'ila remained faithful to the memory of 'Uthman; following his death, she refused to marry Mu'awiya.1oo The black turban became a popular headdress as early as the first Islamic century. The I)adfth describes some Companions of the Prophet as wearing black turbans.lO! The Prophet himself is said to stand on the
Ifiiba if tamyfzi I-fa~iiba, vol. 4, p. 619, no. 5812; al-BaghawI, al-Anwiir if shamii'ili l-nabiyyi l-mukhiiir , IbriihIm el-Ya'qnbt, ed. (Beirut, 1409/1989), vol. 2, p. 534, no. 730; and see the references of the editor. 'Abdallah b. Muhammed al-Isfahanf, known as Abu I-Shaykh, Akhliiqu I-nabiyyi wa-iidiibuhu, I~amu I-Din Sayyid alSabiibItI, ed, (Cairo, 1411/1991), 122, no. 303. 97 Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiit, vol. 3, p. 129: '" mii qubi~a nabiyyun ~attii YUfalliya khalfa rajulin fiili~in min ummatihi. 98 AI-Wiiqidr, op: cit., vol. 2, pp. 511-12; Ibn al-Athtr, Usd al-ghiiba if ma'rifati l-fa~iiba, al-Matba'a al-wahbiyya, 1286, (repr. Tehran), vol. 3, pp. 313-14; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isti'iib if ma'rifati l-af~iib, 'All Muhammad al-BijawI, ed. (Cairo), vol. 2, p. 844, no. 1447; al-Balsdhurt, Ansiib al-ashriif , Muhammad I:Iamidu\lah, ed. (Cairo, 1959), vol. I, p. 378; al-Tibrizi, Mi8hkiit al-mafiibl~, p.374, penult.; Nnr al-Dtn alHaythami, Majma' al-zawii'id, vol. 5, p. 120. 99 See e.g., Khalifa b. Khayya~, Kitiib al-tabaqiit, Akram I/iya' al-'Umari, ed. (Baghdad, 1387/1967),242; and cf. M.J. Kister, "The Wife of the Goldsmith from Fadak and her Progeny," Le Museon 92 (1979): 321-30(repr. Variorum Series, Society and Religion from Jiihiliyya to Islam, no. V); and see Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Salliim, Kitiib al-nasab, Mariam Mul}ammad Khayru I-Dir', ed. (Beirut, 1411/1989), p. 363; Ibn Sa'd, al-Tabaqiit al-kubrii, vol. 3, pp. 127-38, vol. 8, pp. 298-300; Muhammad b. 'Ali b. Al}mad b. I:Iadida al-An~ri, al-Mifbii~ al-mu~" if kuttiib al-nabiyyi warU8ulihi ilii muliiki l-ar4i min 'arabiyyin wa-'ajamiyyfn, Muhammad 'A~imu l-Dln, ed. (Beirut, 1405/1985), vol. 2, pp. 224-5: ... wa-hiya ukhtu l-Nu'miini bni 1Mundhiri li-ummihi. 100 Al}mad b. Muhammadb. 'Abd Rabbihi, al-'Iqd al-fand, Al}mad Amin, Ibrahim al-Abyari 'Abd al-Saliim Harlin, ed. (Cairo, 1368/1949), vol. 6, p. 91. 101 See al-Taberanr, al-Mu'jam al-kabfr vol. I, p. 240 no. 665 (ra'aytu Anasa bna Miilik ... wa-'imiimatuhu saudii'u lahii dhu'iibatun min khalfihi ... ); Ibn Sa'd, alTabaqiit al-kubrii, vol. 7, p. 208 Abu Nadra wore a black 'imiima; vol. 6, p. 210 (worn by Abu 'Ubayda b. 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud), vol. 7, p. 179 (worn by al-Hasan b. Abi l-Hasan]: vol. 7, p. 23; Anas b. Miilik wore an 'imiima of silk; it was a black
The Turban in the Muslim Tradition
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IRinbar clad in a black cimiima, with its two fringes hanging down between his shoulders.l02 Jibril descended to the Prophet wearing a black cimiima.103 The most instructive report concerning the black "imiima is recorded in Abu Ytisuf''s Kitiib al-iithiir: it is transmitted by Abu Hanifa on the authority of one of his Companions and states that Jibril, dressed in a black cimiima, came to the Prophet. He dressed the Prophet in a black "imiima and let its fringes hang down behind his back.l04 The date of Abu Yiisuf''s death (182 A. H.), indicates that the l}adith is a very early one. It also implies that Jibril accomplished his mission to dress the Prophet in a black "imiima, The black "itniima was thus a symbol of prophetic authority granted to Muhammad by God. The Caliphs followed the path of the Prophet and used to dress their governors and officials in black turbans. Some pious believers seem to have been used to wearing black turbans. The black 'imama indicated piety and sincerity of belief. This can be deduced from the harsh words with which 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'AzIz rebuked 'Adl b. Ar~at: you deceived me by your black 'imiima, Jour keeping company with the qurrii', your letting down the fringe of the 'imiima on your back .... " 105 Some $ufi believers disliked wearing black turbans. lOG In some ShI'I leading circles black clothing was considered the dress of the Shl'a's enemies.l''? As the black turbans beCC â¢â¢â¢
"imama; p. 24: he let down the end of the 'imama on his back ( ... arkhaha min ~alfihi); Abu Nu'aym 81- I~ahanI, /filyat al-auliya', vol. 9, p. 134: [Mu'awiya on his death bed, clad in a black 'imama); al-FasawI, al-Ma'riJa wa-I-ta'rIkh, vol. 2, p. 110 and p. 226 [al-Hasan al-Basrt wore a black 'imiima); Ibn AbI l;Iatim, 'Ilal al-!}adith (Cairo, 1343),' vol. 1, p. 482, no. 1444: Sa'Id b. al-Musayyab wore a black "imama, letting the end hang on his back. 102 See e.g., al-Suytitl, al-/fawi, vol. 1, p. 118: ... 'an Jabir qiila: kiina li-I-nabiyyi (f) 'imamatun sauda'u yalbasuha fr I-'idayin wa-yurkhiha khalJahu: Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Zadu I-ma'ad fr hadyi khayri I-'ibiid (Beirut, n.d.), vol. 1, p.34 inf.: â¢.. 'Amr b. /furayth qala: ra'aytu rasula llahi (f) 'ala I-minbar wa-'alayhi 'imamatun aaudii'u qad arkha faraJayha bayna katiJayhi; al-Shaukani, Nayl al-awtiir, vol. 2, p. 120: ... wa-'alayhi 'imamatun saudii'u qad arkhii taraJahii bayna katiJayhi, the verb sadala is glossed by arkha in some of the quoted !}adIths. 103 Nur al-Dtn al-Haythami, Majma' al-zawii'id, vol. 5, p. 120; al-Shaukani, Nayl al-autiir, vol. 2, p. 121; al-Suyutr, al-/fiiw., vol. 1, p. 118.
104 Abu Yusuf Ya'qub b. Ibrahim al-Ansarr, Kitab al-iithiir , Abu I-Wala, ed. (Cairo, 1355), p. 128, no. 588. 105 'Abd al-Raszaq, al-MufannaJ, Habibu l-Rahman aI-A'~mI, ed. (Johannesburg, 1390/1970.) 106 See, 'Ala'u I-DIn 'AlI b. Balaban, al-I!}8an bi-tartibi fa!}i!}i'bni /fibbiin, Kamal Yiisuf al-Hut , ed. (Beirut, 1407/1986), vol. 7, p. 393: '.' dhikru ibii!}ati lubsi l-mar'j
l-
arfida.pdf "EXERT YOURSELVES, 0 BANU ARFIDA!": SOME NOTES ON ENTERTAINMENT IN THE ISLAMIC TRADITION M.J. Kister
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
In memory of Ilse Lichtenstadter
I In the period of the Jahiliyya, recitation of verses containing satirical
abuse of rival tribes was often accompanied by singing songs and beating tambourins. Such performances apparently continued in Islamic times, though the content and character of the songs changed in conformity with the new circumstances. A tradition concerning recitation of poetry and singing in 'A'isha's home in the presence of the Prophet became a subject of lively debate as to the permissibility of listening to such recitation and singing. Another tradition describing a meeting of the Prophet with a group of young Abyssinians who performed dances and plays in the presence of 'A'isha aroused a controversy concerning the presence of women at such performances and about the permissibility of singing, dancing and playing with javelins on the occasion of religious festivities. A report recorded by 'Abd al-Razzaq (d. 211 AH) in his Mu~annaf1 on the authority of Anas b. Malik says that the Abyssinians played with their javelins out of joy on the arrival of the Prophet in Medina. Another report has the event taking place in the court2 of the Prophet. The Prophet stood at the door of 'A'isha's chamber, covered her with his garment and allowed her to watch the Abyssinians' play in the mosque.3 A third tradition recorded by 'Abd al-Razzaq4 shows 'Vmar assaulting the Abyssinians who played in the mosque of the Prophet: he pelted them with pebbles, but the Prophet asked him to leave them alone.
1 'Abd al-Razzaq, Mu§annaJ, Ijabfbu l-Ral].man al-A'~amf, ed. (Beirut, 1392/1972), X, p. 466, no. 19723. 2 "Court" is a translation of the Arabic dar. Dar often denotes a compound building, sometimes of considerable dimensions, containing in somt: cases stores, workshops, storage spaces and even markets. See my "Some reports concerning Mecca," JESHO 15 (1972): 85-86 ; Ibn Ijajar, al-I§aba, V, p. 744 supra; Suhaylf, al-Raurf, al-unuJ, 'Abd al-Ral].man al-Wakfl, ed. (Cairo, 1970), VI, pp. 333-334 3 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mu§annaJ, X, p. 465, no. 19721. 4 Ibidem, X, p. 466, no. 19724.
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An examination of the various versions of these traditions may elucidate the circumstances in which they originated and may help to gain insight into the development of the ideas concerning play and entertainment in early Muslim society. Ibn Khurdadhbih (d. 300 AH) records a report on the authority of <.A>isha:5 Abu Bakr entered
Tighten Thy Grip on Mudar.pdf and Journalof the Economic SocialHistoryof the Orient,Vol. XXIV, Part III
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR...
Somesocio-economic religious and aspects an early of .hadith*
BY
M.J.KISTER
To Professor D. Goitein S. a humble tribute.
