The Struggle against Musaylima and the Conquest of Yamāma

musaylima.pdf THE STRUGGLE AGAINST MUSAYLIMA AND THE CONQUEST OF YAMAMA M. J. Kister The Hebrew University of Jerusalem The study of the life of Musaylima, the "false prophet," his relations with the Prophet Muhammad and his efforts to gain Muhammad's approval for his prophetic mission are dealt with extensively in the Islamic sources. We find numerous reports about Musaylima in the Qur'anic commentaries, in the literature of hadith, in the books of adab and in the historiography of Islam. In these sources we find not only material about Musaylima's life and activities; we are also able to gain insight into the the Prophet's attitude toward Musaylima and into his tactics in the struggle against him. Furthermore, we can glean from this material information about Muhammad's efforts to spread Islam in territories adjacent to Medina and to establish Muslim communities in the eastern regions of the Arabian peninsula. It was the Prophet's policy to allow people from the various regions of the peninsula to enter Medina. Thus, the people of Yamama who were exposed to the speeches of Musaylima, could also become acquainted with the teachings of Muhammad and were given the opportunity to study the Qur'an. The missionary efforts of the Prophet and of his companions were often crowned with success: many inhabitants of Yamama embraced Islam, returned to their homeland and engaged in spreading Islam. Furthermore, the Prophet thoughtfully sent emissaries to the small Muslim communities in Yamama in order to teach the new believers the principles of Islam, to strengthen their ties with Medina and to collect the zakat. These communities later helped Abu Bakr to fight the ridda and became part and parcel of the Medina body politic. Simultaneously, the Prophet did not neglect to prepare a military force to defend these communities. Small garrisons were placed on the borders of Yamama in order to defend them in case of an attack. If a considerable part of the population of a region decided to embrace Islam, the Prophet was informed and sent to them an emissary who was competent to guide the local leader in his decisions. The new converts were granted full rights of Muslims. The Jews, the Christians and the Zoroastrians were given the status of dhimmis, in return for paying the jizya. The zakat of the Muslims and the jizya of the dhimmis were sent to the Medina authorities. In contradistinction to the carefully planned spread of Islam in the various regions of the Arabian peninsula, we find Musaylima's prophetic 2 M. J. Kister vision essentially confined to Yamama. He claimed to have been sent by Allah to the Banu I:Ianifa only and wanted the Prophet Mul;tammad to acquiesce in this. He wanted MulJammad to be the prophet of Mecca and Medina, on a par with him, the prophet of Yamama. He envisaged the peninsula to be divided between the two prophets who co-existed with each other and guided their respective people in Allah's path. Both territories were to be considered God's land and the income from it was to be equally divided between the two prophets. The aim of the Prophet MulJammad was totally different. He strove to extend his authority and his dzn all over the world. According to his conception, there would never exist a religion equal to Islam: there is only one God, one Prophet and one religion. Therefore, whoever pretended to have a share in MulJammad's prophethood must be considered an impostor. No compromise was possible between these two conceptions of prophetic authority. I Musaylima b. Thumama, or Musaylima b. I:Iablb1, was the "false prophet" who emerged in Yamama during the Prophet MulJammad's activity in the Arabian peninsula. The early historian Hisham b. MulJammad b. al-Sa'ib al-Kaibi (d. 146 A.H./763 A.D.) recorded the genealogical chain of Musaylima as follows: Musaylima al-kadhdhiib b. Thumama b. Kablr b. I:Iabib b. al-I:Iarith b. 'Abd al-I:Iarith.2 Ibn I:IazIp. gives his pedigree as Musaylima b. Thumama b. Kathlr b. I:Iabib and records his kunya as Abu Thumama.3 AI-Zurqani rejects this tradition, stating that Musaylima was the nickname (laqab) of the "false prophet" and that his name was Thumama. Thus, his kunya could not have been Abu Thumama.4 Later sources record different details regarding Musaylima's name: his laqab was Musaylima and his kunya was Abu Thumama and his 1 See the different versions of his name in Mughaltay b. Qilij's al-Zahr al-basim it srrat abfl-qasim, MS. Leiden Or. 370, fol. 335a. Musaylima b. Thumama is recorded in Suhayll's al-Rau4u l-unul; Ibn Isl,Iaq has his name as Musaylima b. l;IabIb. This name appears also in the compilations of al- TabarI, Abu 'Ubayda, Ibn Durayd and others. See both the traditions in Salama b. Muslim al-'AutabI al-~ul,IarI, al-Ansab, vol. 1, p. 157; cf. al-MaqrIzI, Imta'u l-asma', Mal,Imud Mul,Iammad ShakIr, ed. Cairo, 1941, vol. 1, p. 506. 2 Jamharat al-nasab, p. 543. 3 Ibn l;Iazm, Jamharat ansabi l-'arab, p. 310. Ibn al AthIr, al-MuraHa', p. 113: "Abu Thumama was the kunya of Musaylima the liar, who claimed that he was granted prophethood. Abu Thumama is the kunya of the wolf; it is the kunya of the hoopoe (hudhud) as well." 4 AI-Zurqanf, Shar~ 'ala l-mawahibi l-laduniya li-l-Qastallanr, vol. 7, p. 180. The Struggle Against Musaylima 3 name was Hartin. 5 This name is recorded also by al- Khafaji. 6 Another tradition regarding his kunya is given by Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr: his name was Musaylima b. Habib and his kunya was Abu Harun." Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Qurtubi records in his al- TaCrz! fi l-ansiib the name of al-Mahabba, a brother of Musaylima.f . The name Musaylima itself is a diminutive from Maslama and its meaning was in the beginning not necessarily derisive. We find in fact a verse of 'Urnara b. CAqil in which he mentions Maslama al-kadhdhiib saying that the Banu Hanifa would not gain glory until they enrage Mudar (by fighting them]." As to the nickname al-kadhdhiib, the Prophet himself "invoked the (huge -k) amounts of dust on earth to attest that Musaylima was a liar." 10 Al-Diyarbakrt, Tai rikh. al-kh amis , vol. 2, p. 157. Al-Khafaji', Nasimu l-riyiiq. jI sh arhi l-shifii li-l-qiiq.f' Iyiiq., vol. 2, p. 486. 7 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Durar /. ikhtis ar! l-maghiiz. wa-l-siyar, p. 270. 8 Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Qurtubt, al- '['a'ri] [i l-ansiib , p. 114: .,. wa-min banf h anijato: musaylimatu l-k a dh dhiib uia-nkhiiliu l-rnahobbatu bnii Thumiimata bni qaysi bni kathbir (?) bni ~ablbi bni 'abdi I-~iirithi bni tha'labata bni l-diili bni ~anljata. 9 AI-Mubarrad, al-Kiimil , vol. 3, p. 26: wa-qiila 'Umiiratu bnu 'Aqilin: bal ayyuhii l-riikiln: l-miiq.f li-tiyyatihi: balligh ~anljata uia-nshur fihimu l-kh abarii a-kiina maslamatu l-k adh dh abu qiila lakum: Ian tudrikii I-majda ~attii tughq.ibii mudarii. 10' Al-Munawi, Fayq.u l-qadir , vol. 3, p. 20, n. 2648; on Wabar b. Mushir al-Hanaft the transmitter of the ~adfth see, al-Bukharr, al- Ta'rikh al-kabir , vol. 8, p. 183, n. 2649; Ibn al-Athir, Us du l-ghiiba, vol. 5, pp. 82-83; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Ist"iib, vol. 4, p. 1551; al-BustT, Kit ab al-thi qiit , vol , 3, p. 329. He was a companion of Musaylirna and was sent by him to the Prophet; eventually he embraced Islam. This oath, referring to huge quantities of dust or pebbles, was used in contradistinction to an oath referring to a specific number of pebbles. The latter oath was considered a bid' a. This bid' a is recorded in the Musnad of Sa'd b. Abr Waqqa~. The author of this Musnad, Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Dawraqi (d. 246 A. H.), 'Amir Hasan Sabrr, ed. Beirut 1407/1987, p. 150, no. 88. The daughter of Sa'd b. AbT Waqqa~ reports that her father entered the abode of a woman who sat in front of a heap of stone dates or of pebbles. She performed the tasb'~ counting the date stones or the pebbles; then she threw them away. The Prophet advised her to perform the tasbf~ in an easier way: "Glory be to Allah according to what he created in heaven, glory be to Allah according to what he created on earth, and glory be to Allah according to what he created between them (sub~iina Allii]: 'adada mii bayna dhiilika)." See this tradition also in al-HaythamT, Mawiirid a-~am' iin, p. 579 nos. 2330 and 2331. A similar tradition is recorded in Abu Ya'Ia al-Mawsilr, Musnad, vol. 2, p. 66-67, no. 710. Another tradition recorded in al-Hakirn al-Naysaburr, al-Mustadrak, vol, 1, p. 547. See also ibidem, p. 548 for the tradition on the authority of 'A'isha bint Sa'd, traced back to Safiyya bint Huyayy who declared that in front of her there are 4000 stone dates by which she praises God. The Prophet advised her to use a comprehensive formula. The "comprehensive formula" was the answer to the bid' as of the qUHiis who tried to introduce the tasbf~ in which they counted the praises of God uttered by the people in the mosque. The pious leaders of the people in the mosques frowned upon these practices and forbade the people to count God's praises in this way. See also Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Dauraqi, Musnad Sa'd b. Ab, Waqqii§, p. 150, no. 88; Abu Ya'Ia al-Mawsilr, Musnad , vol. 2, pp. 66-67, no. 710; and see the copious references of the editor; AI-HaythamT, Mawiirid al-~am'iin p. 579, nos. 2313 5 6 4 M. J. Kister Musaylima was born in al-Haddar, a place in Yamama. He grew up there and there he started his prophetic activity. When the Banii Hanifa heard about him, they invited him to Hajr, the chief city of the Yamama. When Khalid b. al-Walld conquered Yamama and killed Musaylima, the people of the villages (qurii) of al-Haddar were captured and expelled; in their place Khalid settled people of the al-Harith b. Ka'b of the Sa'd b. Zayd Manat of Tarnlm.l! Musaylima succeeded in gaining the support of many tribal groups in Yamama as well as the confidence of the population in many districts. He made efforts to convince the people to believe in his mission as a prophet who receives revelation directly from "God the Merciful" (al-ra~miin); the revelation is transmitted it to him through the angel Jibril. Musaylima himself came to be known as Rahman al-Yarnama. Muhammad was accused by his enemies in Mecca of learning the basis of.prophecy from a man in Yamama named al-Rahrnan. The Meccans decided to send a delegation to the Jews in Medina to ask them about the truth of Muhammad's prophethood, assuming that the Jews were knowledgeable about such matters, being schooled in the Holy Scriptures. The Jews advised the Meccans to question the Prophet on three issues: Dhu l-Qarnayn, al-rii~ and ashiib al-kahf; in addition they advised them to verify whether he was given the "Seal of Prophethood" (khiitam al-nubuwwa). The Meccans indeed verified the existence of his khiitam al-nubuunua and asked the three additional questions. The Prophet asked Jibrll and the angel answered the question about ashiib al-kahf and Dhii l-Qarnayn; but concerning al-riih, the angel merely said: al-riih min amri rabbi, lii 'ilma II bihi. The Meccans remarked sarcastically "Two sorcerers helped each other" (sii~iriini ta~iiharii), hereby referring to the Torah and to the Furqan (i.e., the Qur'an -k)Y The tradition about the Meccans' inquiry concerning the word alRahman and the position of Rahman al-Yamarna seems to be of some importance. The tradition indicates that the debate about the meaning of al-Hahrnan took place during Muhammad's stay in Mecca. This is the period of discussions between the Meccans and the Prophet and it indicates that Musaylima had already started his prophetic activity at that time. The report according to which the name Rahman al-Yamama was discussed before the hijra finds support in a passage adduced by alTha'alibi in his Thimiir al-quliib fi l-mur!iif uia-l-mansiib, "Musaylima and no. 2330; Muhammad b. Wa<;l<;lal,al-Qurtubr, Kitab al-bida' II (Arabic text), pp. 160-70, no. 1-44. 11 On the birthplace of Musaylima see Yaqut, Mu'jam aI-buidan, vol. 5, p. 394; Lisii» aI-'Arab, s.v. al-Haddar: Ibn al-Athlr, al-Nihaya if ghanoi I-I}adfth, vol. 5, p. 251. 12 Ibn al-Jauzr, aI- Wafa bi-al}wali l-must ajii, p. 58. The Struggle Against Musaylima 5 falsely claimed prophethood while the Prophet was in Mecca before the hijra." 13 When the Prophet came to Medina, he found the people mentioning Musaylima, quoting his sayings and referring to the opinions of Banu Hanifa about him. The Prophet then delivered a speech in which he included Musaylima among the thirty liars who will arise before the coming of the false Messiah (al-dajjiil). Consequently, the Muslims started to revile Musaylima and vilify his narne.l" The name al-Rahman is often mentioned in the Qur'an. It became a subject of a heated discussion between the Muslims and the unbelievers, in connection with the meaning of the word in Qur'an 17:110, where al-Hahrnan is another name of Allah: "Say; Call upon Allah or call upon al-Rahman: by whichever name you call on Him, His are the most beautiful names." Here again the enemies of the Prophet claimed that at a certain stage the Quran enjoined to worship two different deities instead of one God, Whom it had enjoined to worship earlier. Al-Kalbi gives a lengthy explanation ofthe origin of the verse and the quotation of the word al-Hahrnan in the headings of the Suras, In the beginning of Muhammad's revelation, the word al-Rahrnan was rarely used in the Qur'an. But when many Jews embraced Islam and asked the Prophet about the numerous cases in which the word al-Rahman was recorded in the Tauriit , Qur'an 17:110 was revealed.P A far-fetched tradition states that Musaylima adopted the name of Rahman before the 'Abd al-Malik b. Muhammad al- Tha'alibr, Tbimaru l-quliib, p. 146, no. 207. Ibidem., p. 147. 15 Al-Samarqandr, Bahr al-'ulum (= tajsir al-Samarqandl) vol. 2, pp. 192-193; cf. Qur'an 13:30: wa-hum yakJuruna bi-l-rahrniin. qui huwa rabbi: It was 'Abdallah b. Umayya l-Makhzurnr and his friends (see on him Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI, al-Lsiiba , vol. 4, pp. 11-14, no. 4546; Ibn al-Athfr, Us du I-ghaba, vol. 3, pp. 118-119) who stated: "We do not know any Rahman except Musaylima the Liar." qui huwa rabbi: it was the order of God given to Muhammad. See also the comments on Qur'an 17:110, in Usd al-ghaba, vol. 2, pp. 286-87. According to al-Tabarf (on Qur'an 13:30), the order of Allah to state that al-Rahrnan is God was intended to deny the claims of the unbelievers that al-Rahman is not the name of God. In the al-Hudaybiyya agreement, the infidels of Quraysh refused to sign the document in which the expression rasulu llahi as the title of the Prophet appeared, and in which the expression bi-smi llahi I-ra~man al-rahim was used as the document heading. The Prophet gave way and his title was eliminated. He was mentioned merely as "Muhammad b. 'Abdallah" and the preamble of the document was replaced by the Jahih' formula, bi-smika lliihumm a, See al-Tabart, Jiimi' al-bayo.n, vol. 16, pp. 445-46, nos. 20397-98 (on Qur'an 17:110); al- Tha'labr, al-K ash] wa-I-bayan, MS. Ahmad III 76/4, fol. 51a-b. See also al- Tabari, Jiimi' al-bauiin; vol. 15, p. 121, where Ibn 'Abbas reports that the Prophet was once overheard by an infidel when he invoked God, saying: ya ra~man, ya rahirn, The infidel in question notified his coreligionists who accused the Prophet of invoking two deities. Then Allah revealed the verse in which God stated that Allah and al-Rahman are identical. See also al-Naysaburi (Ghara'ibu 1-Qur' an wa-ragha'ibu l-jurqiin , vol. 15, pp. 92-3), according to whom the man who overheard the Prophet invoking yo. lliih, ya ra~man was Abu Jahl. Another reason for revealing the verses identifying Allah with al-Rahman was the claim of the People of the Book that the mention of al-Rahman in the Qur'an was very rare, while he was mentioned in the 13 14 6 M. 1. Kister birth of Muhammad's father, 'Abdallah.16 The very early date of this event recorded in the sources can probably be explained by the tradition that Musaylima was a man granted longevity (mu'ammar), killed in the battle of 'Aqraba' in 12 A.H. at the age of 150 (or 140).17 Musaylima's epithet Rahman al-Yamama seems to have been well known in Mecca. Umayya b. Khalaf refrained from addressing 'Abd alRahman b. 'Auf, the famous companion of the Prophet, by his name; he rather adressed him by his Jahili name, 'Abd 'Amr, which was changed by the Prophet to 'Abd al-Hahman. Umayya b. Khalaf called him by his Jahili name in order to avoid calling him 'Abd al-Rahman, which could indicate that he was the servant of Rahman al-Yamama, "the false prophet." 18 The first person to use bismi lliihi l-rahmiini l-rahim was the Prophet. The well known muhoddith Abu 'A'ishaI9 recorded on the authority of his father the changes in the headings of the Qur'anic Suras according to the time in which they were revealed. Quraysh asked to put in the headings of their documents and letters the expression bi-smika lliihumma. The Prophet used this heading as well. Then God revealed to him Surat Hiid in which the phrase bi-smi lliihi majriihii wa-marsiiha (verse 41) appeared. The Prophet then ordered to put the heading bi-smi lliihi at the beginning of each Sura. Later Qur'an 17 was sent down, including the phrase qui: ud'ij lliiha au ud'ij l-rohmiina. The Prophet then ordered to use the heading: bi-smi lliihi l-rahmiini, Then Qur 'an 27 was revealed, with the sentence innahu min sulaymiina wa-innahu bi-smi lliihi al-rahnuini l-rahim (verse 30); the Prophet ordered to use this sentence as a heading. After some time he reconsidered his decision: the bi-smi lliihi in this verse is preceeded with the words: innahu min sulaymiina. "My brother Sulayrnan," said the Prophet, "started the verse with his name, but I shall start with the name of God." He therefore established as a headline in letters and Qur'anic Suras the formula: bi-smi lliihi 1rahmiini l-rahim . So runs the headline in all the Siiras, except Sura 9. The diir al-khiliifa also used this headline in its correspondence.I'' Tauriit frequently; therefore, the verse identifying Allah with Rahman was revealed. The story of the Prophet's invocation, overheard by Abu Jahl, appears also in alWahidt's al- WasiJ, vol. 3, p. 11, vol. 3, p. 133 (commenting on Quran 17:110). 16 Mughultay, al-Zahr al-biisim, MS. Leiden, Or. 370, fol. 141a. 17 See al- Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. 120, al-Suytiti', Ta'rikt: al-khulajii", p. 76. 18 Al- Waqidr, al-Maghiizl, vol. 1,-p. 82 inf. 19 See on him Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalanl, Tahdhfbu I-tahdhfb, vol. 7, p. 45, no. 83. 