The widely current utterances attributed to the Prophet concerning his eponymous ancestor Mudar and his progeny are usually couched in very favourable terms. Tradition stresses that the angel Jibril himself told the Prophet of his descendance from Mudar 1); the Prophet, recording his pedigree, thus stated explicitly that he was of Mudar 2). Mudar is obviously counted in Muslim tradition among the highly praised ancestors of the Prophet, chosen by God from amongst the whole of mankind and singled out by Him from among the Arabs 3). The very early traditions emphasized that Quraysh preserved and kept the monotheistic tradition of Ismd'il and Ibrahim and that the guardians and champions of this belief were the eponymous ancestors of the Prophet; widely current is the utterance attributed to the Prophet according to which Mudar was a Muslim and it is not lawful to curse him 4). The ancestors of the Prophet are said to have stuck to their
* A summary of this paper was read in a meeting of the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities in Jerusalem on December 2, 1975. i) Al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal, Hyderabad 1385/1965, XIII, 51, no. 297; cf. Muhammad Anwar al-Kashmiri al-Diwabandi Fayd al-bari cald 1-bukhbri, Cairo I357/1938, IV, izi21 inf.:... innama kina banz7tamimin min qaumi sah.hib 1-nabiyyili-anna 1-nabiyyakana min mudarawa-ha'ula'i aydan mudariyyfn... z) Al-Wdqidi, Maghdzg, ed. M. Jones, London 1966, p. ioii; al-Shdfici, al-Umm, Cairo (Bfilq) 1321 (reprint), VI, 215. 3) See e.g. al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, 36-38, nos. 225, 233-234. 4) Al-Balddhuri, Ansib al-ashrdf, ed. Muhammad Hamidullah, Cairo I959, I, 3 I; al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, 51, no. 294; and see ib. the version that both Rabica and Mudar embraced Isldm; and see this version: al-Shibli, Maha-sinal-wasa'il ft
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Arab faith, without converting to Judaism, Zoroastrianismor Christianity5). In line with this notion the Prophet is said to have enjoined
to follow (the descendants of-K) Mudar whenever there was a dissension among the believers, as Mudar would always be on the right path and act justly 6). Mudar were indeed granted prophethood and caliphate, Islam gained power and strength through Mudar and great conquests were made after Mudar embraced Islam, says Ibn Sa'id in his Nasbwat al-tarab7). The favourable traditions about Mudar are confronted by a few unpropitious utterances also attributed to the Prophet; these unfavourable sayings refer, however, either to the coarse Bedouin traits of character of Mudar or are cast in the form of prophecies concerning the wicked role of Mudar as an oppressive element in the government of the Muslim Empire which persecutes and harms the believers 8). Of some importance seems to be a peculiar tradition according to which the Prophet invoked God asking Him to afflict Mudar with years of drought like those at the time of Joseph. "O God, tighten Thy grip on Mudar", the Prophet invoked, "Turn barren years upon
ma'rifatil-awd'il, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 1530, fol. 54a; and see another version of this tradition: al-Naysdbiri, Ghard'ibal-qur'dn ed. al-furqdn, Ibrahim cAtwa wa-raghd'ib 'Iwad, Cairo 1386/1967, XVIII, 31; and see I. Goldziher, MuslimStudies,ed. S. M. Stern, London 1967, I, 83-84, note 5. cald ed. Thaldthu 5) Cf. rasd'il(al-radd 1-nasdrd), J. Finkel. Cairo1344, P. 15: kdnatal-nasrdniyyatu fdshiyatanwa-'alayhd ...wa-ukhrd wa-hiya fthd ghdal-J.hiz, anna -'caraba wa-lamtafshu libatan,illa mudara, wa-ldmdjdsiyyatun, yahdidyyatun fa-lam taghlib'alayhd thumma wa-lamtacrif mudaru dina1-'arabi, 1-islima. illa fiha1-nasrdninyyatu... 6) Ibn Abi 1-Dunyi, al- Ishrifft mandzilal-ashrdf,Ms. Chester Beatty 4427, fol. 69b; al-Muttaqi1-Hindi,op.cit., XIII, 51, no. 295-296; Goldziher,op.cit., I, 84, note 5. ntaha1-sharafu wa-17) Ms. Tiibingen I, fol. 94: ... ilayba (i.e. al-mudariyya--K) awwalan wa-dkhiran 'iddatu wa-l-khildfati wa-khassaha wa-bihdCazza lldhubi-l-nubuwwati i-isldmu .. lammadakhalatfihiafwdjan. wa-cazumatfutzihuhu Ta'rikhWdsit, 8) See al-Hdkim,al-Mustadrak, Hyderabad 1342, IV, 470; Balhshal, ed. Gurguis 'Awwad, Baghdad 1386/1967, p. 262; al-Tah1wi, Mushkil al-dthdr, min Hyderabad 1333, I, 435-436; Yisuf b. Mnasial-Hanafi,al-Muctasar al-mukhtasar min mushkilal-dthdr, Hyderabad 1362, II, 385; al-Muttaqi1-Hindi, op cit., XIII, 51, no. 298; and see ib., p. 42, no. 259: wa-mudaru cindausfzliadhndbi 1-ibilihaythuyatla'u rabi'ata wa; qarnu 1-shaytan... and see ib., no. 263:... wa-l-jafd'u fihddhayni l-hayyayni ed. Cairos.v. m d r: ... ; Ibn al-Athir,al-Nihdyafigharhb al-hadith, al-Tandhi, mudara... mudaru, fa-qdia: tuqdtilu ... wa-dhakara macaha maddaraha fl1-ndri. khurutja c'aishata lldhu
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them like the famine years of Joseph" 9). There are divergent and even contradictory opinions of hadith scholars, Qur'an commentators and biographers of the Prophet about the circumstances in which the Prophet uttered this invocation. The period during which the Prophet pronounced the invocation is disputed and so are also the prayers in the course of which the invocation was performed, the curses and blessings linked with the invocation, whether the invocation was continuous, whether it was abrogated and consequently whether it is, or is not permissible to use invocations during prayers. A closer examination of these diverse traditions about the Mudar invocation and a scrutiny of some traditions referring to other events of that period may grant us a clue for a better understanding of the Prophet's attitude towards the different tribal groups and towards the various factions in Mecca, to elucidate some of the economic and political decisions which he took during his struggle with the hostile tribal divisions and during negotiations with his enemies. The analysis of these traditions may help us to get a more adequate assessment of the changes which took place in the perception of invocations and supplications during the prayers and to form a better evaluation of the political situation in Mecca and Medina in the decisive period preceding the conquest of Mecca.
9) Ibn Sacid, op.cit.,fol. 94r., inf.; cf. Ibn Farak, Mushkil al-hadith,Hyderabad Hyderabad1332, II, 33; al-Mubarrad, 1362,p. 97; al-Marzfiqi, al-AZmina wa-l-amkina, Beirut al-Kdmil,ed. Muhammad Abia 1-FadlIbrdhim, Cairo; Ibn Sacd, al-Tabaqdt, Sunan,ed. cAbdallahHdshim Yamini, al-Madina 1376/1957, II, 53; al-Diraqutni, al-munawwara,1386/i966, II, 38, no. 7; Mahmid MuhammadKhattSb, al-Manhal al-maurfid abi al-cadhb sharhsunanal-imdmi ddwfd,Cairo 1394, VIII, 80; Aba 1-Layth Cairo 1347, P. 197 inf.; Ibn Majah,Sunan Tanbih al-ghdfilin, al-Samarqandi, Cairo 1349, I, 375; al-Bayhaqi,al-Sunan al-mus.tafd, al-kubrd,Hyderabad 1346, II, 197-198, zoo, 21o; Ibn Shahrdshib,Mandqib dlabitalib,Najaf 376/1956,I, 72 (the Prophetinvoked against Mudar according to the request of Khabbdbb. al-Aratt), I89; Shahriddrb. Shirawayh al-Daylami, Musnad al-firdaus,Ms. Chester Beatty 4139, fol. I36b; al-Thacilibi, Thimdr al-qulzb,ed. MuhammadAbfi 1-FadlIbrdhim, Cairo 1384/1956, p. 49, no. 57. Ibn IHajaral-'Asqalni, al-Arba'una l-mutabcyinatu 1-asinidiwaMs. 1-mutfin, Hebrew Univ. Yahuda Ar. zo, I, fol. i7a-b (the persons against whom the Prophet invoked were: Aba Jahl, cUtba b. Rabia, Shayba b. Rabl'a, alWalid b. 'Utba, cUqbab. abi Mucayt,Umayyab. Khalaf and a manwhose nameis not disclosed).
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
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I
According to a traditionrecordedby 'Abd al-Razziqon the authority of his teacherMa'marb. Rashid(d. 15o H), the Prophet respondedto a requestby a man of Mudarto pray for them for rain, afterthe man had describedto the Prophet the grave situation of his tribe as a result of a
drought;afterthe prayerof the Propheta greatdeal of rainpoured
down 10). Two other traditions indicate that the drought had been caused by a previous invocation of the Prophet11). The reason for the Prophet's invocation against Mudar was, according to a tradition, their stubborn refusalto embraceIslam, their disobedience,arrogance and unbelief12). Some Muslim scholarsexplainedthat the Prophet'sinvocation was merely addressedagainst the evil-doers of Mudar, not against the whole of this tribal confederation 13), others however out that the curse afflictednot only the evil-doers of Mudar, pointed since the Prophet and his Companionswere also hit by the famine14). records15) the name of the man of Mudar who asked the Al-HIJakim Prophet to prayfor rain: Ka'b b. Murraal-Bahzi(scil. from the Mudari
tribeof Sulaym-K) 16).
The extent of the drought by which the Mudar tribes were affected
ed. io) 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, Habibu 1-Rahmdnal-Aczami, Beirut 1390/ 1971, III, 90, no. 4908. ii) 'Abd al-Razzdq,op. cit., III, nos. 4907, 4909. 12) See e.g. Ibn Sacid,op. cit., fol. 94 r., inf.: ...wa-qad kdnarasilu llhi (s)yashkf shdud... ild rabbihimin 'isyanihim wa-culuwwihim qla llthumma hatta~ 13) See e.g. Yasuf b. Mvis~ al-Hanafi, op. cit., II, 320: ... wa-shdud wat'ataka 'ali mudara, ay: Cali man lamyu'min minhum...; ib., p. 385: ... wa-minhu qauluhu ... min min wa-shdud wa-huwa wa-kathbrun al-sahiba wa-sallamfiqunfitihi: salla ll/thualayhi mankana minhum khil/fi 1-tariqati mudara, ; wa-l-murtdu: 1-mustaqima... and see Cala al-Tahdwi,Mushkilal-dthjr,I, 436. 14) Ibn Qutayba, Ta'wil mukhtalif al-hadith,Cairo 1326, p. 318: ... wa-qaddact rasil/u lithi (s) alda shdud Cal/ mudara, fa-qjla: Ilkihumma wa.tpataka mudara...fa-njia dhilika 1-jadbu rasila llihi wa-asihbahu wa-bi-ducj)ihiCuqib*b shadda1-muslimina hatta Cald butinihim min al-hijarata alfj'Ci. 15) op. cit., I,328. See on him ed. 16) Al-H.kim Ibn Hajar, al-Isa;ba, 'Ali Muhammadal-Bijdwi, Cairo 1392/ 1972, V, 6iz, no. 1439 (Ka'b b. Murramerely saw the man who asked the Prophet to invoke for rain).
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can be gauged from a report recordedby al-Jdhiz17) and quoted by alBayhaqis18);as a result of the curse rain stopped, trees died, flocks and cattle perished, pastures diminished and people were compelled to eat 'ilhib, a mixfure of blood and hair and hides. Then HJjib b. Zurdra set out to Kisrd, complaining of the hard19) and asking the king to grant his tribe permission to graze their ship flocks in the region of Sawid al-'Iraq;he left his bow as a pledge that his people would not harassthe subjectsof the Persianruler.When the sufferingof Mudar reached its point of culmination,and divine proof the reached its predestined conclusion (balaghat mablaghahd) al-.hqija and rain poured Prophet made a new invocation intercedingfor them down. The reason for the Prophet's invocation against Mudar, as given in this report, was the allegationraisedby Qurayshand the Arab tribes that the Prophet was a liar, causing him harm and the fact that they decided to expend their wealth in order to fight him 20). The two Mudar tribes mentioned in this report are Quraysh and Tamim21). It is evident from the reports that when the Prophet cursed Mudar he cursed the Mudar tribes; when he prayed for rain he asked for rain and fertility for these Mudar tribes (Tamim and Sulaym) on which their flocks were dependentand on which the supplyof their vital needs of grain depended.It is obvious that the supply of grain and meatby the allied tribes for the Meccan Qurashiteswas vital for the very existence of Mecca. The link between the curse of the Prophet and Qurayshis apparentin the comment by al-Batalyisi22) on the nickname sakhina
17) Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3138 (Mukhtarat al-Jthiz) fol. i zb. fuisl ed. Ibrdhim b. Muhammad al-Bayhaqi,al-Mahasinwa-l-masawi, Muhammad I8) Cairo I380/I96I, I, 24-25; and see cAbd al-Jabbdr, Tathbit Abid 1-Fadl ed. Ibr.him, dala'il al-nubuwwa, cAbd al-Karim 'Uthmdn, Beirut 1386/1966, I, 80 inf.-8i sup. 19) See on him: EI2 s.v. HIdjib b. Zurdra. 1-musta20) Ibrdhimb. Muhammadal-Bayhaqi,op. cit., I, 24: ... thumma duc'auhu wa-1anna1-nabiyya lammdlaqya min qurayshin lladhW ta'khira fhi, wa-dhalika la (s) jabu lahuwa-takdhibihim adhihum minshiddati calayhi bi-l-amwdli wa-stic'natihim iyyahu 'arabi bildduhum... dacaan tajdiba al-farid,ed. Ahmad 21) See a slightly differentversion: Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, al-cIqd Amin, Ahmad al-Zayn, al-Abydri,Cairo 1375/ 1956, II, 20-21. Ibr.him ft 22) Ibn al-Sid al-BatalyTsi,al-Iqtiiddb sharh adab al-kuttdb,Beirut 1973 (re-
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applied to Quraysh: when Qurayshrefused to embraceIslam, though summoned by the Prophet, the Prophet invoked God against them: alldhumma shdud sininaka-siniyifsufa. wat'atakawa-j'alhd'alayhim They sufferedfrom droughtfor seven yearsduringwhich time they nourished on 'ilhiz and on a thin gruel of coarse flour calledsakhina In some 23). the people of Mecca)are mentioned24). cases, indeed, only Quraysh(or The course of events connectedwith the Prophet's curse is the usual one: Quraysh refused to embrace Islam; the Prophet invoked God against them and they were afflicted by hardship and famine; they repentedand were relieved, but lapsed into unbelief and were punished on the Day of Badr. This sequenceof events is indicated in the verse: ..."upon the day when We shall assault most mightily, then we shall take Our vengeance"25). Another version seems to point to the direct and indirectobjectsof the curse:the cursewas directedagainstQuraysh, but the invocation of the Prophet to lift the curse and his prayerfor rain were performed on the request of men from Mudar and for the benefit of their tribes26). Numerous traditionsindicate clearlythat the stubborn refusal of Quraysh to follow the Prophet, the curse of the Prophet, the drought and hunger, the Prophet's prayer for them, God's help and the reversionof Qurayshto unbelief-all these happened before the hbira;Quraysh were punished by God and they suffered defeat on the Day of Badr (AH 2). Some versions of this tradition state that it was Abi Sufy.n who
print), p. 46; al-Baghdddi,KhiZinatal-adab,ed. cAbd al-Salm Hdrin, Cairo 1397/ 1977, VI, 527-528 (from al-Iqtidab). 23) Cf. L CA, s.v. s kh n. 24) Cf. Ibn Ndqiydal-Juminft tashbihat al-qur')n, ed. Ahmad al-Matlfb, Khadija Baghddd 1387/1968, p. 347; and see al-Nayssbflri, op. cit., XXX, 188. al-IHadithi, 25) Cf. Muqitil, Tafsir, Ms. Ahmet III, no. 74/2, fol. 84b-85a;al-Bayhaqi,Dala'il ed. al-nubuwwa, 'Abd al-Rahmin Muhammad cUthmdn, Cairo 1389/1969, II, 87 inf.--88 sup.; al-Suyati, al-Khasa'is al-kubrd,ed. MuhammadKhalil Harris, Cairo 1386/1967, I, 369 inf.-370 sup.; al-Qurtubi, Tafsir (= al-Jdmic li-ahkim al-qur'tn) Cairo 1387/1967, XII, I35, XVI, i31; al-Khazin, Tafsir (= Lubib al-ta'wil), Cairo 1381/repr.)V, 33; al-Baghawi, Tafsir(=Macdlim al-tanzil,on margin of al-Khdzin's Cairo I328. VIII. 34. Tafsir), V, 33; Hayydn, Tafsfrul-bahri1-muhit,, Cairo 1314, VI, 28; Ibn Kathir,Tafsir, 26) See e.g. al-Suyati, al-Durr al-manthzfr, Aba. Beirut 1385/1966, VI, 246.
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came to the Prophet and recountedthe plight of Quraysh(scil. asking him to pray for them-K) 27). In some versions of this tradition it is mentioned that certain Qurashites joined Abi Sufyan when he was on his way to the Prophet. Muqdtilrecords the names of the members of the Qurashitedelegation to the Prophet led by Abii Sufydn: 'Utba b. Rabi'a, al-'As b. Wd'il, Mut'im b. 'Adi, Suhaylb. 'Amr and Shayba b. Rabi'a 28). The members of the delegation were indeed the leaders of the Meccan opposition against the Prophet; they were capturedor killed in the battle of Badr. Some traditions explicitly say that the delegation headed by Abii Sufydn came to the Prophet when he was still in Mecca, before he left on his hbjra Medina29). These traditions, to possessing as they do fine narrative structure,belong to the type of miracle-traditions which encompassesa well-known cycle of edifying stories: the Prophet calls to a group of people to embrace the true religion, his call is harshly rejected, God punished them in answer to the Prophet's request, then the Prophet's invocation rescues the unvelievers who, after a short period of repentance, soon revert to unbelief and are severely punished. But though they are vague and imprecise, these traditions seem to contain some historical details which may be elucidatedfrom other versions of this event. It is the Muslim scholars themselves, aware of the incongruity of these traditions, who transmitted diverse reports about the circumstances of the curse of Mudar, some of them more tallying with the historicalevents and more reliable.
al-kubra,I, 370; idem, II, 27) Al-HIkim, al-Mustadrak, 394; al-Khasa'is al-Durr al-manthfzr, z8; al-Khdzin, op.cit., V, 34; al-Baghawi, op.cit., V. 34; alVI, al-Suy.ti, II, Bayhaqi Dalj'il al-nubuwwa, 89, 90 inf.; Abi Nu'aym al-Isfahdni, Dala'il alHyderabad 1369/1950, pp. 382-383; al-'Ayni, 'Umdatal-qdir,Cairo 1348, nubuwwa, VII, 27-28, 45-46; and see Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, V, 31 inf.-3z sup.; Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 5912, I, fol. 192b; al-Naysdbfri, op. cit., XXV, 66. 28) Muqitil, op. cit., Ms. 74/II, fol. 146a-b. h~dhacaldanna1-qi?ata 29) Al-cAyni, op. cit., VII, 28, 1.9: ... wa-dalla k/nat qabla Cairon.d., IV, 103, 1.2 (and see ib., p. Ioz) ... al-iljhbyya, 1-hijrati ; al-Jamal,al-Futihadt and see the comments of al-'Ayni, op. cit., VII, 45 : .. . wa-kana qabla1-hijrati majPuhu 1-madinata anna ... wa-lamJyunqal abasufydna qablabadrin(commenting on the qadima refers to the Muslim victory at Badr). interpretationthat al-batsha 1-kubra
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
249
II
Al-Bayhaqi refers to a tradition according to which Aba Sufydn came to the Prophet in Medina asking him to pray for the Qurashites afflicted by famine as a result of the Prophet's curse and remarks with some reservation that he came to him twice: once when the Prophet stayed in Mecca and the other time in Medina30). Al-Jamal. commenting on the interpretations of al-Jaldlaynon S-ra XXIII, states that this verse and the two following ones were revealed to the Prophet in Medinaand that Qurayshwere afflictedby the Prophet's curse when he emigratedto Medina; hence Abi Sufyan came to the Prophet to Medina. Al-Jamal records a version of the talk of Aba Sufydn with the Prophet as reported by al-Bay~dwi: Aba Sufyan reproachesthe Prophet by reminding him of his claim to have been sent as a mercy for the people of the world, while he has killed the fathers (scil. from among Quraysh-K) by the sword and the children by famine31). The tradition affirms the assumption of al-Jamal and indicates clearly that Abi Sufydn set out to Medina to intercede on behalf of his people after a military encounter between the forces of the Prophet and those of Qurayshbrought about the defeat of the Qurashitesand caused a numberof them to be killed; at the same time children in Mecca were dying of hunger caused by some actions of the Prophet which are however not specifiedin the tradition. The clash between the forces of the Prophet and those of Mecca, the results of the militaryand economic actions of the Prophet against Mecca and her tribal allies are fairly reflectedin a commentaryof Sara XVI, 11 2: Ibn 'Abbds, Mujdhidand Qatddaare quoted as stating that the verse refersto the seven years of famineto which the Meccanswere exposed; they also were in fear of the Prophet and his Companions who were attacking their caravans;these events took place when the Prophet uttered his invocation: "O God, tighten Thy grip on Mu30) Al-Bayhaqi,Dala'il, II, 91, 1i. 1-z. 31) Al-Jamal, op. cit., III, 198 inf.-199.
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M. J. KISTER
dar..." 32), More detailed and concrete is the version recorded by al-Tha'labi in his Tafsir: the Qurashites suffered hunger for seven years and the Arab tribes cut off their food-supplies according to the order of the Prophet (... ibtaldhd bi-l-ji'i sab'asininawa-qata'a l-'arabu The Meccan delegation, including bi-amril-nabiyyi). 'anhumu 1-mirata Aba Sufyan, describedthe sufferingsof the people and the unjustified pain of the children; they asked the Prophet to invoke God for them, which the Prophet indeed did. Then the Prophet permitted to carry food to them (i.e. to Mecca), while they (i.e. the people of Mecca-K) were still unbelievers (... fa-da'd lahumrasi~lu Ildhiwa-adhina li-l-ndsi This report is quite wa-hum bi-hamli 33). ilayhim ba'dumushrikin) 1-ta'dmi about the situation in Mecca: a tribal group obedient to the explicit Prophet cut off the food supply of Mecca on the order of the Prophet and the population of Mecca were afflictedby hunger. The Prophet's permission to resume food supplies to Mecca for the unbelievers of Quraysh is forcefully formulated in this account. Similar reports are recorded in the commentaries of al-Rizi 34). al-Baghawi35) and alJdwi 36). Tabari records in his commentary (Sira XVI, 113-115) a slightly divergent tradition referringto the story of the curse and the hunger; he records however an additional comment on the phrase: Ildhu..., according to which the phrase l ...fa-kulf mimmd razaqakumu refers to the provisions which the Prophet sent, out of mercy, for the unbelievers of Mecca when they were afflicted by drought and hunger37). The detail about the dispatching of food to Mecca by the Prophet out of mercy is indicated in the report recorded in the Tafsir of al-Jiyvni:the Prophet sent to them alms for the poor and goods a3). wa-mdlin) The very early comilayhimbi-sadaqatin (... fa-badatha of al-Farrd'(d. 207 AH) describes the hunger suffered by mentary
Beirut Al-Tabarsi, Majmacal-bayan, 138o/1961, XIV, 132. 33) Al-Tha'1abi,Ms. Vatican, Ar. 1394, fol. 8a. Cairo I357/1938, XX, 128-130. 34) Al-Rizi, Mafdtibal-ghayb, cit., IV, 98-99; al-Khdzin,op. cit., IV, 98-99. 35) Al-Baghawi, op. Marablabid,Cairo n.d., I, 467. 36) Al-Tabari, (Bulq) XIV, z25-i 37) Al-J.wi, TafsTr 26. 38) Abfi Hayyln, op. cit., VIII, 34.