20 See Ibn Sa'd, al- Tobaqiit al-kubrii , vol. 1, pp. 263-£4; al-Qashan), Ra'» miili I-nadfm, p. 146. The Struggle Against Musaylima 7 II According to a tradition mentioned above, Musaylima started his prophetic mission before the Prophet's hijra to Medina.21 The people of Yarnarna were divided in their attitudes towards Musaylima: some of them respected him while others mocked him. He claimed that he shared the prophetic mission with Muhammad; Jibril descends to Muhammad in the same way as he descends to him. A certain al-Rahhal (or alRajjal}, a faithful supporter of Musaylima, used to confirm the veracity of Musaylima's utterances and helped him to circulate his revelations. In some of his speeches, Musaylima tried to convince his audience that he was as suitable for the prophetic mission as Muhammad, also comparing the qualities of Quraysh with those of the Banu Hanifa and the qualites of Mecca with those of'Yarnama. "What made Quraysh more deserving of prophet hood than you? They are not greater in number than you; your land is wider than theirs. Jibril descends from Heaven to me, like he descends to Muhamrnad.t'V Yamarna seems to have been a prime agricultural area. Its inhabitants boasted of the quality of their dates, which were sold for the highest prices. The people of Yamarna used to say; "We surpass the people of the Earth in East and West by five features: by the beauty of our women (innahunna durriyyiitu l-alwiin), by the high quality of our wheat (named bayq.ii'u l-yamiima), by the sweetness of our dates, by the flavor of our meats (because of the quality of the Yamami pastures) and by the freshness of our water, which cleans the chest of phlegm." 23 The fertile soil of Yamama could supply Mecca with the grain necessary for its population. Skilled workers of Yam am a used to frequent Medina searching for employment. The Prophet praised the skilled artisans of the Banu Hanifa; he employed them in the preparation of clay, when he ordered to build the mosque in Medina and his opinion of the Hanafi artisans was very favorable.f" Al- Tha'alibt, Tliimiiru I-guliib, p. 146, no. 207. Ibn Hajar al-f.Asqalanl, al-Kii/f I-sha//f takhriji a~adfthi I-kashshii/, p. 56; alTha'alibi, Ttiimiiru l-quliib, pp. 146 inf.-47 sup.; and see al-Naysaburi, Ghorii'ibu I-gur'an, vol. 7, p. 161, commenting on Qur'an 6:93: ... wa-man a.,lamu ... aw qiila: ii~iya ilayya wa-Iam yii~a ilayhi shay': kana musaylima yagiilu: mu~ammadun s allii llahu 'alayhi wa-sallama rasiilu lliihi If banf gurayshin wa-anii rasiilu lliihi If banf ~anifa ... and see al-Wahidr, Asbiib al-nuziil, p. 148; Ibn Shabba, Ta'rfkh al-madfna al-munawwara, vol. 2, pp. 572-74; Ibn Kathtr, Tafsir al-gur'iini I-'a.,fm, vol. 3, p. 65 att.--66; al- Tabarr, Jiimi' al-bayan, vol. 11, pp. 535--6, nos. 63557-59; al-Qurtubr, al-Jomi' li-a~kiimi l-quriiin , vol. 7, p. 39, cf. al-Tabrisr, Majma' al bayiin, vol. 7, p. 132; al-RazT, al- Tafsir al-kobir , vol. 13, pp. 83-84. 23 Ibn al-Faqih , Kitiibu l-buldiin, mukhtas ar , pp. 28-30. 24 See al-Tabaranr, al-Mu'jam al-kabfr, vol. 8, p. 4021, no. 8254 (... tj.a'ii 1~anafiyya wa-I-tfna [a-inn ahu atj.batukum li-l-tini; and ibid., p. 399, no. 8242: ... Talq 21 22 8 M. J. Kister Thus, Yamarna was a region whose economy was based on agriculture. This is reflected in the poetry of Jarir who mocks its inhabitants for being peasants lacking in military prowess. "Shame on the Banu Hanifa," says Jarlr, "Bring the days of battles which cover their faces with blackness (~umam) which cannot be wiped out. On those days they do not take captives, but are led into captivity; and they are killed by their enemies if they do not pay poll-tax (khariij). They are owners of palm trees and palm groves and of sown land; their swords are from wood and they carry shovels. Digging channels for irrigation (dibiir; but there is another explanation of this word: patches of land for sowing -k) and grafting of palm trees are their customary occupations since ancient times." In the following verse, Jarir denies that any glory pertains to the Banii Hanifa: when their praiseworthy deeds were counted, the Banu Hanifa became aware that their presumed glory was worth nothing. Referring to the lack of horses in the habitat of the Banii 1:1anifa , Jarir scornfully says: "If you ask where the necks of the horses are, they would not know and would say about their tails: 'These are their necks.' " Jarir emphasizes the ignorance of the Banii Hanifa regarding horses by saying that they would burst into tears rather than saddle a horse even if this could save them from fatal fever. Jarir concludes his vilification recalling the defeat of the army of the Banii Hanifa: "When they saw Khalid (Ibn al- WaiId) annihilate in al-Trd, and the words of their tyrant them (to their enemy) they capitulated humiliation, and stretched (i. e., Musaylima) their forces surrendered out their hand for peace in when the Sword of God (i.e., Khalid] was about to exterminate them." lammii ra'at Khiilidan bi- 'l-ire! ahlakahii qatlan wa aslamahii mii qiila tiighZhii diinat wa aitat yadan li- 'l-silm ~iighiratan min bacdi mii kiida sayfu 'lliihi yufn'ihii." 25 'an abihi qiil a: banaytu ma'a rasuli llahi (~al'am) masjida l-madinnti, [a-kiin a yaqulu: makkinu I-yamiimf min a I-tfni min a~sanikum lahu mass an ... ; and see ibid., vol. 8, p. 398, no. 8239 and no. 8238; the Prophet's opinion about 'I'alq; see Ibn Sa'd, alTabaqiit al-kubrii, vol. 5, p. 552: inn a hiidhii I-~anafiyya la-~ii~ibu t-u«. 25 Jarrr, Dfwiin, p. 600. The Struggle Against Musaylima 9 III The territory of Yamarna was important not only because of its own value, but also because the Muslims had to pass through it on their way to propagate Islam in the eastern part of the peninsula. The story of Thumama b. Uthal, one of the leaders of the Bami Hanifa, is therefore highly significant. Thumarna had intended to kill an emissary of the Prophet who trespassed upon the border of his region; but was prevented by his uncle from carrying out his plan.26 When the Prophet heard about the thwarting of his messengers by Thurnarna b. Uthal, he invoked God to enable him to take hold of Thumarna, when he had no letter guaranteeing his safety.27 Allah responded to the invocation of the Prophet and when the Prophet seized him he had no letter of security; the Prophet could therefore freely decide his fate. Thumama was imprisoned in the mosque of the Prophet, fastened to one of its pillars. After three days he was released. Thumarna washed in order to purify himself before embracing Islam; he uttered the shahiida and became a Muslim. He explained that he converted to Islam because the Prophet addressed him by his kunya, Abu Umama.28 This was the honorable way of addressing a free man. It is significant to note that the man who had been detained by Thurnama before his journey to Mecca (i.e., before he was caught by the emissaries of the Prophet -k) was al- 'Ala' b. al-Hadrami who was sent by the Prophet to Bahrayn and succeeded to persuade al-Mundhir b. Sawa to convert to Islam.29 It was al-'Ala' b. al-Hadrarni who sent the khariij of al-Bahrayn to the Prophet; the sum mentioned in the sources was 100,000 dirhams.i''' When al-'Ala' b. al-Hadrarni was on his way back to Medina, he was detained by Thumama b. Uthal; he was released only after Thumarna embraced Islam.i'! It was, of course, essential for the Prophet and for the nascent Muslim communities in Bahrayn to obtain a free and secure passage for the emissaries of the Prophet who passed through Yamarna to the adjacent regions. The emissaries of the Prophet tried to create kernels of Muslim communities there. The small communities of converts were instructed by the Prophet's messengers; small military formations were dispatched 26 Ibn Hajar al-f.Asqalanf, al-Lsiiba If tamyfzi i-~a~aba, vol. 3, p. 581, no. 4393, cf. al-Maqrtzr, Imtiiiu i-a.ma', vol. 14, p. 257. 27 AI-MaqrTzT, lrniii' l-asmii'; vol. 14, p. 257; cf. Ibn Sa'd, ai- T'abaqiit al-kubrii, vol. 5, p. 550. 28 AI-MaqrTzT, lrniiiiu l-asmii'; vol. 14, p. 258. Cf. Goldziher, Muslim Studies, vol. I, p. 267. 29 AI-MaqrTzT, Imta'u l-asmii", vol. 14, p. 258,1. 11 from bottom. 30 Al-Zurqani, Sh arl, al-m auiiihib ai-iaduniyya, vol. 4, pp. 300-301. The messenger of al-'Ala' b. al-Hadramr who brought the zakiit and the jizya to Medina was al-'Ala' b. Jariya I-Thaqafi; see on him Ibn Hajar , al-Isiiba, vol. 4, p. 540, no. 5645. 31 AI-MaqrTzT, Imtii's: i-asmii', vol. 14, p. 258, I. 10 from bottom. 10 M. j, Kister from Medina under the command of one of the ~a~iiba in order to provide security for the Muslims, to extend their activities and to strive for the conversion of additional tribal units. The emissaries of the Prophet assisted the tribes faithful to the Medinan authority to pay their zakiit and to establish the superiority of Islam in relation to their Jewish and Christian neighbors. The result of the Muslim efforts in Bahrayn can serve as an example: al-Mundhir b. Sawa, acting under the guidance of al-'Ala' b. al-Hadrarni, provided for the full application of Islamic law concerning the Jews, the Christians and the Zoroastrians. Significantly, this served as a precedent; the taxation of the Zoroastrians became the established law.32 IV The conversion of Thumama b. Uthal to Islam initiated a new phase in the struggle against Musaylima's authority in Yamarna. It ensured the growth of a safe Muslim community in Bahrayn, facilitated the formation of a Yamarna garrison controlled by Thumarna b. Uthal, and paved the way for the final battle against Musaylima. When Thumarna b. Uthal was released by the Prophet and converted to Islam, he was advised by him to continue his journey to Mecca in order to perform his "umra. When Thumarna arrived in Mecca, he was offended by a provocative question directed at him by the Meccan unbelievers: "Have you reneged on your religion?" (a-~abauta) (referring to his conversion to Islam -k). As a result, he decided to stop the supply of wheat from Yamama to Mecca and refrain from sending even one grain unless permitted by the Prophet. He carried out his threat and the people of Mecca were afflicted by hunger. The unbelieving Meccans complained to the Prophet that they suffered the pangs of hunger and had to eat a mixture of blood and fine hair ('ilhiz) and dog meat. Moved by their sufferings, the Prophet permitted Thurnama to resume the wheat supplies to Mecca.33 Before he returned to Medina in the year of his last pilgrimage (~ajjat 32 See "al-Mundhir b. Sawa," EI2, s.v , (M. J. Kister); "Madjus ," EI2, S.v. (M. Moronyi). 33 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Istl'ab, vol. 1, pp. 213-16; al-Maqrizr, Imta'u I-asma', vol. 14, pp. 258-59; al-Kala't, al-Iktija, vol. 2, p. 435. Many commentators of the Qur'an record the story of Thumama 's boycott against Mecca while explaining Qur''an 23:76: "We did seize them with punishment, but they humbled not themselves to their Lord." Al-Qurtubr, al-Jiimi' li-a~kami I-qur'an, vol. 12, p. 143, al-Wahidr, Asbabu 1nuztil, 210 infdJ-1; al-Naysaburr, Ghara'ibu l-qur+iir; wa-ragha'ibu l-jurqiin , vol. 18, p. 32; al-Suyuti, al-Durr al-manthilr, vol. 5, p. 13 inf.; al-Shaukanf, Fat~u l-qadir , vol. 3, p. 495; Abu Hayyan al-Gharnatr al-Jayyani, al-Bahru I-mu~ft, vol. 6, p. 415 inf.; al- Tabarr, Jiimi' al-bayan, ed. Bulaq 1328 AH, vol. 18, pp. 34-35. Cf. Fred M. Donner; "Mecca's Food Supplies and Muhammad's Boycott," JESHO 20(1977): 249-66. The Struggle Against Musaylima 11 al-wadii'), the Prophet appointed Thumarna b. Uthal as "governor of Yamarna.t'P" However, Thumama controlled only one part of the region, while the rest of it was under the sway of Musaylima. In order to strengthen Thumarna in his struggle against Musaylima, the Prophet decided to send Nahar al-Hahhal to Yamama after his return from his last pilgrimage.i" This turned out to be a detrimental decision, because al-Nahar - who had stayed a long time in Medina, had become a student of the Qur'an and studied it with the best scholars in Medina, publicly embraced Islam and had become a faithful Muslim - became a traitor who attested that Musaylimashared prophet hood with Muhammad and, like him, also received divine revelation. He became a close collaborator of Musaylima and even taught him Siiras of the Qur 'an, which he had learned in Medina.i" Nahar 's defection weakened 'I'humarna's position. Consequently, the Prophet decided to dispatch a special messenger to Thumama b. Uthal to discuss with him the struggle against Musaylima and the possibility of killing him. The messenger was Furat b. ijayyan.37 The scanty information which can be derived from Maqrfzi''s Imtii' al-asmii' implies that the Prophet wrote to Thumama b. Uthal advising him to seek help from Qaysi and Tamimi converts to Islam. Thumama marched out with his followers to Washm and placed the auxiliary troops of Tarnirn and Qays at his rearguard. He was helped by al-Zibriqan b. Badr.38 A volunteer who came to assist Thurnarna b. Uthal was See al-Maqrizf, Imt a=u I-asmii', vol. 14, p. 536, I. 1; raja'a I-nabiyyu ilii I-madfna ~ajjati I-wadii' uia-i iimiluh u 'alii I-yamiima Thumiima b. Uthiil. 35 See al-Maqrtzr, 1mtii'u l-asmii", vol. 14, p. 536, Il. 1-2: ... thumma ba'atha Nahiiran ba'da mii balaghahu khuruju musaylimata mu'laman. 36 See on Rahhai (or Rajjal) b. 'Unfuwa: al-Maqrlzr, 1mtli'u I-asmii', vol. 14, pp. 229-31, 536 (the text is corrupt here); Ibn Hubaysh, al-Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 52; Ibn Kathtr, al-Bidiiya wa-I-nihiiya, vol. 5, p. 51; Ibn Junghul, Ta'rtkh , vol. 2, p. 85a, has the attestation of al-Rahhal that Musaylima shared in the revelation of the Prophet, with the remark of Ibn Junghul about al-Rahhal: wa-kiina hiidhii I-mal'un min akbari man adalla ahla I-yamiima ~attii ittaba'u musaylimata ... See also ibidem, fol. 85a, inf .... [a-lammii kiina zamanu I-ridda ba' athnhu abu bakrin ilii ahli I-yamiima yad'uhum ilii I/iihi ta'iilii wa-yuthabbituhun 'alii l-isliim Ja-rtadda ma'a musaylimata wa-shahida lahu bi-I-nubuwwa. Cf. Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallam, Kitaou I-amwiil, p. 280, no. 691. The deputation of the Banu Hanffa, including alMujja'a b. Murara, al-Rahhal b. 'Unfuwa and Muhakkim b. al- Tufayl (= Muhakkirn al-Yarnama}, embraced Islam. 37 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Lsii' iib , vol. 3, p. 1258, no. 2070 and vol. I, p. 21b, no. 278: .,. wa-ba'atha rasulu lliihi (~al'am) [uriita bna ~ayyiin ilii thumiima bni uihiil JI qitiili musaylima wa-qatlihi. See also Ibn al-Athirs Usd al-ghiiba, vol. 4, p. 175 penult.; Ibn Hajar al-f Asqalanf, al-Tsiiba, vol. 5, pp. 357-58, no. 6969; al-Marzubani, Mu'jam al-shu'arii', p. 317. 38 See on him Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanT, ol-Lsiiba, vol. 2, p. 550, no. 2784. Names of other fighters who joined Thumama do not reveal their tribal affiliation: Qays, Safwan and WakT'. 34 'iima 12 M. J. Kister 'Amr b. Hazn al-Namiri.P? The valuable note recorded in the Isiiba says: "He came to help Thumama b. Uthal in the fight against the people of Yamama after the death of the Prophet." This was the first military action of a Muslim force in Yamama, led by Thumama b. Uthal of the Banu Hanifa, who was aided by his Muslim allies from Tamirn and Qays. The battle took place in the territory of Yamama and ended with a remarkable victory of the Muslims. The Prophet was informed of the victory.I'' v It is now necessary to study the different stages of the contacts between Musaylima and the Prophet, Musaylima's demands, the Prophet's answers, the Prophet's meetings with tribal leaders, and with converts to Islam. According to reports recorded in early sources, the Prophet used to frequent the markets of Arabia in order to meet the tribal leaders, ask them to renounce their Jahili beliefs, and invite them to embrace Islam. He used to teach them the Islamic tenets and read them various Qur 'anic verses. The leaders of the tribes summoned by the Prophet to convert used to listen to the Prophet, but did not hasten to respond positively. Even if they intended to convert, they had some conditions which had to be fulfilled beforehand. An instructive case is the story of the Prophet's negotiations with the tribe of 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a. The Prophet approached the leader of this tribe, asking him to support his effort to spread Islam and to grant him protection against his adversaries. The leader of the tribe was aware that he could extend the authority of his tribe by granting protection to "the young man of Quraysh (lata Quraysh)." But he asked the Prophet to cede his authority before his death to the head of the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a. The answer of the Prophet was unequivocal. He quoted Qur'an 7:128: "Verily the earth is Allah's. He gives it as heritage to whomsoever He pleases of His servants and the end is for the God-fearing," implying that it is not within Muhammad's power to cede Allah's earth to anyone. The reaction of the tribal leader was formulated in the form of a question: "Are we going to expose our chests (to the spears of the Arabs -k) for your cause, and if Allah grants you victory - the authority would be granted by you to somebody else? We do not need to struggle for your cause." (ta ~ajata lana fi amrika).41 Some twenty years later (i.e., a year before the death of the Prophet -k), 39 Maqrlzf (Imtii'u I-asmii', vol. 14, p. 536, ll. 7-8 from bottom) has 'Amr b. Hazn AnmairT. Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanT, al-Lsiiba ; vol. 4, p. 621, no. 5815 has the correct 'Amr b. Hazn al-Namiri. 40 AI-M~qrTzT, Irniii=u I-asmii', vol. 14, p. 537,1. 4 from bottom. 41 Al-Suhayli, al-Raudu l-unu] , vol. 4, p. 38 inf.-39. The Struggle Against Musaylima 13 another leader of the c.Amirb. Sa'sa'a, c.Amirb. al-Tufayl, came to the Prophet and stated that he would be prepared to embrace Islam if he would be granted prophet hood after Muhammad's death, given the right to collect the mirbii' (i.e., the fourth part of the spoils -k) and granted the authority to rule the Bedouin population, while the Prophet would be given authority over the sedentary population. One of the believers present said to him "(Even) if you ask the Prophet (only for) an unripe date (sayiiba) of the dates of Medina, the Prophet would refuse your request."42 The leaders of the Banu Hanifa met the Prophet at the beginning of his prophetic mission. The Prophet summoned them to convert to Islam, but their answer was the harshest he received from any Arab tribe.43 The Prophet's opinion of the Banii Hanifa was similarly harsh: "The most detestable tribal group in the opinion of the Prophet are the Banii ~anlfa."44 The Prophet considered Musaylima as one of the three false prophets whom he mentioned by name as those expected to appear before the Day of Judgement (the other two being al-Aswad aI-cAns! and al-Mukhtar). He is also reported to have said: "The worst tribes are the Banii Hanifa, the Banii Umayya and the Thaq!f.,,45 It may be stressed here that Musaylima never denied Muhammad's prophet hood but merely claimed that he was granted a share (ushriktu) in prophethood. Sometimes he announced that the revelation was brought to him directly from Heaven by the angel Jibril. Muslim tradition states that the ridda of Musaylima and of al-Aswad aI-cAns! was different from the ridda of the Arab idolaters who had converted to Islam, but later apostatized and returned to polytheism. Musaylima and al-Aswad aI-cAns! remained believers in one God, but made false claims concerning their prophetic mission.t'' In the exchange of letters between Musaylima and the Prophet, Musaylima addresses the Prophet: rasiilu 42 Ahmad b. 'All al-Qashanf ibn Babah, Ra's miil al-nadfm, p. 147; and see a comprehensive description of this event in Diyarbakris' Ta'n"kh al-khamts , vol. 2, pp. 192-94; Ibn Kathlr, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, vol. 4, pp. 109-16. 43 Al-Suhayli, al-Rau du l-unuj , vol. 4, p. 38: Ka'b b. Malik: inna rasiila lliihi (~) atii banf I}anfjata ff maniizilihim fa-da'iihum ilii /liihi wa-i arad a 'alayhim n ajsahu, fa-lam yakun ah adun min al-'arabi aqbal}a 'alayhi raddan minhum. 44 Al-Bukhart, Ta'rikh , vol. 5, p. no. 1004: abgharju I-al}yii'i ilii I-nabiyyi, ~al'am, banii I}anffa. 45 Al-Hakirn al-Naysaburi, al-Must adrak , vol. 4, pp. 480-81; Ibn Kathir, Shamii'ilu l-rasiil , p , 457. 46 Ibn al-Athtr, al-Nihiiya ff ghanai I-I}adfth, vol. 4, p. 187: ... wa-if I}adfthi 1ridda: wa-kafara man kafara mina I-'arab. a~l}iibu I-ridda kiinii ~infayni: ~infun irtaddii 'ani I-dfni wa-kiinii (ii'ifatayni: il}diihumii a~l}iibu musaylimata wa-I-aswadi I-'ansf lladhfna iimanii bi-nubuwwatihimii uia-l-ukhrii tii'ifatun irtaddii 'ani l-isliimi wa-' iidii ilii mii kiinii. 'alayhi if I-jiihiliyyati, wa-ha'ulii'i ittafaqat al-~al}iibatu 'alii qitiilihim wa-sabyihim ... thumma lam yanqarirj 'a~ru I-~al}iibati I}attii ajma'ii 'alii anna I-murtadda Iii yusbii. 14 M. 1. Kister lliihi, The Prophet addresses Musaylima: musaylima al-kadhdhiib.47 The phrases in the letter of Musaylima which form a clear declaration that the earth (i.e., by which term the territories of Yamama and the Muslim territory with the capital city of Medina are meant -k) forms an entity, half of which was allotted to Quraysh, while the other half was given to the Banii 1:£nifa , "but Quraysh are a people who exceed a their bounds." (fa-inna lana ni~fu l-ordi wa-li-qurayshin ni~fuha walakinnahum ya'tadiina). The Prophet vehemently rejected the idea of dividing the territories in question with Musaylima: by quoting Qur 'an 7:128 again (see above, note 42), he made it clear that any agreement with Musaylima was out of the question. Some sources date the exchange of the letters to a very late period of the life of the Prophet. According to the report of al- Ya'qiibi, Musaylima embraced Islam but changed his attitude and started his prophetic career claiming that he was Muhammad's partner in prophethood. At that time he wrote to the Prophet the letter quoted above and received the Prophet's response. It is evident that this report recorded by al-Ya'qubi and others is unreliable. Also misleading is al- Ya'qtibi's report saying that Musaylima was killed at the age of 150 years.48 A prelude to the Prophet's negotiations with Musaylima was the exchange of letters between the Prophet and Hawdha b. 'All, the leader of the Arab tribes in Yamama. The Prophet's efforts to convince Hawdha to embrace Islam were unsuccessful. The influential and respected leader was appointed by the Persian emperor in order to secure the passage of 47 See al-Khaz.in, Lubiiln: l-ta'wll, vol. 2, p. 53: min musaylimata rasiili ust« ilii mu~ammadin rasiili lloh», The answer of the Prophet: min mu~ammadin rasuli Uahi ilii musaylimata l-kcdh dhiib«, And see al-BaghawI, Ma'alim al-t anzil, on the margin of Lubiibu l-ta'w.l, for the same address and the same answers. The letter of Musaylima in Ibn Kathlr 's al-Sira al-nabawiyya vol. 4, p. 98 sup. reads: min musaylimata rasuli Uahi ila mu~ammadin rasuli /lahi, salamun 'alayna; amma bat du ja-innf qad ushrikiu if l-amri ma'aka, ja-inna lana nis]« l-amri wa-li-qurayshin nida l-amri wa-lakinna qurayshan qaumun ya'taduna. The text recorded in alTha'alibr's Thimiiru l-quliib, p. 148 differs in one phrase: wa-inna lana ni~ja l-argi wa-li-qurayshin nisjah a, See also Ibrahim b. Muhammad al-BayhaqI, al-Ma~asin wa-l-masawf, vol. 1, p. 49; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Zad al-ma'ad, vol. 3, p. 31 inf.; Shihabu I-DIn al-Khafajr, Nasfmu l-riyag, vol. 3, p. 170, vol. 2, p. 486; Ibn Kathtr, Sh anui'llu l-rasiil ; p. 387 inf.; Ibn KathIr, al-Bidaya wa-l-nihaya, vol. 5, p. 51, vol. 6, p. 341; al-Ansari, al-Mi~ba~ al-mugf, vol. 2, pp. 290-92; al-Maqrfzr, Imiiivu l-asma', vol. 1, pp. 508-09 ed. Shakir; al-Maqdisr, Kitab al-bad'i uia-l-ta'rikh , vol. 5, p. 161; 'Llmar b. Shabba al-Numayri, Ta'rikh al-madfna al-nunawwara, vol. 2, p. 572; al-Bayhaqi, Dala'ilu l-nubuunua ; vol. 5, p. 330; al-Raghib al-Isfahant, Mu~agarat al-udabii", vol. 4, p. 431,1. 3 from bottom; al-Saliht, Subulu l-huda uia-l-rashiid , vol. 6, p. 497; Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, fol. 54b inf.-55a sup.; Ibn Sa'd , al-T'abaqat alkubrii , vol. 1, p. 273 (the messenger of the Prophet was 'Arnr b. Vmayya al-Damrt); al-Halabr, Insanu l-'uyun, vol. 3, p. 253 inf.; al-Ya'qubr, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. 120. 48 Al-Ya'qubt, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. 120. It is likely that the letter was written in 9 A. H., according to the report by the early scholar 'Abd Allah b. AbI Zayd alQayrawanl. See his ai-Jami': p. 295. The Struggle Against Musaylima 15 Persian caravans from Yarnarna to Najran. He was respected by the tribes to such an extent that it was enough to put the name "Hawdha" on the flags of the caravans in order to ensure their safe passage. Our sources indicate that Hawdha possessed the qualities necessary for a tribal leader in the Arabian peninsula: he was described as being the poet of his people, their orator and an awe-inspiring person (anii shiiiiru qaumi wa khaiibuhum wa-l-'arabu iahiibu maqiiml).49 Hawdha was given by the Persian ruler a cap (qalansuwa) worn under the turban (' imiima) as a reward for his faithful service to the Persian sovereign; the cap embedded with jewels was worth 30,000 dirharns.P? Nevertheless, to call him "the king of the Arabs" was an exaggeration. 51 The Prophet sent his emmisary Salit b. 'Amr to Hawdha, who entertained him in a friendly manner and granted him valuable gifts before his departure. Hawdha's answer to the Prophet's letter was kind: he praised the gentle words of the Prophet, and remarked that if the Prophet granted him a part of his authority before his death, he (i.e., Hawdha) would embrace Islam and would come to his aid. The Prophet considered his answer unsatisfactory; he rejected his stipulation of inheriting his authority and invoked God to free him from Hawdha. Hawdha died a short time after the conquest of Mecca by the Prophet.V Al- Waqidi mentions a conversation between Hawdha and a chief (urkiin) from Damascus. The urkiin blamed Hawdha for not answering a letter from the Prophet; the Prophet is mentioned in the Injil and is described in this book as "the prophet of the Arabs." Hawdha's conversion to Islam could have strengthened his position as governor of Yamama.53 Some reports say that the Prophet sent Salit b. 'Amr to Hawdha and to Thumama b. Uthal, "the two heads of Yamarna" (ra'fsii l-yamiima). He sent him on this mission in the year 6 or 7 A.H.54 Ibn Sa'd, al=Tnbaqiit al-kubrii , vol. 1, p. 262. See al-Kalbi, Nasab ma'add, vol. 1, p. 63; idem, Jamharat al-nasab, p. 539; Ibn Durayd, al-Ishtiqiiq, p. 348 sup.; Lisiin al-t arab, s.v. hwdh. 51 See the critical observations of al-Hilli in his al-Maniiqibu 'I-mazyadiyya, pp. 53-5: .. , innamii kiinat kh araziitun lahu ta'ammama 'alayhii [a-mudih a bi-dhiilika 'alii madhhabi l-sh ut arii' /ll-tawassu'i if l-qauli wa-tajawwuzihim if I-mad~i wa-I-~iiati wa-Ihijii'i uia-l-t ashbihi .... See also M. J. Kister, "The Crowns of This Community," JSAI 24(2000): 217-45. 52 Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, 'Uyunu I-athar, vol. 2, pp. 269-70; al-Baladhurr, Futiih u 1buldiin, pp. 118-19. 53 Ibid.; and see about the letter of the Prophet to Hawdha: Ibn Sa'Id al-AndalusT, Nashwat al-Iarab, vol. 2, p. 631; al-MaqrTzT, Imtii'u I-asmii', vol. 1, p. 309. 54 Ibn Hajar al-fAsqalanf, al-Lsiiba, vol. 3, p. 162, no. 3424; al-Mawsilt, al- Wasfla, vol. 4, p. 2, 115; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Istl'iib, vol. 2, p. 645, no. 1040; al-'AwtabT, al-Ansiib, vol. 1, p. 157; and see Muhammad b. 'AIT b. Ahmad bv Hudayda al-Ansarf, al-Mi~bii~ al-mur;Iiyy, vol. 1, p. 214. 49 50 16 M. 1. Kister According to Watt, Hawdha was apparently a Christian. He began negotiations with Muhammad, but had not become a Muslim by the time of his death in 630 A.D.55 According to a report recorded by Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Mun'im al-Himyari, Hawdha died as a Christian in 8 A.H.56 VI The Prophet's meetings with Musaylima took place in Medina. One of the earliest meetings took place in a grove of palm trees. According to an early tradition transmitted on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas, Musaylima arrived in Medina with a great military force (qadima fi jayshin 'a~lm) and alighted in a plantation of palm trees belonging to the daughter of al-Harith (nazala fi nakhli ibnati l-~arith).57 When the Prophet heard the news about the arrival of Musaylima with his convoy and his alighting in the "court of the daughter of alHarith" 58 he went out with Thabit b. Qays b. Shammas't? to meet him. It should be stressed that the Prophet went out to meet Musaylima because he was eager to convince him and his people to embrace Islam.P" When Musaylima asked the Prophet to grant him a share in prophethood, the Prophet flatly refused. Musaylima's attempt to thwart the prophetic mission of Muhammad was referred to in a dream seen by Muhammad. Thabit b. Qays b. Shammas was left with Musaylima in order to explain to him the content of the dream and its meaning: the Prophet only remarked that one of the persons whom he saw in the dream was Musaylima. Thabit b. Qays explained to Musaylima that the Prophet saw in his dream two golden bracelets pressing on his arms. Allah revealed to him that the two golden bracelets symbolised the efforts of the two false prophets, al-Aswad al'AnsI and Musaylima, to curb his activities. The Prophet was ordered See E12, s.v. Hanifa b. Ludjaym (W. Montgomery Watt). Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Mun'im al-HimyarI, Kitab al-rauidi I-mi'tar jf khabari I-aqtar, p. 412. 57 In some sources this text is corrupt and reads nazala /f nakhli abfhi al-Hiiriin», See al-Mu'ammil b. Ihab, Juz", fol. 5a, penult.: ... anna musaylimata qadima /f jayshin 'a,..min ~atta nazala /f nakhli abfhi I-~arithi bi-na~iyati I-mad.nati ... ; and so in the printed edition of Jus' al-Mu'ammil b. Ihab, p. 1251. 3, no. 38. This reading is erroneous: the name of Musaylima's father was not al-Harith; his father had no plantations of palm trees in Medina, nor had Musaylima any plantations there. 58 See Ibn Shabba, Ta'rikh al-madlna al-munawwara, vol. 2, p. 527, notes 4-5. The grove belonged to a woman of the Ansar, See the correction of this error by the editors of al-Sira al-nabawiyya li-bni hisham, vol. 3, p. 251, note 2; Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, • Uyiinu 1-athar, vol. 2, p. 235. 59 See on him al-Maqdisl, al-Lstibsiir , pp. 117-19. 60 See e.g., al-Zurqanr, Shar~ al-mawahib al-Iaduniyya, vol. 4, p. 22 inf.; ... [aaqbala ~alla lliiliu 'alayhi wa-sallam ta'il/an lahu wa-li-qaumihi raja'a islamihim wali-yublighahu ma unzila ilayhi. 55 56 The Struggle Against Musaylima 17 to destroy the two bracelets; when he destroyed them, he was no longer under their pressure. Before his death, the Prophet told his daughter Fatima about this dream and its interpretation.P! The next meeting of the Prophet with Musaylima took place in connection with the arrival of the delegation of the Banu Hanifa in Medina. The delegation came with Musaylima, who was veiled, clad in clothes which concealed him and entered the room of the Prophet. This kind of attire indicates the respect in which Musaylima was held: spiritual leaders of a tribe (kahins), soothsayers and "holy persons" 62 were clothed in this fashion. 'All b. Burhan aI-DIn al-Halabi, the author of the Sira ~alabiyya, assumes that Musaylima came to Medina twice to meet the Prophet. When he came for the first time, he was accompanied by a large number of men who came with him to protect him, because he was a "follower" (tabi'), in need of protection. But when he came the second time, he was in a position of leadership (kana matbu'an). His people covered him with clothes as a status symbol (... uia-hiidhii, ay satruhu bi-l-thiuiibi, huuia l-muniisibu li-kaunihi matbu'an).63 The difference between these two meetings is stressed by al- 'Aynl in his' Umdat al-qiiri', 64 Musaylima took care of the luggage of the delegation of the Banii Hanifa and, out of pride and insolence, refused to enter the room in which the Prophet entertained its members. The Prophet acted with magnanimity: he stated that Musaylima, the luggage keeper of the delegation was not the worst of them, and ordered to grant him five ounces of silver, the same gift given to other members of the delegation.P These actions of the 610n this dream, see Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh, vol. 2, p. fol. 54b, sup.; Ibn Shabba, Ta'n"kh al-madfna al-munawwara, vol. 2, pp. 572-3, 575; al-Suyutr, al-Khafa'i~u 1kubra, vol. 2, p. 147; al-Zurqanr, Sharl}u I-mawahibi I-Iaduniyya, vol. 4, pp. 22-3, vol. 7, p. 179 inf.-181; Ibn Kathtr, Shama'ilu l-rasiil, p. 387; Ibn Hisham, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, vol. 4, p. 246; Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalanf, Fatl} al-biiri, vol. 8, p. 72 inf.; alTabart, Jiimi' al-bayan, Shakir, ed., vol. 11, pp. 535~; Abu l-Mahasin, al-Mu'ta~ar, vol, 1, pp. 224-25; al-Diyarbakrf, To'rikb. al-khomis , vol. 2, p. 157; al-Bukharr, $al}fl}, vol. 5, p. 216; Burhan al-Din al-Halabr, al-Stra al-I}alabiyya, vol. 3, p. 253; al- Tha'alibi, Thimiiru l-quliib, pp. 147-148; Ibn l;Iubaysh, Ghazawat, vol. 1, p. 51; Ibn al-Jauzr, al- Wafa bi-al}wali I-mu~tafii, p. 764; Ibn Kathir, al-Sira al-nabawiYlla, vol. 4, p. 93 inf.-95; al-Khazin, Lubabu I-ta'wil, vol. 2, p. 132; al-Baghawf, Ma'alimu I-tanzil, vol. 2, p. 132; al-'Aynf, 'Umdat al-gari', vol. 18, p. 24; Ibn al-Athir alJazarf, Jiimi' al-usiil, vol. 12, p. 375, no. 9480. al-Maqrfzf, Imta'u l-asmii'; vol. 14, pp. 229, 524-5, 532-3; Isma'Il b. Muhammed al-Isfahanr, Kiiiib dala'ili I-nubuwwati, pp. 97-98, no. 93. 62 See, e.g., U. Rubin, "The Shrouded Messenger. On the interpretation of almuzzammil and al-muddaththir," JSAI 16{1993}: 96-107. 63 Al-Halabl, Insiir: al-'uyun, vol. 3, p. 253. 64 Al-'Aynf, 'Umdat al-gari', vol. 18, p. 231. 5 from bottom. 65al-l;IalabT, Insan al-'uyun, vol. 3, p. 252, inf.: al-'Aynf, 'Umdat al-garf', vol. 18, p. 23; cf. Ibn Kathtr , al-Sira al-nabawiyya, vol. 4, p. 99 inf.; al-Diyarbakrr, Ta'rikh. al-khnmis , vol. 2, p. 194; 18 M. J. Kister Prophet enabled Musaylima to deduce falsely that Muhammad declared that he considered him as his partner in prophet hood ("he is not the worst among you"). According to another version, the Prophet did speak with the "veiled" Musaylima and heard his requests; the Prophet stated that even if he asked only for a splinter of the palm tree branch which he held in his hand, he would refuse his request.P" The delegation of the Banu Hanifa reverted to the faith of Musaylima.P" It may be mentioned that the Prophet used to meet the emissaries of Musaylima who came to Medina in the presence of his Companions. When these emissaries declared both Muhammad and Musaylima prophets sent by God to their respective peoples, the Muslim believers tried to attack them. The Prophet restrained the believers, stating that messengers are to be protected against any act of violence.P" Some commentators of the Qur'an state that this statement of the Prophet is based on Qur'an 9:6: "... and if anyone of the idolaters ask protection of thee, grant him protection so that he may hear the word of Allah; then convey him to his place of security. That is because they are a people who have no knowledge.l'P'' 'Uyiinu l-athar, vol. 2, p. 235. Shar~ al-mawahibi I-laduniyya, vol. 4, p. 24, inf.: ... wa-~arra~a bi-~a4rati qaumihi annahu lau sa'alahu I-qit'ata mina l-jarfdi ma a'tahu ... wayu~tamalu an yakiina musaylimatu qadima marratayni, al-iila kana tabi'an wakana ra'sa banI ~anlfata ghayruhu wa-li-hadha aqiima jI ~if:?i ri~alihim wa-marratan matbii'an wa-ffha khiit abah u I-nabiyyu ~alla lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallam. However, alZurqani doubts whether this description of Musaylima's visits to Medina and about his status (al-tabi' and al-matbii') is sound. Wa-hadha ba'fdun jiddan, says alZurqanl: fa-qad qiila huwa, a'nf I-~afi?a, wa-hadha ya'nf ~adftha bni is~aqa ma' a shudhiidhihi 4a'fju I-sanadi li-inqita'ihi; wa-amru musaylimata kana 'inda qaumihi akbara min dhiilika fa-qad kana yuqalu ltihu ra~manu I-yamiima li-'i?ami qadrihi ffhim. fa-man yakiinu maqamuhu 'inda qaumihi akbara min da'wii I-nubuwwati yab'udu kulla I-bu'di an yakiina tabi'an; [a-l-nuilii qauluhu "aw al-qis s atu wii~idatun" Ii-annahu l-aslu. "wa-kiinat iqiimatuhu ff ri~iilihim bi- 'khtiyiirihi anafatan minhu wa'stikbiiran an ya~4ura majlisa I-nabiyyi ~allii lIahu 'alayhi wa-sallama wa-'amalahu 'alayhi l-s aliitu um-l-s aliirrui mu'amalata I-karami 'alii 'iidatihi ff l-isti'liifi, [a-qiila li-qaumihi, laysa bi-sharrikum ay makanan li-kaunihi kiina yaMa?u ri~iilahum waariida isti'lafahu bi-I-i~siini bi-I-qauli (I-madkhiiri) wa-l-fi'li, [iaythu a'tiihu mithla ma alta qaumahu, fa-Iammii lam yufid fl musaylimata tawajjaha bi-nafsihi ilayhi 67 See al-Zurqarn, 68 See, e. g., Ibn al-Athtr, Jami'u I-u~iil, vol. 12, p. 377, no. 4981: when the Prophet read the letter of Musaylima handed to him by his two messengers, he stated, "By God, were it not that the messengers should not be killed, I would strike your necks" (ama wa-llahi lau anna I-rusula Iii tuqtalu la-4arabtu a'niiqakuma). 