32)
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
251I
Quraysh,their fear of the raids of the Prophet'stroops and states that
the Prophet sent to them food out of mercy, while they remained unbelievers 39). Another account mentions the messenger who carried the Prophet's gifts to Mecca; it was 'Amr b. Umayya al-Damri 40), a wellknown Companion of the Prophet, whom the Prophet happened to entrust with some special missions 41). Al-Qurtubi records explicitly the invocation against Mudar and quotes fragments of the different versions mentioning the plight of Quraysh, their fear as a result of the raids of the forces of the Prophet, the talk of the Meccan delegation with the Prophet, Abi Sufydn's pledge and the order of the Prophet to
carryfood to Meccain order to divide it among them 42). The date of the boycott against Mecca is indicatedin the commentaries of the Qur'ln, Sira XXIII, 76: "We alreadyseized them with the chastisement...": the boycott of food supplies was carried out by Thumamab. Uthi~43) who stopped it after some time by an order of theProphet44). Ibn Kathir gives a very concise summaryof the relations between the Prophet and Quraysh:when they refused to convert to Islam and
ed. 39) Macdn7 l-qur'dn, Muhammad'Ali al-Najjdr,Cairo 1972, II, 114: ... thumma inna1-nabiyya raqqalahum mushrikfina. (1) fa-hamalailayhimal-ta'amawa-hum 40) Al-Balddhuri, Ansib, Ms. fol. 896a: ... wa-ba'atha rasztluldhi 'amranild mushriki bi-silatinwa-qadaqhatfi hattd akalzf1-rimmata wa-jahad7 qurayshin wa-l-'ilhiza. 41) See e.g. Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba,IV, 602-603, no. 5769; al-Dhahabi, Siyar a'lim al-nubala',ed. Ascad Talas, Cairo i962, III, 40, 1.12; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-ghiba, Cairo 1280, IV, 86.
42)
Al-Qurtubi,
43) Al-Tabari, Tafsir (Billq) XVIII, 34-35; al-Qurtubi, op. cit., XII, 143; cf. Cairo I388/1968, p. 211; al-Suyfiti, al-Durr al-manthz7r, al-Wihidi, Asbab al-nulz7l, and see Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., V. 550: ...fa-adayyaqa qurayshin fa-lamyada' V, 13; 'ald Ibn IHajar, habbatan mina l-yamamati; ta't~him al-Isaba,I, 411: ... wa-man'uhu 'an al-mirata... ; and see ib., on the Yamdma: ... wa-kanat ahli makkata. qurayshin r7fa and see F. McGraw Donner, Mecca's Food Supplies and Muhammad'sBoycott, JESHO, XX, 249-266. ed. 'Ali al-Bij wi, Cairo 138o/ 44) Ibn cAbd al-Barr, al-Istzlib fi ma'rifati ... wa-kinat miratuqurayshin I-a.shib, thumma min 196o, I, 215: wa-manfic'uhhum al-yaammati, ... ; according mi kinaya'tihimminmiratihim kharaja fa-habasa'anhum wa-mantif'ihim to this narrative the Qurashites sent a letter to the Prophet asking him to order Thumdmato lift the boycott; the Prophet responded to their request; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-ghaba, 247. I,
op. cit., X. 194-195.
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J.
KISTER
recognize the mission of the Prophet they were afflictedby drought and hunger, according to the Prophet's curse; after the hyirathey sufferedfrom the attacks of the Muslim troops; after their conversion to Islam the situation changed: they became leaders and rulers of the
people 45).
III The Prophet's invocation against Mudar is in some traditions linked with the qunfzt-invocation during the prayer. The one uttered by the Prophet is said to have contained either blessings (scil. for the oppressed believers-K) or curses (against the unbelieving enemies of the Prophet-K) or blessings and curses coming both together46). These qunfzt-invocations which refer to some historical
events may be useful for establishing the date when boycott was imposed and of the time when it was lifted, following the appeasement. 'Abd al-Razzaq records three names of the persecuted believers
in Mecca: 'Ayyash b. Abi Rabi'a 47), Salama b. Hisham 48), and al-Walid b. al-Walid b. al-Mughira 49), quoting the formula of the Prophet's
45) Ibn Kathir, Tafsir,IV, 230-231. 46) Al-Mundwi, Fayd al-qadir,sharhal-jjmic al-saghir,Cairo, 1391/1972, V, 96, no. 6554. (On the efficacyof such an invocation see 'Abd al-Razzdq,op. cit., II, 446, no. 4030: A dog passed a group of people praying behind the Prophet; one of the people made an invocation againstthe dog and it immediatelyfell dead on the ground. The Prophet remarked that had this person made an invocation against a whole people, God would have responded to his invocation (and the people would have perished-K). al-Isdba,IV, 750, no. 6127; al-Zurqini, Sharh cald 47) See on him: Ibn IHajar, Cairo I328, VII, 344. al-laduniyya, 1-mawdhib 48) See on him Ibn Sacd, op. cit., IV, 130-131; Ibn cAbd al-Barr,op. cit., p. 643, no. Io32; al-ZurqIni, op. cit., VII, 344; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba,III, I55-156, no. 3405; ed. al-cIqdad-thamin akhbaral-baladal-amzn, Fu'Id Sayyid, Cairo 1384/1965, IV, ft 599-600o,no. 1325; al-Dhahabi, Ta'rikhal-Islim, Cairo i367, I, 379. 49) See on him: Ibn Hajar,al-Isiba,VI, 619, no. 9157; al-Zurqdni,op.cit., VII, 344; al-Wdqidi,Maghazi p. 46 records another account: the Prophet made an invocation b. on behalf of Salamab. Hisham, CAyydsh Rabicaand other unprotectedand oppressed (literally:"weak") believers (scil. in Mecca-K); this happenedwhen the Prophet was on his way to Badr. Al-Wdqidi stresses that another invocation, namely for al-Walid b. al-Walid was uttered by the Prophet later, as al-Walidb. al-Walid was
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
25 3
invocation for them, which is linked with the invocation against
Mudar 50). The date of the escape of these three believers from Mecca
and their arrival in Medina is given either "after Uhud" 51) or after the Battle of the Ditch 52). Accordingly the date of the Prophet's invocation may be establishedeitherafterthe year 3H (Uhud) or afterthe year five (the Battle of the Ditch). Some traditions link the story of the Prophet's invocation with the revelation of Sura III, I28:..."no part of the matter is thine, whether He turns towards them again or chastisesthem, for they are evildoers". As the Prophet made an invocation for the believers and uttered a curse against Mudar, God revealed the verse mentioned above:..."no part of the matter is thine..." 53). Other traditions commenton the verse differently: Prophetused to curse certainperthe sons of the mundafiqin duringthe morningprayer;then the versementioned above was revealedand the Prophet was implicitly bidden to cease to curse these persons54). One of the traditions mentions that four persons,whose names are not specified,were cursed by the Prophet55). A tradition traced to Ibn 'Umar gives a list of the three unbelievers b. Hishdm against whom the Prophet invoked: Abif Sufyan, al-.Hirith and Safwanb. Umayya;the verse..."no part of the matteris thine"...
captured by the forces of the Prophet at Badr; he was released, embraced Islam and returned to Mecca. There he was put in shackles and imprisoned; cf. al-Dhahabi, no. io. Siyar acljm, I, 228, cAbd al-Razz5q, op. cit., II, 446-447, nos. 4028, 4031-4032; 50) Nor al-Din alHaythami, Majmac al-Zawr'id wa-manbac al-faw'aid, Beirut 1967 (reprint), II, 137 inf.-i-38.; al-Suyiati, al-Durr al-manthzfr,II, 71; Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, ed. 'Abd al-Khdliq Afghini, Hyderabad 1387/1967, II, 316-317; al-Nahhds, al-Ndsikh wa-l-mansikh, Cairo 1357/1938, P. 91; Ibn cAsdkir, Tahdbibta'rikh dimashq,Damascus 1349, VI, 234-235. 5 i) See al-Balddhuri, Ansab, I, 208 penult. 52) See al-Balddhuri, Ansib, I, 20o8, i1. 4-5; and cf., ib., pp. 209-211; al-Dhahabi, Siyar acldm, I, 228, no. io. 53) Al-Tabari, Tafsir, ed. Shdkir, VII, 201, no. 7820 (and see ib., the references of the Editors). 54) Al-Nahhis, op. cit., p. 91 sup.; al-Wdhidi, op. cit., pp. 8o-81; cAbdallah b. al-Mubdrak, Kit. al-jibhd, ed. Nazih Hammdd, Beirut 1391/1971, p. 58, no. 58; Ibn cAsdkir, op. cit., VI, 429. 55) Al-Tabari, Tafsir, ed. Shdkir, VII, 199, no. 7818.
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M. J. KISTER
was revealed in connection with this invocation (and the Prophet ceased to curse them-K) 56). In the list given by 'Abdallah b. althe names of the three persons are different: Safwdn b. Mub.rak Suhayl b. Umayya, 'Amr and al-Hdrithb. Hisham; the name of Abii Sufydnis missing57).Al-Suydti mentions Safwln b. Umayya,al-HTrith b. Hisham, Abii Sufydnand the fourth man against whom the Prophet invoked (at the Day of Uhud) Suhayl b. 'Amr 58). Noteworthy is the additional phrase in al-Suyatti'stradition: God accepted their repentance (fa-tiba 'alayhim kullihim),and, as one may deduce, He forgave them their sins 59). These persons were indeed the leaders of Quraysh; they remainedamong the leading personalitiesof the community after they had embracedIslam and they participatedim some of the decisive events in Islam. The utterance of the Prophet about their repentance being accepted made their conversion easier and enabledthem to keep their high positions in society, their former enmity to the Prophet being forgotten. The traditionsin which the curse of Mudaris linked to the Battle of Uhud are contradicted by a report according to which the Prophet wounded in the battle and stained with blood made an invocation only against those who attacked and wounded him. God, however, did not respond to his invocation and forbade to curse the wicked people60). Peculiar is a tradition which states that the Prophet intended to curse the people who fled from the battle-field at Uhud. He was preventedfrom doing it by the revelationof the verse: ..."no part of the matteris thine"61). The tendencyof this traditionis evident
56) Al-Tabari, Tafsir, ed. Shdkir,VII, no. 7819 (and see the referencesgiven by the Editors); Ibn op. cit., VI, 429; cf. Shahridaral-Daylami, op. cit., Ms 'As.kir, Chester Beatty 4139, fol. 136b, Ii 1-2. IV, al-thamin, 57) cAbdallahb. al-Mubdrak,op. cit., p. 58, no. 57; al-'lIqd al-F.si, 35-36; Ibn 'Asdkir, op. cit., VI, 429. no. 3575. See on him Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba,III, 213 sup., 58) II, 59) Al-Suyati, al-Durr al-manthfdr, 71. nos.
281.
7805-7817; al-Zurqini, 6o) See e.g. al-Tabari, Tafsfr, ed. Shdkir, VII, 194-199, op. cit., VII, 343 ult.--344, 11. 1-3; Ibn IHajar,Fath al-bdri, Cairo 1301 (reprint) VII,
6 1) Al-'Ayni, op. cit., XVII, I55, 1. 14.
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
255
from the phrase which it contains, according to which one of the people who forsook the Prophet in this battle was 'Uthmanb. 'Aff~n. The majority of scholars are said to have been of the opinion that the verse "no part of the matteris thine" was revealedafter the battle of Uhud 62).
IV
The invocation against Mudar can hardly be related either to the Meccan period, or to the battle of Uhud. In the Meccan period the Prophet and his Companions suffered from the persecutions of the Qurashitesand only in some rarecases were the Qurashitescompelled to act in agreement with their tribal allies63); in the battle of Uhkud the Qurashiteswere those who fought the Muslimforces and wounded the Prophet, while the Mudar alliance is not mentioned as an active factor in the preparations that battle. The invocation of the Prophet for could only be uttered in the period when the tribes of the Mudar federation, the allies of Mecca, acted in cooperation with Quraysh against the Muslim community harasshing,attacking, damaging and killing. Such was the case with the expedition of Bi'r Ma'tina.In some traditions the curse of Mudaris actually reportedto have taken place after the massacreof the Companionsby the tribal groups of Sulaym and 'Amir b. Sa'sa'awhich were allied with Mecca and acted in close cooperationwith the Qurashiteenemies of the Prophet. According to these traditions the curse was linked with the invocation for the three Companions oppressed in Mecca by the unbelievers64). In some of
annahanazalat bi-sababi 6z) Al-Zurqini, op. cit., VII, 344, i i. 9-10: ... wa-1-sawab qiSati ubud ... wa-qala "l-lubabi";ttafaqa aktharu 1-culama'i cald nuzflihaft s.hibu qissati hbud. 63) See e.g. Ibn Hazm, Hajjat al-wadai, ed. Mahmfid Haqqi, Beirut 1966, p. 148; Muhibb al-Din al-Tabari, al-Qira li-qdsidi ummi 1-qurd, ed. Mustafi 1-Saqd, Cairo Cairo 1382/1962, III, 198, 1390/1970, P. 547; cAli b. Burhdn al-Din, al-Siraal--halabiyya, 3 from bottom; and see JESHO, I972, p. 64, note 3. I. ed. 64) See e.g. al-Tahdwi, Sharh macidn 1-adthar, Muhammad Zuhri l-Najjdr, Cairo 1388/1966, I, 241-244; al-ZurqIni, op. cit., VII, 344-345; al-W op. cit., p. 81; Ibn Abi Shayba, op. cit., II, 316 inf.-3 7 sup.; al-Daraqutni, Sunan, II, 38, no. 7; .hidi, al-Tabari, Tafsir, VII, zoz, no. 7821 (and see the references of the Editors); cf. Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., II, 53; cf. al-Shafiri, Musnad, Arah I306/i889, p. io8.