69 See Ibn Kathtr, Tajsir , vol. 3, pp. 366-7. The Prophet uttered this statement in connection with the emissaries of Quraysh who came to the Prophet to arrange the pact of Hudaybiyya, which Quraysh are said to have violated after a short time. The Prophet uttered this statement again when the messengers of Musaylima arrived in Medina. One of them, Ibn al-Nawwaha, attested in the Prophet's presence that Musaylima was a Messenger of Allah. The Prophet did not punish him, but when 66 Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, The Struggle Against Musaylima 19 The story about the sectarian group of Ibn al-Nawwaha, the former emissary of Musaylima, who refused to acknowledge the exclusive prophethood of Muhammad and insisted that Musaylima was also a prophet is a test case for the Muslim attitude towards the emissaries of unbelievers. When Ibn al-Nawwaha and Ibn Uthal, the messengers of Musaylima, were asked by the Prophet whether they attest to his prophethood, they asked him in turn whether he attested to the prophet hood of Musaylima. The Prophet released the two messengers of Musaylima because of their immunity.I? 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud asked Ibn al-Nawwaha: "Is there a book added to the Book of God and a messenger after the Messenger of God?" 71 The execution of Ibn al-Nawwaha, while other adherents of Musaylima were pardoned and later accepted into the Muslim community, is explained by al-Jassas as follows: most believers of Musaylima repented and became faithful Muslims, while Ibn al-Nawwaha admitted that he merely feigned belief in order to save his life (... ayna ma kunia tuzhiru mina l-isliimi? qiila: kuntu atiaqikum bihi). Scholars who assume that the repentance of a zindiq has to be rejected, quote the case of Ibn alNawwaha, who kept his unbelief secret and pretended to be a believer, by way of taqiyya. Ibn Nawwaha's execution took place in the presence of some of the Prophet's Companions. 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud informed the Caliph 'Uthman about the capture of Musaylima's followers; the Caliph ordered him to call them to Islam and to pronounce the shahiida, Those who fulfilled the order were to be pardoned; those who remained loyal to Ibn al-Nawwaha persisted in his disbelief after the death of the Prophet, circulating the tenets of Musaylima's faith, he was caught in Kiifa by Ibn Mas'ud who did not hesitate to decapitate him. Cf. Abu l-Mahasin, al-Mu't as ar mina l-mukhias ar, vol. 1, p. 225 inf.-225 sup.; and see Ibn KathIr, al-Bidiiya wa-I-nihiiya, vol. 5, p. 52; al-BayhaqI, Dalii'ilu I-nubuwwa, vol. 5, p. 332 (see ibid. the remark of 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud: [a-mad at sunnatun anna l-rusula lii-tuqtalu); al-Tabart, Jiimi' al-bayiin vol. 14, pp. 138-40; al-~ali\:lI, Subul al-hudii, vol. 6, p. 497; al-Tabaranr, alMu'jam al-k abir , vol. 9, pp, 218-20, nos. 8956~0: a mosque in which the followers of Musaylirna used to perform their prayers was destroyed in Kufa during 'Abdallah b. Mas'ucl's governorship of the city. The followers of Musaylima praying in this mosque were heard to read verses included in Musaylima's Qur'an: al-tii~iniiti tabnan, al-'iijiniiti 'ajnan, al-khiibiziiti khubean, al-liiqimiiti laqman .... Ibn Mas'nd ordered to decapitate Ibn al-Nawwaha in the market of Kufa. The rest of the congregation of Musaylirna (some seventy persons) were sent to Syria in the hope that they would repent or perish in a plague. In one of the reports, Ibn Mas'ud ordered to throw the head of Ibn Nawwaha into the bosom of his mother (no. 8960); cf. this report in al-Shashr, al-Musnad, vol. 2, p. 181, no. 746; al-Haythamf, Majma' al-zawii'id, vol. 6, pp. 262~2. 70 See al-Shashi, al-Musnad, vol. 2, p. 182, no. 748; and see the report in al- Ta\:lawI, Shar~ ma'iinf l-iitliiir , vol. 3, p. 213; Cf. al-Tahawi, Mushkil al-iithiir , Hyderabad 1333, repr. Beirut, vol , 4, pp. 61-62; al-Bayhaqf, al-Sunan al-kubrii , vol. 8, p. 206. 71 Al-Shashi, al-Musnad, vol. 2, pp, 181-2, no. 747. [The question a-kitiibun ba'da kitiibi lliihi? is often asked in connection with some compendia of ~adfth.l 20 M. J. Kister the tenets of Musaylima were to be executed.P 'Uthmau's letter is preserved in 'Abdallah b. Wahb's Juz", excerpted from his MuwaHa': "Some of the people accepted the terms and renounced belief in Musaylima, while others persevered in it, and were executed."13 The Prophet adhered to the sunna established by him as an interpretation of Qur'an 9:6. Medina became a center for persons eager to understand the tenets of the new religion and to join the Muslim community. Some of them returned to Yamama, remained there as cryptoMuslims, clandestinely disseminating Islamic beliefs. Among these proselytes were some former adherents of Musaylima sent to Medina in order to deepen their knowledge of the Qur'an. They were then expected to return to Musaylima, informing him about divine revelations and the sunan which the Prophet practiced. Thus Musaylima got trustworthy information about the utterances of the Prophet concerning Musaylima's prophethood and his claims of sharing prophet hood with Muhammad. Muhammad honored his obligation not to harm the messengers of the unbelievers, in spite of the fact that Musaylima ordered to kill some of the Prophet's messengers.I" In some instances, this policy caused him bitter disappointment. Such was the case of al-Rabhal (or al-Rajjal -k) b. 'Unfuwa. He came to Medina as a member of the delegation of the Banu Hanifa. This delegation also included Mujja'a b. Murara, and Muhakkim b. al-Tufayl.I'' Al-Rahhal became a keen student of the Qur'an. After some time, the Prophet saw him in the company of some veteran Companions, Abu Hurayra and Furat b. Hayyan. He said: "A molar tooth of one of you in Hell will be as big as the mountain of Uhud." Abu Hurayra became sad; he was concerned about the identity of the person referred to in this utterance. Later, al-Hahhal disappeared from Medina. When the news about his apostasy and his activity in support of Musaylima and about his attestation that the Prophet granted Musaylima a part (ashrakabu) of prophet hood came to be known, Abu Hurayra sighed with relief. He realized that the tradition referred to alRahhal, Abu Hurayra and Furat b. Hayyan were thus free from the fear AQkamu I-qur'an, vol. 2, pp. 287-288. b. Wahb, al-MuwaHa', Juz", MS. Chester Beatty 3497, fol, 56b. 74 See e.g., on Habib b. Zayd b. 'A~im: KhalTfa b. Khayya~, Ta'n'kh, p. 63 (the text reads Khabib b. Zayd). See a report recorded by WathTma in his Kitab al-ridda: Habib b. 'Abdallah al-Ansarf was sent by Abu Bah to Musaylima and to the Banu Hantfa summoning them to return to Islam; he read the letter of Abu Bah and admonished them in an eloquent (balfgh) way and was killed by Musaylima. See the report in Ibn Hajar's al-Lsiiba , vol. 2, p. 21, no. 1590, but the author assumes that the report may refer to Habib b. Zayd b. 'A~im, as recorded ibid., p. 19, no. 1586. Cf. alMaqdisT, al-Lstibsor , pp. 81-82, where Habib b. Zayd is mentioned as the messenger killed by Musaylima. 75 Ibn Kathrr, al-Bidaya wa-I-nihaya, vol. 5, p. 51; and see Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, a.tnr s», pp. 551-2; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, vol. 2, pp. 539-40, no. 2763. 73 'Abdallah 72 AI-Ja~~~, The Struggle Against Musaylima 21 ofhelI.16 Al-Hahhal not only stated that the Prophet granted Musaylima a share in prophethood, but also transmitted to him those parts of the Qur'an which he kept in memory. Musaylima memorized the passages, claimed falsely that they were revealed to him and recited them as a part of his own revelation.?" VII During the last years before the Prophet's death, Musaylima made great efforts to establish a socio-religious order, based on the cooperation of the different groups of the people of Yamama with tribes who immigrated to Yamarna and settled there. Musaylima decided to build a haram in which certain settlements of these immigrants were included. They were settled in small rural communities, named "hamlets of the allies" (qurii al-a~iilif). These hamlets were populated by the Banii Usayyid, a small branch of Tamim. Small units of the Banu Usayyid were incorporated in the haram (!a-waqa'a fi dhiilika l-harami qurd l-a~iilz/, afkhiidh min bani usayyid kiinat dtiruhum bi-l-yamiima, [a-sara makiinu diirihim fi l-~arami) .78 The newly established haram of Yamarna cannot be compared with the haram of Mecca. The tribes chosen by Quraysh as keepers and guardians of the Meccan haram were selected in order to choose the best of them for intermarriage with the population of Mecca, the Quraysh. The independent tribal formations (laqii~) did not serve the kings of the Arabian peninsula. The merchants of Mecca who traded in Syria used to conduct transactions with the heads of the tribal leaders on their way, granting them a certain share in their profits. Furthermore, Mecca ceded the right to provide certain services during the ~ajj to the traditional leaders of the tribal divisions. The nobles of Mecca meted out justice to the pilgrims of the city and to merchants who came to Mecca to ply their trade. Theft of gifts brought for the Ka'ba was rare and was severely punished. Injustice and fraud towards pilgrims and merchants were publiclg denounced in Mecca. According to Muslim descriptions, the haram of Musaylima did not fulfill its desired goal of eradicating iniquity and extending help to the weak and the oppressed. "Musaylima tried to gain the sympathy of all his followers, agreed with their views and did not care if someone noticed 76 Shakir al-Fahham, Qit'atun jr akhbiiri l-ridda li-mu'allifin majhul, pp. 149-225, esp. pp. 195-225; p. 197, no. 48 and p. 198 no. 50. See also Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. fol. 85a; and Ibn Hubaysh, Ghazawiit, vol. 1, pp. 52-3, where the verses of Ibn 'Umayr al-Yashkurr about al-Rahhal and Muhakkim b. Tufayl are quoted. Cf. Ibn Sa'd, al-T'abaqiit al-kubrii , vol. 1, pp. 316-17. 77 Ibn Kathrr, al-Bidiiya wa-l-nihiiya, vol. 5, p. 51. 78 Tabarr, Ta'n"kh, vol. 3, p. 288. 22 M. J. Kister any of his vices.,,79 The Meccans did their best to curb the transgressors, the thiefs and those who cheated pilgrims and merchants; they acted according to the injunctions of the dar al-nadwa elders. In contradistinction, the people of Yamama were helpless in their complaints against the guardians of the haram, the Banu Usayyid, who used to plunder the peasants' crops and then would find refuge in the haram, Sometimes the farmers were warned and tried to apprehend the culprits, but they managed to escape into the horam; where they could remain in safety. The people complained to Musaylima who promised "to get an answer from Heaven" concerning their case. Musaylima indeed received an answer and read it loudly, probably as a verse of his Qur'an: "I swear by the darkness of the night and by the black wolf, the Usayyid did not violate (the sanctity of -k) the harem:" The people complained again and Musaylima again asked for a heavenly ruling. The verdict was read loudly once more by Musaylima: "I swear by the dark night, by the wolf who treads softly the ground, Usayyid did not cut neither fresh nor dry."so The people wronged by the attack of the Usayyid on their palm trees could only remark with bitterness: "The Usayyid did cut the fresh fruit of the palms and broke down the dry fences." Musaylima answered harshly: "Go away and come back, you are not right."s1 A verse of Musaylima's Qur'an, read before the people of Yamama, is indicative of his views: "Go! The Banu Tamim are a pure and independent people (laqa/;l), no affliction should meet them, nor should they be put under taxation; we shall live in their neighborhood, acting with kindness, we shall defend them against every person; at our death their fate (amruhum) will be determined by God."s2 This declaration of Musaylima reflects of his attitude towards the Usayyid, the Tamimi keepers of the Yarnama horam, It also serves as an attempt to establish friendly relations with the tribal groups of Tamirn, who dwelled near Yamama. VIII The death of the Prophet in 632 A.D. raised many hopes in the community of Musaylima who now considered himself the sole prophet receiving 79 AI-NuwayrT, Nihayatu I-arab, vol. 19, p. 86: wa-kiina musaylimatu yu~iini' kulla a~adin mimman ittaba'ahu, wa-yutiibi'uhu 'alii ra'yihi wa-lii yubiil, an yaHali'a 1niisu minhu 'alii qabi~in. 80 AI-NuwayrT, Nihiiyat ai-arab, vol. 19, pp. 86-87; al-Baqillant, I'jiizu l-qur'iin, pp, 156-157. 81 AI-NuwayrT, Nihayat ai-arab, vol. 19, p. 87; cf. Tabarr, Ta'n1:h, vol. 3', p. 287. 82 Tabarr, Ta'rikb. vol. 3, pp. 283-284. . .. wa-kana Jlma yaqra'u lahum Jlhim: inna banI tamlmin qawmun tuhrun laqii~un Iii makriiha 'alayhim wa-lii itawatun, nujawiruhum ma ~ay,na bi-i~san, namna'uhum min kulli insan Ja-idha mutnii [aamruhum ilii I-ra~man. The Struggle Against Musaylima divine revelation. to have said: 23 is reported In a verse attributed to him, Musaylima o you, take the tambourine of this prophet. and play, and proclaim the merits and rose up Passed away the prophet of the Banu Hashim, the prophet of the Banii Ya'rub. khudhi l-duffa, yii hiidhihi, wa-l'abl uia-buththi mahiisina hiidhii l-nabi tawallii nabiyyu bani hiishimin wa-qiima nabiyyu bani ya'rub!.83 Musaylima's adherents increased and his prestige and authority grew.84 The quiet situation in Yamama after the Prophet's death, Musaylima's claim to prophet hood which now became exclusive, his ambitious plan to set up a huge haratti defended by special guards of the laqii~ (which indeed succeeded for a short period) - all this inspired a feeling of selfconfidence and security and generated hopes of long-lasting tranquility and peace. However, Musaylima's confidence was shaken by the information that Abu Bakr was preparing to attack Yamarna and sent a Muslim force under the command of 'Ikrima b. Abi Jahl to support Thurnama b. Uthal, Musaylima's enemy. Another dangerous event, unexpected by Musaylima, was the activity of Sajah bint Aus b. Hiqq b. Usama.85 Sajah was a former soothsayer, who claimed to have received revelation from Heaven as a prophetess of the Banu Yarbii' who were part of Tamirn. She and her family dwelt in Mesopotamia (al-jazlra); her father was a Tarnimi, and her mother belonged to the Christian tribe of Taghlib. Sajah is said to have been well-versed in the tenets of Christianity. Presenting her words as a divine revelation, she addressed her adherents saying: "0 you Godfearing believers, half of the Earth belongs to us. The other half belongs to Quraysh, but Quraysh are transgressors.v'" The reader will recall that Musaylima claimed to have received a revelation containing the idea of dividing territory between Banu Hanifa and Quraysh, but the 83 See Ibn Kathir, al-Bidau« wa-I-nihaya, vol. 6, p. 341 inf. Musaylima claimed that the verses were revealed to him from Heaven. 84 See al-Nuwayri, Nihayat ai-arab, vol. 19, p. 86: ... wa-qubi4a rasulu lliihi (~al'am) wa-I-amru 'ala dhiilika, fa-qawiyat sh aukatu musaylimata wa-'shtadda amruhu wa-kathurat [umiii uhu, 85 So recorded in Ibn al-Kalbr's Jamharat al-nasab, p. 221; al-MaqrizT, Imta'u 1nsma', vol. 14, p. 241: Sajal:J bint al-Harith b. Suwayd b. 'Uqfan: Abu 'Ubayd ul-Qasim b. Sallam , Kitab al-nasab, p. 236: Sajal:J bint Aus. AI-Tha'alibi, Thimiiru /.qu/ub, p. 315, no. 474: Sajah bint 'Uqfan, 86 Abu l-Faraj al-Isfahanr, Kitiib al-aqhiini; vol. 18, pp, 166, ll. 1-2. 24 M. J. Kister Prophet had firmly rejected any such offer. In his negotiations with Sajah, Musaylima made a similar offer: half of the Earth belongs to the Banii Hanifa; the other half would have belonged to Quraysh, if they had acted justly; now God granted to Sajah that half of the Earth which Quraysh had to return because of their unjust behavior (... [a-qiila musaylimatu lanii ni~fu l-ardi, uia-kiina li-qurayshin ni~fuhii lau 'adalat, wa-qad radda lliihu 'alayki l-nisja lladhZ raddat quraysh.).87 In order to strengthen her position, Sajal; stated that God never bestowed prophecy on Habi'a (i.e., the Banii Hanifa -k), but only on MU9ar88 to which she belonged.P" It is therefore plausible that God granted her revelation and entrusted her with a prophetic mission. Her first step was to ask Malik b. Nuwayra, whom the Prophet nominated as head ('amid) of the Banii Yarbii' (a subsection of Tamim] to establish peaceful relations with her. Malik b. Nuwayra agreed and asked her to refrain from raiding tribal groups of Tamim, Sajah's raids on other tribal groups in the Arabian peninsula continued unabated. On this occasion, Sajah clearly defined her position as a woman (and probably also as a prophetess -k): "I am merely a woman from the Banii Yarbu"; if there will be authority (and possessions -k), it will be your authority and possession (fa-innl innama anii 'mra'atun min bani yarbu' wa-in kiina mulk [a-l-mulku mulkukum).9o Several leaders of Tarnimi tribal sections joined her and assisted her in her plans. The famous leader of Tamim, Qays b. 'A~im, the sagacious Tamiml chief al-Ahnaf b. Qays and the Ghudani fighter Haritha b. Badr"! were her followers; Shabath b. Rib'i92 was her mu'adhdhin. The force of SajaJ:t, strengthened by new supporters, was ordered to attack certain tribal groups linked with Tamimi sections, but was defeated. Following this failure, she decided to march against Yarnama. Her decision was accompanied by the rousing battle cry: 'alaykum bi-I-yamiima, ruifii [ilayhii) rafifa l-hamiima, fa-innahii ghazwatun ~ariima, Iii ialhaqukum ba'dahii maliima" 93 See al-Maqrlzf, Imtii'u I-a&mii', vol. 14, p. 241inf. Abu I-Faraj al-Isfahani, al-Aghiinf, vol. 18, p. 166 ll. 5-6: ... inn a lltih« lam yaj'al hiidhii I-amra jf rabi' ata, innamii ja'alahu Jf mudar . 89 The tribe of Tarnlm to which Sajal:t belonged is part of MUI;\ar. 90 Abu l-Faraj al-Isfahant, al-Aghiinf, vol. 18, p. 166 inf; al-Tabart, Ta'n"kh vol. 3, p. p. 269. 91 See on him Ibn Hajar, al-Lsiiba; vol. 2, p. 161, no. 1939. 92 See on him Ibn Hajar, al-Lsiib«, vol. 3, p. 376, no. 3959. 93 For other versions of the "call of Sajal:t," see Abu l-Faraj al-Isfahanf, Kitiib alAghiinf vol. 18, p. 166: yii ma'shara tamfmin: iq~idil I-yamiima, Ja-4ribii jfhii kulla hiima, ~atta tatruktihii saudii'a ka-I-~amiima. Cf. the faulty text in al-MaqrizI's Imtii'u I-asmii' vol. 14, p. 241 inf. See also Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, fol. 83a, 87 88 The Struggle Against Musaylima 25 During the speedy advance of her forces in the direction of Yamama, Sajah received the surprising news of Musaylima's offer to give her a share in the "God's Earth" and to recognize her prophethood. On the face of it, the offer was exceedingly generous and it can be understood only if we take Musaylima's military situation at that time into consideration. His situation is well described by Ibn Junghul. When Musaylima heard the news about the march of Sajah's force, he feared for his country because he was busy fighting Thumama b. Uthal whose force was supported by a detachment of Muslim soldiers under the command of 'Ikrima b. Abi Jah!. His garrison was in the territority of Thumarna. The Muslim soldiers commanded by 'Ikrima expected the arrival of the huge force commanded by Khalid b. al-WalId.94 Even in this situation, Musaylima fostered the hope that the united forces of Hanifa and Tamim would jointly be able to "devour" the Arab tribes.95 Having learned about Musaylima's offer, Sajal; hastened to meet him. When she arrived, they entered a tent prepared for them (and probably for a group of their supporters -k). Musaylima delivered a sermon in which he invoked God "to hear (the prayers) of those who obey (Him) and to enable those who strive to attain their (lofty -k) aspirations and ., . May your Lord watch you and bless you and free you from gloom. On the Day of Resurrection, may He save you and resurrect you. We must perform the prayers of the righteous, not of the wretched and not of the wrongdoers, (but of those who) are awake during the nights and fast during the days for the sake of their great God, the God of the clouds and of the rain.,,96 The pact concluded between Musaylima and Saja}:l during their meeting gave Sajah the crops of Yamarna for one year. But she could get only half of the crops immediately; the other part had to be sent to her later by her representatives in Yarnama.P" n. 10-12. See Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. fol. 83a: ... [a-lammii sami'a bi-sayriha ilayhi khafaha 'ala biliidihi, wa-dhiilika annahu mashghulun bi-qitali thumama b. uthiil, wa-qad sa'adahu 'ikrima b. abi jahl bi-junudi l-muslimlna wa-hum naziluna bi-ba't/i biladihi yanta?iruna qudiima khiilid, See al-Sharfshf, Shar~ maqamat al-Eariri , vol. 4, p. 36, 22-15-16: ... wa-balagha musaylimata kh abaruhii biha wa khafa in huuia shughila biha ghalabahu thumamatu bnu uthiilin wa-shura~bilu 'ala ~ajri l-yamamati idh humii min qibali abi bakrin (rat/iya lliih u 'anhu) [a-arsala ilayha yasta'minuha 'alii nafsihi .... 95 Abu l-Faraj al-Isfahanf, Kitiib al-aghiinf, vol. 18, p. 166: ., .fa-man 'arafa l-lyaqqa tabi' ahu, wa- 'jtama'na [a-akalnii 1-'araba aklan bi-qaumf wa-qaumiki, [a-bo' athat ilayhi: af i alu, 96 Al- Tabarr, Ta'rikh , vol. 3, p. 272; al-NuwayrI, Nihiiyatu I-arab, vol. 19, p. 78; Ibn Kathlr, al-Bidaua uia-l-nihiiua, vol. 6, p. 320; Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, fol. 83a, inf. 97 See, e.g., al-NuwayrI, Nihiiyat ai-arab, vol. 19, p. 80, ll. 8-10. 94 26 M. J. Kister The solemn speech of Musaylima while concluding the agreement with Sajah is followed by a short saj' passage in which Musaylima praised the virtues of his community, emphasizing that they do not engage in sexual relations, nor do they drink wine. They fast one day and are burdened (with practicing religious duties -k) on the other. "Glory be to God; when resurrection comes, how will you live and how will you go up to the kingdom of Heaven? On every grain of mustard, there will be a witness who knows the secrets of the hearts. Indeed, most people will perish."98 The rigid prescriptions concerning the tenets of the religion of Musaylima seem to have been observed by his supporters. It is thus of some interest that certain pious supporters of Musaylima complained of his opportunism in his relations with the Bedouins who embraced his belief. According to a report recorded in al-Qashani'a Ra:» mal altuulim, the Bedouins haughtily rejected the bending and prostration during prayers.P'' Musaylima, says a report in al-Tabarf's Ta'rikh, used to tempt anyone and to bribe him in order to gain his sympathy (wa-kana musaylimatu yu~ani'u kulla a~adin), not paying any attention to the fact that people may censure this behavior as improper and reproachable. 100 The commentator of Qa~fdat Nasliuiiin b. Sa'fd al-,lfimyarfmentions that Musaylima used to say when leading Bedouins in prayer, "What is the will of Allah by raising your buttocks and by your prostation on your foreheads? Pray standing upright, in a noble posture. Allah is great." 101 Some medieval Muslim scholars attributed the censure of prostration and bending to Tulayha b. Khuwaylid, also considered a false prophet by Muslim tradition. Tulayha is reported to have said: "What is it to God that you make your cheeks dusty and that you spread your buttocks? Pronounce God's name in a modest posture, standing upright. Allah is great." (ma ya!, alu Allah bi-ta'firi khudiidikum wa-fat~i adbarikum? udhkurii Allah a'iffatan qiyaman). AI-Harlinl who records this speech of Tulayha mentions some Qur'anic expressions borrowed by Tulayha in this speech.102 An additional injunction of Musaylima refers to the marital life of his believers: the husband was instructed to have sexual relations with his wife only until a male child was born; once this happened, he was obliged to desist from any sexual activity. Only in the case of the male child's vol. 3, p. 272 infra. al-'arabu ta'nafu min al-ruku'i wa-tusammfhi al-ta~niya. 100 Tabarr, Ta'rikh, vol. 3, p. 282, in£. 101 Nashwan b. Sa'Id al-Himyarf, Muluk ~imyar wa-aqyiilu I-yaman, wa shar~uhii, Khulii~atu I-~urati I-jiimi'a li-'ajii'ibi akhbiiri I-mulilki I-tabiibi'a, eds., 'All b. Isma'Il al-Mu'ayyad and Isma'Tl b. Ahmad al-Jarafi, Cairo 1378 A. H., p. 176. 102 Al-Harunt, Ithbiit nubuwwati I-nabf, pp, 39-40. And see Shakir al-Fahham, Qit'atun jf akhbiiri I-ridda li-mu'allifin majhul, p. 167, no. 15. See also "Tulayha b. Khuwaylid," EI2, s. v. (Ella Landau- Tasseron). 99 P. 147,1. 17: wa-kiinat 98 Al- Tabarr, Ta'rikh, The Struggle Against Musaylima 27 death, the father was allowed to resume his conjugal activity until the birth of a new male child.103 In contradistinction to the injunctions of the Prophet who forbade celibacy (rahbiiniyya) and ordered the Muslims to lead full marital lives.U'f Musaylima encouraged extreme asceticism. The reports about the behavior of his followers, the ascetic trends in their society, the rigorous injunctions concerning marital life, the stories about people who refrained from drinking wine, the stories about people who fasted frequently - all these accounts seem to be reliable. On the other hand, the obscene verses attributed to Musaylima and enthusiastically received by Sajah, the vulgar anecdotes about Sajah - these seem to have been forged by the enemies of Musaylima and Sajal,t with the intention of slandering them. Some Muslim sources refrained from quoting this material. 105 IX The idea of Islamic expansion started to mature when the Prophet migrated to Medina. The principle of the superiority ofIslam over any other belief and the superiority ofIslamic authority became cardinal principles of the new faith. The existence of any belief or practice in Islam is said to have been accepted only on condition of the Prophet's approval. The Prophet gradually became the fully acknowledged and revered leader of the nascent Muslim community. The Muslim community grew and the borders of the Muslim state gradually expanded. Mecca and Medina became cities in which only Muslims were allowed to dwell. Idolaters Al-Tabart, Tarikh , vol. 3, p. 272 ult. See, e. g., al-ZamakhsharI, al-Fii'vq ff gharibi l-hadith , vol. 2, p. 122: ... Iii zimiima wa-lii khiziima wa-lii rahbiiniyyata uia-lii tabaHula uia-lii siyii!}ata ff I-isliimi. See also the b adith. of the Prophet (ibid .), in which he censures the conduct of an unmarried man: ... a-laka 'mra'atun? qiila: Iii. qiila: fa-anta idhan min ikhwiini I-shayiilfn; in kunia min ruhbiini I-na~iirii fa- 'I!}aq bihim, wa-in kunta minnii fa-min sunnatinii I-nikii!}. See al-Munawr, Fay4u l-qadir , vol. 6, p. 302, no. 9320: nahii rasiilu l/iihi [s al=am] 'ani I-ikhti~ii', "The Prophet prohibited the (self-) castration of the believers" in order to free themselves from sexual lust. 105 Al-Maqdisi, Kitiib al-bad' uia-l-t a'rikh , vol. 5, p. 164 (her kunya was Umm Sadir, her husband was Abu Kuhayla, the kiihin of the Yamama; she was a false prophetess). The obscene phrase of Musaylima's Qur'an is recorded and his sexual proposal is quoted. A revelation received by Saja~ (ibid., p. 165) allowed a woman to marry two husbands. This was unheard of in the Jahiliyya, See also the story of Sajah's meeting with Musaylima and the remark of Ibn Hubaysh, Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 57, ll. 1-2: ... fa-qiilat sajii!}: qad ansajt a, fa- 'dhkur. wa-ba'da hiidhii min qawlihi wa-fi'lihii mii a' ra4na 'an dhikrihi. The obscene verses also appear in al-NuwayrT's Nihayat ai-arab, vol. 19, p. 76; al-Sharishi, Sharry maqiimiii al-bartrt, vol. 4, pp. 35-u; Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. fol. 83b; al-Maydani, Majma' al-amthiil, vol. 1, pp. 326-7, no. 1758 (under the heading: azna min saja!}); Hamza al-Isfahani, al-Durra al-jiikhsra , vol. 1, p. 214, no. 290 (under the heading: azna min saja/}) and vol. I, p. 325, no. 515 (under the heading: aghlam min saja!}). 103 104 28 M. J. Kister (mushrikiin) were forbidden to enter Medina; Jews and Christians were granted the concession to enter the city for three days only in order to sell their merchandise.I'" In Islam there is only one God, one Prophet and one community of believers. This community is chosen by Allah, and only this community may dwell in the holy places of Islam: "Two religious beliefs (dfniini) will not exist in the Arabian peninsula" (or in the l:Iijaz) .107 Islam spread in the peninsula in numerous ways. Delegations of various tribes reached Medina, were influenced by the Prophet and impressed by Muslim tenets and teachings. Some embraced Islam and when they returned to their homes, they enthusiastically transmitted the Call of the Prophet. They established small Muslim communities among their idolatrous neighbors. These small communities had close contacts with the Medinan body-politic and were under the control and guidance of Medina during the last years of the Prophet's life. They were active in spreading Islam and made a substantial contribution to the conquest of the Arabian peninsula. A case of such a community was the nucleus of believers set up in Juwatha in Bahrayn. The community started its activity very early: all the sources relate that the first Friday prayer (after the Friday prayer performed in Medina -k) was the Friday prayer performed in Juwatha.108 This was the first time that a small Muslim community in a foreign territory, besieged by unbelievers who endangered their lives, appealed to the community in Medina, asking for help. Help was sent and the beleaguered Muslims were saved. The military unit sent by Abu Bakr was headed by al-'Ala' b. al-Hadrami, It is noteworthy that when the military unit sent by Abu Bakr reached the borders of Bahrayn, it was joined by a large gathering of people led by Thurnama b. Uthal, appointed by the Prophet to govern a certain region of Yamama, Furthermore, the chiefs (umarii') of this region joined the unit of al-'Ala' and defeated their enerny.I'" The utterance of the Prophet who instructed the Muslims to live close to each other if they dwell in a non-Muslim environment may belong to this early period. "I renounce responsibility (ana bari"un) for any See 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mu§annaf, vol. 6, pp. 51-2, nos. 9977,9970. 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mus annaj , vol. 6, p. 54, no. 9985 (only Jews and Christians are mentioned); and no. 9990: ... la yajtami'u bi-ar4i l-'arabi dfnani, au qala: bi-ar4i l-~ijazi dfnani. 108 See Abu 'Ubayd al-Bakrt, Mu'jam ma 'sta'jam vol. 2, pp. 401-2; Yaqut, Mu'jam al-buldan, vol. 2, p. 174; al-Hirnyari, al-Rau4u l-mi'tar, p. 181; and see Shakir al-Fahham, Qit'atun ff akhbari l-ridda li-mu'allifin majMI, p. 162, 1. 2 from bottom: lamma qubi4a rastilu Ilahi §alla Ilahu 'alayhi 'rtadda I-nasu 'ani I-islami ilia thalathata rnasiiji d: ahlu I-madfna wa-ahlu makkata, wa-ahlu juwatha. The word masjid is used here to denote the center of a Muslim town. 109 See Ibn Kathrr, al-Bidaya wa-I-nihaya, vol. 6, pp. 327-29. 106 107 The Struggle Against Musaylima 29 believer who dwells among unbelievers," said the Prophet. When asked about the reason for this, he answered that the believer living among unbelievers is not able to watch the fires of his believing companions." 110 The believers must live close to each other and not mix with their nonMuslim neighbors. The idea of the war against the ridda was extended and contained the obligation of the believers to take up arms against people who refused to pay the taxes (zakiit) prescribed by the Prophet. This was formulated by Abu Bakr who is reported to have said: "If they refused to give me (even) a ewe which they used to give to the Prophet ... , I would fight them because of their refusal" (wa-lliihi lau manaciinz C aniiqan kiinii yu' addiinahii ilii rasiili lliihi sallii lliihu calayhi wa-sallam la-qiitaltuhum calii manCihii). It was especially stressed that the "believers in the prophetic mission of Musaylima, the people of Yarnama," are included in the category of unbelievers (kuffiir) who have to be fought until they repent and embrace Islam.1ll Abu Bakr strove to place the nascent Muslim communities established throughout the peninsula under the sway of the Muslim polity in Medina. Muslim law and Muslim ritual had to be introduced in all these communitites. The Arab idolaters had to be crushed with the help of the Muslim forces of Medina. A letter of Abu Bakr to 'Ikrima b. Abi Jahl may give us an insight into the activities planned by the caliph to protect the communities recently established in the eastern region of the peninsula. When Abu Bakr sent military units (sariiyii) against the tribes who rebelled against the authority of Medina, 'Ikrima b. Abi Jahl and Shurahbil b. Hasana were sent against Musaylima with a military force (fiCaskarin). 'Ikrima acted in haste and started the attacks against the Banii Hanifa, but was defeated and informed Abu Bakr of his defeat. Abu Bakr's answer indicates that the goal of 'Ikrima's mission was to support the nascent Muslim communities in Yamama, Abu Bakr wrote: "Do not return (to Medina), as you will weaken the spirits of the people. I do not want to see you nor do I want you to see me. But go out to Hudhayfa and 'Arfaja and fight the people of 'Uman and Mahra. Then march out with your military force until you meet Muhajir b. Abl Umayya in Yemen and Hadramawt." Abu Bakr also instructed Shurahbil to stay in Yamama until Khalid arrived with his army. "When they will finish the battle with Musaylima,join 'Amr b. al-'A.!? in order to help him to fight Quqa'a.,,1l2 This material indicates that the Prophet showed great concern for the 110 Ibn Hajar al-f Asqalant, al-Kafi al-shii] fi takhriji al}adfthi l-koshsh a], p. 55, sup., no. 457, and see its explanation in al-Zamakhshari, al-Fa'iq, vol. 2, p. 21; cf. Lane, Arabic-English Lexicon, s.v. ra'a. 111 See e.g., al-Qastallanr, Irsh ad ai-sari, vol. 3, pp. 6-7; on the followers of Musaylima see p. 6, ll. 7-8. 112 Al-Maqrizt, lrniiiru l-asma', vol. 14, p. 528. 30 M. J. Kister Muslim communities outside Medina and made sustained efforts to expand the Muslim territory. The sources contain impressive descriptions of the Prophet's efforts to help the newly founded Muslim settlements, his efficient reactions to cases of apostasy in distant districts and his judicious decisions to resolve disputes between Muslims and their adversaries. Exhortation was not always sufficient to achieve the desired expansion. For instance, Sayf b. 'Umar says that the letters of the Prophet to al-Aswad al-'Ansl and Musaylimadid not convince them and the emissary of the Prophet tried in vain to persuade them to embrace Islam. The Prophet decided to write to the ethnic Persians living in Yemen (al-abna') 113 asking them to try to "do away" with al-Aswad al- 'Ansi (an tu~awiliJ. l-aswada) and asked them to engage men from Himyar and Hamadhan to achieve this purpose. He also wrote to Thumama b. Uthal and his followers asking them to try to "do away" with Musaylima. He made a similar request to some men from Tamim and they acted accordingly. "The ways of the muriadda became indeed blocked," says the report .114 Many changes in the formation of tribal units and the conclusion of tribal alliances were connected with the division of the tribal territorial possessions. The case of the partition of the vast territory of Dahna' is instructive 11 5 The report about the partition of Dahna' is transmitted by Sayf b. 'Umar on the authority of al-Harith b. Hassan al- 'Amirl (in some sources: al-Bakri+k}, who came to visit the Prophet in connection with a dispute between his tribe (Bakr -k) and the Banii Tamirn. The dispute was about an event which happened in Bahrayn and in which the chiefs of Bakr raised their objections against al-'Alii' b. al-Hadrami, in whose home the discussion was held. At that time a man from the Banu Tarnim sent to the Prophet a message (khabar), informing him that the tribe of Rabi'a (including Bakr -k) reverted to unbelief (qad kafarat) and prevented (by force -k) the collection of zokiit . The information about this incident and about the khabar reached Rabi'a and they sent al-Harith b. Hassan al-'Amirl (or al-Bakri -k) in order to inform the Prophet that they (i.e., Rabi'a -k) remain obedient to him. On his way to the Prophet, he met in Habadhal l" a poor woman, Qayla bint Makrama al-'Anbariyya (of the tribe of Tamirn -k) and agreed to take her to the Prophet.J!" It was al-Harith b. Hassan al-Bakri who repreSee on them EI2, vol. 1, p. 102, s.v. "Abna"', Section II. (K.V. Zet.tersteen}, Al-Maqrtzr, lrntiiiu l-asma', vol. 14, p. 525. 115 See the description of Dahria' in Yaqut , Mu'jam al-buldan, vol. 2, pp. 493-4. 116 So in Maqrtzr, Imta'u l-asma', vol. 14, p. 312, 1. 3; al-Tabaranf, al-Mu'jam al-kabfr, vol. 3, p. 254, no. 3325, I. 10. 117 See the lengthy description of the journey of Qayla and the story of the protection granted her by al-Harith b. Hassan al-Bakrr, when he journeyed with her from Rabadha to Medina to meet the Prophet in al- Tabarani, al-Mu 'jam al-kabir , vol. 25, pp. 7-12; Ibn Hajar al-f Asqalant, al-Lsiiba , vol. 8, pp. 83-87, no. 11654; Ibn al-Athtr, 113 114 The Struggle Against Musaylima 31 sented Bakr b. Wa'il (of RabI'a).11s The representative of the Tamirnl tribal groups in Bahrayn who sent the message about the apostasy of Rabi'a (or Bakr -k) reached the Prophet before the arrival of the Bakrl al-Harith b. Hassan, and brought the story of al-'Ala (b. al-Hadrami}; then the Prophet ordered 'Amr b. al-'.A~ to march out and entrusted him with a flag. The Prophet went up to the minbar and urged the believers to join the raid against Habi'a in Bahrayn.l!? He informed the Muslims that al-'Ala (b. al-Hadramt) and al-Mundhir (b. Sawa) reported to him that Rabi'a apostatized (kafamt) and refused to pay the zakiit.120 The Prophet then asked: "Who will volunteer (to march out) with 'Amr b. al_'A.