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M. J. KISTER
the Prophet's invocations the curse is directed against the wicked tribal groups without any mention of Mudar at all 65). The account of Muqatil links the verse Sara III, I28:.. ."no part of the matter is thine"... with SairaXCIV (a-lam nashra.h). According to this comment both the passages refer to the massacre of Bi'r Ma'una. The story recorded by Muqatil differs in many details from the current reports: there were four hundred Companions known as ahl al-suffawho lived on the alms given to them; they gave the surplus of these alms to other poor persons. They had no relatives in Medina. They went out as a and fought the Banii Sulaym (who were military force (mujayyashin) unbelievers-K). Seventy warriors of this group (i.e. the ahl al-szffa) were killed. The Prophet made an invocation against the evildoers (scil. of Sulaym) praying to God to punish them. But God revealed to him the verse: . . . "no part of the matter is thine" and, since it was obviously predestined that they would embrace Islam, the text of Saira XCIV, i seq. was revealed 66). In some cases the invocation against the wicked tribal groups goes together with a blessing bestowed on Ghifhr and Aslam 67), the two tribal groups which supported the Prophet at a
65) See e.g. 'Abd al-Razzdq,op. cit., II, 446, no 4029; al-Zurqdni,op. cit., II, 78; Burhdn al-Din, op. cit., III, 196-197; Nor al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VI, i25; Cairo I372/1953, II, 390, no. 8; al-Suyiti, al-Durr alal-Shaukdni,Nayl al-au.tAr, manthfr,II, 71; Ibn Sayyid al-Nds, 'Uyfn al-athar,Cairo 1356, II, 47, I. 24; Ibn Abi Shayba,op.cit., II, 31o; Aba Nu'aym al-Isfahdni, Hilyat al-aullya',Cairo 1387/1967, III, 113 inf.; (and see the peculiar invocation against cUsayya: ... sami'tu rasgila bi-ban Cusdayyata, lljhiyaq/lu ft qunf7tihi: ummamildamcalayki fa-innahum yl 'asauIddha al-Khatib al-Baghdddi,Mfidih wa-rasilahu, Hyderabad 1379/ al-jam'wa-l-tafriq, auham i96o, II, 2); cf. al-Majlisi,Bihdral-anwar,Tehran 1386, LX, 232 (the curse here is uttered inter alia against Ricl, Dhakw~n, cAdl, Lihydn, those from among Asad and GhatafSninflicted by elephantiasis,Abei Sufydnb. Harb, Suhayl ["the man with the teeth"; in the text "Shahbal" instead of "Suhayl"], the two sons of Mulayka b. Jizyam, Marwdn[evidently: b. al-IHakam,-K], Haudha andHauna. The traditionis quoted from al-Kafi]). 66) Muqdtil,op. cit., 74/II, fol. 243a-b;and see al-'Ayni, op.cit., XVII, I 5, I. I5; wamin bani sulaymincusayyata wa-qlla inna ashiba 1-suffatikharaj ild qabllatayni arba'ina .... sabdhan fa-qutil2fa-da'c 'calayhim dhakwana I, 67) Al-Tahawi, Sharhma'ini 1-dthdr, 243 sup., 267 sup; Nir al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., II, 138; al-Daylami, Firdaus,Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. io8a; Ibn Abi Shayba, op. cit., II, 317 inf.; al-Wdqidi,op. cit., pp. 349 inf.-3 50.
Ibn IHajar,Fath al-birz, VII,
282
sup.; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, II, 199, 206; cAli b.
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
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very early period 68). Al-Tahlwi analyses the divergent traditions, emphasizes the contradictory interpretations concerning the period in which the Prophet's utterance was given and surveys its circumstances, but does not reach a decisive conclusion 69). The statement that the invocation against the evildoers who had committed the massacre at Bi'r Ma'dna was the first time that the Prophet uttered a qunft-invocation during prayer 70) is of some importance for establishing the circumstances of this invocation and its date. It is in character with the custom of hadith scholars that they tried to bridge between the various versions of the tradition about the curse of Mudar. Some of them were of the opinion that the period of drought and hunger did not last seven years, but only a year or
even less. Thus, for instance, the formula: ... .' alhd 'alayhim sinina was interpretedas referring either to the harshness of ka-sini yrsufa the chastisementor to the period of drought: days, weeks, months or years71). The most reliablereportabout the Prophet'scurse of Mudarappears to be the one stating that the Prophet uttered if after the massacreof Bi'r Ma'ina. The close relations between Quraysh and their Mudar allies can be gauged from a significant passage of the report about this expedition: when the Muslim warrior 'Amr b. Umayya alwas capturedby 'Amir b. al-Tufayl,the man who planned and carried .Damri out the massacreof Bi'r Ma'ina, he was asked about his pedigree. When he stated that he was from Mudar, 'Amir b. al-Tufayl freed him and let him go, saying that he would not like to harm a man from Mudar72). 'Amir's decision was, of course, in line with the ideas
Misr, ed. C. Torrey, Leiden-New Haven, 1920-22, 68) Ibn cAbdal-Hakam,Futfrh p. 303 sup.; Ibn Hajar,Fath al-brZ, II, 410, 11. 16-23. I, 69) Al-Tahawi, Mushkilal-dthdr, 236-23870) A1-Zurqani,op. cit., II, 78, I. 17; al-HIkim, op. cit., I, 226 sup. 71) A1-Zurqini, op. cit., VII, 344, II. 2I-22: wat'ataka... Cala [kuffir qurayshin, au ... au al-sin7na al-qyyjm... ; Ibn Hajar, aulddi] jcalhd ay muadara allihumma al-wa.tata min l-mashriqi yauma'idhin mudara Fath al-bari,II, 410, iI. I2-I4: ... wa-ahlu mukhaliffinalahu... Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23297, fol. 46a, al-nasab, 72) See e.g. Ibn al-Kalbi,Jamharat i: ... fa-lamyuflit ahadun bnu camiru 1-tufayli hina qdla lahu ghayruhu khallasabilahu I.
17
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M. J. KISTER
of tribal loyalty according to which he was expected to refrainfrom killing a memberof the Mudarfederationeven though the latter might participatein an expedition of a hostile troop. On the other hand, the individualsand groups who joined the Muslim communitycut their bonds with their tribes, keeping their loyalty and solidarityexclusively for their religious leaders and the community of the faithful. V Abfi SufyIn was one of the prominent leaders of Quraysh, a stubborn opponent of the Prophet during his stay at Mecca and the head of the active struggle against him after he moved to Medina. Abai Sufyanplayed a considerablerole in three decisive encountersbetween Quraysh and the Muslim forces: in the Battle of Badr (anno 2 H), in the Battle of Uhud (anno 3H) and in the Battle of the Ditch (anno 5H). Traditiondoes not mention any meeting during the Prophet'sMedinan period between the Prophetand Abi Sufydnfor negotaitionsexcept the latter's visit to the Prophet as a single delegate of Quraysh a short time before the Prophet set out on his expedition to conquer Mecca (anno 8H). There are, however, a few reports which indicate contacts between the Prophet and Abai Sufydn during a relatively long period before the conquest of Mecca by the Prophet. According to a tradition recorded by Muqatil, the leading hypocrites of Medina, 'Abdallah b. Ubayy 73), 'Abdallah b. Sa'd b. Abi a Sarh74) and Tu'ma b. Ubayriq75) cunninglyarranged meetingbetween the Prophet and the leaders of the unbelievers of Mecca: Abi Sufyan, 'Ikrimab. Abi Jahl and Abii l-A'war al-Sulami76). The Prophetrefused
inni min mudar; about the position of the chiefs of the Mudari tribes see Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, V, 488: ... fa-dakhala cuyqynatubnu hisnin al-faztriyyu ald 1-nabiyyi(s) wacindahu'a'ishatufa-dakhala bi-ghqyriidhnin,fa-qila lahu raszilul/lthi: fa-ayna 1-isti'dhdn? fa-q7la: yd rasila lldhi ma sta'dhantu cald rajulin min mudaramundhuadraktu. .. 73) See on him EI2, s.v. cAbd Alldh b. Ubayy b. Salkl (W. Montgomery Watt). 74) See on him EI2, s.v. cAbd Allah b. Sacd (C. H. Becker). 75) See on him Ibn Hajar, al-Isiba, III, 518, no. 4249; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-ghaba, III, 52-53. IV, 641, no. 5855 (cAmr b. Sufydn); Ibn 76) See on him Ibn IHajar, no. 2849; CAbd al-Barr, op. cit., p. 6oo, al-Is.dba, Khalifa b. Tabaqdt, ed. Akram Khayy.t,
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to accept the requests of the mixed Hypocrite-Qurashi delegation that should acknowledge the power of the idols to grant intercession he (sharf'a,scil. with God for the unbelievers-K). He pacifiedthe enraged 'Umar who was about to kill the membersof the arrogantdelegation and granted them a letter of safe-conduct, enabling them to return
safely to their homes
77).
This event is said to have been hinted at
in Stira XXXIII, 1-3: "O Prophet, fear God and obey not the unbelievers and the hypocrites. God is All-knowing, All-wise. And of follow what is revealedto thee from thy Lord"... (Translation A. J.