~?"121 At this fateful moment, al-Harith b. Hassan proclaimed loudly the allegiance of Rabi'a to the Prophet; he himself gave the oath of allegiance to Islam and converted,t22 Further, al-Harith b. Hassan asked the Prophet to affirm in a letter that Dahna" belongs to Habi'a and to set up the border line between Habi'a and Tamirn in that district. The Prophet called Bilal and ordered him to bring a piece of parchment and an inkpot (dawiit) .123 But when the scribe started to write the document in which the Prophet intended to affirm the right of Habi'a on the territory of Dahna", Qayla, the poor Tamirni woman, began to shout asserting that the territory between Dahna' and Bahrayn had belonged ill the period of the Jahiliyya to Tamim and on that basis Tamirn converted to Islam. The Prophet immediately changed the letter, affirming that Dahna' belonged to Tamlm.124 The Prophet's decision was significant. The borders of the territory granted to Tarnim in Dahna' enabled them to launch a successful raid against the Bakr b. Wa'i] (i.e., Rabi'a -k). The information about Nibaj, where the battle took place, enables us to assume that the march of the forces led by the leader of Sa'd (Tamim -k), Qays b. 'A.~im was a long and exhausting one. When Qays b. 'A.sim reached Nibaj and Thaytal (two neighboring localities) and watered the riding beasts (khayl), he cut the water bags open and let the water flow out. He then summoned the warriors to fight, saying: "The desert is behind you, death is in front of you." The Tamimi troops fought valiantly and defeated the forces of ll s d al-ghiiba, vol. 5, pp. 535-36. 118 See about the subdivisions of Bakr b. Wa'il and their mutual relations in Yamarna in "Bakr b. Wa'il," EI2, s.v, (W. Caskel). II 9 The text has sliiil , which is a mistake. 120 The text has wada'at al-sakiit; read correctly mana'at al-zakiit. 121 MaqrTzT, Imtiii u i-asmii', vol. 14, p. 312. 122 Cf. Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanT, al-Isiiba, vol. 8, p. 86, 1. 10. 12:1 The text has idiiwat, which is a mistake. 124 AI-MaqrTzT, Irniii's: I-asmii', vol. 14, p. 313: inna mii bayna l-tiahnii' wa-ib(J~lrayni ii-banI tamlmin II i-jiihihiiiyyati, wa-asiamii 'aiayhii, la-ayna tagfqu, yamu~ammadu, 'alii mu d arika'! 32 M. 1. Kister the Bakr b. Wa'il, the Lahazim.125 Some details about Nibaj deserve to be mentioned: there are two places called Nibaj: the one is Nibaj Ibn 'A.mir (in the neighborhood of Basra); the other is Nibaj near Thaytal, adjacent to al-Bahrayn.P'' The information recorded by Abu 'Ubayd al-Bakn indicates the reasons for Qays b. 'A.!?im's raids: at that time he embraced Islam and it was meritorious for him to march out against the non-Muslim Bakr b. Wa'il. AI-'Ala' b. al-Hadrarni and al-Mundhir b. Sawa stated clearly that Bakr b. Wa'il apostatized. A proper military action of the allies of the Muslim body politic in Medina against Bakr b. Wa'il was badly needed. Qays b. 'A.!?im was successful in his raid against the Bakr b. Wa'il apostates. Qays b. 'A.!?im is highly praised in connection with his raids in Nibaj and Thayta1. But one of the verses mentions a third locality in which Qays b. 'A.!?im excelled in a military raid: it was Juwatha in Bahrayn. Qays b. 'A.!?im attacked Juwatha, which was under the control of the tribe of 'Abd al-Qays, and took considerable booty.127 The Muslim warriors who defeated their enemies and forced them to convert to Islam gained great merit: the Prophet saw these captives led in his dream into Paradise in shackles.P" It is noteworthy that some of these warriors were relatives of inveterate enemies of the Prophet. The two relatives of Abu Jahl - his son 'Ikrima and his brother al-Harith b. Hisham - are cases in point. 'Ikrima became a devout Muslim and was killed during the wars of conquest. 129 125 AI-BakrT, Mu'jam ma 'sta'jam, vol. 1, pp. 351-52; and see the verse of Qurra b. Qays b. 'A~im: "I am the son of the man who cut the water bags when he saw the troops of the Lahazim ready to fight (ana 'bnu /ladhi' shaqqa I-mazada wa-qad ra'a / bi-thaytala a~ya' a '/lahazimi ~u44arii)." 126 AI-BakrT, Mu'jam ma 'sta'jam, vol. 4, p. 1292, I. 2: wa-I-nibaj nibiijanf: nibaj thaytal wa-nibaj 'bni 'amirin bi-I-ba~ra. wa-qala I-a~ma'f: al-nibiij wa-thaytal ma'ani Ii-banI sa'di bni zaydi manatin, mimma yalf I-ba~rayni. Yaqut provides additional details about the two Nibajs: the one is on the way of Basra and is called" Nibaj banf 'A mir" and faces Fayd; the other Niba] is the Nibaj of the Bani Sa'd. Another definition says that the Nibaj between Mecca and Basra belongs to the Banu Kurayz, the other Nibaj is located between Basra and Yarnama. See Yaqut , Mu'jam al-buldan, vol. 5, pp. 255-56. 127 ••. wa-aghiira qaysu bnu 'ii~im bi-banf sa'din 'alii 'abdi I-qays bi-juwatha Ja-a~abu ma aradu [imii yaz'umu banu minqar. [a-qiila sawwiir b. ~ayyiin: wa-ma laka min ayyami ~idqin ta'udduha: ka-yaumi juwathii wa-I-nibaji wa-thaytala. See al-Baladhurt's Ansab al-ashriiJ, part 7, vol. 1, RamzT Ba'labakkT, ed., p. 45 (Beirut, 1417/1997). 128 See Lisiin al-'Arab, s.v., s-l-s-l: 'ajiba rabbuna min qaumin yuqiidilna ilii I-jannati if-I-salasil; and see al-Munawi, Fay4u I-qadfr, vol. 4, p. 302, no. 5383. 129 Ibn Hajar al-f Asqa.lan]', ol-Lsaba , vol. 4, pp. 538-9, no. 5642; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isti'ab, vol. 3, p. 1082, no. 1838. See also the tradition about the march of 'Ikrima b. AbT Jahl with 500 fighters against the Prophet in order to prevent him from the entrance to Mecca; his attacks were thrice thwarted by a force of Khalid b. al- WalTd who orotected the Prophet and his Companions. See Ibn Kathlr, Tajsiru I-qur' ani The Struggle Against Musaylima Al-Harith b. Hisham also embraced Islam, took part Yamarna and died in the plague of'Amwas.130 III 33 the battle of x The struggle against Musaylima was an important part of the ridda wars. Abu Bakr was aware of the strength of Musaylima's forces. He understood that sending small units of Muslims against the well organized force of Musaylima was doomed to fail. Yamama had to be conquered in order to pave the way for the establishment of additional Islamic communities in the area of Bahrayn, 'Uman, and in Yamarna itself. A strong army was necessary for the conquest of Yamama. Khalid b. al-Walid, the famous hero nicknamed "the sword of Islam" (say! al-isliim), was chosen to lead the expedition. He was at that time the head of a military force sent against various tribal formations who decided to remain faithful to Islam, but refused to pay zakiit. The rebellious tribes who refused to pay zakiit were branded apostates (ahl al-ridda). They were ruthlessly subdued: some were captured, some were executed; some hastened to pay the zakiii , repented and were forgiven. Having completed the suppression of some big tribal formations who participated in the ridda, Khalid b. al-Walid was ready to embark on another important mission. Leading a huge army, he set out in the direction of Yarnarna, Abu Bakr wrote Khalid a letter in which he stressed the stalwart strength of the forces of the Banii Hanifa: "You have never met a people (qaum) like the Banii Hanifa: they will fight against you all together" (kulluhum 'alayka).l3l Abu Bakr also advised Khalid how to delegate authority to the tribal leaders and section commanders and how to solicit the opinion of the Muhajirun and the Ansar taking part in the expedition. The last part of the letter is of special interest: Abu Bakr recommends to prepare scrupulously the details of the first clash with the enemy: "A spear against a spear, an arrow against an arrow, a sword against a sword. And when you reach the phase of the battle in which the fight is of swords against swords, you reach the time when mothers become bereft of their sons. And if Allah grants you the victory," continues Abu Bakr, "and you get hold of the enemy warriors, beware of being merciful towards them: give the coup de grace to their wounded, pursue their retreating fighters, kill their captive warriors by the sword, frighten them by killing and burn them by fire. Beware of 1-'a?lm, at that 130 See p.69. 131 Ibn vol. 6, p. 344. Ibn KathTr objects the veracity of this tradition, arguing that time Khalid b. al- Waljd was an unbeliever. Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanT, al-Tsiiba, vol. 1, pp. 605..,'!, no. 1506; WaqidT, Ridda, Hubaysh, Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 59 inf. 34 M. J. Kister disobeying my orders. Peace be upon you." 132 Muslim tradition ascribed considerable importance to the campaign against Musaylima. This can be gauged from the fact that some early traditionists and commentators considered Qur'an 48:16 ("Say to the Bedouins who were left behind: 'You shall be called against a people possessed of great might, to fight them, or they surrender."') a reference to this campain.133 Bakr b. NaHa4, a poet who descended from the defeated Banu I:Ianlfa,134 wrote in the ninth century A. D. verses praising the bravery of his tribe, which was - according to his understanding - mentioned in the Qur 'an: And we were described in the revealed Book, unlike any (other) tribe, as possessing great courage.P" uia-noluiu wu~ifnii duna kulli qabilaiin bi-shiddati ba'sin fi l-kitiibi l-munazzali XI During the years of the Prophet's activity in the Arabian peninsula and his contacts with the Arab tribes, he was often asked by the tribal leaders about the ownership of land. The Prophet's policy on this issue is relevant to the ways in which the Muslims expanded their land holdings throughout the Arabian peninsula, including Yamama, When asked about these matters, the Prophet used to quote Qur'an 7:127: "Verily the Earth is Allah's; He gives it as a heritage to whomsoever He pleases of His servants and the end is for the God-fearing." Indeed, when the Prophet arrived in Medina after the hijra, he was given every patch of uncultivated land, not irrigated by water; it was placed under his exclusive authority.136 The injunctions of the Prophet concerning the uncultivated land became obligatory and continued to be in force during the time of the righteous Caliphs, and even later. There was only one 132 Ibn Hubaysh, Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 59 inf-60; and see the letter of Abu Bakr to Khalid b. al- WalTd in al- Waqidt's /( itiib al-ridda, pp. 62-3, no. 86. 133 Al- Wal)idT, al- Wasf! fl tafslri l-qur'iin, vol. 4, p. 138. However, one must keep in mind that other commentators considered this verse as a reference to other military expeditions, such as those against Persia, Byzantium, the Hawasin, the ThaqTf, and the Ghatafan , These views are beyond the scope of this study. 134 See on him Brockelmann, GAS, vol. 2, p. 628 inf. 135 AI-I:lu~rTal-Qayrawanr, Zahr al-iidiib, vol. 2, p. 966. 136 See Humayd b. Zanjawayhi, /(itiibu l-amwiil, vol. 2, p. 629, no. 1035: ... ' ani l-kalb; 'ani bni ~iililfin, 'ani bni 'abbiisin anna rasiila lliihi, ~allii lliih u 'alayhi wasal/ama, lammii qadima I-madfna ja'alii lahu kulla ar¢in Iii yablughuhii l-mii'u ya§na'u bihii mii shii'a. See also ibid., note 4, and Abu 'Ubayd, /(itiib al-amwiil, non __ aa"l The Struggle Against Musaylima 35 stipulation concerning grants of land given by the Prophet (iqtii'): the obligation to ameliorate the plot by digging a well or irrigating it by means of a canal. If the development of the uncultivated plot could not be performed in due time (i.e., three years -k), the plot had to be sold to a Muslim, who would be granted the permission of the Muslim authority to purchase the plot; without such permission the purchase had to be considered null and void. A patch of uncultivated land granted by the Prophet was sold in the time of 'Umar for a sum of 8000 dinars, because the grantees were not able to perform their duty to improve the land. The sum received by the people who sold the plot was deposited with 'All b. AbI T'alib. They were surprised that the sum returned to them was less than that which they deposited. 'All b. AbI Talib's answer was that he had paid the zakiit on the deposit.137 According to the Muslim tradition, it was the Prophet himself who granted plots of uncultivated land in Medina to Abu Bakr and 'Umar. A plot of land was granted by the Prophet to some Bedouins of Muzayna and Juhayna (as iqW), but they did not improve it; a group of other people took hold of the plot and succeeded to ameliorate it. The Bedouins from whom the plot was taken came to 'Umar b. al-Khattab and complained that they had been driven out of the territory granted to them. 'Umar refused to return them to the land, arguing that the qaWa was granted to them under certain conditions: "Whoever got land and failed to ameliorate it during three years, while others improved that soil, the people who neglected to improve the soil do not deserve to own it." 138 The land put at the Prophet's disposal is defined in the ~adzth in the following way: "The ancient land from the time of 'Ad139 belongs to Allah and to His prophet, then (it will pass -k) to you." ('iidiyyu l-ardi li-lliihi uia-rasiilihi, thumma hiya lakum) .140 When asked about the meaning of "Then it will belong to you," the Prophet answered: "You will assign it (i.e., the land -k) to the people." A similar version reads: "The uncultivated land belongs to Allah and to His messenger, and then, from me to you, 0 Muslims" (mawatiinu l-ardi li-lliihi warasiilihi, thumma hiya lakum minnii ayyuhii l-muslimiin) .141 Thus, the ownership of an iqiii' bequeathed by the Prophet to his community requires the approval of the imiim or the ruling authority (sultiin). Abu Yusuf', K itiib u l-khariij, p. 61 inf. Abu Yusuf, K itiibu l-khariij, p. 61. 139 See on 'Ad: E[2, vol. 1, p. 169 (F. Buhl); and see the exhaustive explanation of 'adiyy in connection with iqtii: in Abu Ubayd's al-Amwiil, p. 278, no. 690; see also the explanation of the saying of 'Umar: lanii riqiibu l-ardi, 140 Abu 'Ubayd, Kiiiib u l-amuuil , p. 272, no. 674; Yahya b. Adam, Kit abu l-kh ariij , p. 85, no. 269; p. 88, no. 277. 141 See this version recorded by the editor of the Kitiibu l-amwiil of Abu 'Ubayd, p. 272, on the margin, no. 2. 137 1.18 36 M. J. Kister Every effort carried out by a Muslim on a plot of uncultivated land, like a well dug in a qaii' a, or a tree planted there, has to be considered null and void if not approved by the ruling authority (sultan). This is binding because Allah is said to have bestowed upon the Prophet all uncultivated land. Therefore, the qaWa has to be improved by irrigation and construction. The imam may assign it to a Muslim for this purpose, even without the consent of the former owner who failed to perform this duty. It is, thus, the prevalent view of the Muslim tradition that all uncultivated land was granted to the Prophet by Allah; only the imams, the just and righteous people forming the Islamic authority, are allowed to approve the building up of a qaWa. They are granted the Prophet's privilege to allot the uncultivated land to the Muslims.l V It is possible that the Prophet himself formulated his opinion concering the division of the mawat land. In a ~adfth which seems to reflect this early period, the Prophet defined his mission modestly: "I am merely bringing the news of Allah's revelation, but Allah is guiding onto the right path; I am merely dividing (among you -k), but Allah grants (what He pleases to grant -k)" (innama ana muballighun uia-lliilu: yahdf, uia-innamii ana qiisiinun uia-Iliihu yu'tf) .143 The last action of the Prophet in the field of division of land (or granting of land -k) was the bestowal of land on some noble people of Yarnama who came to the Prophet announcing their desire to embrace Islam. The Prophet bestowed on this delegation some plots of uncultivated land after they embraced Islam (ja-aqta'ahum min mawilt ar~ihim ba'da an aslamu). The document of the iqta' was written on the name of Mujja'a b. Murara.144 According to a report recorded by al-Baladhuri, the delegation came after the Prophet sent a letter to the people of Yamama (and to Hawdha) and asked them to embrace Islam (in 6 A.H.). It was Mujja'a who asked the Prophet to grant him mawatland in Yamarna and the Prophet granted his request.l '! A shrewd remark of Abu 'Ubayd in which he outlined the difference between the iqta' granted to Furat b. Hayyan al- 'Ijll146 and the land granted to Mujja'a deserves to be mentioned. In contradistinction to the same grants of land in territories not yet conquered by Is142 See the advice of Abu Yusuf in his /(itiibu l-kh arii] pp. 63-{)4 defining the prerogatives of the imiims in this matter. 143 Al-Munawi, Fay4u l-o adir , vol. 2, p. 571, no. 2582. 144 Abu 'Ubayd , i(itiibu I-amwiil, pp, 279-81, nos. 691-92. Hurnayd b. Zanjawayhi , i(itiibu 'I-amwiil, vol. 2, p. 629, no. 1034. 145 See al-Baladhurr, Futiiii u l-buldiin , pp. 118inf-119: ... fa-aqta'ahu (i.e., Mujja'a -k) arden mawiitan sa'alahu iyyiihii; and cf. Humayd h. Zanjawayhi, /(itiibu I-amwiil, vol. 2, p. 629, 1. 3. 146 On Furat h. Hayyan al-'IjlT; see Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI, ol-Lsiibo , vol. 5, pp. 357-8, no. 6969. The Struggle Against Musaylima 37 lam, the grants of land in Yarnarna were given when a small Muslim community had already been in existence there. When the members of the Yamama delegation decided to embrace Islam, the Prophet granted them the mawat-Iand of Yamarna.l+" It is evident that by this grant the Prophet indicated that Yamarna was put under the sway of Islam, although the number of Yamamis who embraced Islam was very small. The guiding principle applied in Yarnama was that the conversion to Islam of even a small group under its leader was binding on the whole population of the district. The Muslim settlements in the different regions acted according to the instructions of the Medinan body politic. What the Medinan center demanded was the right of passage through the different regions in order to gain direct contact with the isolated Muslim communities. These small communities were decisive in the establishment of Muslim authority over the whole population; hence, the direct contacts of the Medinan center with these settlements became the conquest of the whole province in which these tiny Muslim communities existed. The conquest of Yamama by Islam was in fact the key to the conquest of the adjacent territories in the Arabian peninsula. XII The few passages of Musaylima's "Qur 'an," recorded in adab literature, in some Quranic commentaries, in historical compendia and in biographies of the Prophet, were harshly criticized by Muslim scholars. AIJahia's opinion on these saj' passages is negative: he maintains that Musaylima lacked the gifts of a poet, an orator, a soothsayer (kiihin) or a geneaologist.l t'' AI-Jal,1i~ gives some details about the beginnings of Musaylima's career as the "false prophet" of Yamama, He used to frequent the markets in Arab and Persian territories; he visited the markets of Ubulla, Baqqa, al-Anbar and al-Hira. He learned in these places the tricks of the sorcerers and of the idol temples guardians. He indeed succeeded to insert an egg steeped in acid into a glass bottle with a very narrow opening, claiming this was the miracle which he carried out with the help of Allah. A similar trick was carried out by Musaylima before all audience in which a Bedouin chief and his family were present; the chief was al-Mujja'a (b. Murara -k) al-Hanafi. Musaylima showed those present his miracle: the pigeons with their wings cut off (al-~amiimu 1-1I!aqiis'i~)were able to fly in a dark night. Like in the former case, he 117 See Abu 'Ubayd, al-Amwal, pp. 280-81: wa-amma iq!a'uhu [uriita bna ~ayyanin l'I.Jliyya arden bi-I-yamama Ja-ghayru hadha; uia-dhiilika anna I-yamamata qad kana 1,,/111 islamun 'ala 'ahdi l-nabiyyi s allii lliih u 'alayhi wa-sallam .... p. 281: .,. qiila abii '"/,,,yd: [a-k adhiilika iq!a'uhu [uriiia bna ~ayyiinin; wa-hii'ulii'i ashriiJu l-yamiima, [u II'1!a'ahum mawiita ardihim yata'allaJuhum bi-dhiilika. 14K AI-Jal,1i,? (d. 255 A. H.), al-Bayan wa-l-tabyfn, vol. 1, p. 359. 38 M. J. Kister claimed that he was helped by Allah and forbade on that occasion to keep the pigeons at home by cutting their wings. Mujja'a was fascinated by the two miracles and embraced the faith of Musaylima.l'i'' Al-Jahiz stressed the blind belief of the Bedouins in miracles and their ignorance of the frauds and impostures of jugglers and sorcerers. Muslim scholars, examining the utterances of Musaylima and analyzing the verses of his "Quran," stated that their composition is odd and ludicrous, formulated in poor saj'. The short utterance of Abu Bakr concerning passages of Musaylima's "Qur'an" was often quoted and widely circulated. Abu Bakr said it when the people of the Banii Hanifa came to Medina after the defeat of 'Aqraba' and the killing of Musaylima; they used to quote some of his revelations and his injunctions. Their assessment of the material was: "These utterances are devoid of any virtuous idea" (inna hiidhi: l-kaliima lam yakun min illin).150 Muslim scholars emphasize the differences between the queer utterances of Musaylima, composed in odd sa)', and the clear utterances of Allah revealed in the Qur 'an. The scholars stress that Musaylima borrowed a great deal of his utterances from the Qur'an, using some expressions for quite different situations. In the words of Ibn Kathir: "People of insight will find the deep difference between the feeble words of Musaylima, between his unworthy deeds, between his "Qur'an" - with which he will remain in the fire of Hell until the Day of (his) Distress and Shame - and between the Revelation of Allah;" "there is a great difference between the words of Allah - may He be exalted: Allah, there is no god except Allah, the Living, the Everlasting, slumber seizes Him not, nor sleep" and the "revelation" of Musaylima, may God disfigure him and curse him: "0 frog, the daughter of two frogs, croak as you may croak, you will not turn the water turbid, nor will you bar the drinking person (from drinking)." 151 Ibn Kathir continues to quote "the feeble verses from Musaylima's "Qur'an," accompanying every sentence with 149 AI-Jal:Ii~, Kiuiou l-~ayawiin, vol. 4, pp. 369-71; and see the mention of these miracles in the Kit aou l-~ayawiin vol. 6, p. 206. 150 In some sources, ill is rendered by alliih: if this is correct, the meaning would be: "These utterances are not from Allah." See al-Baqillanl, I'jiizu l-Qur'iin, p. 158: lam yakhruj 'an illin, ay 'an rububiyyatin, wa-man kiina lahu 'aqlun lam yushtabah 'alayhi sakhfu hiidhii l-k aliim, See the explanation of ill in 'Ikrima's readings in the phrase wa-lii yarqubiina jI mu'minin i/lan; it is derived from II, i.e., allah, which appears in the names of the angels: Jibril and MTkarl. In Tha'alibr's al-Kash] wal-bautin , vol. 3, p. 76/2, fol. 133a inf.-133b ill is rendered by al-mithiiq, al-'ahd, ol-hil], See also the quotation of Abu Bakr's saying in al- Tha'alibT, Tbimaru l-ouliib ; p. 174 inf; Lisiin al-'arab, s.v. all; Ibn Kathtr, Tajsir , vol. 3, p. 368,491; Mujahid, Tafsfr, vol. 1, p. 273, note 3; al-Tabart, .l iimi" al-bayan, vol. 14, pp. 145-50, (on Qur 'an 9:8). III is rendered by alliih (compared with jibrll, mfkii'lI, isriifll), by ties of relationship. According to the interpretation of the Basrans, ill is identical to 'ahd, mithiu; or yamIn. 151 Ibn Kath'ir , Tajsir , vol. 3, p. 490. The Struggle Against Musaylima 39 a curse on Musaylima. Such was the utterance of Musaylima about the pregnant woman who brought forth a living being between the navel and the bowels." 152 Another utterance of Musaylima, scornfully assessed by Ibn Kathir , reads: "The Elephant, what is the elephant? And who shall tell you what is the elephant? He has a poor tail and a long trunk and is a trifling part of the creations of God." 153 Ibn Kathir classifies the utterances of Musaylima as utterances of nonsense and dotage (min al-khuriifiit wa-l-hadhayiiniit) which even youngsters abstain from telling except in the way of scoffing and sneering.154 A new and interesting approach concerning the "Qur'an" of Musaylima is found in the book of the Zaydi imiim al-Hariini, Ithbiii nubuwwati l-nabiyyi. Al-Hariini states that no composition opposing Islam was prevented from circulation in the Muslim community. Yazld b. Mu'awiya could freely circulate his verses in which he threatened that he would take revenge on the prophet Ahmad (i.e., Muhammad) because of his deeds; he expressed this threat when the head of Husayn b. 'An was brought to him.155 The verses of al- Wand b. Yazid b. 'Abd ai-Malik b. Marwan who spoke insolently about the threats of Allah against opressors (jabbiiriin) and tore the Quran to pieces in answer to these threats, says addressing the Qur 'an: "When you come to your Lord on the Day of Resurrection, tell Him: '0 my God, al-Walid tore me (to pieces)." 156 Al-Haruni insists that no "Quran" had been produced which could rival the Quran sent down to the Prophet Muhammad. "We needed not to publish the nonsensical and feeble passages of Musaylima in this book," says al-Haruni. "'We recorded these passages merely to make the astonished man wonder and to convince him that had there been a book really competing with the Qur'an, it would have been transmitted (lau kiinat li-l-qur'iini mu'iirodatur: fi l-haqiqati la-nuqilat)." Al-Haruni continues his argument concerning the impossibility that Musaylima could have intended to imitate (yu'iirilju) the Qur'an. "Though Musaylima was a liar and an insolent person, he was an Arab and (even) his ignorance would not have caused him to claim that he imitated the Qur'an. 152Ibn Kathrr , Tajsir , vol. 3, p. 491; and see al-Haruni, Ithbiit nubuwwati l-nabiyyi p. 39; R. Serjeant, Early Arabic Prose (chapter 3) in The Cambridge History oj Arabic Literature to the End oj Umayyad Period, edited by A.F.L. Beeston et alii, Cambridge 1983, pp. 114 ff., 128 sup. 153The translation is by R. A. Nicholson, A Literary History oj the Arabs, Cambridge 1956, p. 183. 154Ibn Kat hlr , Tajsfr vol. 3, p. 491; and see there the story of Abu Bakr who asked the Muslims (from Yamarna -k) to tell him the utterances of Musaylima. They were unwilling, but later agreed and reported his utterances. Abu Bakr then asked: "How did he confuse you and led your minds astray: by God, that (i.e., the utterance of Musaylima -k) did not come out from a righteous source." 155 Al-Harunr, lthbiit , p. 36; and see ibid. the verses of Yastd b. Mu'awiya. 156 Al-Har-unr, lthbiit , p. 36 inf. 40 M. J. Kister Had he acted in this way, he would have been shamed among his people (lau fa'ala dluilika kana yafta4i~u bayna qaumihi). Musaylima did not claim that he imitated the Qur'an; he merely stated that the passages which he uttered (innama kana yiiriduha) were sent to him from Heaven. However, not everything which is said to have been sent by Allah is an imitation of the Qur 'an. This is so because we do not say that the inimitability (i'jaz) of the Qur'an is caused only by the fact it was sent down from Heaven. We say that for the i'jaz of a revealed book additional attributes are needed. Nobody doubts that the Torah, the Gospels and the Psalms were sent down by Allah, but no inimitability had been established for these three books.P" In fact, nobody can imitate the Qur 'an. But poets, writers and scholars did embellish their writings with some of its words or phrases. A verse adorned with such a word turns into a brilliant spot in the poem. That is a special feature of the Qur'an and an indication that the words of the Qur'an differ from human speech.158 Musaylima was aware of the role of Qur'anic words embedded in a speech or in a saj' passage uttered by a religious leader. Al-Haruni's observations concerning the ways of quoting Qur'anic words in passages included in Musaylima's "Qur'an" deserve to be mentioned. Musaylima quotes some words from the Qur'an in which the Prophet referred to certain phenomena or to some occurences and uses them for a different context. Thus, the phrase: a-lam tara kayfa fa'ala rabbuka bi-a~~abi l-fil ("Has thou not seen how thy Lord dealt with the people of the elephant?") of Qur 'an 105 - was placed in Musaylima's Siirat al-hubl«: a-lam tara kayfa fa'ala rabbuka bi-l-hublii, "Hast thou not seen how thy Lord dealt with the pregnant woman." Another Qur 'anic phrase used by Musaylima was: la-qad manna lliihu 'ala l-mu'minina (Qur'an 3:164). This was put in the passage about the pregnant woman: la-qad manna lliihu 'ala l_~ubla.159 Al-Haruni states with satisfaction that due to Qur'anic expressions embedded in Musaylima's passages, these became an ornament covered with gems. It is quite plausible that the Qur'anic phrases were included in Musaylima's saj' utterances. This seems to have been the reason why some people were impressed by Musaylima's "Qur'an" and embraced his faith. The governor of 'Iraq succeeded, however, to convince some of these people to embrace Islam.160 The Qur'an was keenly studied by the emissaries of Musaylimain Medina who returned to Yamama; Musaylima learned it by heart and quoted it in his speeches as if they were part of his "Quran." 157 158 AI-HarunI, Ithbiit ; pp. 38-9. AI-HarunI, Ithbiit, p. 39 inf. 159 Al-Harunr, Ithbiit , p. 39. 160 Al-Tha'alibr, Thimiiru l-ouliib , p. 147. The Struggle Against Musaylima 41 A glance at the descriptions of the sunrise, the morning, the evening and the night in the passages of M usaylima's "Qur'an" may lead us to some conclusions regarding the influence of the Qur'an on the ideas of Musaylima and on his political views. We read in Qur'an 9:1-2: "By the night when it covers up! And by the day when it brightens up ... " In Qur 'an 9:1-4, we read: "By the sun and its growing brightness. And by the moon when it follows it (the sun). And by the day when it reveals its glory. And by the night when it draws a veil over it ... ;, Qur'an 89:1-4 reads: "By the Dawn, And the Ten Nights, And the Even and the Odd, And the Night when it moves on (to its end.) ... ;, Impressive is the description of sunrise in Quran, 78:14-15: "And We appointed a blazing lamp, and have sent down out of the rain clouds water cascading that we may bring forth thereby grain and plants and gardens luxuriant." These quotations from the Qur'an are comparable to some fragments of Musaylima. It is evident that in the descriptions of the dark night covering the light of the day, Musaylima's text bears similarity to the Quran. In spite of the climate of Mecca in which the Prophet dwelt, in spite of the barren soil of that city, the Prophet recorded in his revelation the graces granted the believers. We read in Qur'an 6:99-100: "And it is He who sends down water from the cloud; and we bring forth therewith every kind of growth; then we bring forth with that green foliage wherefrom we produce clustered grain. And from the date palm, out of its sheath (come forth) bunches hanging low. And we produce therewith gardens of grapes and olive and the pomegranate - similar and dissimilar. Look of the fruit thereof when it bears fruit and the ripening thereof. Surely in this are signs for a people who believe." A short passage of Musaylima's "Qur'an" mentioning Allah's graces reads: "Remember the grace of Allah and thank Him, as He turned for you the sun into a shining lamp and turned the rain falling very thick (thajjaj); He brought forth for you the ram and the ewe and granted you silver and glass, gold and silk clothes (dzbiij). And it is from His grace that he brought out from the earth pomegranates, grapes, royal basilicum (myf}an), and bitter plants (zu'wan).161 The two descriptions of God's grace have the same tendency: to enumerate the bounty of the fruits, grapes, olive trees and palms granted by Allah. It is evident that the short passage discloses the intention of Musaylima to show the superiority of Yarnama over other areas; especially Mecca and Medina. The mention of the silver and gold of Yarnama refers to an important detail regarding the riches of Yarnarna: there were indeed several mines of silver and gold.162 Al-Tabarl163 and 161 162 163 Al-Tha'alibi, Tlumiiru l-quliib, p. 147. Al-Harnadani, [(itiib al-Jauharatayn, index (s.v. Yarnarna]. Al-Tabarr, Ta'rtkh , vol. 3, p. 284. 42 M. J. f{ ister al-BaqillanI164 record an additional passage containing the virtues of Yarnama: it is an injunction to defend the land of Yamama, to oppose its opressors and to help the humble and the poor. Al-Haruni follows this passage with sharp criticism: "These passages of Musaylima are too feeble-minded and poor to deserve inclusion in this book." 165 Musaylima's verse and speeches bear substantial similarity with the Qur 'an. XIII Serious rivalry ensued between the Prophet and Musaylima concerning one ofthe "proofs of prophet hood," (dalii'ilu l-nubuwwa): the miraculous healing of the sick. Well known is the miracle when the Prophet healed 'AlI of an inflammation of the eye. The Prophet sent a messenger to 'AlI asking him to come to his court and head a raid against the enemy. When 'AlI appeared with inflamed eyes, the Prophet spat into his eyes and blessed him. He gave him a banner; 'AlI went out with the troops and was victorious in the raid.166 Many reports concerning cases in which the Prophet cured madness, toothache, bellyache, dumbness, or forgetfulness are recorded in the Sire: as could be expected, the sources present the treatment of the Prophet as successful, while the treatment of Musaylima is always shown to be harmful. When the Prophet arrived in Medina, the people suffered from a plague of fever. The Prophet invoked God and the epidemic fever was removed from Medina to al-JuJ:!fa.167 A special treatment was given by the Prophet to a madman who was brought to the Prophet. The Prophet rubbed his back and invoked God to cure him. The madman recovered immediately and returned sane to his tribe.168 Another treatment was used by the Prophet on a boy from the tribe of Khath'am. When the Prophet was on a journey with one of his Companions, he met a Khathami woman sitting with a boy. She addressed the Prophet imploring him to help her in her distress: the boy was plagued everyday by many fits of madness. The Prophet then asked to pass him the child. He spat into the child's mouth three times. He said: "In the name of Allah, I am the servant of Allah, go away, 0 enemy of Allah!" Then the Prophet passed the child to his mother and asked her to meet him after a year in the same place. When the Prophet met the woman after a year, he asked her about the activity of Satan (al-khabzth). She told AI-Baqillanf, l'jiizu I-Qur'iin, p. 157. Al-Haruni, Iihbiit ; p. 38. 166 Al-Dauraqr, Musnad Sa'd b. Abf Waqqii~, p. 51, no. 19; al-Maqrfzr, asmii', vol. 11, pp. 284-5; 167 Al-Maqrizr, Imtii'u I-asmii', vol. 11, pp. 295-303; 168 Al-Halabr, [nsiin al-'uyiin, vol. 3, p. 252. 164 165 lmtiii u 1- The Struggle Against Musaylima 43 him that the Satan stopped his activity and they had not yet heard from him. The woman offered the Prophet three sheep. But the Prophet took only one sheep and returned the other two.t69 Another case was reported about 'Abd al-Rahman b. Zayd b. alKhatt ab. Abu Lubaba b. 'Abd al-Mundhir, the grandfather of the child from the mother's side brought the child to the Prophet; the child was born unusually small. The Prophet affirmed that he had not seen a child smaller than 'Abd al-Rahrnan b. Zayd. He took the child and performed the treatment of tahnik: he rubbed his palate with the pulp of a date, he stroked the head of the child with his hand and blessed him. After this treatment the child grew up and became a very tall person and a perfect man. 170 Another case of treating a Khath'ami child brought by his mother to the Prophet is recorded in al-Nuwayrr's Nihiiyat ol-arab fi [uniini l-adab. The mother complained that the child does not speak and asked for help. The Prophet ordered to bring him water; he gargled his throat with the water, he washed his hands with it and gave the water to the woman. He ordered her to give the water to the child to drink and to rub it into his body. The child was healed and grew up superior in intelligence. 171 It is not surprising that in contradistinction to the miraculous successes of the healing of Muhammad, the Muslim sources record the fatal results of Musaylima's treatments. Musaylima tried to imitate the Prophet in his miraculous healing. When he heard that the Prophet used to perform the tohnik , spreading pulp of dates on his finger and rubbing it on a child's palate, he did the same, but the boy in question became mute.172 He heard that the Prophet used to stroke children on their heads; he used the same method, stroked the head of a boy brought to him, but the boy became bald.173 When Musaylima heard that the Prophet used to spit into a well and turned its salty water sweet, he tried to imitate him and spat into a well blessing the water, but its sweet water turned salty.174 A case of Musaylima's invocation which caused a tragedy is reported by Ibn Hubaysh, A man came to Musaylima and told him about the sorrow of his family: "I am a wealthy man, but no child born to me lived more than two years, except a boy who is with us; he is more than ten years old. Yesterday," continued the father, "a Imtii'u. l-asrnii", vol. 11, pp. 320-21. AI-MaqrIzI, Imtiii u l-asmii", 312. 171 Al-Nuwayrr, Nihiiyat al-arab, vol. 18, p. 331; and cf. al-Maqrfzr, Imtii=u l-asmii", vol. 11, p. 319. 