Arberry).
al-Minqari, Waq-at Diyv' al-Din, Baghdid 1387/1967, p. 5I; Nasr b. Muz.him SiffPn,ed. 'Abd al-Saldm Hirfin, Cairo 1382/1962, index (Sufyin b. 'Amr al-Sulami). bint Abai 1-Acwar was a halif of Abf Sufydn. Abfi -A'war's grandmother was Arw. b. cAbdshams. And see on him El2, s.v. Abi 1-Acwar (H. Lammens). Umayya 77) Muqitil, op. cit., Ahmet III, 74/II, fols. 85b-86a; and see a shorter version: al-Wihidi, op. cit., p. 236 with an explicit statement that the event took place after the battle of Uhud; and see al-Baghawi, op. cit., V, 189; al-Khizin, op. cit., V, 18919o; al-Nasafi, Tafsir, Cairo n.d., III, 292. The earliest version recorded by alFarr.', Ma'dni l-Qur'ln II, 334 states that the Prophet forbade to kill the Meccan members of the delegation, as there was a peace-treaty (muwtda'a) between them. Al-Samarqandi gives the report of Muqdtil, but also records the account of Ibn alKalbi, according to which the Meccan delegates alighted in the courts of 'Abdallah b. Ubayy, Mucattib b. Qushayr (see on him Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, VI, 175, no. 8125) and Jadd b. Qays (see on him Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, I, 468, no. i 12). According to this version it was the Prophet himself who intended to (order to-K) kill the arrogant Meccan delegates; but God forbade him to violate the pact (...wa-'aradz7 calayhi ashydaafa-karihaha minhum,fa-hamma bihim rasz7u lluhi (s) an yaqtulzhum (!) ild 1-muddatiwa-la tutic al-kafirina min ahli makkata). Another account says that the Muslims intended to kill the Meccan delegates, but the verses of Sara XXXIII, revealed at that time, prevented them from carrying out of their plan (al-Samarqandi, Tafsir, Ms. Chester Beatty 3668, vol. II, i29a). There is a curious tradition recorded by al-Suy~iti, Lubdb al-nuqzlfi asbabi l-nuZil, Cairo 1374/1954, P. 174: it makes no mention of the delegation, but speaks of the stipulations made by the Prophet's the Jews and the Hypocrites in enemies (also mentioned in other sources-K): Medina threaten to kill the Prophet if he does not abandon his ideas, while the Meccans promise to grant the Prophet half of their property if he retracts. The tradition, traced back to al-Dahhbik, mentions among the persons who summoned the Prophet to relinquish his call al-Walid b. al-Mughira and Shayba b. Rabi'a. The latter was killed in the battle of Badr; consequently the event has to go back, according to this tradition, to the period of the first two years after the hijra. And see this tradition: V, al-Suylti, al-Durr al-manthbir, i8o, II. 25-27.
lladhibaynaka wa-baynahum ttaqi 1-'ahda 1-nabiyyu Ilha wa-latanqudi fa-nazala:yj ayyuha
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M. J. KISTER
The reports do not specify the date of the arrival of the Meccan delegation in Medina; the only indication as to its time is the remark that it took place after Uhud. The style of the narrative and the circumstances of the visit, viz. the stratagem by which the Medinan hypocrites got the Prophet's consent to meet the delegation, the demand of the delegation and 'Umar's sharp reaction, all this seems to indicate that the delegation came to Medina after the Battle of the Ditch. The
battle itself was a defeatfor the Qurashitesand some of them probably realized that the Meccans would not be able to destroy the Muslim community in Medina and that they should set up a relationshipwith Medina based on the new balance of power. Some of the Qurashite leaders perceived that they were unable to resume their commercial activities without securing their trade routes from the attacks of the Muslim forces, and that it was necessaryto gain a recognition by the Prophetof the pagan deities of the Ka'ba in orderto preservethe authority of Qurayshas keepersof the House and to securean uninterrupted flow of pagan pilgrims to Mecca. The Qurashiteswere exhausted by the heavy war-expendituresand weakened by the lack of loyalty of some allied tribal groups who joined Muhammad. The boycott of Thumdmab. Uthdl, who at the Prophet's order cut off food-supplies from the Yamdmawas causing the population of Mecca serious hardship 78). The situationwas aggravatedby a severe drought in the same year, anno 6H 79). It is precisely the drought often mentioned in the sources. Lack of economic stability seems to have prevailed until anno 8H, when people complained of high prices (of food-K) and asked the Prophet to fix the prices and control them, a requestwhich the Prophet refusedso).In this situationthe Qurashiteswere compelled
78) See e.g. al-Baldhuri, Ans7b, I, 367; al-Zurq5ni, op. cit., II, 144-146; alCairo I283, II, 2-3; cAll b. Burhdnal-Din, op. cit., III, Diyvrbakri,Ta'rikhal-khamis, 197-199. 79) 'Abd al-Malik b. Habib, Ta'rikh, Ms. Bodley, Marsh 288, p. 88: ... wa-f? 1-sanati(i.e. anno 6th H.) ajdaba1-ndsu hddhihi fa-stasqdlahumrasfzlu jadban shadidan bnu Ildhi(s) ft ramaddna...; al-cAyni,op. cit., VII, 34, I. i : ... wa-dhakara hibbdna: sanatasittinminal-hijrati. ft li-l-istisqd' shahriramaaddna (s) kdnakhurtjuhu ild 1-musalla 1-sanati anno 8th(i.e. 80) cAbdal-Malikb. Habib, op. cit., p. 90: ... wa-fthcidhihi
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
26I
to cometo the Prophet askfor somerecognition the idols,their and of aimbeingto tryandsavetheirpositionandauthority amongthe tribes. The Prophet couldnot accept theirrequest. callto his Companions His was to believein the one God and any concession madeto Quraysh wouldmeanthathe waswillingto associate idolswiththeone God.His was decision intransigent, he givenout of a positionof strength; refused to discussthe requests the delegation. couldwiselyforeseethat of He and a moderate moreflexible factionwouldarisein Mecca, whichmight strivefor a peacewiththe Muslim in and community Medina its leader, the Prophet.As a result,Meccamightbe torn by discussionand the would be weakend.It is clearthat the Prophet position of Quraysh triedto win over the leaders this moderate of groupin orderto assert his influencein Mecca and preparefor the conquestof the town. The tradition aboutthe exchange gifts betweenthe Prophetand of is recorded Abai'Ubaydon the authority 'Ikrima: of by Abfi Sufydn The Prophet to Abi Sufydn Mecca'ajwa-dates askedhimto sent in and send in returnas gift hides.Abi' carried the request. out Abli Sufy.n that the exchangeof gifts 'Ubaydanalysesthe traditionconcluding at betweenthe Prophetand the happened the time of the armistice people of Mecca,beforeMeccawas conquered the Prophet A 81). by dateis attached the eventrecorded Abi 'Ubayd:afterthe to precise by The were at thatperiodunbelievers, pact of al-Hudaybiyya. Meccans but this did not preventthe Prophetfrom exchanging gifts with his formerenemy,Abi Sufydn. Abi 'Ubaydis rightin deducing fromthis the incident general thattheProphet law accepted fromunbelievers gifts when they werenot in warwith the Muslims. Anotherversionof this story,also tracedback to 'Ikrima, gives a construction the events, recordssome additional to slightlydifferent
Cf. IK) ghald1-sicrujiddan. al-cAyni, op. cit., VII, 36, i. Io from bottom: wa-qdla sanata cashrin qadimawafdusaladmna fa-qila fa-shakauilayhi1-jadba wdqidi:wa-lammd rasz7lu/ (s) bi-yadayhi... ldhi 81) Abfa cUbayd, al-Amwdl, ed. Muhammad al-Fiqi, Cairo 1353, PPBurdur 257-258, no. 631; Ibn Zanjawayh,al-Amwdl,Ms. .H-Imid 183, fol. 96a; Ibn HIajar, al-Isaba, III, 413, no. 4050 (the messenger was 'Amr b. Umayya al-DIamri);on see Berlin 1897 (reprint), p. 229. Beduinenleben, cajwa-dates G. Jacob, Altarabisches
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M. J. KISTER
details and sheds some light on the split within Quraysh as a result of the policy of the Prophet. The Prophet, says the tradition, sent to some goods (ba'athabi-shay'in) Abii Sufyan, and to some of the unbelievers in Mecca. Some of them accepted, some of them Qurashi returned (the things sent by the Prophet-K). Abi Sufydn said: "I shall accept it and shall not send it back". Then he sent to the Prophet weapons and other things which the Prophet accepted. Then the Prophet sent him 'ajwa-datesand Abui Sufyan sent him in return
hides82).
It is evident that this traditionabout the exchangeof goods between from that of Abai'Ubayd: the Prophetand Abi SufyIn is quite different it was not dates which were sent in exchange for hides for private usage; the weapons sent to the Prophet were obviously intendedfor the use of the Muslim forces and Medinan dates were quite as obviously sent for the unbelieving Qurashites.This conspicous exchange of weapons for food could only have happened when Abfi Sufyan hadlost his hope of Mecca'svictory over the Medinancommunityand it was most probablyprecededby negotiations between the Prophet and Abai Sufydn.A report related on the authority of Abai Hurayraadds more details about the first steps of the appeasementand how the relations between the Prophet and Abfi Sufyan were resumed. The Prophet sent to Quraysh a man with money to be distributedamong them; they were at that time unbelievers,adds the report.AbuiSufydn, with a group of Quraysh,asked the messengerto hand them over the money which Qurayshrefusedto accept.The messengerreturnedto the Prophet asking for instructions.The Prophet's reply was clear: "Why didn't you hand over (the money-K) to those of them who agreed to accept it" 83)? Another tradition, this one too recorded by al-Fakihi, mentions the name of the messengerwho carriedthe money: 'Amr b. al-Faghwi' al-Khuzi'i. The Prophet warned the messengerof 'Amr b. Umayyaal-Damriwho tried, as foretold by the Prophet, to attack'Amr b. al-Faghwd'and rob him of the money. The messenger escaped and
82) Ibn 'Asjkir, Tahdhib Ta'rikh,VI, 395.
83) Al-Fdkihi, op. cit., fol. 397a.
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263
succeeded to reach Mecca and to hand over the money to Abfi Sufy n 84).
A tradition traced back to 'Abdallah, the son of 'Alqama b. alFaghwd' (the brother of 'Amr b. al-Faghwd') states that it was his father (not his uncle-K) who was dispatched by the Prophet with money to be distributedto the poor among the unbelieversof Quraysh in order to gain their sympathy (scil. for the Prophet and Islam, yata'allafuhum-K). As in the former tradition, 'Amr b. Umayya alDamri joins the messenger and tries to rob him of his money, but 'Alqamasucceedsin escaping. Abfi Sufydn remarks(scil. after receiving of the money-K): "I have not seen anyone more pious (abarr) and more generous towards the kindred (ausal)than this man (i.e. the Prophet). We fight him and try to shed his blood, while he beneficently sends us gifts" 85). AbLi Sufyan's remark about the Prophet reflects in a true manner the attitude of the unbelievers towards the generosity displayedby the Prophet with regardto his opponents. Some utterancesof the nonbeliever Qurashites, expressing admiration for the clemency of the Prophet and his generosity are recorded in the reports about the conquest of Mecca; they are indeed similar to the utterance of Abi Sufydn mentioned above. The report names the social group which refused to accept the money sent by the Prophet and thus objected to collaboration, or even contact, with him: they were the ashraf,the notables, whose attitude of deep devotion to the ancestralrites, and their firm adherenceto the acceptedmould of relationsbetween tribes, based as it was on the loyalty and allegianceto the Ka'ba and its pagan rites, are reflectedin their staunch opposition to any peaceful contact
84) Al-Fdkihi. op. cit., fol. 397a (reported on the authority of the son of the messenger, cAbdallah b. cAmr b. al-Faghwa); but see the version saying that the Prophet sent the gifts after the conquest of Mecca: Ibn Sacd, op. cit., IV, 296; Ibn al-Athir,
Jdmic al-uswl, ed. Muhammad
al-Kharqa'shi,
Sharafal-mus.tafd, III, 0zo; 85) See Ibn Hajar,al-Isaba,IV, 559, no. 5680; al-Dhahabi, Siyaracldim, al-tahdhib, Tahdhib al-Muttaqi1-Hindi, op. cit., IX, 104, no. 943; and cf. Ibn V, 340. no. 58o. .Hajar,
XII, IHImid al-Fiqi, Cairo 1374/1955, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3014, fol. 7za.