172 Ibn AbI Dunya, al-Ishriif , p. 329. 173 Ibn AbI Dunya, al-Lshrii] , p. 329; 'All al-QarI, Sh arb: al-Shifii, on the margin of Nasfm al-riyiir/. of al-Khafaji, vol. 2, p. 486, 1. 3 from bottom): see also Ibn Hubaysh, Kitiib al-qh aeauuit , vol. 1, p. 55 inf., (with an addition: every child born to him was born bald). 174 Ibn Hubaysh , Kitiib al-ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 56. 170 169 Al-Maqrizr, 44 M. J. Kister child was born to me, and I beg you to bless him and to invoke Allah to prolong his life." Musaylima promised to do it, so that the newborn child would be granted forty years of life. The man returned to his house delighted, but found his elder son dead, after he fell into a well and drowned. The newborn child was lying down suffering the pangs of death; both children died in the evening. The mother of the children said sadly: "Abu Thumama has not been granted the position by Allah like that which was given to Muharnmad.l " XIV After the death of the Prophet and the election of Abu Bakr, the main goal of the body-politic in Medina was to quell the vigorous opposition of the Arab tribes against the injunction to pay zakiit from their herds. Abu Bakr began to prepare his army against the rebellious Bedouin tribes (including the Banu Hanifa]. According to the tradition recorded in Ibn Hubaysh's Ghazawiit as transmitted from Ibn Ishaq's slm, Abu Bakr planned to send an army against Yamarna and summoned Zayd b. alKhattab to appoint him the commander of the army. Zayd b. al-Khattab refused the offer because of his resolve to become a matyr (shahld) - an aspiration upon which the head of an expedition is not allowed to act. Then Abu Bakr wanted to appoint Abu Hudhayfa b. 'Utba b. Rabi'a (the brother of Hind bint 'Utba, the wife of Abu Sufyan] as commander of the force, but Abu Hudhayfa refused on the same grounds as Zayd.176 Afterwards, Abu Bakr summoned Khalid b. al-Walld [al-Makhzurni] and ordered him to march out with the Muslim force against the Bedouin tribes in order to subdue them. Khalid b. al-Walid marched out against the Asad, Ghatafan, Tayy and Hawazin; using merciless methods of punishment, he succeeded to defeat them totally. After this victory in Buzakha, Khalid decided to turn in the direction of al-Bitah, pursuing the famous Tarnlmi leader Malik b. Nuwayra. But the Ansar, who took part in the march, refused to follow Khalid's orders, arguing that they were waiting for a special letter from Abu Bakr and his clear orders concerning the continuation of their march, as they had been promised by him; Khalid's answer was that he had received a different command from Abu Bakr and he had to continue the march. As Khalid was the amlr, there was no need to wait for the orders of the Caliph because everything had to be decided by him. "But I am not going to act against 175 'All al-Qart, Shar~ al-shifit (on the margin of Nasfm al-riyiig from bottom: kiin ai iiyiituhu mankiisatan: [a-inn ahu kamii yuqiilu min sa'aliihu dhiilika t abarruk an, [a-moluh a mii'uhii. See also Ibn Nashwat al-t arab , vol. 2, p. 630 (with some variants). 176 Ibn Hubaysh , al-Ghazawiit vol. 1, p. 63: ... inna I-amlra shahiida. vol. 2, p. 486,1. 3 tafila If bi'ri qauSa'td al-Andalusr, Iii yaqdiru 'alii 1- The Struggle Against Musaylima 45 you by force," concluded Khalid, and set out with the Muhajirun, The Ansar were perplexed and started to discuss the situation stating: "If the people (headed by Khalid -k) gain booty (khayr), we shall be deprived of it; if a disaster afflicts them, the people will shun us." So the Ansar decided to join Khalid. They sent a messenger to him and asked to be permitted to join the army. Khalid magnanimously agreed.177 Modern historians of Islam have not paid enough attention to the opposition of the Ansar and their withdrawal from the army of Khalid at a decisive stage. Khalid intended to attack a strong section of Tarnim, who claimed that they embraced Islam and were only accused that they refused to pay the zakiit imposed by Abu Bakr. The withdrawal of the Ansar seems to indicate that there was a real split in the Muslim army in connection with the unfaithfulness of the Bedouins. After the victory of Khalid b. al-Walid in Buzakha, some of the Bedouins came to Abu Bakr asking to grant them letters of safety and to enable them to convert to Islam. Abu Bakr refused and advised them to join the army of Khalid; those about whom Khalid would report that they had stayed with him (in his army -k) in Yamama would be granted safety. That was Abu Bakr's decision and the Bedouins were asked not to bother him anymore. An instructive report of al- Waqidi (quoted on the authority of Abu 'Abdallah b. Abi l-Jahm) says that the Bedouins who joined Khalid b. al-Walid caused the defeat of the Muslim force on the Day of Yam am a three times and were a disaster for the Muslims. As a result of this, the Ansar demanded to wage battle alone.178 During the campaign against the Bedouin tribal formations Khalid disarmed the Bedouin troops and handed over their weapons to the Muslim units. The weapons were registered and returned after the battles; Khalid handed over the returned weapons to Abu Bakr .179 In contradistinction to the sharp criticism of the actions of the Bedouins during the battles, the reports of the Muslim sources abound in impressive descriptions of the heroic deeds of the Companions for the cause of Islam in obedience to the Prophet's orders. The veterans of the sahiiba were admired for their resolve; 'Umar b. al-Khattab was highly praised because he killed every unbeliever captured in the battle. Among those killed was al-'A~ b. Hisham, his uncle on his mother's side (al-khiil). It was 'Urnar b. al-Khattab who suggested killing the captured non-Muslims, or to extradite them to their relatives in order that they AI-TabarI, tv-o«, vol. 3, pp. 276-77. Ibn Hubaysh, al- Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 59; cf. 'Abd al-Jabbar, Tathbit dalii'ili 1nubuwwati, vol. 2, p. 587: ... [a-qiilu: qad 'awwadanii I-a'riibu l-firiir, mii hii-kadhii kunnii nuqiitilu mae a l-nabiyy; s alla lliiliu 'alayhi wa-sallam. uia-qiilii li-khiilidi bni l-uialidi, wa-huwa amfruhum: "akhli~nii bi-'aduwwinii," [a-okhlas ahum, 179 Ibn Hubaysh , al-Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 46. 177 178 46 kill them .180 M. J. Kister It is noteworthy that the religious fervour pervading the faithful Muslims caused them to engage in duels even with their unbelieving fathers in order to kill them. Such was the case of Abu Hudhayfa b. 'Utba b. Rabi'a who was prevented by the Prophet from fighting his father with the intention of killing him. The sarcastic poetry of his sister Hind bint 'Utba b. Habi'a, the mother of Mu'awiya, did not convince her brother to change his decision. She reminded him that the father was kind to him, brought him up until he became a young man and granted him a proper education, blaming him as a squinting, inauspicious and faithless person.I''! However, Abu Hudhayfa was convinced by the Prophet to refrain from killing his father: "Leave him," said the Prophet, "and let somebody else kill him." And, indeed, Abu Hudhayfa's father, his uncles, his brother, his nephew (ibn akhZhi) and other relatives were killed by the Muslims. Abu Hudhayfa was glad and thanked Allah for these fatal events in his family.182 The situation in Abu Bakr's family was not less complicated. One day Abu Bakr heard his father, AbU Quh afa , reviling the Prophet. Abu Bakr violently slapped his father so that he fell upon his face. He told the Prophet about the event; the Prophet asked him not to do it again. Abu Bakr nevertheless said: "Had I had a sword at hand, I would have killed him." 183 Additionally, Abu Bakr summoned one of his non-Muslim sons to a duel on the day of Badr .184 The first clash between the force of Khalid b. al-Walid and the warriors of Musaylima ended with a defeat of the force of Khalid. In the following two clashes the force of Musaylima was also victorious. The Muslim fighters felt that they were threatened by strong warriors with superior arms and swords.185 The forces led by Khalid b. al-Walid against the rebellious tribes and later against the Banu Hanifa are reported in some sources to be enormous. These reports seem to be exaggerated. A concise tradition transmitted by Rafi' b. Khadij, a warrior in Khalid's force,186 gives us some details about the number of warriors: "We went out of Medina about 180 'Abd al-Jabbar, Taihbit dalii'ili l-nubuwwa, vol. 2, p. 584, inf.; for 'Umar's advice on this, see al-Khaz in , Lubiib al-ta'wil, vol. 3, p. 41. 181 See Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Lstit iii», p.1631, no. 2914; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr remarks with sharp criticism: "He was the best man in his belief, but she was - writing these two lines of poetry - the worst person in belief." See also Ibn Sa'd, al- Tabaqiit al-kubrii, vol. 3, pp. 84-5. 182 'Abd al-Jabbar, Tathbit dalii'ili l-nubuwwa, vol. 2, p. 585. 183 Al-Mawardi, Tajsir (al-Nukat wa-I-'uyiin), vol. 4, p. 205. 184 Al-Khaz in , Lubiib al-i a'suil, vol. 7, p. 46. 185 See Tabarl , Ta'rikh , vol. 3, p. 289; about the hinduwiiniyya swords, see Friedrich Wilhelm Schwarzlose, Die WafJen der alten Amber (Leipzig, 1886), pp. 127-8. 186 See Ibn Hubaysh , Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 72. The Struggle Against Musaylima 47 4000 men, the people from the Ansar were about 400-500 men," and "the Banu Hanifa counted about the same number (4000 men)." 187 Ibn Khadij continues his report saying that the Muslim force was defeated three times because of the Bedouins in their lines, who used to flee at every enemy attack, drawing with them people of conviction and sincerity (Ja-yastakhiffii ahla l-basii'iri wa-l-niyyiiti). Then Thabit b. Qays called Khalid to give the Ansar and Muhajiriin the exclusive prerogative to act against the enemy (akhli~nii li-'aduwwinii). Khalid consented: "It is up to you (dhiilika ilayka)," was his answer. Thabit b. Qays took the banner, cried "yii la-l-onsiiri" and gathered his men. Then Khalid cried: "yii-la-l-muhiijirzn!" and the Muhajinin came and surrounded him. The Bedouins were stationed far behind the fighters.188 After the failure of the Muslim force to achieve victory in three assaults against the Banii Hanifa, the Muslims decided to march out against them a fourth time. The Muslim force marched vigorously and put a part of the Banii Hanifa to flight. In this attack, the Muslims succeeded in killing one of the commanders of the Hanafi force; it was 'Abd al-Rahrnan b. AbI Bakr who killed him. Shocked by the killing of their commander, the Barril Hanifa retreated to a large garden which came to be known as the Garden of Death. It was a place with a high wall closed by a gate. The Banu Hanifa who retreated to this place considered it suitable for their last stand. The pursuing Muslim force reached the closed gate of the Garden, but did not fight the Banii Hanifa. In their peculiar situation, al-Bara'a b. Malik, the hero of the attacking force, decided to perform a dangerous mission: he asked a group of Muslim fighters to throw him from above the fence into the Garden where the fighters of the Banu Hanifa had the upper hand in the struggle. The Muslim fighters threw al-Bara'a b. Malik over the wall into the Garden and he succeeded to open the gate. The Muslim warriors poured through the open gate into the Garden and began to kill their enemies. Nearly everyone who was in the Garden was killed or wounded. Musaylima was killed along with many of his followers. Many famous Muslims vied with each other claiming that they participated, together with a black slave named Wahshi, in Musaylima's death. The Banii 'A.mir claimed that Khidash b. Bashir together with Wahshi killed Musaylima. After the killing of Musaylima, a woman looked from the window of her house in the Garden and saw Musaylima lying on the ground and shouted: "Alas, let us grieve for the commander of the faithful! He was killed by a black slave," (wii-amzm l-mu'minin, qaialahu al-'abd al-aswal/)! 189 187 188 189 See Ibn Hubaysh , Gh azauuit ; vol. 1, p. 72 and seq. See Ibn Hajar , al-Lsiiba , vol. 3, p. 16 no. 3054. See Baladhurr, Fuiiil; al-buldiin , p. 121 where Wahshr says that he killed both 48 M. 1. Kister This exclamation reflects the feelings of Musaylima's supporters: they considered him as the head of their religious community while alive.190 Many Muslims were introduced into the fictitious lists of men who were credited with killing Musaylima. The most surprising tradition is that Muawiya claimed to have killed Musaylima, although we have no evidence that he participated in the battle at all.191 Baladhuri mentions a report according to which Musaylima was killed by 'Abdallah b. Zayd b. 'A~im of the Banii Najjar of the Ansari clanJ92 Some other people are also mentioned as taking part in the killing of MusaylimaJ93 After the end of the bloody battle of al-fAqraba", Khalid b. Wand sent al-Mujja'a b. al-Murara to evaluate the situation of the Banii Hanifa in their nearby town and to assess their feelings and plans after their defeat. Mujja'a returned to Khalid and informed him that their dwellings were full of warriors and that they were ready to renew the war against the Muslims. Mujja'a advised the Banu Hanifa to clad the women and the youths in military clothing and to appear in this manner in the windows of their dwelings. Mujja'a spoke about the weariness of the Muslim warriors and suggested to agree to a ceasefire. Khalid agreed, although Abu Bakr ordered him to be harsh towards the Banu Hanifa, to kill the wounded, to apprehend those who were in retreat, and to kill the prisoners.v'" The fatigue of the Muslim army forced Khalid to be more considerate towards the Banu Hanifa, The treaty stated that the Banu Hanifa would convert to Islam and surrender their gold or silver, their weapons and coats of mail. Abu Bakr was enraged by this; nevertheless he decided to ratify the treaty. However, he did not forgive Khalid his concessions. He publicly expressed his fears that the Banu Hanifa would remain faithful in their belief to Musaylima until the Day of Resurrection. 195 "the best man," meaning Harnza (the Prophet's uncle) and "the worst man," meaning Musaylima. 190 Al-Dhahabi, Siyar a'Liim al-nubalii', vol. 1, p. 132; al-Zurqani, Shar~ al-mawahib al-laduniyya, vol. 4, p. 24 sup. 191 See al-Baladhurr, Futiil; al-buldiin , p. 121. 192 See Ibn Qudarna al-Maqdis'i, al-Lstibeiir . pp. 81-2; al-DhahabI: Siyiir a'liim alnubulii', vol. 1, p. 132. 193 The names mentioned are Abu Dujana, Wal]shI and 'Abdallah b. Zayd. See alDhahabi, Siyar a'Liirri al-nubalii", vol. 1, p. 130,132, vol. 2, p. 204,271; Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'iiri!, p. 371. Many others who claimed to have taken part in the killing are mentioned in compendia of Srra and Hadit h. 194 The Muslims' hatred towards the people of the ridda is reflected in the extremely cruel treatment of the prisoners of war in the battle against Sulaym. Khalid b. alWalrd gathered a group of captives in enclosures and burned them. See Dhahabi, Siyar a'liim al-riubalii", vol. 1, p. 268. After the battle against the ridda of 'Uman, Asad and Ghatafan , the Muslims burned the bodies of their fallen enemies. See 'Abd al-Jabbar, Taihbt: dalii'il al-nubuwwa, vol. 2, pp. 588 ult.-589 11. 1-2. 195 Ibn Hubaysh , Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 96. The Struggle Against Musaylima 49 *** The conquest of Yarnama was one of the most important events in the history of early Islam. Though the defeat of the Banii Hanifa took place during the reign of Abu Bakr, the negotiations with Bedouins who eventually became allied with Islam had been successfully completed while the Prophet was still alive. Before his death, he is said to have sent letters to the tribal leaders who embraced Islam and demanded that they act against Musaylima, in support of the secessionist leaders of Yarnama, These secessionists were Musaylima's opponents, backed by the body politic of Medina. The conquest of Yarnama paved the way for Muslim expansion into other regions of the Arabian peninsula. It also revealed some serious problems plaguing the nascent Muslim state. For the first time, some of the Ansari' warriors refused to obey their commander Khalid b. alWalId and agreed to return to the army only after they became convinced that this course of action would safeguard their interests. Furthermore, the conflict with the Bedouin tribes became evident and was publicly expressed. The idea that only the Ansar and the Muhajirfin should fight the enemy matured in an atmosphere of intense mistrust toward the Bedouins. In contradistinction to the attitude of the Bedouins whose sole aim was to get a share of the booty without endangering their lives, the Muslim tradition extols the bravery and enthusiasm of the Muhajinin and the Ansar who were more than willing to enlist in the fighting force under Khalid's comrnand.U" They are described as being ready to sacrifice their lives for the sake of Islam. In the bloody battles of the ridda, the idea of martyrdom for the sake of Islam (shahiida) came into being. The martyrs were promised eternal bliss in Paradise and the idea of martyrdom became at least as important as the military victory itself. This can be exemplified by a conversation between 'Urnar b. al-Khattab and his son 'Abd Allah who survived a battle in which his brother Zayd b. al-Khattab was killed. 'Umar said to his surviving son: "You have returned home safe and sound while your brother is dead. Why were you not slain before him? I wish I had not seen your face!" 'Abd Allah replied: "Father, Zayd asked for martyrdom and God granted his wish. I strove for the same, but it was not given to me." 197 The Muslim sources extol those who were killed in battle. The tradition recounting the heroic deeds of the Muslims formed an essential part of the history of the [utiil; and the maghiizf literature. 196 197 'Abd al-Jabbar, Tathbit dalii'ili l-nubuwwa See Tabar), Ta'rikh , vol. 3, p. 292. vol. 2, p. 584-589. 50 M. J. Kister Bibliography 'Abd al-Razzaq b. Harnmam al-San'ani. Kitiibu l-musanncj . Habibu l-Rahman al-A'sami, ed. Beirut, 1392/1972. Abu l-Faraj al-Isfahani. Kitiib al-aqhiini, Beirut, repr. 1390/1970. Abu l-Mahasin, Yiisuf b. Musa. Al-Mu'ta~ar min al-mukhtasar min mushkili l-iithiir, Haydarabad, 1362 A. H. Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallam, Kitiibu l-amwiil. Muhammad Hamid al-FiqqI, ed. Cairo, 1353 A. H. ____ . Kitiib al-nasab. Mariam Muhammad al-Dir', ed. Damascus, 1409/1989. Abu Ya'Ia al-Mausili, Ahmad b. 'All. Musnad. Husayn Salim Asad, ed. 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