361, no. 9435;
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M. J. KISTER
with the Muslim body politic headed by the Prophet. They were confronted by a group of Qurayshunder the leadershipof Abi Sufyan who made a shrewd assessment of the situation of Qurayshafter the defeat of the Battle of the Ditch and the exterminationof the Banfi Qurayza. As already pointed out above, he knew that establishing relations and creating economic contacts with Muhammad and his community was unavoidable. He believed that Mecca could no more face the Prophet in war and thereforedid not hesitateto send weapons to the Prophet. As a result, there is a dramaticchange in the attitude of the Prophet towards Abii Sufyan, and it is admirably reflected in the narrativereviewed above: after the bloody events of al-Raji' and Bi'r Ma':inathe Prophet sent 'Amr b. Umayyaal-IDamri ordering him to kill Abi Sufydn86) in retaliationfor Abiu Sufydn'sattempt to kill the Prophet by an assassin. Now, after the Battle of the Ditch, the Prophet strived to gain the co-operation of the leader of Quraysh, Abii Sufydn. The man who accompaniedthe Prophet's messenger to Abui Sufydnwas the very man whom the Prophet had sent two years before to kill him: 'Amr b. Umayya al-.Damri. Other reports about the actions of Abii Sufydn seem to confirm the reports about the contacts between the Prophet and Abi Sufyan during that period. The Prophet married Umm Habiba (Ramla), the daughterof Abfi Sufyin anno 6H, the year of the peace of Hudaybiyya; Abti Sufyan is said, according to some reports, to have given his approval. Other accounts say that the permission to marry her was granted the Prophet by Khalid b. Sa'id b. al-'As or by 'Uthman b. 'Affan87). A tradition recordedby Muslim states that Abai Sufyan put
86) See e.g. al-Diyvrbakri,op. cit., I, 459; al-Zurqdni, op. cit., II, 177-179; al1-FadlIbrdhim, Cairo 1969, II, 542-545. Tabari, Ta'rzkh,ed. AbeT 87) See e.g. the various reports about the marriage:al-Hakim, op. cit., IV, 20-23; Mus'ab al-Zubayri, Nasab Quraysh,ed. Levi-Provengal, Cairo 1953, p. I22; alMaqrizi, Imta⢠al-asmic, ed. Mahmfd Mahammad Shdkir, Cairo I941, I, 325, 358 al-Bal1dhuri, Ansib, I, inf.-359 sup.; al-Tabari, Ta'rikh, II, 653-654, III, G65; ed. hid, 438-439;Ibn Kathir,al-Siraal-nabawiyya, MustafdcAbdal-W~ Cairo 1385/1966, IV, 273, 275 ult.-276; Ibn Sayyid 'Uy7n al-athar,II, 3o6-3o7;o;YVsinb. al-nisd',ed. Raji' Mahmad alal-rauda al-N.s, tawdrikh Khayrallah,Muhadhdhab al-fayhaft Baghdid 1386/1966, pp. 117-120zo. S.marrP'i,
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
26J
forth three requests in his talk with the Prophet: to let him marry his to appoint his son Mu'awiya daughter, Umm Habiba bint Abi Sufy.n, as a scribe of the Prophet, and that the Prophet should appoint him to fight the unbelievers with the same zeal as he had when fighting the Muslims 88). Orthodox scholars discussed at length the tradition according to which it was Abai Sufyan who gave his daughter in marriage to the Prophet. It is evident that they found it hard to accept the tradition as sound, although it was recorded by Muslim, since according to Muslim law an unbeliever has no authority over the legal acts of any of his family who has converted to Islam. Consequently the unbeliever Abui Sufyan could not either permit or prohibit the marriage of his believing daughter. The scholars had therefore recourse to harmonizing interpretations, attaching to the marriage request a quite different meaning: Aba Sufyan's intention was not to grant permission to the Prophet's marriage with his daughter, but rather, as the setting of the tradition was placed at the conquest of Mecca, when Aba Sufy.n had converted to Islam, the tradition was interpreted as meaning that Aba Sufydn gave confirmation and legitimacy to the marriage 89). One is inclied to assume that during the negotiations between the Prophet and AbT Sufyan, which preceded the exchange of goods between them, some decisions about the position of Aba Sufydn and of his family had been reached, including an agreement concerning the Prophet's marriage with Umm IHabiba.The Prophet indeed appointed Muc'wiya as his scribe and Aba formerly the violent opponent of Islam, Sufy.n, was entrusted with responsible tasks, and put in charge of the collection of taxes in certain districts 90). The co-operation between the Prophet and Abu SufyIn in the period of the Hudaybiyya agreement can be gauged from some traditions saying that Mu'~wiya went out from Mecca in the company of 'Abd al-Rahman b. Abi Bakr and other
88) Ibn Sayyid al-Nds, op. cir., II, 307.; cf. Ibn 'As1kir, op. cit., VI, 399, 404 inf. 89) See e.g. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, JalE'u 1-afham -saldti wa-l-salam cali khayri ft 1-andmed. Tdhd Ytisuf Yasin, Kuwayt-Beirut 1977, pp. 128-135. 90) See e.g. al-Balddhuri, Ansdb al-ashraf, ed. M. Schloessinger, IVA, p. 6 (and see the references supplied by the Editor); Ibn 'Asakir, op. cit., VI, 404 inf.-405 sup.
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Qurashi youths before the conquest of Mecca in order to meet the Prophet and convert to Islam91).There is no mention of Abai Sufydn's nor after activity during the negotiationsover the pactof al-.Hudaybiyya, the pact was signed. The changein his attitudetowardsthe Prophetwas, however, fully reflectedin his censureof the aggressive action of some the allies of the Prophet92). It is Qurashi leaders against Khuz.'a, plausible that no else than Aba Sufyin was the person sent to the Prophet in Medinain order to prevent the Prophet'sexpeditionagainst in the Meccaand to reaffirm pact of al-JHudaybiyya spite of the violation of one of its paragraphsthrough the attack against Khuzd'a. Abfi SufySn could not prevent the expedition against Mecca and its conquest by the Muslims, but he contributed much to the peaceful surrender of the city. He was in reward given a great privilege by the Prophet: to anyone being in his court when the Muslim troops occupy Mecca was to be granted safety. The feelings of anger and contempt at his role in the Muslim conquest of Mecca were clearlyexpressedby his wife Hind bint 'Utba: "Kill this fat greasy bladder of lard!"--she cried when Abi Sufydn announced on behalf of the Prophet safety for those who would enter his court. "What a rotten protector of the people" 93)! The kindness of the Prophet towards Aba Sufyin, the favours granted him, the appointmentof Mu'iwiya as secretaryof the Prophet, and the appointment of Yazid as tax collector94) were important factors in creating a favourableMuslim attitude towards Aba Sufydnand his family.The caliphswho succeededthe Prophetcontinued to employ members of Abu Sufyin's family in high posts. To this crucial period in the relations between Abu Sufyin and the Prophet seems to refer the utterance attributed to the Prophet: "The faith (scil. Islam-K) has been continually aided by Aba Sufyan
91) Al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr, Jamharat nasab quraysh, Ms. Bodley Marsh. 384, fol. i iIa, penult.; al-Fisi, al-'lqd al-thamin, V, 371; Ibn Hajar, al-lsdba, IV, 326, ii. 1-4. 92) See e.g. al-Waqidi, op. cit., pp. 785-788. 93) A. Guillaume, The Life of Muhammad, Oxford 1955 (reprint), p. 548; al-Fisi, Cairo 1956, II, z 6. Shifd'al-gharjm, See e.g. Ibn IHajar,al-Isdba, VI, 658 inf., no. 9271. 94)
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
267
both before and after his conversion to Islam"95). The affectionand
sympathy of the Prophet is exposed in a prediction attributed to the
Prophet about the events of the Day of Judgment: Abd Sufyin will
expect the Prophet when he will return from the Presence of Allah and
friend 96).
serve him with a drink from a glass of red sapphiresaying: Drink, my VI The qunz7t-invocation during prayer was the subject of heated discussions among the orthodox scholars. Some of them considered the
abrogated the verseof Sira III, 128: ... "no part qunz7t-invocation by
of the matter is thine"...; the Prophet used to curse some persons during the morning prayerand this practiceis said to have been abrogated by this verse. Other scholarsarguedthat the verse did not abroit gate the qunz7t-invocation; merely stressed God's exclusive authority to decree on the fate of man97). A divergent tradition says that the Prophet merely intended to curse some wicked personsfrom among the unbelievers; after the revelation of the verse; . .. "no part..." the Prophet invoked God in the style of (the invocations of) one of the prophets (i.e. Jesus-K): "God, forgive my people, because they do not know" (what they do-K) 98). Some scholars tried to detach invocation from prayerby arguing that anything not grounded in the Qur'~n cannot be considered as part of the prayer99); it is not surprising to find some scholars who used to read certain chapters of the Qur' n coupling the reading with supplications(... kdnayaqnutu bi-arba'idydtin... or: kdnayaqnutubi-hdtayni ..) 1-sifratayni. 100). The transition from the quniftas practised by the Prophet after the massacreof the Muslim troop at Bi'r Ma'iina to one which was supplicatoryin its form and content is vividly depicted in a tradition
95) Ibn 'Asdkir,op. cit., VI, 405 ult. 96) Ibn cAsdkir,op. cit., VI, 406 sup. 97) op. cit., p. 91 sup.; al-Qurtubi, op. cit., IV, 2oo. Al-Qurtubi, 98) Al-Nahh.s, op. cit., IV, 199-zoo. 99) Al-Nahhds, op. cit., p. 91. Ioo) See e.g. cAbd al-Razzdq,op. cit., III, 114, no. 4978 and 116, no. 4983.
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traced back to Khilid b. abi 'Imrin 101).While the Prophet was making
on the report a clearline betweendu'dand qunfit, commenting Al-Tah.wi that used to practisequniftduringthe morningprayer.He Aba Hurayra
argues that this account indicates that Abai Hurayra considered as abrogated the invocation (du'd) against persons whom the Prophet
an invocation against Mudar, the angel Jibril descended, bidding him be silent, ordered him to cease to curse Mudar.The angel then taught him another qunift, which contains elements of prayer, praise of God, supplication and expressions of submission to God 102). It is in connection with this change in the meaning of qunift that al-Suyati found himself unable to answer the question whether the Prophet's invocation againstsome people during thirty days followed or preceded the (new-K) qunift formula:all/humma draws hdind... 103).
cursed (innamdkdnahzuwa 1-du'd'a 'ald man da'd 'alayhi raslu ladhi sdalld but considered as valid and obliging the quniit lldhu 'alayhi wa-sallam), is linked with it 104); qunuzt thus conceived here as supplicationand this
supplication,indeed, remainedvalid. Some scholars stated by analogy with the qunztthat the invocation for a sneezing person during prayer is permissible; the blessing of a sneezer belongs to the type of blessing or curse practised by the
Prophet during prayer and is therefore permissible 105)'
Certain reports seem to consider qunfitas an invocation against
enemies, which the Prophet practised only for a number of days 106),for
Tahdhib al-tahdhib,III, i1o, no. 20s. Ioi) See on him Ibn JHajar, 102) Al-Qurtubi, op. cit., IV, 201; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan,II, zio inf.; ... baynd rasfilu Ildhi (s) yadc cal/amudara ja'ahu jibrilu fa-auma'ailayhian uskutfa-sakata, idh bacathaka wa-il lacanan inna fa-qdla muhammadu lldhalam ya yabCathka wa-innama sabbaban ... thumma laka minal-amri wa-lam shay'un laysa rahmatan 'allamahu yab'athka'adhdban, bika wawa-nastaghfiruka wa-nu'minu hadhda-qunflta: allihumma inna nastazcnuka man wa-natruku yakfuruka, alldhumma laka wa-nakhlacu wanakhdar'u iyydkana'budu laka nusalli... 1-Din cAbd ed. 10o3)Al-Suyati, al- HawZ li-l-fataw7, MuhammadMuhyl Cairo 1959, I, 532 sup. al-.Hamid, 1-dthdr, 248. I, 104) A1-Tahdwi,Sharhma'anz ed. G. Vitestam, 105) Aba cAsim al-cAbbddi. Tabaqdtal-fuqahd'al-shdficiyya, Leiden 1964, P. 43. o06) 'Abd al-Razzaq,op. cit., III, 105, no. 4945.
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
269
twenty days107), directedagainst the rebelling tribes and which he later ceased to practise.108) Consequentlytraditions of this kind emphasize that the Caliphs who succeeded the Prophet did not utter the qunit in their prayers109). But certaintraditionsin conflict with the former until he died 110); ones said that the Prophetcontinuedto practisequnift accounts should be interpretedas using qunfitin the sense of these supplications, and not as invocations directed agaisnt specific people or as blessings addressedto specific individuals.A peculiarreason for the prohibition of qunftas practisedby the Prophet in the first period, when it was used to curse or bless individuals or groups is indicated in certain reports: it was considered odious to specify persons or as groups in qunift done initially by the Prophet"'). Another reason mentionedwhy the invocation in favour of the oppressedbelieverswas discontinued was the fact that the oppressed believers manage to escape and reach Medina. During fifteen days (i.e. from the I 5th of Ramaddnuntil the Yaum al-Fitr) the Prophet made invocations for them 112); after their arrivalin Medinathere was no more reasonto do which this 113). Another interpretationsays that the qunz7t-invocation
I, 107) Al-Tahiwi, Sharbmacani, 244, 1.18, 247, 1.3 from bottom. io8) Al-Tahdwi, Sharh macini, I, 244-245, 248; and see al-Dhahabi, MiZdnalictiddl,ed. 'Ali Muhammadal-Bijawi,Cairo 1382/1963,II, 653, no. 5196 (the tradition is cald rasfzlu (s) thaldthina yadc'z l-nasisammdhum markedas a laylatan qanata Ilahi innamd mandkir tradition). o09) See e.g. cAbd al-Razziq, op. cit., III, Ioy-Io6, nos. 4946-4952; al-Tah1wi Sharhmacini,I, 246. I, Siio)See e.g. al-Tahdwi, SharhmacdnZ, 243, 11. 15-17; al-Qurtubi, op. cit., IV, zo2, II. 14-15. op. I I I) See e.g. cAbdal--Razzdq, cit., II, 447 no. 4032, 454, no. 4058; al-Shaukini, op.cit., VIII, 82, II. 20-22; Ibn Abi Nayl II, 389, 1.9; MahmiidMuhammad (Aba ft 1-rajuli 1-duad Khatt.b, Shayba, op. cit., II, 317, 1.7; and see ib., 441-442: ft tasmiyati l-Dardi' performed invocations for seventy of his brethren while prostrating in prayer; cAli used to name the persons for whom he invoked after the prayer; alSha'bi and al-Hasanwere of the opinion that the invocation is left to the discretionof the believer in his prayer). See Ibn Abi Shayba, op.cit., II, 30s-306; wa-l-bidac, al-Hawadith I12) ed. M. Talbi, Tunis 1959, p. 56, i1. 4-6. al-Turt.ashi, See Sharbal-macani, 242, 1.3; MahmMd Muhammad I, II3) cit., VIII, 82, 11. 14-15; cf. cAbd al-Razzdq,op. cit., III, 121, no. 4996; and see op. Khatt.b al-Tah.wi,
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M. J. KISTER
contained both curses and blessings became redundantwhen the oppressed believers managed to come to Medina while the unbelievers
repented and embraced Islam 14). The opinion that qziniftwas abro-
gated in all the prayers of the day though retained in the morning prayer led to an unrestrainedattack on al-Shdfi'i, who championed
it 11n). Some scholars considered quniftin the morning prayer a bid'a 116)
and we have lively discussions of the problem whether qunfit to be was
practised after performing the prescribed rak'as or before 11'), and whether the invocation was practised before and after the rak'as 18).
Accordingto some traditionsthe believersused to practisequnfit during
the night-prayer of the 15th of RamadIn 119). Some scholars recommend the quniit during the whole year 120).
Orthodox scholarstried to bridge between the two conflicting sets of traditions, the one reporting that the Prophet was followed by until the day of their the Guided Caliphs,who used to practise qzunft death, and the other, denying this practise to both the Prophet and the Guided Caliphs. The harmonizing interpretation said that the Prophet and the Guided Caliphs continued to practise the kind of qunatwhich was a personal prayer in which they asked God for guidance and grace "2). Several invocations traced back to the Prophet, Ubayy b. Ka'b, 'Umar and al-IHasan are moulded in this style 122). The early formulae of quniftwere revived again during the bloody in op. al-Turtashi, cit.,p. 56, i1. 7-10 andp.57, I1. 8-15 (aboutthe qunz7t the second halfof Ramaddn). Nayl, II, 387: 114) See e.g. al-Zurqini,op.cit., VII, 345, II.g -20; al-Shaukdni, man min wa-khalusz7 al-asriwa-aslama lamma tarakahu ... thumma qadima da'c lahum man wa-ja:lc dacacalayhim ti'ibina... op. 115) Al-'Ayni, op. cit., VII, zz; cf. al-Turtashi, cit., p. 57, I1.2-3; and see op. al-ShIfi'i, cit.,VII, 235, 285. I I6) Al-cAyni, cit., VII, 22, 1.3.frombottom,23 ult.; cf. Abza op. Yasuf,Ikhtildf Cairo1357, P. I1I ult. Abi wa-Bni Layld,ed. Aba l-Waf ' 1-Afghani, AbI HIanifa macan,I, 248; Abfi Nucaym,op. cit., IX, 19, 21. i17) Al-Tahawi, Sharh op. i18) See e.g. Aba Nucaym, cit.,IX, 33. op. S19)See al-Turtiishi, cit.,p. 56 ult. op. cit., p. 57. op. 120) See cAbdal-Razzdq, cit., III, I21, II. 2-3; al-Turtashi,
II. I-2.
op. z121) Seee.g. al-Shaukani, cit.,II,
387, 11. 15-20.
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
271
struggle between 'All and Mu'dwiya.The two early scholars, 'Alqama and al-Aswad123) stated that the Prophet used to practise qunft only when he fought, and then he did so in all his prayers; Aba Bakr, 'Umar and 'Uthmdn did not practise quniftuntil their death; 'Ali started to practise invocation only when he fought Mu'iwiya and then he did so in all the prayers.The samething was done by Mu'iwiya and they cursed each other (scil. in every prayer-K) 124). Ali's adherents probably disapproved of his invocation against Mu'cwiya, considering it perhaps as bid'a; 'Ali, trying to justify it, explains his qunift as being merely an invocation for God's help against the as enemy 125). cAli, says a report,did not practisequnift long as he stayed in the Arab peninsula; he started to practise it when he moved to 'Irdq 126). 'Ali is said to have invokedagainstMu'dwiyacursing him of for forty days; he did it in imitation of the qunut the Prophet127).
of Anotheraccount,recordedon the authority AbgiMikhnaf, speci-
fies the names of the persons against whom 'Ali invoked: Mu'dwiya, b. Maslama,'Abd 'Amr (b. al-'As), Aba l-A'war al-Sulami, b. 'Uqba; Mu'dwiya b. .Habib al-Rahmdn Khdlid(b. al-Walid) and al-Walid retaliated cursing in his qunft 'Ali, JHasan, HIusayn,Ibn 'Abbds and al-Ashtar 28). The question whether it is permissible to curse the
122) See e.g. cAbd al-Razzdq,op. cit., III, io8, no. 4957, 110, no. 4968-4969, 114, no. 4978, 1i6, nos. 4982-4983. Tahdhib al-tahdhib, VII, 276, no. 484, I, 342, no. 625I. 123) See on them Ibn IHajar, 124) cAbd al-Razziq, op. cit., III, o107,n . 4953; Muhmad Muhammad Khatt.b, 4-8; Abd Yisuf, Kitab al-dthar,ed. Abi 1l-Wafi,Cairo 1355, op. cit., VIII, 85, â¢1. p. 71, no. 352; idem, Ikhtilif, pp. iii inf-ii2, I.i. Ibn Abi Shayba,op. cit., II, 310, i1, 6-8. IzS) 126) Al-Shaukdni,op. cit., II, 385; Ibn Abi Shayba, op. cit., II, 311. I27) Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rlkh,Ms. ZShiriyya,IX, fol. I28a (for the invocation during fourty days cf. Ab-aYrisuf, Ikhtilif, p. ii 2, note i, 1.7). annacallyyan abz7 Ibn S128) Junghul, op. cit., II, fol. 185b: ... wa-dhakara mikhnafin camrun kanayalcanu qunfitihi waft wa-camran ma lammabalaghahu facala muc'wiyata bna khalidinwa-1bna maslamata acwara1-sulamiyya wa-~abda wa-habiba aba I-rahmani dhblikamucdwiyata walidabna cuqbata, yalcanu ft qunztihi fa-lammabalagha kanaaycan and see another Shici quntit:alwa-bna'abbisin wa-l-ashtara; wa-husaynan caliyyan Majlisi, op. cit., XXII, I28, no. ioi; and see e.g. the formula of Muc'wiya's invocation against cAli: Muhammad b. cAqil al-cAlawi 1-Husayni, al-Nasda'i al-kdfiya li-manyatawalla mucawiya, Najaf 1386/1966, pp. 86 inf.-87, 95-97.
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M. J. KISTER
Companions of the Prophet became subject of extensive discussions in
Shi'i compilations129).
In the second half of the second century there were still heated discussions as to whether the qunfzt-invocation is permitted during prayer, in which part of the prayer it may be uttered and during which of the prayers the invocation may be performed 130). In some circles the qunzit was even considered as a kind of a voluntary private invocation and a scholar could remark that he disliked quniftas an established formula of invocation 131). The legitimacy of the qunint a private invoas cation during the formal prayer is seen in a tradition reported on the authority of 'A'isha. The Prophet, making an invocation in the morning prayer before performing of the rak'a, said: "I merely invoke in front of you in order that you invoke (your) God and ask Him to grant you your needs" 132). The quniftin fact changed during the following centuries to become a supplication during calamities and disasters and a private invocation of the believer in which he implored God to fulfil his wishes and to give success to himself and his kindred. The scrutiny of the traditions about the invocation against Mudar has helped us to lineate the changes which the perception of this invocation underwent in the Muslim community against the background of the Prophet's struggle with the unbelievers of Quraysh and of the later discussions between the factions of the nascent Muslim Empire at the time of 'Ali and Mu'awiya. In later centuries it turned into a private supplication for guidance and success. The scrutiny of this material gives us a clue for a better assessment
I29) Cf. e.g. Sadr al-Din cAli Khan -al-Shirdzi, al-Darajat al-rafica ft tabaqit al-shica, Najaf 1381/1962, pp. ii-o20. 130) See e.g. cAbd al-Razzdq, op. cit., II, 448-449, nos. 4033-4035, 4039-4041 131) Aba Yasuf, al-Athdr, p. 70, no. 348: akrahu an ajcala fi l-qunz7tidu'a'an ma climan. hishami bni curwata,Ms. Zihiriyya, 13z) Hish~m b. 'Urwa,Juf' fihi min majmf'a 61, fol. 188a: ... innamd aqnutu bikum li-tadcz' rabbakum wa-tas'alhzuihacaw.lihadithi wa'ijakum.
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
273
of the economic pressure carried out on the Prophet's order against the unbelievers of Mecca by cutting off their food supplies from the Ydmamaandby the raidson the Mudartribalgroups allied with Mecca. Under this pressure Aba Sufydn, convinced that Mecca could not stand against the growing forces of the Prophet, decided to enterinto peaceful co-operationwith the Prophet and to initiate a commercial exchange of goods. Abui Sufyan's change of attitude towards the Prophet explainswhy he acceptedthe money sent by the Prophet, why he refrainedfrom aiding the Qurashiattackagainst Khuzd'a(the allies of the Prophet),why he consentedto the marriageof his daughterto the Prophet and why he went out to Medinato intercedewith the Prophet on behalf of Quraysh.Only in the light of these events does one get an insight into the privileges and concessions granted him and his family by the Prophet: safety for all who entered his court on the day of the conquestof Mecca,the missionsandofficeswith which he was entrusted by the Prophet and the appointment of Mu'dwiya as the secretary of the Prophet.It is significantthat the Muslimcommunityacceptedthe decisions of the Prophet without reservationand Abii Sufydnregained his leading position in the Muslim society. His sons were appointedby Abi Bakr, 'Umar and 'Uthman and hold high positions in the Muslim state. Mu'dwiya,the son of the leaderof the Mudaralliance,became the founder of the Umayyaddynastywhich held sway over the Muslim Empire for a very long time.
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